High Technology Letters ISSN NO : 1006-6748

Education and the Process of Socialization in the Marginalized Section: An Analysis

S.S. Bibhar1, V. Sankaran2 and Dharmendra Kumar3 Abstract Pasi caste comes under the broader categorization of scheduled caste in India. The popular term is also used for this community as an umbrella term because Dalit word signifies grounded experiences and a broader conceptual category in which many backward and ex- untouchable castes from the different socio-cultural backgrounds can be included. Meanwhile, their daily experiences of suffering for educational achievement (to some extent) have been very dissimilar. Similarly, if we examine the social status, it is found that Pasi caste is considered ‘higher’ than the caste in caste hierarchies in . The paper aims to articulate the socio-cultural and educational engagement of the Pasi caste with special reference to Uttar Pradesh. The paper also attempts to carry out an analysis of current pattern of the socio-cultural and educational practices among Pasi caste and how it gives a new way of life. [Keywords: Dalit, Education, Genealogy, Identity, Pasi Caste]

Introduction Pasi is a marginalized Hindu caste and they use Paswan surname in India. This caste is mainly found in the state of Uttar Pradesh, but this caste can also be seen in some regions of , Haryana, Madhya Pradesh and Odisha. Indian government classified them as a Scheduled Castes and they have been given reservation as per the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order 1950. The Pasi caste are engaged in various works including settled cultivation, pig farming, handicraft in eastern Uttar Pradesh, but they work and engaged in a range of services and jobs in other Hindi speaking areas. Apart from Uttar Pradesh, this caste can be seen in other districts of the Indian states as a whole, predominantly in M.P., West Bengal, Odisha and Maharashtra. The percentages of in Haryana, and Punjab are also very high and Pasi caste also gets a respective place. The Pasi (ex-untouchable) caste is also

1Nabakrushna Choudhury Centre for Development Studies, Gajapati Nagar, Bhubaneswar, Odisha (India). 2Research Scholar, Anthropology, School of Social Sciences, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad (India). 3 Dharmendra Kumar, Doctoral Fellow at Center for the Political Studies, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi (India).

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known as Saroj, Tarmali and Paswan in Uttar Pradesh. They are known as Chomar or Khajuria in coastal Odisha where they work as a fisherman or pig forming.

Genesis and Origins

We can see at the ground level that there are a few descriptions concerning to their traditional occupation and origins. According to local people, the Brahmin Hindu saint Bhagwan Parshuram had involved severities in the forest when he noticed and heard the cries of a few animal (especially cows and calf) mooing in a great fear. Bhagwan Parashuram ran upto them quickly and there he found a group of people (men and women) were trying to kill or slaughter a cow and a calf. Eagerly, he wanted to stop them whole heartedly but was overpowered by them (the men and their counterparts). Parshuram (God) molded them out of green kusha (grass) and pervaded those people to live through the drops of his secretion (as per beliefs) to help them. Thus, Pasi has rejected the above narrative and associated themselves with King Vijali Pasi.

The anthropologists and thinker Rose (1919), as well as Ibbetson (1916), wrote that the word Pasi or Paswan is derived and traced from pasa (the local Hindi word), which means ‘noose’. Authors pointed out that the word pasa is also very associated with the traditional work (climbing the tall toddy/palm tree) of this caste. It becomes essential to point here that the traditional work of Pasi is considered ‘making and selling wine of tadi’. Govind S. Ghurye (2005), a noted Anthropologist, also asserts and reveals that the word pasi gives a meaning ‘a user of noose for tadi’. The name pasi gives a sense of an aboriginal caste who often live and survive by catching wild birds. However, the pasi caste also performs some work related to small game as well as tapping the palms, etc. In fact, the genesis of this caste, even today, can be traced from a sub-caste of Pasi called ‘Byadha’ of Bihar, who still traps birds and animals in remote villages (Prasad, 2018).

