The ambiguites of urban practices in historic sites: the world heritage city of in Northeast of

Virgínia Pontual Vera Milet Universidade Federal de Centro de Estudos Avançados em Conservação Integrada, Brazil

The recent urban practice relative to the historical sites has been exalted as a new and efficient way to think the cities. However, voices have echoed in the sense of putting in doubt such practice, enunciating that they are nothing but “cultural market” or “city’s scene painting management”. Criticisms to both the “new urbanism” and the “third urbanism generation”, vernacular expressions derived from both North American and European sources, are based on the emptiness of ideas that such practice contains. Their re-qualification implies the reduction of the State’s involvement in the management of the public space, adopting an enterprise strategy according to market flows and “cultural marketing” politics. However, citing and authenticating such criticism is not sufficient, but also emphasising that the “enterprise’s management strategic” practice or “cultural marketing strategy” seem to have as estimated the dilution of both the culture and the memory of the place. If, nowadays, these urban practices provoke the forgetfulness of the past as their interventions brings a uniform aspect to the places; the historical reconstitution can bring other elements to reflections on city planners’ acts. Therefore, it is important to consider the following question: What kind of city planners’ practices lead either to the forgetfulness or to the memory of the history of the place? The passage to be followed in order to reflect on this investigation is circumscribed by the ambiguous relation between memory and forgetfulness. The understanding of memory according to Le Goff (1996) is to command vestiges, to recollect and to conserve something conscientious or latent, while the forgetfulness, for this historian, is loss, is amnesia. However, Benjamim (1985) associates aging to forgetfulness, but, when establishing the intersection with reminiscence, states the constitution of “a world in similarity state”, that contains rejuvenescent or revitalising strength. In this sense, when trying to conserve a historical site the city planners would not be carrying through a forgetfulness action, but establishing similarities between ways to live in the city of the past, the present and future. To start reflecting on this, previous facts will be told that seem to denote destruction, loss, forgetfulness, like the example of the fire of Olinda, provoked by the Dutches, in 1631. Could this fire be interpreted as a forgetfulness action? Would it be possible to establish a parallel between such action, in a remote past, and the current accomplished acts of revitalising in historical sites? In elapsing of this writing, one will search to relate the questions above to stories and texts of historians who inform on the formation of what was called the Captainship of Pernambuco village.

1 The recent urban practice relative to the historical sites has been exalted as a new and efficient way to think the cities. However, voices have echoed in the sense of putting in doubt such practice, enunciating that they are nothing but “cultural market” or “city’s scene painting management”. Criticisms to both the “new urbanism” and the “third urbanism generation”, vernacular expressions derived from both North American and European sources, are based on the emptiness of ideas that such practice contains. Their re-qualification implies the reduction of the State’s involvement in the management of the public space, adopting an enterprise strategy according to market flows and “cultural marketing” politics.1 However, citing and authenticating such criticism is not sufficient, but also emphasising that the “enterprise’s management strategic” practice or “cultural marketing strategy” seem to have as estimated the dilution of both the culture and the memory of the place. If, nowadays, these urban practices provoke the forgetfulness of the past as their interventions brings a uniform aspect to the places; the historical reconstitution can bring other elements to reflections on city planners’ acts. Therefore, it is important to consider the following question: What kind of city planners’ practices lead either to the forgetfulness or to the memory of the history of the place? The passage to be followed in order to reflect on this investigation is circumscribed by the ambiguous relation between memory and forgetfulness. The understanding of memory according to Le Goff (1996) is to command vestiges, to recollect and to conserve something conscientious or latent, while the forgetfulness, for this historian, is loss, is amnesia. However, Benjamim (1985, p. 45) associates aging to forgetfulness, but, when establishing the intersection with reminiscence, states the constitution of “a world in similarity state”, that contains rejuvenescent or revitalising strength. In this sense, when trying to conserve a historical site the city planners would not be carrying through a forgetfulness action, but establishing similarities between ways to live in the city of the past, the present and future. To start reflecting on this, previous facts will be told that seem to denote destruction, loss, forgetfulness, like the example of the fire of Olinda, provoked by the Dutches, in 1631. Could this fire be interpreted as a forgetfulness action? Would it be possible to establish a parallel between such action, in a remote past, and the current accomplished acts of revitalising in historical sites? In elapsing of this writing, one will search to relate the questions above to stories and texts of historians who inform on the formation of what was called the Captainship of Pernambuco village.

