AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE BELIEF THAT ALL WOMEN WORKING IN ROADSIDE COFFEE/JUICE KIOSKS, IN CYPRUS, ARE PROSTITUTING OR PROVIDING SEXUAL SERVICES.

NICOLA DAWN SMITH & STANNA WIECLAWSKA KYRAIKOU

Copyright © 2016, Nicola Dawn Smith & Stanna Wieclawska Kyriakou

An Investigation into the belief that all women An investigation working in roadside coffee/juice kiosks, in into the belief Cyprus, are prostituting or providing sexual that all women services. working in coffee/ juice kiosks at the side of the roads, in three cities, in Cyprus, NICOLA DAWN SMITH & STANNA are prostituting. WIECLAWSKA KYRAIKOU

Abstract 2

Introduction 3

Geographical Perspective 4

Nationalities of Woman 5

Age Range 6

Hours of Work 7

Money/Salary/Wage 8

Phone Numbers 9

Are the Woman Told What to Wear? 10

Customers 11

Do You Enjoy Your Job? 14

Problems 15

Conclusion 16 1

ABSTRACT

The purpose of the study was to establish whether or not women, who work in coffee and juice kiosks, are providing sexual services for customers/drivers at the side of the road and to establish how many women are giving out their phone numbers to initiate further relations on a temporary or long term basis. The research was conducted via overt questionnaires which established age, nationalities, hours of work, clothing worn and questions about the sexual services they may provide. Covert interviews were also carried out on several kiosks where the women were asked for their telephone number or for a date. Portable kiosks from three major cities in Cyprus were reviewed - Nicosia, Limassol and Larnaca - with each city having the same amount of subjects surveyed.

The main object was to ascertain whether or not the common beliefs of women working in road side portable kiosk were selling sex to customers. The results were overwhelming. The main questions needing to be asked now are why men within the Cypriot community continue to seek sexual services from these women, who are simply trying to earn a living selling drinks, and why do people assume that all the women are providing sexual services. Is the Cypriot culture to blame for this widely believed social phenomenon that women are selling drinks to have sex with Cypriot men or are the women providing a hypothetical sex culture by dressing to imply that sex will be provided? And is this due to the stereotypical image of prostitutes wearing very revealing outfits when touting for business on street corners and therefore entice the men into a false sense of services provided. How can we be sure that this is the case?

The research project highlights the provided facts [with information provided confidentially and willingly] relating to men and women surrounding the social interaction by small portable kiosks. The quantitative data highlighted the fact that men saw these women as possible sexual partners in every case unless the woman was over 40. Within this research these women were not approached for sex. 2

INTRODUCTION

It is a common belief in Cyprus that all woman who sell beverages in portable kiosks at the side of the roads are selling sex to men. This common misconception is even portrayed in popular television programs which parody the belief that women are selling sex as well as coffee or juice1. It is the relationship between both the men who obtain the drinks, and the women that sell the drinks that is under investigation. The aim was to establish if women are selling their bodies as well as drinks at small portable kiosks along the road side. The research was conducted with one to one questionnaires which helped gather more information as the women appeared more willing to talk to another woman about their daily work practices. Each question was asked in Greek and English to ensure the women understood the question and the correct answer was provided. This form of research is preferable and produces more accurate results.

Freedom Dolls Initiative (FDi) conducted this independent research to establish whether or not women were selling their bodies as well as the beverages on offer. This research did not interview customers and does not offer any views of the customer - only the women working. Several men approached our researcher and offered comment but each customer stated that they had never asked for sex.

The belief that sex is offered is also fueled due to the minimal amount of clothing that the women choose to wear. The research showed that the women were well aware of this incentive. All women were interviewed in private to allow for a more honest reply to the questions asked. We did not experience any animosity with the women and it was quite the reverse as they were eager and willing to discuss the men who come to buy beverages.

