The Case of Sir Thomas Elyot's Defence of Good Women Author(S): Constance Jordan Source: Renaissance Quarterly, Vol

Feminism and the Humanists: The Case of Sir Thomas Elyot's Defence of Good Women Author(s): Constance Jordan Source: Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 36, No. 2 (Summer, 1983), pp. 181-201 Published by: University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Renaissance Society of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2860868 Accessed: 16-02-2016 19:04 UTC

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Edited by BRIDGET GELLERT LYONS & EDWARD P. MAHONEY

AssociateEditors S. F. JOHNSON C. WILLIAM MILLER MARGARET L. RANALD

Feminismand the Humanists: The Case ofSir ThomasElyot's Defence of Good Women

byCONSTANCE JORDAN

ELYOT'S Defenceof Good Women,published in 1540 and dedi- catedto Anne of Cleves, is one of manytreatises on thenature and statusof women which appearedduring the fifteenthand six- teenthcenturies. These works were of various kinds: some were writtenfor a popularaudience, others for scholars; some were com- posed forwives and husbands,others were intended for teachers or the clergy.1Within this large body of writing,Elyot's Defencebe- longsto a specialclass thatis particularlyeasy to identify.Like such worksas Boccaccio's De clarismulieribus (I 36i) and Bruni'sDe studiis etlitteris (1409), Elyot'sDefence is humanistin characterand apologetic in purpose.Treatises of this class argue that the cardinal virtues, cele- bratedin antiquityand representedin classicalphilosophy and history,have been (and can be) as well exemplifiedby women as men.

1For a survey of work on literatureon women in the Renaissance see Ruth Kelso, Doctrineforthe Lady oftheRenaissance (Urbana, i956); Ian Maclean, The RenaissanceNo- tionof Woman(Cambridge, i980); and Lula McDowell Richardson, The Forerunnersof Feminismin FrenchLiteraturefrom Christine ofPisa toMarie de Gournay(Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Studies in Romance Literatureand Languages, XII, I929). For an analysis of threeimportant treatises of the late quattrocentoand a usefulbibliography of all defenses of women published in Italy in the sixteenthcentury, see Conor Fahy, "Three Early Renaissance Treatises of Women," Italian Studies,11 (195), 30-55. See also the wide- rangingcollection of essays on women in political and intellectuallife in the fifteenth, sixteenth,and seventeenthcenturies: Beyond Their Sex: Learned Womenof the European Past, ed. Patricia H. Labalme, (New York and London, i980).

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Not all treatiseson women by humanistscan be termedfeminist.2 Some respecttraditional notions concerning the subservient place of womenin society.But mostare dedicated to establishingan equality betweensexes. They are distinguishedfrom other works on thesubject, whetherby humanistsor nonhumanists,by theirdefensiveness, whichis coupled withan interestin thesecular rather than the reli- giousaspects of thelives of women. Humanistdefenses of women fall into three general categories: defensesof women as a sex-often in theform of a catalogueof female worthies(Boccaccio's De clarismulieribus); discussions of marriage (Erasmus'Encomium matrimoniae, 1518 andDe matrimonicchristiano, 1526); and argumentsfor the education of women (Bruni'sDe studiis etlitteris). Individual works often include material in morethan one category:discussions of marriageoffer examples of virtuouswives likethose described in theDe clarismulieribus; arguments for education insistthat learning makes wives more tractable;chronicles of worthiesdwell on thebeneficial effects of educationor thecompan- ionablenessof a wife.Elyot's Defence is unusualin participatingin all threecategories. His theoreticaldefense, which refutesAristotle's notionof theinferiority of women, is supportedby evidencefrom "experience,"or history:the Syrian Queen Zenobia who is both an examplarywife and a woman educatedin philosophyand history. The secularand more particularlythe politicalcharacter of these humanistdefenses needs specialrecognition. The rulesof feminine behavior that were most generallyacknowledged required of womentwo principalvirtues: silence and chastity.Of these,the first was themost decisive, for it preventedwomen fromventuring out- side theirfamilies and into public life.Humanists challenged these rules and in effectcreated others. Fascinatedwith examples of womenwho had takenpart in thegreat drama of history,humanists comparedthem to men, praisedtheir "virility," and entertainedthe possibilityof a singlestandard for male and femalevirtue. Boccaccio, whose De clarismulieribus is practically the first example of thisgenre, characterizes its differencefrom more traditional treatiseson thesubject of women and establishesin his prefaceto his workits particular area of concern-politicsand history:

21 use this term despite its apparent anachronism. In assertingthat the vitaactiva is open to women, Boccaccio claims thatthey are the political equals of men by implica- tion. His representativewomen are intendedas proofs of thisequality.

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Howeverit seemedto me appropriate-andI wouldnot wish to passover the matterin silence-notto includewith the ladies [in mytreatise] any from sa- credhistory, either Hebrew or Christian,except Eve. It seemedto me in fact thatpagan and Christianladies have little in commonwith each other, nor do theymove on an equalfooting. Ladies of sacred history, following in thepaths and therules of theirholy Teacher, often, to attaintrue eternal glory, forced themselvesto tolerateadversities almost beyond human comprehension. Pa- gan women,on the otherhand, attained glory-and withwhat a burning strengthof spirit-eitherowing to a certainnatural instinct; or, moreproba- bly,because they were driven by a sparkof the fleeting splendor of this world; and sometimesbeneath the blow of crushingfortune also facedmost severe tests.The first,shining with the true and inexhaustible light, not only live in a paradisewell-earned, but also arenoted here; for their virginity, chastity, sanc- tity,and virtue, and the indomitable constancy in chainsand the tortures of the fleshand the punishmentsof tyrantsthey are described-as theirmerits require-inseveral works of holymen, famous for their sacred learning and theirobvious majesty. The meritsof the second, however, since they are pub- lishedin no book-as I havesaid-nor remarkedon byanyone, I haveset my- selfto describe,as ifto renderto themajust reward.3 Boccaccio'sinterest in provingthe moral value ofpaganwomen, en- lightenedby reasonand moved by honor,sets him off from authors engaged in conventional modes of celebratingwomen. His interests and purposesare distinctly different from those of writers who praise women fortheir faith and morals,as does Christinede Pisan in her Livrede la citedes dames (I404),4 or fortheir constancy in love, as does Chaucer,in his half-facetiousLegend of Good Women(I386). Boccac- cio's emphasis on glory-not eternalglory but worldlyglory- indicateshow thoroughlyhe embracedthe idea thatwomen, like 3"Attamenvisum est, ne omiserim, excepta matreprima, his omnibus feregentili- bus nullas exsacris mulieribus hebreis christianisquemiscuisse; non enim satis bene conveniunt, nec equo incedere videnturgradu. He quippe ob eternamet veram glo- riam sese ferein adversam persepe humanitatitolerantiam coegere, sacrosanctiPrecep- toris tam iussa quam vestigia imitantes; ubi ille, seu quodam nature munere vel in- stinctu,seu potius huius momentanei fulgoris cupiditate percite, non absque tamen acri mentis robore, devenere; vel, fortuneurgentis inpulsu, non nunquam gravissima pertulere.Preterea he, vera et indeficientiluce corusce, in meritameternitatem non so- lum clarissimevivunt, sed earum virginitatem,castimoniam, virtutemet, in superan- dis tam concupiscentiiscarnis quam suppliciis tiramnoruminvictam constantiam,ip- sarum meritis exigentibus, singulis voluminibus a pi's hominibus, sacris literis et veneranda maiestateconspicuis, descriptasesse cogniscimus, ubi illarum merita,nullo in hoc edito volumine speciali-uti lam dictum est-et a nemine demonstrata,descri- bere, quasi aliquale reddituripremium, inchoamus." De clarismulieribus, ed. Vittorio Saccaria, in Tuttele Opere, X, ed. VittoreBranca (Verona, I967), pp. 26-28. 4Christinede Pisan models her work on Boccaccio's De clarismulieribus, but she eliminatesits humanistperspective. See Richardson, op. cit., pp. I3-32.