The fire of Olinda village: military question and identity of the place

“The beginning of November was spent completely in removing everything from Olinda City and demolishing it (...). When they had removed everything that could be useful and carried from Olinda City, and had also removed the officers and soldiers luggage, the lieutenant colonel commanded that the troops prepared themselves to move encampment. In 24 November, during the morning, the head of the equipage went from to the city, with alcoholic torches and other means of firing and ordered to burn the houses, being all in flames (...)” (Laet, 1916, pp. 296 and 297).

This description by Joannes de Laet, a Dutch historian of the facts practised in Brazil until 1636, samples that the fire was not an impulse in the sequence of a battle, but something pursued and desired. The justifications for such exploit were registered by some Dutch and Portuguese historians, as well as in recent studies produced by historians from Pernambuco.

2 Among all the collected registers, Gaspar Barlaeus produced the one that expresses the highest level of sense. Despite the fact that this Dutch professor had never been to Brazil, he registered the Company of Occidental India work in Brazil, mainly those undertaken under Conde João Maurício de Nassau’s government, to whom he calls “supreme ’s ex- governor”:

“However, since they started to manage Brazil, the Dutches, lands and waters subjugators, found appropriate to choose Recife and the Antonio Vaz Island as government seating. As condemned to fate, the beautiful Olinda had gone to ruin revealing mourning. The houses, the convents and the churches, thrown down not by the furor of the war but intentionally, got in tears because of their own ruin” (Barlaeus, 1980, p. 154).

The author suggests that even before the invasion, the Dutches already rejected Olinda. However, other authors are not so emphatic in this point. On the contrary, they indicate that initially there was an attempt to dominate and to occupy this city. However, after the accomplishment of studies, they came to the conclusion that its security improvement demanded a complex blockhouses system, generating high costs, what justified the decision of its destruction. A historian from Pernambuco, called Jose Antonio Gonsalves de Mello, based on the letters exchanged between the XIX Council, the Pernambuco Politician Council and the governor colonel Diderich van Waerdenburch, strengthens these memories:

“Waerdenburg, its subordinates and the engineers who served in the troop had been unanimous in recognising the great difficulty to keep, without risk of danger for the security of the recent conquest, the city of Olinda (...). Waerdenburg urged for a decision through a letter sent to the XIX Council. The military situation had aggravated with the landing of 1000 men from the D. Antônio de Oquendo’s fleet (...) in 24 November 1631, he evacuated Olinda and after that he set it a fire (...). This is the history of Olinda - a kind of life, passion and death - under the Dutch domination” (Mello, 1987, pp. 45 to 48 and 70).

With regards to the defensive aspects and the fragility of the Olinda village, we must refer to the discussions raised by the Portuguese authors. According to the historian Evaldo Cabral de Mello, in Diogo de Campos Moreno’s stories that were written in the first years of XVII century, it is indicated that this village could not adequately be defended. Therefore, it would always be endanger on the grievance caused by wars and invasions:

“The village of Olinda could never have blockhouses that assure its safety because, as one can see, it is established on a high and full of gullies seat. The large houses and the misguided streets that represents a quarter, as well as the distant and abandoned churches, in a way that the beach trenches, that is the biggest blockhouse for basing purposes, it is not ineffective (...). The best defence of Olinda, according to Diogo de Campos, was Recife, that can be very big and very strong because of its seat in a salty area, surrounded by water” (Mello, 1995, p. 146).

According to this historian, Diogo de Campos Moreno would have foreseen that an enemy naval force would not find difficulty in disembarking a troop in the Pau Amarelo sand bar, that is in the north of the village, which, marching along the beach, would take Olinda easily. This is exactly the strategy followed by the Batavian, in 1630.

3

The small defensive power of Olinda is the strongest evoked reason that justify the city to be set afire, however memories written by Barlaeus indicate reasons that the reason itself was unaware of:

“It seemed that, in our people’s view, this destruction was not a desecration (...) convinced that every place is equally sacred and idoneous to adore God, judged that they did not commit any impiety, but practised an intelligence act, intending to give greater security to the new city and its worship (…). However, as mankind - capable to be touched by the beauty, they could not avoid regretting the devastation of the afflicted city (...). If we could see Olinda right now, we would swear that we were contemplating Pergamo, lying on its desolated place, the ruins of Cartago or Persépolis (...) the mother disappearing - Olinda - if its ruins survived, even so with another aspect, her daughter - Mauriciópole” (Barlaeus, 1980, p. 154).