During the colonial (British-India) rule, the Pasi caste was considered and known as a criminal tribe because they were considered chor-lotere (thieves-looters) and local deceit or marauders because many cases were registered in the local police station during colonial regime. However, there were many conspiracies behind those police cases. Therefore, they became more venerable. If we see their history, they were skilled by upper castes in the use of bow and arrow as well as stick in rural areas. There are many interesting stories of how the Pasi community of Uttar Pradesh migrated to the rural area of Punjab region for economic

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survival. Let me illustrate a story, ‘when a famous saint, Guru G. Singh, the most popular tenth and last Guru (teacher) in Sikhism, was returning to rural Punjab with his dispel from Patna district of Bihar, the Guru was informed about a bandits of Pasi community. Those bandits were tried to harm and at the last moments they became dispel of Guru G. Singh. Sikh guru recruited them (bandits) into his army for providing security and brought them to Punjab. After that, the guru declared them criminals and looters. After the episode, their attendance and present was required time-to-time at the local police station. The local police station was very near from the place of residence.’i We can see, after independence, whenever the colonial Criminal Tribes Act, 1924, was dismantled by the Indian parliament, the Pasi caste was affirmed and considered as a Scheduled Caste (SCs) status. This act allowed them to get the benefit of reservation in reserved quotas (15 percent) in central government jobs, higher education, admissions to professional courses, medical institute as well as engineering colleges including other such institutes.

Education and Socialization: A Conceptual Clarification

Education plays significant role in empowerment and socialization process. It appears that the facilitated literacy education provisioned and transmitted subjectively towards cultural learning (both embedded and reasoned to be cultivated purposefully), adapting and experiencing (knowledge cultivated and gained socially) which improvises or evolves through the process of socialization and influenced by the collective ambient group/s surrounding the individual (Shankaran et al, 2019). Socialization and education are crucial and essential for life-long learning, understanding and experiencing processes of an individual’s personality cultivation both as a participant and also as an interactive observer (Shaffer, 1974).

UNESCO (“The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization”) has encouraged and advocated mother-tongue instruction for child in primary education (UNESCO, 1953) and it highlights the advantages and various benefit of mother tongue and local slang educational right from the beginning: school children are more probable to enroll, thought and succeed in schooling system (Benson and Kosonen, 2013); the guardians of these Childs are more likely to engage and communicate with educators and consistent participation or take an interest in their children’s effective learning and gaining the in-depth knowledge (Benson, 2002); school going girls and other marginal children in rural area with fewer exposure to a leading effective language sojourn in school lengthier and repeat good

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grades or marks less often (Hovens, 2002; UNESCO Bangkok, 2005); and boy children in multilingual (more than one) education incline to grow ‘better-knowledge skills’ equated to their ‘monolingual (who speak tow language) classmate (see, King and Mackey, 2007; Bialystok, 2001).

A few educators and social scientists argue that only such nations where the children’s first language (especially mother tongue) have been the vernacular medium of teaching have more likely to achieve or gain the primary goals of Schooling for All (Cummins, 2000). A few types of research also proposes that engaging relegated students in school through primary language or mother-tongue based, monolingual or multilingual education (MTB-MLE) has been a successful idea and model for school going children (Benson and Kosonen, 2013; Yiakoumetti, 2012). We are at beginning to get or receive some answers or acknowledgment to a few fundamental queries, for instance, under what condition or circumstances as well as with what socio-economic resources can be education in the mother-tongue pooled or acceded with multilingual or monolingual teaching be an operative approach whereby school- going scheduled castes children become capable in their primary mother-tong language while putting the underpinning for scholarship in supplementary vernaculars? What would be the costs, values, achievement and benefits of substitute methods directed at the individual, family, caste, community, primary school, locality, region, and the entire nation? What is valuable meaningful and worthy yet efficient method or ways to extent costs, outcomes, and benefits for children? Similarly, what are the inferences of Mother Tongue- Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE) for getting, recruiting, teaching, educating, and mentoring the best teachers and teacher assistants and for adding or creating and evaluating syllabuses in miscellaneous multilingual language schoolrooms? What are the assistances of the family members and the local caste or community in non-formal and formal MTB-MLE, and similarly how can these be measured?