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 184 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY men,might have a partin civic life-they too, might be inflamedby a "sparkof the fleeting splendor of this world." By excludingfrom his defenseof women examplesof saints,martyrs, and patient Griseldas-typesother apologists most frequently praise-Boccac- cioinstitutes the character of humanist feminism. Regarding women as publicrather than as privatepersons, hejudges them by the criteria properto civiclife. Politicalevents may have contributedto thehumanists' preoccu- pationwith the notion of women as "citizens"rather than as daughters,wives, and mothers.Women had alwaysheld politicalpower, in variousways and degrees,but in thefourteenth and fifteenthcen- turieswomen "governors"became numerous. How theywere to be trainedfor the tasks they would have to undertake,and in whatway theywere to deferto men were finallyquestions of nationalimpor- tance.5Treatises like Boccaccio's whichdrew attention to politically powerfulwomen fromantiquity to therecent past (in his dedication Boccaccio in factpraises Joanna of Naples), stimulatedfeminist debate. Whatkind of educationwas appropriateto a queen or princess intowhose handsroyal power had passed?What kind of obedience did a rulingqueen owe herhusband? Could a woman lead troopsin battle?

Like two otherof Elyot's works, Pasquil the Plaine and TheKnowl- edgethat Maketh a WiseMan, both writtenand publishedearly in 1533, theDefence is in theform of a dialogue.It dramatizesan argu- mentbetween three speakers: Candidus, the enlightened defender of womenwho adoptsa Platonicposition and insiststhat women are fit to participatein civicaffairs; Caninius, their barking Aristotelian de- tractor;and finallyCandidus' friend,Queen Zenobia, thecaptive of the emperorAurelianus. Candidus' strategyis simple. He defeats Caniniusby logicallyinvalidating the criticisms of misogynists;then he confirmshis positionwith "experience," or evidencefrom "history";and, in conclusion,he adducesa livingexample of the truth of hisopinion, the captive Queen Zenobia. Relianceon "experience"to supporta feministposition is commonto mostdefenses of women.

5Elyot may have been sensitive to this factwhen he wrote The Governor.Gordon Schochet remarksthat, unlike many contemporarypolitical theorists,Elyot does not justifythe monarchyby referenceto the patriarchalorganization of the family.Patriar- chalismin PoliticalThought (New York, I975) p. 4I.

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Boccaccio, Castiglione, and others, denying denunciationsof womenbased on receivedopinion, resort to examplesof worthiesas proof.Elyot's treatment of "example"is particularlyeffective in this case: by representingZenobia as a characterin a dialogue,a living voice, he endows her with a kind of "vital authority" actually definedby Socrateswho prefersconversation to writingfor the com- municationof thetruth6-that an accountof her life alone would not provide.Zenobia offersCandidus a "perfyteconclusion" to hisargu- mentand by "the example of her lyfevanquishethe the obstinate myndeof thefrowarde Caninius"7 because her authority, vested in a palpablebeing, is so difficultto deny. To supporthis attack on women Caniniusdraws first on thecom- plaintsof "poets" (Boccaccio seems indicated,although he is not mentioned)and second on theworks of Aristotletouching the subject ofwomen-the two mostconspicuous sources of misogynist lit- eratureavailable to Renaissancereaders. He beginsthe debate by de- claringthat women are faithless,especially in love: in women is in the stedeof fayth,falshode and trechery"(sig. B3). Candidus dis- missesthe point by assertingthat it is one onlypoets make and they arenot to be believed.He alludesto thedubious "truth" of all poetic statements(reminding Caninius that Plato expelledpoets fromhis republicfor spreading falsehood), and observes-and thisis hisprin- cipalpoint-that thepoets who see in "al women mostbeastly conditions"are eitherungrateful or disappointedlovers who, rejecting women or else rejectedby them,revile them from spite. In effecthe deniesthat the idea of women as faithlesshas a basisin observedfact and attributesit insteadto compensatoryfictions created by men to servetheir own emotionalneeds. It is of theoreticalimportance that Candidus'reasoning here is basedon theprinciple of induction rather than deduction.When humanistsexamined dogmatic concepts of womanhoodby referenceto "experience,"they could revealtheir in-

6Socratesdefines the spoken word as "an intelligentword graven in the soul of the learner,which can defenditself, and knows when to speak and when to be silent." Of this "the writtenword is properlyno more than an image." Phaedrus,276; in The Dia- loguesof Plato, ed. B. Jowett(London, i892; rpt. New York, I939), I, p. 279. 7Sir Thomas Elyot, The Defenceof Good Women(London, I540), sig. A3. Subse- quent quotations fromthis work-in which I have writtenout abbreviationsand mod- ernized the use of i/j,u/v, and vv-will be noted in the textof thisessay. My thanksto the Huntington Library for permission to quote from this edition of the Defence.The treatiseis also available as edited by EdwinJohnston Howard (Oxford, Ohio, I940).