Despite the intrinsic irony of the text, this Barlaeus’ memories fragment is full of strength and meaning as it associates the religious with the military issues. This means that both the Catholic and the Protestant Churches also commanded the European courts. Each one of these Churches professed different world visions that were also expressed in the organisation of the cities at that time. The abundance and the wealth were present not only in the habits of its inhabitants but, mainly, in the religious buildings that belonged to the Catholic Church congregations. These congregations control power can be evaluated by the top of hills occupation by religious constructions, that is, the best places in visibility terms and domain of the environment were of religious property. Contemporary historians have discussed the relation between territory and strategic location, in order to set a position of control and superiority, highlighting the Jesuit architecture as the one that had appealed to this resource. It is interesting to notice that, in the engravings of the period, the religious building location, mainly the Real College of the Jesuits, whose implantation in the highest part of the hill predominated over the other buildings.

Illustration 1 Stamp “Marin D´Olinda de Pernambuco”, engraver unknown, (1630)

4

Illustration 2 Stamp the Olinda, engraver Claes Jansz Visscher. (1630)

In that sense, if on one hand the Dutches not only realised but also exalted Olinda’s beauty, on the other hand it was evanesced for the lack of architectural elements related to the Protestantism. Therefore, one can understand that the act to set afire Olinda, more than a foreseen and “intentional” act, more than been considered as an intelligence act, it was desired. The village of Olinda had to be extinct, lost, at last, forgotten. This desire is alluded in the parallelism established with acts occurred in the Greek and Roman antiquity, but the most significant is the one carried through by means of the relation “mother and daughter”. It is noticeable the dislocation of fancies and feelings, that is, words that express unsatisfied desires, situated not only on the material desires objectivity, but mainly in the subjectivity domain. This act of forgetfulness, however, propitiated the memory of a flourishing and beautiful architecture. Therefore the movement for the reconstruction of Olinda brought a way of living that conscientiously preserved the memory of both Portuguese and Brazilian people. According to Jose Antonio Gonsalves de Mello, this was a “way to react against the invader in order to demonstrate the unconformity and antagonism of its ideas” (Mello, 1987, p. 58).

Olinda’s urban organisation: 1530 - 1631, from the beginning of the occupation to the fire

Olinda’s beauty was always highlighted, either by its donee Duarte Coelho, or by all the other Portuguese employees and by travellers from other countries as well. Since the beginning, its landscaping aspects were largely registered. Known as “formosa” (beautiful) for the natural beauty that it propitiated from high hills, the village was complemented with the various constructions undertaken by mankind, mainly by representatives of both the King and the Catholic Church of . It was precisely this landscaping dimension that, according to rumours of history, motivated the donee to choose this site as headquarters of its captainship, when said: “ How beautiful1 are both this land and this hillock to build a village!” (Mello, 1974, p. 19). This recurrence to the landscaping dimension will remain as an unanimous painters and recorders opinion, as well as of all those that write about Olinda throughout almost five centuries. Such statement not only constitutes vestiges of the past but also the affirmation of a conscientious remembrance that establishes similarities. 5

With regards to the urban dimension, the principles that had guided the territorial occupation can be apprehended through the reading and interpretation of Olinda Charter, donation letter produced by the donee to the Olinda village Council. This letter registers the rights related to the Olinda Chamber forum. It also delimits the general traces of the territorial occupation and the streets, and other places toponymy that already existed at the time of the donation. In addition to that, it defines guidelines of the natural environment, relative to the preservation of plants in the beaches and drinking waters sources. This means that the Charter informs on the donee’s conception that refers to the ground order and utilisation. This constitutes an actual territorial occupation planning that defines places for habitation, commerce, feed supplying and common areas. Based on what is written in the Charter, from 1535 to 1537, the main defining elements of both the tracing and the urban composition were already established. These elements are: the governor’s palace, the Council, the public square, the governor’s foremanship, the harbour, links between the governor’s palace, the public square and the varadouro harbour, and a link between the varadouro harbour and he fertile Beberibe valley.