The recently released report which drawn from the tap of the NEP (National Education Policy) pressures the importance of instruction in the mother tongue for better performance, especially in the formative years at schools. Jain and Suryanarayana seek to expose the link between vernacular language use in schools and educational achievements using data from large-scale historical events in South Indian states. Prasad (2019) reported that Dalits make up around 47 percent of the Indian population of Banka village of Bihar, which can be estimated to be between 7,500 and 8,500. And the

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assumed English goddess (as reported) has generated enthusiasm and a lot of the excitement among women. The educated girls can be seen and here can be heard by singing “Long Live the Mother Goddess of English” or ‘jai ho angreji devi’. The principal, Shiv Shankar Lal Nigam of Nalanda school narrates that ‘the stoppage of work on the temple has affected morale. He further says the importance or inevitability of English at present cannot be overstated in modern India. It is not possible today to get jobs and secure the future without knowledge of English in this competitive world. Without English, one is not able even to communicate for a larger audience. For official communication with people in other Indian states, one needs to know either their local language (Hindi, Marathi, etc.) or English. Even, one cannot learn multiple Indian regional languages, therefore, English has to be used for larger audience as the link language. English, we have faith in, will increase the strength of new Dalit youths’ chances of getting job or into institutes of higher or professional education and improve the confidence for employment prospects.

Occupation and Source of Earning

The Pasi pursue various occupations in a rural area of eastern Uttar Pradesh. They have been engaged in the government job, settled agriculture, cultivation in Bihar and West Bengal. They are working as a toddy-tapper in Odisha and Punjab. They rear pigs but they also keep buffalo in above pointed states. In rural areas of Delhi, they make dona and pattal (leaf plates) for business purposes and most of the youths work as daily wage laborers in rural areas. A few educated people have migrated into urban areas where they work in cloth mills and other factories. As unskilled labours, youth of the Pasi is forced to migrate and leave their traditional work like tapping dates and other palms because of the unavailability of the tree. They work as daily wage labours in various trades in Mumbai of Maharashtra state. These migrants are mostly landless and they are forced to work as unskilled and semi skilled laborers in mines, chimney or employed by small or pity businesses. While some are proficient and traditionally trend or keep expertise in the art of carving and engraving on stones. They weave clothes and do pottery. While a few are creating gold jewelry (see. Peoplegroupsindia.com/profiles/pasi).

The reservation policy of the government helped in improving their lifestyle, and they have become economically better than other people among scheduled castes. Meanwhile, they are also working as petty trading, small vender, teaching, daily-wage labour. They are forces to work as rickshaw pullers, animal husbandry, etc. Thus, making and mending grind stones and

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a few other new occupations can be seen among them. A few of the families are working as ‘Ojha’ or ‘Sokha’ (traditional healing) and vaidya (regular clinician). Meanwhile, the Pasi community use both traditional, allopathic, and modern medicine from the last few years. The literacy rates are generally quite low than other non-Dalit community but are above among Dalits. They are progressively aware of the need for English medium formal educational pattern in the rural areas.

The ritual status of Pasi caste is above other scheduled castes. Many of them are practicing Hindu philosophy and the idea of vegetarianism. The diet of Pasi caste consists of vage as well as non-vage items like mutton, eggs, chicken, omelet, fish, and pork, etc., but they gave up long ago their beef-eating practices to some extent, which is considered ‘impure’ in Hinduism. Wheat, rice, pulse and maize are their major foods or staple cereals in eastern Uttar Pradesh. Lentils, beans and vegetables are also eaten often. In the marriage ceremony, people prefer non-vage for many years but the idea of vegetarian practices in commensal relations is gaining importance day-by-day. Alcohol or Tadi is consumed by the men (exceptionally few women too) while women prefer to use the leaf of tobacco in a few forms form.