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adequacies.Candidus' answer may actually have a sourcein a similar replyCastiglione's Magnifico directs to Gasparo in II librodel cortegiano(I 528);8 in its appreciationof psychologicaldeterminants it is certainlycomparable to the explanationof the apparentlynatural submissivenessof women offered by Agrippain histreatise De nobili- tateet praecellentia sexusfoeminei (I529).9 Insightslike these subverted theorthodox doctrine on women and allowed criticsto see it as an effectof psychologicaland social forcesrather than as objectively true." In refutingCaninius' neo-Aristotelian misogyny, Candidus has a moredifficult task. Caninius begins this phase of his attackby noting Aristotle'sclaim thatwomen are a "worke of natureunperfecte" (sig. C3), a dictumhe takesfrom the philosopher's discussion of re- productionin The Generationof Animals.10 He continuesby pointing out correlative"facts": Theybe weakerthan men, and have theyr flesshe softer, lasse heare on theyr visages,and theyre voyse sharper.... And as concernyngethe soule, they lackehardynes, and in peryles are timerouse, more delycate than men, unapte topaynfulnesse, except they be thertoconstrained, orsteryd by wylfullnesse: Andthe wytte, that they have, is not substanciall but apyshe.... (sig. C6, C6v) 8"Io. . .ho. . . conosciuti. . . molti, ii quali, vedendosi aver in vano tentatoe speso i. tempo scioccamente, rocorrono a questa nobil vendetta e dicono aver avuto abon- danzia di quello che solamente s'hanno imaginato; e par loro che ii dir male e trovare invenzioniacci6 che di qualche nobil donna per lo vulgo si levino fabulevituperose.. II librodel cortegiano,ed. Bruno Maier (Turin, i964), III, lxii; p. 396. 9"For anon as a woman is borne even from her infancy,she is kept at home in ydelnes,and as thoughe she were unmete forany hygherbusynesse, she is permittedto know no fartherthan her nedle and her threede. And than whan she commeth to age, able to be maried, she is delyveredto the rule and governance of ajelous husband, orels she is perpetuallyshutte up in a close nounrye. And all offycesbelongynge to the com- monweale, be forbyddentheym by the lawes.. . . And thus by theselawes the women being subdewed as it were by forceby armes, are constrainedto give place to men, and to obeye theyrsubdewers, not by no naturall,no divyne necessitieor reason, but by custome, education, fortune,and a certaynetyrannical occasion." Of thenobilitie and excellencieofwomankynde (London, I542) sigs. F8, F8v, Gi, GIV. 10Thefemale child is the result of a "deviation" from the human norm which is male, Gen. An. IV, iii, 767b; trans. A. L. Peck (Cambridge, Mass., I943), pp. 400-40I; and she is "as it were a deformity,though one which occurs in the ordinarycourse of nature," Gen. An. IV, vi, 775a; pp. 46o-6i. Cf. Gasparo to the Magnifico: "quando nasce una donna, e diffettoo errordella natura e contra quello che essa vorrebbe fare." II librodel cortegiano,III, xi, p. 352. For a study of the views of Aristotleon women see Susan Moller Okin, Womenin WesternPolitical Thought(Princeton, I973), pp. 73-96; and Maryanne Cline Horowitz, "Aristotle and Woman,"Journal ofthe History of Biol- ogy,9, 9 (I979), 183-2I3.

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There are opinionsCaninius discovered in theHistory of Animals.11 And he concludes that women cannot govern: "In the partesof wysedomeand civilepolicy, they be foundenunapte, and to haveii- tellcapacitie" (sig. C6v), a view Aristotleexpresses in thePolitics.12 It would be difficultto overestimatethe support Renaissance mi- sogynistsderived from Aristotle. His notion of women as funda- mentallyinferior to men underlaythe argumentsof most learned treatiseslimiting the activitiesof women to familylife. His logic is circularbut it was rarelyrejected on thisaccount. He deriveshis doc- trineof the subordinationof women fromhis beliefthat they are morallyweaker than men, but in turnhe derivesthis notion of moral weakness(which he correlateswith such physical traits of thefemale as smallnessof size, softnessof flesh,and need forsleep) from women's subordinateplace in thepolitical economy.13 Despite theobvi- ous flawin thisreasoning, commentators were generally reluctant to challengeAristotle's conclusions, which they saw repeatedlycorrob- oratedin scripture,notably in Genesis,where Eve's transgressionin- stitutesthe subordinationof wives in accordancewith the will of God, and in St. Paul's epistles,where women areforbidden to speak

""Hence woman is more compassionate than man, more easily moved to tears, at the same time more jealous, more querulous, more apt to scold and to strike. She is, furthermore,more prone to despondence and less hopeful than the man, more void of shame and self-respect,more false of speech, more deceptive, and of more retentive memory. She is also more wakeful, more shrinking,more difficultto rouse to action, and requires a smaller quantity of nutriment." Hist. An. IX, i, 6o8b; trans. D'Arcy WentworthThompson (Oxford, i9io), no pagination. 12"Hence thereare by naturevarious classes of rulersand ruled. For the freerules the slave, the male the female, and the man the child in a differentway. And all possess the various parts of the soul, but possess them in differentways; for the slave has not got the deliberativepart at all, and the female has it, but without full authority,while the child has it, but in an undeveloped form. . . . Hence it is manifestthat all the persons mentionedhave a moral virtueof theirown, and thatthe temperanceof a woman and thatof a man are not the same, nor theircourage and justice, as Socrates thought,but the one is the courage of command, and the otherthat of subordination,and the case is similarwith the othervirtues." Politics,trans. H. Rackham (Cambridge, Mass., 1972), I, v, 5-8; 1260a; p. 63. See also the pseudo-Economics:"[In mattersoutside the family] let it be her aim to obey her husband; giving no need to public affairs,nor desiringany part in arranging the marriages of her children. . . . a woman of well-ordered life should consider thather husband's uses are as laws appointed forher own lifeby divine will, along with the marriage state.... trans. G. Cyril Armstrong (Cambridge, Mass., I947), III, i, pp. 400-403. See also theDe anima,III, 5; 430a2I. 13See Okin, op. cit., pp. 83-86. Schochet, however, notes that Aristotle distin- guishes between the organization of the polis and the household, and also between po- liticaljustice and household justice, op. cit., pp. 2 I-24.