Illustration 3 Sketch of “Foral de Olinda”, draftsman architect Valéria M. A Oliveira

The historian Jose Luis Mota Menezes punctuates how the urban composition was constructed starting from the rock and whitewash tower. On the opposite side, the first Salvador Church and later the House of Chamber were constructed, forming the village square.

“(…) the donee seats the first houses on the high hill, next to the strong tower and where he builds the matrix, as well as the Charity Church and Hospital that were placed in the other extremity of the main street. Naturally, as soon as the establishment of the administration was completed, both House of the Chamber and the Prison, as well as the Meat Market and the hardware factory were constructed (...). One can notice that the streets follow a disposal that has as initial reference the previously mentioned hill. The slopes were the main approaches to It, the Mercy slope, the Matrix slope and a third one that linked it to both the public square and the salty area” (Menezes, 1998, pp. 338 and 341).

With regards to the urban arrangement, both the rock and whitewash tower and the Charter are the first expressions of the occupation in the captainship of Pernambuco on the part of the donee Duarte Coelho. The tower, perpendicular to the ground, firming a necessary ungluing in order to both dominate and shape it similarly to formation of the cities placed in

6 the territories conquered by Portugal, it is referred in all depositions of the first century as a central articulator element of the urban mesh. This building, as well as the churches and convents, was distinguished among the hills, as an expression of the captainship power control. Gabriel Souza (1938) states that in 1587, the existing population who lived either in the village redoubt or in sugar mill and plantation complexes, considering that this contingent composed potentially by soldiers who were ready to defend the captainship of Pernambuco. Therefore, together with the first urban expressions, it is important to stand out that the agricultural world had its own dynamics that was important to the captainship economic, social and military organisation. This population lived under a social organisation composed by the owners of the captainship that was constituted by Duarte Coelho’s family: clergymen, Jesuits (1551), Carmelites (1580), Franciscans (1585), and Benedictines (1592). Besides the military force, including the military engineers, important characters in these expeditions, other crown employees composed this population, mainly the Portuguese who came in the donee’s party. Many of them received lands as donations and had become feudal lords, while others had become traders. Black slaves and Indians joined the Portuguese. According to religious rules, this population was divided into Christians and New Christian, many of which practised the Jewish religion in secrecy. Since the beginning of the settlement, the Olinda village harbour location was pointed out as an obstacle to its functionality. Mello (1974, p. 51) emphasises that, in 1537, Duarte Coelho intended to open the Beberibe River in a way that it would be possible for the ships to reach the ocean through the varadouro’ s galiot. He aimed to establish a fiscal control system in order to check the transportation of merchandises that left the varadouro area in barks, and reached the Ribeira do Mar harbour, which is located in the south of the village. Nestor Goulart (1968, pp. 126 and 127) assumes that in the first century the sites were chosen at random, given the superficiality of knowledge on the land. Arising out of the sites occupational inadequacy related to the its potential growth, various populations had disappeared or had been transferred to other places. Actually, in Olinda’s case, the topographical conditions of the sites where the administrative headquarters of the captainship was established, even based on the best standards of defence for its height, they had limited its occupation and territorial expansion process. In fact, the Olinda harbour precarious conditions had led to a later People development. That is, the urban nesting placed on the Ribeira do Mar harbour, whose location facilities had favoured its consolidation - the harbours and its approaches to the sugar mill and plantation complexes through both the Beberibe and the Capibaribe Rivers. Since the beginning of the Portuguese occupation, the urban dependence between the Olinda village and the Arrecifes dos Navios harbour was anointed. Such linking established a functional specialisation, in which the village was the authorities’ place - the owners of sugar plantation and the clergy - and the harbour the place where its activities prospered, the commerce and the manufacturing. Things like Olinda’s beauty; Duarte Coelho’s conception of territorial occupation contained in the Charter; the urban composition carried through from the rock and whitewash tower; the strategic location of religious buildings. And the urban dependence between the village and the Arrecifes dos Navios harbour, had been immediately appropriated by the Dutches, who carefully translated the urban elements that had to be destroyed and forgotten. The remembrance of these facts brings such experiences to the present days as memories that will remain for the future.