1.(Patates Antinaxtes https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5gW5fzSZV30 and 3 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J67Ne8U7kWo )

GEOGRAPHICAL PERSPECTIVE

Cyprus has three main cities offered in a central triangular location to the island and each city Nicosia, Limassol and Larnaca was surveyed. Nicosia has a geographical area of 9,251 square kilometers (km2) and it is impossible to state the precise number of kiosks within that area as the women often move location, although many of the kiosks are situated just outside the city centre. Limassol is 1,396 km² and the kiosks are mainly situated on the main routes into the city and industrial areas. Again, Larnaca, with an area of 1,393 km2, also has kiosks outside the city centre - on traffic/supply routes. The kiosks are positioned on main roads leading out of the city areas with good land surrounding so that trucks are able to stop as well as cars. There is no privacy for the driver and whoever passes on the road is able to see the driver that stopped at the kiosk. Larnaca also has kiosks on the sea road from Dhekelia, where a British army base is located. All areas show a predominance of kiosks close to industrial areas where there is a predominance of truck/delivery drivers passing by. Kiosks at the Tseri/Dali Industrial Estate, Nicosia, and Zygi, Limassol, areas are also close to armed forces bases.

4

NATIONALITIES OF WOMEN

In Nicosia, the nationalities of the women included Romanian, Bulgarian, Greek and Cypriot. In Limassol the nationalities of the women included Slovakian, Romanian, Bulgarian and the Czech Republic. In Larnaca the nationalities of the woman included Cypriot, Romanian, Bulgarian and Lithuanian.

Larnaca

11% 11% Nicosia 22%

12% Nationalities - Combined 56% Areas 38%

Cypriot Bulgarian Romanian 50% Slovakian Lithuanian Czechoslovakian Limassol

4%4% 8% 11% 15% 33%

34% 45% 11%

35% 5

AGE RANGE

In Nicosia the questionnaire gave a full age range from 17 years to 40 plus. The categories were set out 17-21, 22-30 and 31-40 years of age. There was only one woman working in the 17-21 range. However, there were five in the 22-30 range, one in the 31-40 range and one in the 40 plus range. This latter woman had control of three other portable kiosks. All but one of the women had been living in Cyprus for over five years and the other one had only been in Cyprus for two months and had been specifically brought to Cyprus to work at these portable kiosks. She said she had been brought to Cyprus to work with the family business and she meant working in the kiosks. The women either came to Cyprus looking for work or to be with their families. None of the remainder had come to Cyprus to work in these kiosks at the side of the road.

A total of seven of the women that worked in Limassol were 22-30 years of age, with another one 17-21 year old and one 31-40 year old.

The women from Larnaca were mainly 22-30 years with one woman 40 plus. None of them had come to Cyprus to work in the kiosks; explaining they all were either helping a friend out or looking for other work this was not their main occupation.

Average Ages - 11% 11% 13% 12% Combined Areas

17-21 22-30 31-40 41+ Larnaca Nicosia

8% 11% 4% 78% 75% 11% 11%

Limassol

77% 78% 6

HOURS OF WORK

In Nicosia, the women work varied hours with a split between six to eight hours and four and a half to seven and a half hours and the work was mainly determined by the weather and the day of the week. If raining, no one was willing to stand in the cold in skimpy clothing, while the summer months offered a greater opportunity to wear fewer clothes and work longer hours. Only women close to the army base at Tseri, were willing to work some hours on the weekend. At no time do they get a break or leave the kiosk - their break is the time when a customer does not pull up.

In Limassol, five of the women worked six to eight hours and four worked an average of eight hours a day. The hours were determined by the weather.

In Larnaca, six of the women worked a six to eight hour shift while one stated just eight hours. Another woman split her shifts. As we saw with the other cities, the weather plays a major factor in the hours the women work with one woman stating that, in the winter, she worked four hours while, in the summer, she worked eight hours. One of the women in Larnaca stated that she was ‘flexible’ with her working hours and worked five to six hours a day.

7

MONEY/SALARY/WAGE

In Nicosia the women make anything from €20 a day to €500 plus a week. The amount of money made depends on whether the woman ‘owned/rented’ the kiosk of not. There are also many variables to consider - if the sun does not shine all day, if it is windy, or road-works etc. On the plus side, if there is a tail back on the road, there could be opportunities for more trade. The clothing being worn by the women is also a significant factor, with women stating that on colder days they have to wear more clothes and attract less trade. On hot sunny days, skimpier clothes can be worn and they attract more trade. One woman ‘owned’ three kiosks and therefore brought in a good wage each week.