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 188 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY in public(especially Timothy 2: I I-I2). Even suchan ostensiblefem- inistas Vives could not renouncethe main tenets of Aristotle's"anti- feminism."In factVives' De institutionefoeminae christianae (I 523), whichargues for the humanisteducation of women, paradoxically concludeswith his condemnationof women in publiclife.14 (Since thepurpose of humaniststudies was to developthe talents and con- scienceof thecitizen rather than the contemplative, Vives' positionis at least theoreticallyself-contradictory.) Elyot's decisionto assign Aristotle'snotions to a Caninius,a detractorof women, indicatesa remarkablewillingness to contestthe philosopher's authority. Candidusresponds to Caninius'citation of Aristotle with an argu- mentwhich he claimsis equallyAristotelian. He pointsout thatin theEconomics (a work Renaissancescholars did not yetrecognize as spurious)the virtues proper to men and women are, thoughdiffer- ent, yet directedto the same "purpose"; thatis, thesevirtues are complementary.Paraphrasing his putativesource, he assertsthat Naturemade theman "more strongand courageouse,"the woman more "weake, fearefulland scrupulouse."Her "feblenesse"makes her"more circumspecte,"his "strengthe"makes him more "adven- turouse"(sig. C7,C7v). A man's natureis suitedto "preparynge," theacquisition of goods, thewoman's to "kepyng,"their conserva- tion(sig. Di). Yet whenthese occupations are compared,that of the womenis perceivedto be ofgreater value; indeed, for being less asso- ciatedwith mere physical skills, it is deemedmore rational and there- foremore characteristically human. Activities which call forcircum- spection exhibit "Reason", in its manifestationsas Discretion," "Election,"and "Prudence,"in contrastto thosewhich exercise the body. Therefore,Candidus concludes,women are morereasonable and have stronger"wits" thanmen. This leads him to a finalpoint. Becauseof her "economic" virtue of circumspection and thesuperior reasonit requires,"a woman is not a creatureunperfyte but as it seemethis moreperfyte than man" (sig. D4V). Here Candidusclaims thatwomen arenot onlyequal buteven superior to men. This ingeniousrefutation of Caninius'neo-Aristotelian argument does not,in fact,derive from the pseudo-Economics, where the tasks of men and women are describedas interdependent-menacquire, women preserve-but whereneither is preferredas the more "rea- 14Avery fruteflull and pleasantboke called the instruction of a Christenwoman (London, 1540), sigs. E2, E2v, U2v.

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ELYOT'S DEFENCE OF GOOD WOMEN 189 sonable."'15Rather it echoes passagesin thethird book of II librodel cortegiano,where the Magnifico hints that a comparisonof the virtues of men and women (whichhe claimsare "essentially"the same but "accidentally"different-"that in whichone differsfrom the other is somethingaccidental and not essential")would establishthe greater intelligenceof women. Accordingto theMagnifico, men are distin- guishedfor their strength, but bruteforce is not estimableeven in war. Women are known to be weak, but theirfrailty produces in them a mental alertness.Men acquire goods; women preserve them-by implicationthe worthiertask. The Magnifico"defeats" Gasparowith the same logic Candidususes againstCaninius: "there is no doubtthat women, forbeing of softerflesh, are yet more men- tallyacute and have an intelligencebetter attuned to speculationthan men."16 The two versionsof theargument are different only in tone. Candidus is relentlesslyserious, while the Magnifico"plays" with his audience.Overtly, however, both Candidus and theMagnifico committhemselves to theproposition that physical weakness entails a compensatoryintellectual strength. Having silencedCaninius, Candidus beginsa counterattackand addressesdirectly the questionof women in politicallife. His ap- proachto thisquestion, typical of defensesof women in general,is dictatedby the contrastingtreatments of the subject-women in politics-thatappear in the Republicand thePolitics, the humanists' principalsources of pro- and anti-feministargument. The latter work,insisting that women innatelypossess virtues only in a mode ofsubordination, unlike men who possessthe same virtues in a mode of command,provides authority for limiting the activity of women to thefamily and forplacing them under the rule of theirhusbands. Aristotle'smodel of the stateimitates the configurationof power

15"Andso with this purpose in view Divine Providence has fashionedthe natureof man and of woman fortheir partnership. For theyare distinguishedfrom each otherby the possession of facultiesnot adapted in every case to the same tasks but in some cases for opposite ones, though contributingto the same end. For Providence made man strongerand woman weaker, so that he in virtue of his manly prowess may be more ready to defend the home, and she, by reason of her kind nature, more ready to keep watch over it; and while he brings in freshsupplies from without, she may keep safe what lies within:" Ec. I, iii; op. cit., pp. 332, 333. For the general influenceof the Eco- nomicson Renaissance treatiseson women set Maclean, op. cit., 4.5.5, 4.5.6,4.5.7. 16"Quello in che l'uno dall'altro son differentie cosa accidentalee non essenziale . . . non e dubbio che le donne, per esser piii molli di carne, sono ancor piii ate della mentee de ingegno piu accommodato alle speculazioni che gli omini. " Op. cit., III, iii, p. 3 53.

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 190 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY withinthe family: at itshead is the"class" of men, representingthe father;under it is the "class" of women, representingthe father's wife and motherof his children;and beneaththese "classes" are slaves,servants, and children.For Aristotle,the family is thefunda- mentalunit of thestate, itself an aggregateof families. Many humanistsfound this model of governmentin thestate and thefamily insusceptible to criticism:not onlydid it appearto corres- pond to what was recognizedas naturallaw, it also receivedcon- firmationfrom scripture. Plato's notion of women as endowedwith thesame virtueas men achievedno significantacceptance by major humanists.They mightbase theirarguments on Socrates'statement thatthe virtue in men and women is thesame, 17 but they did not ac- ceptthe politics that Plato thenconstructs on thispremise. Why they did notpursue the notion of women as "guardians,"rulers and gov- ernorsof the state-an investigationthat might have concludedin justifyingin principlethe rightof women to governmen-is un- clear.But theirunwillingness to examinePlato's image of thefemale guardianmust in partbe a responseto thevery conditions in which Plato imaginedthe guardians would live, thatis, withproperty and childrenin common.18 Such a classwould violateall Christiannorms ofsocial life, and forthis reason it couldnot be an elementin a Chris- tianpolitics. To validategynocracy, humanists took another approach which is well illustratedin theDefence. They leftquestions of authorityaside and concentratedrather on the "evidence" in historyand what it mightbe seento imply.19 Some ofthe "evidence" cited as "example" is patentlyridiculous. Most humanistdefenses of women do not make any distinctionbetween figures of myth(Dido) and women who are thesubject of essentially"historical" accounts (Cleopatra), butconsider them all equallyconvincing. This lackof discrimination must oftenhave caused Renaissancereaders (as it causes modern readers)to call into questionall the evidencesupplied in such defenses.It was not untilhumanists developed a senseof whatis really acceptableevidence that they could beginto offercogent arguments

17Meno 7I-72. 18Rep. 454-57. See also Okin, op. cit., pp. 40-43. 19Plutarchsets a precedentin his introductoryremarks to the Mulierumvirtutes. On the importanceof historicismin demolishing the authorityof paradigms of femininity see Maclean, op. cit., 6.2.3.