The people from Pasi caste usually marry only among their own caste or sub-castes, if the concerning family is economically sound. Pasi caste had a few sub-groups which can be noticed in following way- Raj Pasi and Mangta Pasi and the marriage practices has been even limited among sub-caste groups but at present, such practices do not exist. In the other parts of the Hindi speaking belts, the Pasi have begun to inter marry for the last two decades. Village exogamy is, however, practices and can be observed among all Pasi and the idea of gotra exogamy is being discouraged and such marriages are settled by negotiation between local Choudhary (Prasad, 2015). Sometimes, dowry practices can be seen and bridegroom demands money for a two-wheeled motorcycle in a rural area as per his socio-economic condition. Dowry is in practices and given in both hard-cash and the form of goods, buffalo, including household articles. Girls and educated women are using a smart phone and getting updated about new fashion especially about the new design of chodi (bangles), bindi or tikuli (dot), nose stud and toe-rings.

The Pasi community has caste panchayat which used to holds varying degrees of power once upon a time in different states including Uttar Pradesh. These panchayath as traditional power to settle or fixed the divorce cases and social offenses but it is losing its virtue in the last three

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decades. A Pasi Kalyan Sabhas (Welfare Council of Pasi) has been molded and the member of this panchayat was to mechanize it at the national level, told by a caste leader. The primary goal or objective of the caste panchayat is to improve social status and the socio-economic strength and tend to the welfare of the Pasi caste. The leadership among Pasi caste can also be seen in a rural area. The leadership pattern has emerged at the regional and national levels too. Ram Vilas Paswan has become a living legend for them.

The Pasi sat the bottom of Hindu’s social order. A few people of this community believe in demons, deeh (village head), ghost, and go to witch doctors (sokha) for an exorcism. People work as ojha (a witchdoctor) in the rural areas. People consult him to be rid of churail (evil spirits) and cure diseases like smallpox. The idea of ancestor worship is prevalent and can be seen among the Pasi community. There was a time when Brahmin priests were never visit the home of this caste but now the priest are performing various ritual at the home of this caste. They are paid to conduct all birth, marriage, and death related rites at present. It is found that Brahmin priest used to deny conducting such ritual performance in the home of pasi because they were considered ‘untouchable’ in the local setting.

Concluding Remarks The paper attempts to understand major challenges and opportunities for Pasi in the rural areas. The rural area of Uttar Pradesh is predominantly inhabited by the Muslim, Brahmin, Thakur, Bania and Yadav populations. There are very limited families in the Pasi community who have much inspiration for education. Meanwhile, there is a dearth of institutional structures which can identify the issues, challenges and the needs of the population and provide them with required infrastructure to get them education hence, enhancing their way living and quality of life. Existing Problems Thanks to dearth of educational infrastructure and entrepreneurship development, the Pasi community of Uttar Pradesh is deprived of education and hence, the required skills for earning a comfortable livelihood. Having deprived of basic rights of education, they also lack awareness as a result of which they could not study their children either which put the future of this community in the dark. They are also misled easily by the Ojha inhabiting the region and they get associated with them in tantra and sorceries activities. As such, they are cut off from the mainstream of society and its development activities. Due to a lack of education and awareness, they also develop the habits of excessive alcohol