In Limassol the wages on the whole were higher than Nicosia, with seven of the women stating that they earn €600 - €650 a month. However, there were also large differences between the women. One woman stated whatever she takes ‘it’s my [her] boyfriends”. Another lady was very provocatively dressed, [her bottom cheeks and crutch were visible, as well as her bra]. An attractive girl with a provocative stance, she was constantly looking for the next vehicle, so that, although she was talking to us, her mind was on the next driver - the approaching car. This woman had no idea how much she earned.

In Larnaca, five of the women earn €600 a month. However, one stated ‘only if she was good’. One woman took home €400 a month and was very unhappy with this - but it was her mother’s kiosk - ‘what can I [she] do she needs a job’. Her mother was Romanian and her father Cypriot. One woman simply stated that it depends and another broke her wages down by saying she took 35% of the daily takings. Without knowing what the average daily takings were, it is difficult to calculate her salary. One woman had no idea as the kiosk was owned by a friend of her husbands and she was just helping out. This is the 40 plus woman in the survey.

8

PHONE NUMBERS

There were two questions asked regarding phone numbers

1. Do men ask for your phone number? 2. Do you give them your phone number?

In Nicosia 100% of women stated that they were asked for their telephone number by customers who want to have sex or further contact with the women. 100% of women said they had not given out their phone numbers to men who have driven to their kiosks and asked for it. However, our undercover surveyors stated that they had received telephone numbers from 3 of the women previously interviewed. Our studies have also shown that men have shared information with other men that they have received a girl’s number and this implies that men that visit the kiosks are presuming that all the women will provide more verbal and physical interaction if asked.

In Limassol 100% of women were asked for their telephone number by customers who want to have sex or further contact with the women. Five of the women stated that they have never given their number to customers; three said they had ‘sometimes’ given their telephone number to men; and one woman answered ‘Yes’. Her portable kiosk is situated near to an army camp and this woman stated that a lot of young soldiers come from the nearby camp and are regulars. She stated ‘it is my business it is what I do’.

In Larnaca the lady surveyed that is 40 plus was the only woman that had never been asked for her number. 99% of woman in Larnaca had been asked for their number. Seven of the woman stated that they had never given their number to a customer, several woman had boyfriends and two of the woman stated that they had ‘sometimes’ given their number to a customer.

9

ARE THE WOMEN TOLD WHAT TO WEAR?

In Nicosia, seven of the nine women interviewed said that they were not given any stipulation for a dress code by the owners of the portable kiosk. However, if the women were not earning enough money, they were told that it might help them earn more money if they wore less clothing.

In Limassol it was an equal split with four of the women stating that they were told what to wear. These women were all employed by the same boss and, regarding their clothing and relationship with their employer, several illegal actions on his behalf were apparent.

‘The boss always want me to have sex, but I have boyfriend.’ said one woman. She then implied the only reason she had a boyfriend was so that the ‘boss’, her employer, would leave her alone.

One of the woman who said yes [her boss did instruct her what to wear] is also the woman who has sex with soldiers from the camp She stated that dressing the way she does, with very skimpy clothes, attracts the soldiers to her kiosk.

Again, another woman who was told what to wear, was a young girl who was dressed extremely provocatively with her bra, bottom and crutch all clearly visible.

Another girl, who was told what to wear, stated her boss was ‘a dirty old man’.

The women who were not told what to wear, were all wearing little clothing and all stated that they understood that by wearing little clothing they would get more men coming for coffee.

One woman answered by saying ‘Not now’. She then continued to say that she had soon learnt that the less clothing that was worn, the more coffee you could serve as more men would stop.

In Larnaca, six of the women stated they had never been told how to dress when working at the kiosk. Three other woman had been told what to wear and one was the woman who was told what to wear by her mother. 10

CUSTOMERS

The women were asked three questions regarding sex

1. Have you ever been asked to perform a sexual act? 2. If ‘Yes’ how many times a week? 3. How much do you charge for sex?