7 Urban Practice: versions on memory and forgetfulness

Based on the interpretation emerged from this text, the fire of Olinda was desired by the Dutches as a way to forget the vestiges of another experience - the Portuguese one. However, such assertive is only one part of the issue in question. The other part is the establishment of a parallel between this forgetfulness, in a remote past, and current urban re-qualification practice accomplished in historical sites. In the present time, the city planners argue that the economic, social and cultural changing requires the adaptations of the sites, otherwise the dynamics of its history will stop leading it to complete stagnation and ruin. In the scope of this consensus, one can see the most diverse urban practice, which varies from the most traditional to the most flexible one that is linked to economic flows and the rampant consumerism. The Bologna experience, proposed in the Piano di Intervento Operativo and di Restauro to per L’edilizia Economica and Popolare, for the ones most grasped to the preservationist ideas, in the 1960s, consists of a paradigm to be followed (Cervallati and Scannavini, 1976). According to Arantes (2000), this experience would correspond to the first generation of city planners’ projects toward the treatment of the city and its historical sets. The Plan’s premise was to articulate the physical whitewashing of degraded historical areas with the social nature ones in order to promote both the area’s and the inhabitants’ socio-economic recovery. However, for many historians, the Baltimore’s, London and Barcelona in 1970 and 1980, surpassed such paradigm, regarding the renewal projects second generation. In the last ones, the preponderant premise is the financial yield, instrumented by the strategic planning, whose central technical jargon, according to Hall (1995, p. 420) is “to explore opportunities”. In that sense, similar strategic urban practice are, on one hand, guided by the new arrangements and requirements of international economy and, on the other hand, based on the urban conservation theory, according to Amsterdã Statement (1975). If up to the promulgation of this statement the urban principles and norms relative to the heritage protection referred only to the historical sites, from that moment on they started to aim the set of city places. This development prompted the flexibility and magnifying of both the architecture and the old urban mesh protection practice. Olinda’s Historical Site represents a sample of a distinct urban practice preservation of historical sites. The origin of these experiences can be found in 1967, with the visit of the UNESCO consultant, Michel Parent, to Olinda. This is considered as protection strategy that articulates legal, economic and urban basis. Olinda’s Local Integrated Managing Plan, elaborated in 1973, follows Parent’s guidance and recommendations: it established Olinda’s Historical Site division in zones and a valuation strategy to be promoted by the public power. In 1984, the identification with the first generation projects influenced Olinda’s Pilot Project. This project, considered a standard to other similar initiatives in Brazilian Historical Sites, proposed the environment and cultural characteristics preservation through the improvement of the inhabitants conditions of living, recovering the patrimonial heritage, the common facilities and the infrastructure. It is important to point out that Olinda’s Defence Society (Sociedade de Defesa da Cidade Alta de Olinda) sprouted during this period. This association will play an extraordinary role in the defence of Olinda’s memory and cultural values, contradicting tourist interests. Such urban perspective will be depleted in 1990, when the urban practice assumes both the speech and the guidance of the strategic planning. Olinda’s Managing Plan, from 1997, can be described as a local version of the strategic planning, in which the vanity aspect is used to reinforce its economic potentiality and its cultural tourism based mainly in its historical sites. It has not only transposed this practice, but

8 also countersigned the ideas expressed through the Lisbon Letter (Carta de Lisboa), from 1995, as an outcome of the First Lusitanian-Brazilian Urban Rehabilitation of Historical Centres Meeting. Thus, when explaining the physical scope proposals, the concepts of rehabilitation, urban revitalisation, re-qualification and renewal were transcribed in this management plan. These nomenclatures were attributed to the city’s territorial divisions. Would it be possible, through a sleight-of-hand trick, that had enough strength to compensate another set of political, social and economic ideas, whose effect does not seem to guarantee the place’s memory and identity? Olinda’s Historical Site’s most recent tourist proposal is also mentioned in the Rehabilitation Program or Monumenta/BID Program. Produced in middle of the 1990 decade, the program prioritised the investments that propitiated the installation of new either small or big companies as well as businesses linked to the tertiary sector. According to Rodrigues (2000, p. 4), despite the fact that only few actions had been implemented through this program, its impact can already be evaluated in the historical site. Among all the consequences of these actions he points out an increase in vehicles circulation, affecting the hills’ load capacity and intensifying cracks in monuments, and the rise of volumetric changing in the constructions’ typology for the adding of constructed area, occupation of yards and destruction of vegetation. The conclusions of this study demonstrate how ambiguous the urban practice is as it leads to the dilution of the memory of the place. In that sense, Jeudy (1990), mentioning intervention experiences in other historical sites, states that the new urban practice have been leading to the reduction of the particularities and the cultures standardisation, that is, it works on the place’s memory and identity dilution. One can not deny that even a very small alteration in the architecture of a city means the erasing of a previous experience, what means a loss. While according to Jeudy’s statement the distortions provoked by careless urban practice stops the memory of the place, according to a philosopher from Pernambuco, Evaldo Coutinho2, experiencing architectural spaces relative to other cultural habits, prompts a return to the past. Therefore, the architecture of the city provides secular imbrication, multiple experiences. These experiences are placed as a reason of being built by mankind. The recent urban practice that was taken to the Olinda’s historical site is included in the scope of this controversy. The interventions that were designed and accomplished in this site have introduced modifications that diluted the memory of the place. However, according to Benjamim (1985), when recouping the architecture of the cities in the 1500s and the 1600s, and adapting them to the current requirements, it follows the principle of similarity. The past is brought to the present, yesterday is regenerated in tomorrow. Therefore, the urban practice accomplished in historical sites, even those that apply the principles of urban conservation, are involved in the ambiguity of forgetfulness and memorisation acts.