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consumption. It is, therefore, imperative to provide them the basic facilities attain education and awareness through which they can connect with the mainstream of the society and earn a respectable living ensuring a good future for their generations to follow. Social reciprocities, equality, and social justice are universal phenomena. Ideological positivists and intellectuals often discuss it with various evidence. Dalit community is also known as downtrodden, pariahii, ‘depressed class’, ‘broken man’ (B.R. Ambedakar, 1948)iii, ‘exterior caste’ (Hutton, 1931), chandal, mlechha, shudra and dasa (in Manusmrti [a religious text]). Although few other names, washermen, Nat, Varuda, Kaivarta, Meda, Bhilla in Angirasasmrtiiv can also be pointed out for this section. Indian constitution uses the term ‘scheduled caste’ (see. scheduled caste act, 1936) for Dalits. Traditionally, they are signified at the bottom of the caste hierarchy. They were also deprived of the equal rights in a few aspects like education, property, equal social participation in the public domain. Caste system has been playing a significant role in Indian society from Vedic period to till date. India was at the forefront in condemning crucial discrimination in particular apartheid (Prasad and Srihari, 2017). It also influenced to super-power on the internal affairs of an independent nation. Although the caste system was also enacted closely with Brahminical colonial ideology among Dalit-Bahujan (Prasad, 2020). Customs, beliefs like rebirth or punarjanam (recycling as per Hindu mythology), the karma theory, Hindu Purusarth, karmkanda, and multiple caste-hierarchies are another aspect of Hinduism (Ibid, 2020). The marital relation, sanskar (rites of passage), local rituals, focal exploitation, domination, and stereotype behaviour were adjacent parts of it. ‘Oral tradition’, inter-dining, Jajmani system, dignity, honors, etc. factor make sustainable to the Indian caste system. The Indian caste system is also a way of life not only in rural society but it can be seen in urban spaces. This system gives an imagination by which inter-caste relation is maintained in everyday-life like marriage system, music (caste-based music like Birha [by Ahir caste]) etc. Apart from this, people are carrying deep-rooted endogamous relations, caste-based commensal practices like Brahmin Bhoj, Chittha system (Prasad: 2015), etc. In the same way, ‘little and great tradition’ were also influenced to some extent by the caste system. Varna System and the Idea of Inter-Caste Relation M. C. Raj, a young Dalit leader and prominent figure in Karnataka (South India), has a different objective and strategy. In his important book published in 2001 so-called ‘Dalitology’. M.C. Raj implicitly dismisses and rejected the whole debate on biased history on Dalit community. However, theoretically, the caste system can be associated with the

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ideology of ‘Varna system’ that divides to people into four orders. Such as Brahmin is on the top of all Varna and its representatives are priest laurels, pundit, and Kshyatriya is on second position in the Varna system. People believe that the work is assigned to Kshyatriya is to look after administration, governance or such work that is related with soldier. Chronologically, the third Varna is ‘Vaishya’ (merchant’s related work). The work of Vaishya is to do some trade related work. The next Varna is ‘Shudra’ whose work has been assigned to serve the other three Varna. It seems, it was based on class system for the welfare of the society but the ideas of hereditary and ascribed status were demerit points of it. The hereditary system becomes a hurdle for those people who seek upward mobility in the public domain. For instance, ‘first three Varnas could organize an event for ‘upnayan sanskar’ (initiation rite for getting an education) but Shudra Varna could not. Therefore, these first three Varnas were called ‘duij’ (twice-Varna or second birth). Here I would like to point out how the mechanism of ‘duij’ created kind of social injustice for Shudra Varna. This social injustice led to this section into socio-economic backwardness and deprivation. Over the period, the ethos of ‘twice-born’ created a social distance or gap. Now, this gap became a hurdle for the nation to maintain social-reciprocities with other Varnas. It appears that the same ideology for the social division as well as the multiple division of labor has been in social practice and can be seen in the caste system. However, the Shudra is divided into caste system into two parts: touchable and untouchable. Moreover, this new form of social division has been sustained and regulated by multiple hierarchies with the doctrine of ‘endogamy’ and heredity of birth in particular lineage. The Karma doctrine of Hindu religion was imposed on masses. Therefore, the membership of caste can only be achieved by taking birth into the same caste. It appears that the people supported caste in order to give sustainability in our society through institutional mechanisms (like endogamy, Jajmani system), but now it has become a hurdle for the development of the country.

Notes

iRetrieved on 03/02/2017, from https://peoplegroupsindia.com/profiles/pasi/ iiThis term was derived from the Tamil word ‘Para’ or ‘Parai’. iiiSee for more details: S.M. Michael, ‘Dalit in Modern India: Vision and Value’, 1999, pp: 12 and 68.Vitaar Publication. New Delhi. ivSee for more details: Joshi, K.L. “Sixteen Minor Smrtis”, New Delhi: Parimal Publications, 01-Jan-2006, pp. 183.

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