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ELYOT'S DEFENCE OF GOOD WOMEN 191 againstassertions of the "natural"inferiority of women. In thisre- spect,the questionof evidenceis like the questionof psychological determinants.In bothcases, received opinion can onlybe challenged by observationsbased either on actualexperience or "experience"for whichthere is some validor verifiablehistorical reference. But proofsbased on "example" have anothereven more serious shortcoming:they produce paradoxicalarguments. The women who illustratefeminine excellence are notedfor acting courageously and intelligently-inshort, in a mannerspecified as "virile." These womenlogically prove the worth of their sex by denyingit: a strange formof defense.While it questionssexual stereotypes,i.e. some women can do men's work,it also seemsto confirmgender-related values,i.e. all thatis femaleis inferior.The regularitywith which theseexemplary women are labelled "manly" finallyundermines theirrhetorical purpose. These limitationsaside, however, the prac- ticalorientation of defenseswhich proceed by exampledid permita considerationof how women performtasks of governmentcustom- arilyassigned to meneven if it excludeddebate on morecontentious mattersof principle.An account (whetherfictitious or not) of a woman who was successfulin speakingin councilor commanding an armyobviously has bearingon thelarger question of gynocracy and tendsto underminetheoretical denunciations of such government. Candidus' perceptionof theplace of women in politicallife is ex- pressedin two propositions: in armeswomen have been foundof no lyttellreputation" (sig. D6v), and "the wyttesof women are apte ... to wisedom and civilepolicie" (sig. D4v). These claims-that women have the capacityto performin the two fieldsof endeavor crucialto thesuccess of a Renaissanceprince20-are far-reaching, al- thoughnot unusualin humanistdefenses of women. (They are cer- tainlyimplicit in theDe clarismulieribus and Ii librodel cortegiano.) If Candiduscan substantiatethem, he willhave establishedthe validity of thefemale "governor." The notionthat women could takepart in activewarfare was supportedby instancesin whichthis actually hap- pened. Agrippa,for example, alludes admiringly to "la Pucelle" in 20Whethera woman could wage a war was obviously a criticalquestion. Cf. Ma- chiavelli: "Uno principe non avere altro obietto, ne altro pensiero, ne prendere cosa alcuna per sua arte, fuora della guerra e ordin e discipline di essa; perche quella e sola arte che si espetta a chi comanda...." Machiavelli's The Prince,ed. and trans. Mark Musa (New York, I964), I, xiv, p. I20.

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 192 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY his De nobilitate721and Castiglioneto Isabellaof Castilein Ii librodel cortegiano.?2Yet popularand learnedopinion was generallyopposed to thepractice. A woman'scomparative lack of physical strength constituteda rationalbasis for limiting her part in war. In some casesthe prospectof women at war was regardedwith angry shock. Vives, forexample, warns women thatthey cannot succeed at thisdeadly occupation: "Therforeyou women that . . . go about to hurle downe townesafore you . . . lyghtupon a hardrocke. Whereupon thoughyou brouseand shakecontres very sore, yetthey scape and you perisshe."23The idea thatwomen mightbe adeptat "civilepolicie" was almost as oftenthe object of criticism.The practiceof "civilepolicie" naturallyentailed the skilful use of rhetoricand oratoryand in factwomen were prevented from speaking in public.The prohibitionoriginates in theliterature of classicalantiquity and scripture.A correlativeof Aristotle's conception of a woman as emotional was a beliefthat her judgment was likelyto be faulty.She tendedto speak a greatdeal but littleto the point.24St. Paul simplyforbade women to preach(speak in public),and thisrule seems to have been associatedin thepopular imagination with Eve's role in persuading Adam to disobeyGod's commandmentin paradise.Women were commonlyviewed as garrulous;if they were also cleverthey might becomedangerous. In one ofthe earliest humanist treatises on theed- ucationof girls,Bruni explicitly denies his studentsinstruction in eloquence:"Rhetoric in all itsforms-public discussion, forensic argument,logical fence, and thelike-lies absolutelyoutside the province of women."25Vives is even more vehement:"As foreloquence I haveno greatcare nor a woman nedethit nat but she nedeth goodnes

21"Howe moche doo the Frenchemenprayse a yonge damsell, whiche beinge de- scended of a lowe image, toke upon her afterthe manner of the Amazons, to leade the forwardof the army; and she foughtso valiantly,and hadde soo good chaunce, thatthe French men beleved verily, that by her prowesse, they recovered the relm of France out of the Englisshe mens handes. " Of thenobilities, sig. F2, F2v. 22"A lei sola si po dar l'onore del glorioso acquisto del regno di Granata; ch6 in cosi lunga e difficilguerra contra nimici ostinati . . . mostr6 sempre col consiglio e con la persona propria tanta virtiu,che forsea'tempi nostripochi principihanno avuto ardire non che di imitarla,ma pur d'averle invidia." Op. cit., III, xxxv; p. 386. 23Instructionofa Christenwoman, sig. U2v. 24" 'Silence gives grace to woman' though thatis not the case likewise with a man." Politics,I, v, So8; 126oa, ed. cit., p. 65. 25LionardoBruni, De studiiset litteris,trans. William Harrison Woodward in Vit- torinode Feltreand OtherHumanist Educators (Cambridge, I 897), pp. I24, I26.

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ELYOT'S DEFENCE OF GOOD WOMEN 193 and wysedome." And he makes a preciseconnection between the studyof oratoryand thepractice of government: Weneyou it was for nothyng that wyse men forbad you rule and governaunce ofcontreis and that saynt Paule byddeth you shall nat speke in congregatyon andgatherynge ofpeople? All this same meaneth that you shall nat medle with mattersof realmes or cities. Your own house is a citegreat inough for you; as forthe abrode neither know you nor be you knowen.26 Despitethese rules determining feminine behavior, many defenders of women, and particularlyhumanists, included in theirwork "examples"of women who excelledin bothforbidden activities. Mythi- cal figuresare cited as the foundersof various arts, and certain queens,both mythical and historical,are praised for their administra- tiveand martialachievements. Women scholars,orators, and histo- riansare describedas paragonsof intellectualvirtue. A surveyof these panegyricalaccounts suggests the extent to which their writers-almostentirely male saw fitto questionthe feminine par- adigmsthat tended decisively to denyto womena partin publiclife. Queen Zenobia is among themost frequently described of female worthies:she appearsin Vives' De institutione,in Agrippa's De nobilitate,in Chaucer's"Monk's Tale," and in Lydgate'sFall ofPrinces, a popularparaphrase of Boccaccio's De casibusvirorum illustrium. Boc- caccio tellsher story twice. In theDe casibusvirorum, he emphasizes herfame, thus fulfilling the purpose of that work: "and ifgreat virtue risesthen it mustalso fall.Not even Zenobia could escape thisun- scathed."He barelyhints that her "fall" is owing to herviolation of normsof femininebehavior: "[Aurelius] having thought it unsuit- able thata woman possesspart of theRoman Empire,took up arms againstZenobia."27 In theDe clarismulieri bus, he eliminatesthe for- tunetheme and describesher simplyin superlatives:most learned, most courageous,and so forth.He even managesto transformher catastrophiccapture into a complimentaryoccasion: "Just as ifhe had conqueredthe greatest of generalsand thefiercest enemy of there-

26Theinstruction of a Christenwoman, sig. E2, E2v. Later he reverseshimself and de- clares he will not condemn eloquence, E2v. But the tenor of the treatiseas a whole is negative. 27"et si multa sit virtusadscendenti tunc quoque cadendum est. A quo nec Zenobia immunis evadere potuit." "[Aurelius] indignum ratus foeminam Romani partem Im- peri possidere in Zenobiam arma convertit." De casibusillustrium virorum, a facsimile edition of the Paris edition of 1520. (Gainesville, Fla., I962), VIII, p. I92.