In Nicosia 100% of women stated that they had not had sex with a customer. 100% of the customers asking for sex are men and although a small percentage of women stop and buy a drink none of them had ever asked for sex. This does not mean 100% of men going to the kiosk are asking for sex, some do just want a refreshing drink for their journey. One girl from Nicosia stated ‘only the Cypriots ask for sex’. They stated that they get asked for sex numerous times a day with some stating:

‘At least once a day’

‘Lots, they think we are prostitutes’

‘A lot. It’s what they come for, not just the coffee, the men like to flirt’

‘Older men are always angling for sex’

Several answered ‘All the time’ while one woman went on to say ‘they want a €50 frappe’ or ‘a special café’.

‘If they don’t stop and ask for sex they shout things to us from the car as they drive past. The older Cypriot men are the worst. One man drives past naked and masturbating’.

On the whole, the women appeared disgusted and sickened by the behavior of the Cypriot men. They assume that the women are the prostitutes, yet it is the men asking for sex from the women. During one of our interviews a ‘Dixan’ Van pulled into the woman’s kiosk area at 11am and the following conversation took place, which was heard by both researchers. The conversation was held in Greek. 11 Man ’€50 for sex’ (this was said as more of a statement than a question)

Woman ‘I am not that kind of girl’

Man ‘You are dressed like a putanna’.

Woman ‘No I am not I have a t-shirt covering everything and shorts (her tummy was showing) I want a boyfriend’. You would not go to the super market and ask a girl on the payment counter for sex. Why ask me?’

The man drove off after buying a coffee.

In Limassol, 100% of women had been asked for sex. The women, when asked how many times a week, replied with these comments

‘Often’ x 3

‘Everyday’ x 1,

‘Lots’ x 1,

‘A lot x 1’,

‘All the time’ x 2,

‘Lots of times’ x 1

Regarding whether or not the women actually had sex with the men varied. Six of the women stated that they had never had sex with a customer. The other three were broken down with one stating ‘if they were nice’ - this is the same woman who works near the army camp. The other two women only had sex with their ‘boyfriends’ men who they had meet at the kiosk and with whom they had ended up in a relationship. There is a clear divide with the women and sex. A few women are looking for a boyfriend while the majority do not want anything to do with the men and see it as a job to earn money - nothing more.

In Larnaca, again, only the 40 plus woman had never been asked for her telephone number or to provide a sexual service. Therefore, 99% of the women had been asked for sex. With the replies to how often being 12

‘Often’ x 2

‘Sometimes’ x 2

‘Lots of times’ x 3

with one woman stating ‘their brains are in their pants. If I look and act sexy they think they have a chance and come back’. She then smirked and raised her eyes.

‘All the time for €30.00 Coffee Special’ x 1

When asking the woman who admitted charging for sex, the woman would not say how much.

13

DO YOU ENJOY YOUR JOB?

In Nicosia, it was a 50/50 split with some women enjoying the work they do while others did not. When asked why not, ‘the men’ was given as a common response. Whilst it can be assumed that most people within their working life would complain about low wages or long hours etc., the women who work in portable kiosks in Nicosia complained about their male customers.

In Limassol, there were mixed reviews with 33% stating that they did enjoy their work, while 33% did not like their job at all. The remaining 33% stated that only sometimes did they enjoy their work. These women appeared annoyed, unhappy and bored - especially if the situation had existed for a long time. One was very nervous and the remaining woman worked near the camp and was ‘happy’ with her situation.

In Larnaca, only one woman enjoyed her job and that was the lady who was 40 plus and had not been bothered by the men for her telephone number or sex. Five of the women said that they only enjoy their work sometimes - commenting that the work is ‘boring’, ‘too hot’, and they ‘don’t like their boss’. Three women stated that they did not like their work citing reasons such as ‘the boss is very hard’, and ‘do not like the job’.

14

PROBLEMS

The stands are not always stationed in the same position and the women are often moved to another piece of land. They are positioned on the road side which encourages the perception of a street walking prostitute looking for business at the curb side. There is no government monitoring of the portable drinks vendors and, although it is perceived that the women offer sexual services, the question has to be asked why this is remaining unmonitored.