9 Bibliography

ARANTES, O. (2000). “Uma estratégia fatal: a cultura nas novas gerações urbanas”, in ARANTES, O., VAINER, C. e MARICATO, E. A cidade do pensamento único: desmanchando consensos. Petrópolis, RJ: Vozes. ARANTES, A. (org. 1984). Produzindo o passado: estratégias de construção do patrimônio cultural. São Paulo: Editora Brasiliense/Secretaria de Estado da Cultura/Conselho de Defesa do Patrimônio Histórico, Arqueológico, Artístico e Turístico (Condephaat). BAERS, J. (1898). Olinda conquistada. Recife: Typographia de Laemmut & C. – Editores. BARLAEUS, G. (1980). História dos feitos recentemente praticados durante oito anos no Brasil. Recife: Prefeitura da Cidade do Recife/Secretaria de Educação e Cultura/Fundação de Cultura Cidade do Recife. BENJAMIN, W. (1985). Magia e técnica, arte e política: ensaios sobre literatura e história da cultura. São Paulo: Editora Brasiliense. BORJA, J. e FORN, M. de (1996). “Políticas da Europa e dos Estados para as cidades”, in Revista Espaço & Debates. São Paulo: Núcleo de Estudos Regionais e Urbanos, ano XVI, n.º 39. BORJA, J. e Castells, M. (1996a). “As cidades como atores políticos”, in Revista Novos Estudos Cebrap – Dossiê Cidades, n.º 45. BRANDÃO, A. F. (1997). Diálogos das grandezas do Brasil. Recife: Fundaj/Editora Massangana, 3ª ed. CALADO, F. M. (1985). O valeroso lucideno e triunfo da liberdade. Recife: Fundarpe, 4ª ed. CERVALLATI, P. L. e SCANNAVINI, R. (1976). Bolonia, Política y Metodologia de la Restauración de Centros Históricos. Barcelona: Gustavo Gilli. Carta de Lisboa (1995). Carta de reabilitação urbana integrada. Declaração de Amsterdã – Conselho da Europa (out/1975), in CURY, I.(org. 2000). Cartas Patrimoniais. Rio de Janeiro: Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional (Iphan). 2ª ed. ver.aum. HALL, P. (1995). Cidades do amanhã. São Paulo: Editora Perspectiva. HARVEY, D. (1993). A condição pós-moderna: uma pesquisa sobre as origens da mudança cultural. São Paulo: Edições Loyola. ——————————— (1996). “Do gerenciamento ao empresariamento: a transformação da administração urbana no capitalismo tardio”, in Revista Espaço e Debates. São Paulo: Núcleo de Estudos Regionais e Urbanos, ano XVI, n.º 39. JEUDY, H-P. (1990). Memórias do Social. Rio de Janeiro: Forense Universitária. LE GOFF, J. (1996). História e memória. Campinas/SP: Editora da Unicamp. LAET, J. de (1986). Historia ou Annaes dos Feitos da Companhia Privilegiada das Indias Occidentaes. Rio de Janeiro: Officinas Graphicas da Biblioteca Nacional. MELLO, E. C. de (1986). Rubro veio: o imaginário da restauração pernambucana. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira. —————————— (1995). A Fronda dos Mazombos Nobres Contra Mascates: Pernambuco, 1666-1715. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. MELLO, J. A. G. de (1987). Tempo dos flamengos: influência da ocupação holandesa na vida e na cultura do norte do Brasil. Recife: Fundaj/Editora Massangana. 3ª ed. ————————————- (1983). Homenagem a Olinda Patrimônio Cultural da Humanidade, in Grandes Moinhos do Brasil S/A Indústrias Gerais, Relatório 82/83. Recife. ————————————- (1974). “O chamado foral de Olinda, de 1537”, in Revista do Arquivo Público. Recife: Arquivo Público Estadual/Governo do Estado, ano XI, n.º 13. MENEZES, J. L. M. (1998). “Olinda: evolução urbana”, in CARITA, H. e ARAUJO, R. (coord.). Coleção de estudos universo urbanístico português – 1415-1822. Lisboa: Comissão Nacional