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 194 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY public,Aurelius rejoiced in gloryand kepther for a triumphand led herto Rome withher sons."28 Elyot'sZenobia is in manyrespects the most vital of theserepre- sentations;she incarnatesthe centralparadox so oftengenerated by theintroduction of humanistideals into the context of an essentially Christianantifeminism largely shaped by thepersistence of Aristote- lian norms.She demonstratesto a greaterdegree than many of her counterpartsthe qualities conventional to women,but also, by contrast,those that distinguish humanist models. She dulyconforms to the expectationsof conservativereaders by being modest,dutiful, temperate,patient, and obedientto herhusband. Yet she is also un- mistakeablythe productof a humanistimagination working (or playing)on thepossibility that a woman can also attaina fullmeasure ofhumanity. Her educationwas characteristicallyhumanist. She studiedphilos- ophyand historyuntil she was twentyand did not marrybefore that time. Moreover she reportsthat her "lernyngewas had of none honesteman in any derysyon"(sig. E3). Learnedwomen were fre- quentlythought to be disposedto levityand thecharge was regularly deniedby theirdefenders. Hyrde, forexample assureshis readers thatan educatedwife is more not less tractable29-aview also en- dorsedby More"' and Erasmus.3"Her widowhood allowed her to demonstrateher civic virtues (the product, she asserts,of hereduca- tion);immediately realizing her precarious position as regentfor her sonsthat "I beingea woman, shouldenothynge be feared"(sig. E3), she took controlof thestate, making speeches, establishing laws (on thebasis of heracquaintance with household economy), inspecting fortifications,and even conqueringterritory by the extraordinary

28"Ex quo non aliterquam si maximum superassetducem et acerrimumrei publice hostem, Aurelianus gloriatus est eamque triumpho servavit et aduxit cum fillis Ro- mam." Op. cit., C, p. 414. 29SeeHyrde's prefaceto Margaret More's translationof Erasmus' Precatiodomenica, A devouttreatise upon thepater noster (London, n.d.), sig. A4,A4v. This prefacewas written in 1524 for Frances Brandon, daughter of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolkand his wife Mary, daughterof Henry VIII. 3(See "Letter to his daughters," I 524; quoted in Foster Watson, Vivesand theRenas- cenceEducation of Women(New York, I 9 I 2), p. 179. 31Erasmus praises More's "school" for young women in a letter to John Faber; quoted in Watson, op. cit., p. 178. He also praised Catherinefor her learningon several occasions; see GarrettMattingly, CatherineofAragon (Boston, I94I)' pp. i8 i-84, who citesAllen III, 602; IX, 40I.

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ELYOT'S DEFENCE OF GOOD WOMEN 195 meansof moral suasion. She reports"[I] added mochemore to myne Empire,not soo mocheby force,as by renoumeofjuste and politike governaunce,whiche all menhad in sucheadmyration, that dyverse of our said ennemies . . . chase . . . to remayne in our subjection thanto retourneto theyrowne countryey"(sig. E5). But hermost daringand unusualtrait-one thatshows herhumanist origins more vividlythan any other-is herreal autonomy in relationto herhusband. Elyotis carefulto expresshimself in termsas decorousas pos- sible;nevertheless his messageis clear.Zenobia obeys herhusband, butonly to a point."Justice," she says,taught her to give "due obedience"to herhusband and restrainedher from "anythynge whiche [was] not semely" (sig. Eiv). Furthermoreshe declaresthat a wife mustsuit her will to herhusband. But she also insiststhat a wifeis exemptfrom these constraints on herfreedom if what herhusband wishes"may tournethem bothe to losse or dyshonesty"(sig. E2). Thatis, a wifemust actually exercise her ownjudgment. Here Elyot maywell be rememberingthe spurious Aristotle who citesHomer's instructionon marriage:"It is clearthat the poet is eviland dishonorable while unselfishlyfurthering to thebest of theirpower one another'shonourable and righteousaims."32 But Elyot's emphasison whata wifemust not do recallsthe other source on whichhe has al- readyrelied heavily: Zenobia's words echo Ludovico's replyto Fe- derico,who asked whethera courtiershould obey a dishonorable command: "if [your lord] commands you to do a dishonorable thing,not onlyare you not obligatedto do it, you are obligatednot to do it,both on yourown accountand in orderto not to be theone to contributeshame to your lord."33In concludingthis part of the dialogue,Elyot does, admittedly,minimize the radicalism of Zeno- bia's views. She ends her rulesof marriageby sayingthat a wife shoulddissemble her "disobedience": if she cannotdo herhusband's "wyll," "than should she seme ratherto give him wise counsaile, thanto apperedisobedient or sturdy"(sig. E2). This reservationdoes not,however, obscure the substance of her argument: like a courtier, a wifemust finally act as ifshe had freewill. Both Agrippaand Erasmusstress the companionableness of a wife

32Ec. III, 4; ed. cit., p. 4I4. 33' per6 se esso vi comandasse che facesteun tradimento,non solamente non sete obligato a farlo,ma sete obligato a non farlo,e per voi stesso, e per non esser ministro dellavergogna del singorvostro." Op. cit.,II, xxiii;pp. 225, 226.