There is also no protection for the women. If a customer makes unwelcome advances and she refuses, this can escalate into violence and many kiosks have either a baseball bat, or some weapon near to hand, in case a customer becomes physically violent. It was also commented upon that it is the Cypriot men in particular that become agreement when their advances for sexual services are declined. When the police have been called to an attack they have simple stated ‘What do you expect’ and driven away. As there is no help and support given to these women working, it is not surprising to find that the women have an overall negative opinion of the job.

The woman in Limassol had been told by their employer that they can ‘go out’ with customers but have to be careful of the police. Why he would say this is unclear. He also told them he could ’protect them’ and the women interpreted this as him having a pimp-like position. The element of the job being unsafe was highlighted more in Limassol than Nicosia. The cultivation of the social aspect of the women being prostitutes is heightened by the woman’s actions. In one area of Nicosia where women were interviewed, there is a section of kiosks in a row and while interviewing one woman it was easy to see down the road. Although no customers were at the kiosks, further down the women were standing a small distance away from their kiosks nearer the road. The women would lean into the car windows with their backs arched and their bottoms out - again a typical street walker’s stance when approaching ‘clients’ in their cars. Their actions were consistent to street prostitutes touting for business on the streets, encouraging car drivers to come to their kiosks and get a drink. Even the stance was encouraging the men to drive to their portable kiosk and stop. Two of the women were observed bending over at the side of the road as trucks passed by when they did not have customers. This was clearly used as a sexual enticement as the buttocks and crutch were clearly visible. 15

CONCLUSION

The kind of behavior seen when the women had no customers, and walked towards the drivers, strutting up and down, clearly illustrated why the women were perceived as prostitutes by the general public. However, with the exception of a few, this appears to be the nearest these women come to being prostitutes and selling their bodies for sex. Two of the women interviewed admitted having sex with ‘customers and boyfriends’ and undercover researchers stated that they had been offered ‘extras’ at a price of 30 euros, 80 euros and a ‘negotiable’ undisclosed price, at three others. These women had not admitted this to us in their interviews. The scaled pricing consisted of three sexual acts - manual stimulation, oral sex and full sex. It could be argued that many of them are selling their bodies by using them to visually entice men to purchase drinks. However, this does not mean that all these women are prostitutes selling sexual services. The majority of them are fully aware of using enticement techniques when dressing in the morning for work because they are aware that fewer, skimpier clothes mean more sales and therefore more money. Whether they do this of their own volition or their employer tells them to dress a certain way, they are playing right into the hands of the narrow minded men who stop and ask for a ‘€50 frappe’ or ‘coffee with extras’ - thus fueling society’s perception of women who work in kiosks are prostitutes.

One would imagine that, although the main populace presumes that the women are prostitutes, the men would not want to be seen stopping at the kiosks as they are on view to everyone who passes on the road. This is not, in fact, the case and could be attributed to the general machismo of many Mediterranean men and the acknowledgement of prostitution within the general public.

The women that did give their phone numbers and have sexual relations with ‘clients,’ or ‘boyfriends,’ did not reveal how much they charged for the service. However, according to the undercover survey, pricing as detailed above appears to be a common factor between all towns. This may have been due to embarrassment that the amount was so little. Two of the women interviewed boasted that they had been offered up to 3,000 Euros and they had declined. If figures were, in fact, that high, or even in the hundreds of Euros, the women we spoke to would have been more than willing to highlight the amount they earned and we would see far more coffee kiosks at the side of the roads. There is no governing body

monitoring these kiosks or protecting the women from abuse of employers and abuse of the16

male population that seek sexual services.

The women in Larnaca appeared less brazen and were not actively seeking drivers passing by than the woman in Limassol and Nicosia. The former were more likely to be found sitting on a high-chair or bar stool near to, or in, the kiosk and were observed not to be looking at the cars that go by, but were more interested in their mobile phones. Nicosia and Limassol had a harder sales technique than Larnaca with the women standing and posturing on the roadside. This could perhaps be explained by the fact that Nicosia has more competition between kiosks, some of them being separated by a mere 50 meters, and Limassol taking full advantage of the army bases and ports providing a constant stream of interested men. It may therefore be surprising to learn that the women in Larnaca still earn the same amount of money as the women in Nicosia and Limassol and one may conclude that the woman do not need to dress provocatively and walk up and down like street-walkers - customers will come their kiosks regardless of their attire.