10 para as comemorações dos descobrimentos portugueses. ———————————— (2000). “Olinda e Recife – 1537/1630”, in Revista Oceanos. Lisboa: Comissão Nacional para as comemorações dos descobrimentos portugueses, nº 41. OLIVEIRA, B. S. de (1988). Espaço e Estratégia: considerações sobre a arquitetura dos jesuítas no Brasil. Uberlândia, Prefeitura Municipal de Uberlândia. OLIVEIRA, V. M. A. de (1996). Projeto Foral de Olinda: relatório final. Olinda: Prefeitura Municipal de Olinda. ORAMAS, L. P. (1999). “Frans Post, invenção e ‘aura’ da paisagem”, in HERKENHOFF, Paulo (org). O Brasil e os Holandeses (1630-1654). Rio de Janeiro: Sextante Artes. Prefeitura Municipal de Olinda (1997). Plano Diretor de Olinda. Olinda: PMO/Secretaria de Planejamento Urbano, Obras e Meio Ambiente. —————————————————————- (1997). Programa de Reabilitação do Patrimônio Cultural Urbano – perfil de projetos – roteiro para informações básicas. Recife: PMO/IPHAN/MINC/BID, (1ª versão). —————————————————————- (1984). Projeto Piloto Olinda. Olinda: Fundação Centro de Preservação dos Sítios Históricos de Olinda. —————————————————————- (1973). Plano Diretor Local Integrado do Município de Olinda. Olinda: PMO/SOCIPLAN/SERFHAU, vol. I, II e III. —————————————————————- (1973). Legislação Básica Urbanística, Lei n.º 3.823/73, in Plano Diretor Local Integrado do Município de Olinda. Olinda: PMO/SOCIPLAN/SERFHAU, vol. IV. REIS FILHO, Nestor Goulart (1968). Contribuição ao estudo da evolução urbana do Brasil – 1500/1720. São Paulo: Livraria Pioneira Editora/Editora da Universidade de São Paulo. RODRIGUES, C. R. (2000). Monitoramento das transformações nas tipologias arquitetônicas e nos índices urbanísticos do sítio histórico de Olinda. Recife: Departamento de Arquitetura e Urbanismo/UFPE. SALVADOR, F. V. do (1975). História do Brasil: 1500-1627. São Paulo. SOUZA, G. S. de (1938). Tratado Descriptivo do Brasil em 1587. São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 3ª ed. VICENTINI, I. (2001). “Teorias da cidade: reformas urbanas contemporâneas”, in Anais do IX Encontro Nacional da Associação Nacional de Pós-Graduação e Pesquisa em Planejamento Urbano e Regional - Anpur. Rio de Janeiro: Anpur/Ippur/UFRJ.

11 1 According to Arantes (2000), the urban renewal projects can be organised according to three generations. The first one, relative to the 70s, emphasises the public-private partnership. The second one, in the 80s, criticises the normative plans and the quantitative planning, highlighting the urban image that such enterprises provide as a qualitative dimension; and the third one, relative to the 90s, is marked by the emergency of the cultural dimension. On this thematic see: Vicentini (2001) and Castello (2001). 2 This statement is contained in a documentary that shows the philosopher Evaldo Coutinho’s life and scientific achievement, produced by Marcos Enrique Lopes launched in Recife, in March 2001.

12