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 196 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY andsee marriage as a relationshipofmutuality. Erasmus' remark that anill-behaved wife is dueto anill-behaved husband-"an evyll wyfe is natwont to chauncebut to evyllhusbandes"34-implies that if a husbandembarks on dishonorableconduct he canexpect to findhis wifesimilarly engaged-in ways that may indeed appear "disobedi- ent."But no humanist,to myknowledge, gives a wifeas muchau- tonomyas Elyotdoes by casting her in an essentially "political" role. Itis notaccidental that here Elyot's Zenobia resembles Castiglione's courtierbecause in a sensethey confront the same problem.35 Both wifeand courtier function as advisorsto personsto whomthey owe affectionand loyalty. Both must serve their "lord," but-and thisis the crucialcontribution both works make to the conceptof service"-only ifthey are satisfied that his course of actionis not onewhich will bring dishonor on him,his court, or his state. Zenobia's obvious excellence,her modesty,and her competence confoundCaninius who admitsdefeat. But thevictory is Candidus' alone,for Zenobia, despiteher virtue, remains the captive of the Em- perorAurelianus and amongthe conquered not the conquering. Her characterhas a certainpathos, and one is temptedto thinkthat Elyot, who had nothingto say about courageousand intelligentwomen in any of his otherworks, wrote the Defencesomewhat half-heartedly and perhapsto fulfillan obligation.Zenobia mustnevertheless be recognizedas fineexample of a type,a representativeof the powerful womenof antiquity who firstcaptured Boccaccio's imagination. Be- causehe and laterhumanists perceived these women as freefrom the

34Aryghtfrutefull epystle devysed by the moste excellent clerke Erasmus in laudeand prayse ofmatrymony(London, n.d.), D2v. This is a translationof the De matrimoniochristiano, by Rychard Tavernour, published in I534. Erasmus' words are echoed by Agrippa: "for an evill wife never happenethbut to an evil husband" who furthercounsels "And let not [thywife] be subject unto the, but let her be with the in all trustand counsayle, and let her be in thyhouse, not as a drudge, but as a maistresseof the house. . . . " The Commendationof Matrimony,(London, I534), sigs. C3, C6v. This is a translation,by David Clapham, of the De sacramentomatrimonii declamatio, I526. For a differentview see Vives, The officeand dutieofan husband(London, n.d.) sig. N6. The theological and philosophical background to the rule of obedience fora wife is brieflypresented in Ma- clean,op. cit., 2.7.5, 2.8.I, 2.9.I 35Inhis article "Politics and the Praise of Women: Political Doctrine in the Cour- tier'sThird Book," in Castiglione:the Ideal and theReal in RenaissanceCulture, ed. Rob- ert Hanning and David Rosand (New Haven, I982), pp. 29-34, Dain A. Trafton ar- gues that in Book III Castiglione actually evolves a basis for the political life of the courtierwho is representedthere in the collective image of the numerous ladies cele- bratedby the Magnifico.

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constraintsimposed on the sex by convention,they could invest themwith attributes answering to therational criteria for public life thatwere in part the product of their own investigations. The pagan womencelebrated in humanistdefenses functioned collectively as theimage of whatmight be possiblewere accepted social custom, shapedby Christianity and medieval scholasticism, no longerto de- terminethe nature and status of women in Europeansociety. They presenteda fruitful enigma, a pointof referencefor the interesting doubtsand difficultquestions surrounding the acceptedview of womenas categoricallyinferior to men. The imageitself-of a womanwho is thepolitical equal of the man-is alwaysan imageof theculturally alien. The figuresof Hippolyta,Semiramis, Dido, Camilla,and Artemisia, among others, are united not only by their virility"but also by their"barbarism." They are alwayson theen- emy side; the writerimagines them as it were at theborders of the culturallyconstituted community to which his work is addressed, even as threateningthe integrityof thatcommunity. But because theyoften brilliantly examplify the "non-barbaric"or "civilized" values of the writer'sown society-as the male enemy does not (compareArtemisia with Xerxes or Camilla with Turnus)-they also invitesympathy. The conflictbetween attitudes-overt disap- provalmarked with fear on one hand and occasionaladmiration on theother-is laterepitomized in thegreat warrior maidens of Renais- rsanceepic: Merediana,Antea, Marfisa, Bradamante, Clorinda, Bri- tomart. The historicalassimilation of the concept of politicalequality among thesexes, a processaccelerated in thefifteenth and sixteenth centuries,is partlyindicated by thedomestication of tnesecharacters duringthis period. The differencebetween the Meredianaof the anonymousfifteenth-century Orlando and Ariosto'sBradamante a centurylater has nothingto do withtheir characters, which generally adhereto a chivalrictype: they are remarkably similar in beingcoura- geous, resourceful,noble, passionate,and "virile."They are distin- guishedonly by theirreligion and nationalorigin: the former, an in- fidel, comes from "Pagania," while the latteris Christianand French.The proliferationof thetype in laterepic (Ariosto,Spenser, and Tasso) suggeststhat as the conceptof politicalequality became lessstrange, writers responded to a needto discriminateamong pos- sibilities.Ariosto's two femaleknights, Marfisa and Bradamante,

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 198 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY and Spenser'scomparable pair, Radigund and Britomart,represent eachpoet's analysis of the positive and negative elements of what was once a singleimage.

Some readershave identifiedthe characterand concernsof the centralfigure in Elyot's Defence,Queen Zenobia, with those of Catherineof Aragon.36The case forsuch an identificationhas been made largelyon comparativegrounds. Like Elyot's Zenobia, a queenwho exemplifiesthe "virile" virtues appropriate to a governor or prince,Catherine was educatedin thehumanist manner; by her defeatofJames IV at Floddenshe was knownas a competentgeneral; she was recognizedas a skillfuldiplomat, versed in languagesand knowledgeablein the affairsof state.37Moreover certainof the circumstancesof Zenobia's life-as Elyot presentsthem-recall Catherine's.Zenobia is theprisoner of theEmperor Aurelianus; although she is not confinedto her house her movementsare re- stricted.In 153 I, Henryordered Catherine to prepareto seeka domi- cile apart;in I533, she was removedunder guard from Ampthill to Buckdenin Huntingtonshire.Her routewas linedwith sympathetic subjectswho mustindeed have seen heras a "captivequeen."38 Fi- nally,Elyot's Zenobia comes from"Surry" (sig. D7)-possibly a printer'serror for Syria but if not then perhaps a referenceto Catherine'shouse in Richmond.These pointsof similarity,while too generalto be decisive,have made readersbelieve it at leastpossi- ble thatElyot intended Zenobia to representCatherine. Such a readingplaces the questionof Elyot's purposein writing theDefence in a curiouslight. If Zenobia makesCatherine, then Ely- ot's treatisebecomes a defenseof one woman,Catherine herself. But would he have writtensuch a treatisein I540, five years after Catherine'sdeath? To supportthe Zenobia-Catherine identification thereader must begin by assumingeither that Elyot had some plausi- ble reasonfor praising Catherine in I540 (or latein I539), or thathe wrotethe Defence at an earlierdate when such praise might have been appropriate.Defenses of Catherineas Henry'swife, that is, treatises againstthe divorce, did in factappear in Englandfrom I529 to I532.

-6See StanfordE. Lehmberg, op. cit., p. I76; also Foster Watson, op. cit., pp. 308- '3. 37GarrettMattingly, op. cit.,pp. I37-4I; i57-62; I74-75; 203-I9. 38Op.cit., p. 335; 374-75.