In conclusion, it can be said that the majority of women are not prostitutes and are, in fact, simply working to earn a wage. Their appearance and actions can lead to the stereotypical image of a street-walking prostitute touting for business at the side of the road. The kiosks do need regulation and attention to protect the woman working in them. Although the majority of them are foreign women working legally [we did not find any illegal aliens during our research period in any of the towns], there are also Cypriot woman who complained of being abused by their family members.

It is our recommendation that the Cyprus police should be alerted to take the complaints of the women. Men masturbating in cars while driving past the women working at the kiosk breaks several laws. The women should be encouraged to report any illegal activity by a customer or passerby - they often have the number plate of the vehicle. The case should then be processed in the same way as it would be if it had been reported by any member of the public – they should not just be told ‘What do you expect’. If the kiosk work is legalised and monitored by the Department of Labour, the women would be better protected and able to legally make a complaint about either the customers or their employer.

Most of all, the cultural perspective of foreign woman as prostitutes needs to be addressed, with schools and colleges doing more to educate its students. 17

Upon completion of this research, undertaken during the summer months of 2015, and its associated report, finalised in December 2015, we were contacted by a police officer that one of our researchers had spoken to during the undercover survey. The officer, based at Perachorio/Dali police station, informed us that two of the women previously interviewed by us had since been cautioned by police officers following reports that they were both offering sexual services from the kiosk where they were based. No charges were brought against the women. However, the two women have since closed their kiosk and have left the area according to a new kiosk worker working the same ‘patch’.

Another notable update to the research follows on from continued visual ‘checking’ of random kiosks by our undercover researchers. One particular teenage kiosk worker, from Romania, under the strict supervision and with the vocal encouragement of her ‘aunt’, has often been observed bending over and ‘twerking’ at the side of the road. The timing of this overt posturing is done to coincide with lorries and vans approaching the kiosk from either side of the road, positioning herself so that her buttocks and crutch are face on to the on-coming traffic. This is a classic sexual lure and is being consciously used to lure customers to the kiosk with the premise that more than coffee is available. It is particularly worryingly that this young woman is being encouraged by the older woman to perform these overtly sexual actions in order to attract the male customers and further business. A close look at the apparent ‘aunt/niece’ relationship would, in our professional opinion, be warranted - with particular attention to the evidence from recognised Human Trafficking research articles that female relations not only ‘mentor’ vulnerable young women sexually, but also act as invisible ‘protectors of valuable assets’ within Human Trafficking environments2. Not only is it difficult for society to address this situation of female traffickers, but also, the judicial system has difficulty in understanding how aggressive and domineering a women can be as a trafficker. The female relation did not just get her ‘niece’ a job, she then possibly trafficked her to Cyprus to work, selling her

18 2 Human Trafficking and Modern-Day Slavery in the Early Years of the 21st Century Romania http://gvnet.com/humantrafficking/Romania.htm Accessed January 2016.

body by wearing little and ‘twerking’ [shaking her buttocks and breasts] to entice more men to buy her coffee3. This is a serious situation.

It is the researchers’ concern that sufficiently sexually aroused, and under the misconception that the kiosk workers are in fact offering sexual services, it is only a matter of time before a serious sexual attack will take place. This potential attack may be targeted at the young woman seen overtly posturing or could be toward another innocent kiosk worker under the presumption that ……..

‘all women working in roadside coffee/juice kiosks, in Cyprus, are prostituting or providing sexual services.’

It is also the researchers’ concern that, given the current attitude of the general populace and the local police services, any woman attacked under these circumstances would not be given the legislative or psychological support to which she would be entitled.

Our recommendation would be immediate action to legislate the kiosks, their owners and workers, with a backup education program to alert the women as to the dangers of using such overt sexually motivated advertising techniques.

3 LM and Ors v R (2010), EWCA 2737, available online at

http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWCA/Crim/2010/2327.html Accessed December 2015. 19