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Elyot's Defencecan not be includedin thisgroup, however; it does nottouch on thequestion of divorce. A fulldiscussion of thesepossibilities is beyondthe scope of this paper.Certain well-established facts do, however,suggest a connec- tionbetween The Defence,Catherine's divorce, and its aftermath- Henry'svirtual imprisonment of her and ofMary. Duringthe period of Catherine'sseparation from Henry and beforeher death, that is, fromthe summer of I 532 toJanuary of I 536, Elyotled a doublelife. Outwardlyhe compliedwith royal policy, and even participatedin Henry'sgovernment, but secretlyhe was a partyto the conspiracy organizedby EustacheChapuys, the ambassador of CharlesV, and supportedby menwho wereprepared to welcomeon Englishshores theforces of CharlesV, depose Henry,and place Catherineon the throneas regentfor Mary.39 Chapuys had soughtto persuadehu- maniststo writeagainst the divorce in I53 I and earlier-he contacted Elyotabout such a treatisein I 53 2-and it seemsnot unreasonable to assume that he might also have been interestedin defensesof Catherineas regentafter the divorce had occurred.40If theDefence is associatedon stylisticand thematicgrounds with Elyot's otherdia- logues,written in I 533 and in factcritical of Henry, the case forread- ing it as propagandais furtherstrengthened. Specifically it becomes an apology forCatherine as regentfor Mary-her positionif Cha- puys' conspiracywere to be successful.Persons disaffectedwith Henryand hisnew queen who mighthave beenexpected to rallybe- hindCatherine in theevent of an invasionmust then be considered Elyot'sintended audience, and theDefence a devicecontrived to con- vincethem to acceptCatherine's leadership. Henryhimself thought Catherine capable of doingwhat Chapuys had designedfor her, and earlyin I 535 he describedto hiscouncil the sortof conflictthat would ensuewere Charles V to invadeEngland: "The lady Catherineis a proudstubborn woman of veryhigh cour-

39"It is clear that Elyot sympathized with Catherine's cause, and he continued to give Chapuys informationand support for a number of years. In I534, Chapuys went so faras to include Elyot among those who would join a Spanish-led conspiracyto rid England of her 'heretic'king. Elyot's policy was dangerous; had Chapuys not kept his secrets unusually well, Elyot might have been tried for treason, and another head might have rolled on Tower Green. No man could safelyserve two mastersif one of them was Henry VIII." Lehmberg, op. cit., p. io8. The fullestaccount of the conspiracy is given in Mattingly,op. cit. 4OForChapuys' contacts with Elyot see Paul Friedman, Anne Boleyn (London, i884), I, p. i Si; he cites Vienna Archives, P.C. 227, iii fols. 42 and 5o.

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 200 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY age. If she took it intoher head to takeher daughter's part she could quiteeasily take the field, muster a greatarmy, and wage againstme a war as fierceas any her motherIsabella waged in Spain."41 As Henryknew, Isabella'swars had overturnedthe throneof Castile. He could not thereforehave drawna more alarmingparallel to the possibleoutcome of his own struggleto maintainpower thanthe eventsin Spain a generationearlier, events in whichCatherine had a clearpersonal interest. A lessobvious butpossibly more important beneficiary of the De- fencemight have been Catherineherself. As Mattingly'sbrilliant bi- ographyof her establishes,she continuouslyopposed on grounds bothlogical and emotionalthe projected invasion and insurrection. Legally, since she restedher case againstHenry's divorce on the groundsthat her own marriagewas legitimate,she couldnot behave in a way thatmight cast suspicionon herstatus as wife.Above all, thisentailed obedience to herhusband, a conditionwhich she would manifestlyviolate by participatingin, inspiring, or evencondoning a conspiracyto depose him. The natureof her defenserequired that she,a wife,be at herhusband Henry's command. Is it thisparadoxi- cal situationthat Elyot's addresses when Zenobia qualifiesthe extent of a wife'sobedience? If Zenobia's statementsapply to Catherine, theypraise the queen's refusalto allow Henryto commitan action that"maye tournethem bothe to losse or dyshonesty"and encour- age herto continuein thatrefusal. Catherine also declinedto support Chapuys' conspiracyon thegrounds that it would lead to shedding Christianblood.42 Was Catherine'spacificism partly responsible for Elyot'semphasis on Zenobia's irenicinterests, her use of persuasion insteadof force,her adherence to a strategyof moralnot literalwar- fare? There are specificways in whichthe Defence appears to speak to Catherine'scondition. More broadly,the Defencemight have been intendedto educateCatherine to perceiveherself as regent.Its emphasison thesecular life open to women,the moral duties of govern- mentwhich might be carriedon by queensas well as kings,and the associationof an independentjudgment with earlyand prolonged trainingin philosophyand historywould have constituteda covert

41Mattingly(op. cit., p. 405), who cites Cal. SP Span. V, 430. 42Mattingly(op. cit., p. 362), who cites Cal. SP Span. IV, ii, 688 (V.A.). See also pp. 404-405; Cal. SP Span. IV, ii, 29I, 554, 596.

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 19:04:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ELYOT'S DEFENCE OF GOOD WOMEN 201 appealto Catherine'smemories of hermother and herown child- hood.It wouldhave presented her with an imageof womanhood in whichwere expressed Isabella's fortitude (so impressivelyrecalled byHenry) and her belief in the value of a humanisteducation, which Catherinein turninsisted her own daughterhave. It would,moreover,have stood in significant contrast to another humanist's defense of women, Vives'De institutione,one thatCatherine knew well and had had writtenfor Mary.43 If Elyot knew it-and itis hardto imag- ine he did not-he could not have helpedseeing it as deleteriousto the cause he secretlyespoused fromI532 to I535. It expressedthe views mostlikely to discourageCatherine from attempting to govern,even as regent;it would have made it difficultfor her to com- mandtroops, to speakin Parliamentor council,in shortto be a rul- ing queen. Vives' influenceon Catherinewas well known to be important,and Elyot mightnaturally have been concernedto provide Catherinewith a model of femininitymore aggressively political thanthat Vives had presented-a model whichspecifically per- mittedher to "medlein mattersof realms." These areof course,only speculations.But one thingis sure.Were Chapuys' plans to have suc- ceeded,Catherine would have had to takeElyot's model seriously. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

43Vivescame to England in 1523 and remained for five years, lecturingat Oxford and gracing Henry's court. Catherine had commissioned him to write the De institu- tionewhich he brought with him to England. Mattinglyguesses thatCatherine, having realized thatMary might one day rule, was concerned to have her trainedto her part, op. cit., pp. i 86-89. But ifso, the treatiseitself, with all its prohibitionsagainst women in government,would have disappointed and perhaps alarmed her.

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