Paola Monzini

Trafficking in Women and Girls and the Involvement of Organised Crime, with reference to the situation in Central and Eastern Europe

The paper presents the main points and trends in the trafficking of women and girls for sexual commercial exploitation. Before looking at the involvement of organised criminal groups in this traffic, the contexts in which it develops are considered. Finally the specific trafficking trends in the Central and European countries, with reference to the main routes and practices of organised criminal groups in this area are presented.

To start off with, it is useful to say that, with the word “trafficking” I refer to all the phases of the trafficking chain, ranging from the initial recruitment, or abduction, of the trafficked person to the exploitation of the victim. This is in line with the definition adopted by the UN Protocol “Protocol to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons, especially women and children”.

At every point of the chain, trafficking can be considered as a market in which women and girls, which are targeted by exploiters, are treated as commodities. In order to understand how this market works three main factors have to be taken into consideration: demand, supply and the institutional framework in which it develops.

As regards the first factor, the demand, it can be explained by recent trends in the sex industry. Over the last decade the sex industry has expanded worldwide and taken on new forms, involving the development of more suitable features for clients, who are mainly male customers. Whether these activities within the sex industry are legal or illegal, a wide range of sexual services is on offer including: cheap street , clandestine , night clubs, as well as massage parlours, go-go bars, escort services, and internet services. On the whole, girls and women, belonging to different ethnic types are generally in greater demand because of their younger ages and the low prices that clients pay. This widening of choice has actively stimulated new consumption habits, always supported by what has been defined as “the customer's psychological readiness to buy sexual services”(Mushakoji, 1999). The sex industry, particularly the illegal side of it, benefits enormously from the increasing presence of extreme forms of exploitation often amounting to slave like practices. From the promoters’ perspective, the exploitation of trafficked girls and women maximize profits and minimize expenses. From the customers’ perspective, the presence of trafficked persons allows greater freedom in their behaviour - such as sexual intercourse without condoms - and reduced prices. Even if clients are not aware of the trafficking background of their partners they are indirectly taking advantage of the situation.

As regards the second factor, the supply, it is important to highlight that women make up almost half of the total trans-national migrant population. Their opportunities for legal migration are scarce, not only because of the restrictive immigration policies of destination countries, but also because women - in comparison to men - have restricted access to the formal and regulated labour markets (Wijers and Lin Lap-Chew, 1997). Generally, migrant women end up working in domestic work (as home-keepers, nurses, au pairs), the entertainment industry (as dancers, waitresses), the fashion sector (as models, hair stylists, dressmakers), and the sex industry (especially "milder" forms of sex work, such as "peep shows" and hostesses in clubs, but increasingly in prostitution). These are among the best-

1 paid activities available for migrant women - whether it be formally or informally - and especially for those who do not speak the language of the host country.

Under the pretence of assisting migrant women to reach these foreign labour markets, specialised criminal organisations are able to make high profits from them. Under the cover of travel and employment agencies, or directly as middlemen, they generally offer the women and girls a complete “package” for travel and employment abroad, including false identity and travel documents when needed. However, once recruited, the women end up in situations of debt bondage, unable to earn enough to pay back the high interest on credits, their travel and living expenses (accommodation and food), and becoming in this way prone to the worst possible forms of exploitation. Once inside the trafficking system it is extremely difficult for them to leave. Abroad, the victims lack any kind of protection: they are secluded and ashamed with respect to their families back home. In cases where women are not irregular migrants, they are misinformed on their status and deceived on the legal system of the host country. Supply can be considered as the result of the “work” of traffickers. They are able to transform girls and women who are willing to migrate, into victims to be severely exploited in the sex industry. Without legal documents and/or _safe_ contacts abroad, these women are unable to leave the trafficking networks.

As regards the third factor, the institutional framework, it has to be said that all too often in the origin, transit and destination countries, national provisions against trafficking are either lacking or if they exist, are not adequately enforced. Trafficking is rarely a law enforcement priority, and as a result, the criminal justice system does not provide adequate and effective measures to deter such practices. All in all, problems in counter-acting trafficking activities emerge in each of the three main phases of trafficking involving the recruitment, transport and exploitation of the victims. With regards to recruitment, in the origin countries co-ordinated policy approaches to prevent trafficking have not, as yet, been developed. Passport controls are often too weak, and corruption is rife. Moreover, information on trafficking practices and the hazards to which victims of trafficking are exposed is scarce. Although some institutions and NGOs are working to raise awareness on the issue at the local levels, the trafficking of women and children continues to be a rapidly growing phenomenon. With regards to transport, lack of resources of law enforcement agencies and widespread corruption facilitate the expansion of trafficking networks in the transit countries. In most cases domestic legislation provides for the offence of trafficking in persons into the country, but not out of the country and into a third country. With regards to the exploitation of victims in the destination countries, it has to be said that migrant sex workers are not protected by labour and civil laws and that their working conditions remain unregulated. Consequently, the ambiguity of policies to combat trafficking still persists. According to an OSCE report, “few (destination countries) fully recognize the brutality of the crime or address the involvement of organized criminal groups. (...) When laws are enforced in destination countries, they are far more likely to be enforced against the trafficked persons than the perpetrators of trafficking crimes. In a typical raid, for example, the police arrest, interrogate, detain and deport the women, for illegal prostitution or for working illegally, while the pimps and brothel owners go virtually unpunished. Some of the destination countries, as the United States and some European countries, have established a protection system for women escaping from trafficking situations. However successful criminal prosecutions of traffickers are still rare and law-enforcement efforts run

2 into a number of difficulties in gathering evidence and getting convictions” (OCSE, 1999: 21). With regards to investigations and prosecutions, the existing procedures are often too slow making cases of trafficking especially difficult to pursue. Offenders and victims from different countries are involved but at the international level, effective cooperation among countries of origin, transit and destination is still scarce.

The organised crime structures involved in trafficking

Organised criminal groups increasingly deal with trafficking for because of the low risk of apprehension and the relatively light penalties criminals receive if caught. There are two other factors influencing the rise of criminal activities in this area: the first, is that it is the most lucrative kind of business among human trafficking and smuggling activities. According to Interpol an exploiter can earn over 100.000 Euros a year on each woman exploited; the second is that trafficking for sexual exploitation often develops and builds on the local underworld’s rings which traditionally control the exploitation of prostitution. On the know-how and cultural profile organised crime groups have not difficulties in dealing with them. There are different ways for traffickers to enter into underground system of prostitution. Some traffickers rely on pre-existent networks of sexual exploitation to supply trafficked women and girls, others run the business independently, creating their own structures for the exploitation of women and girls.

The worldwide expansion of trafficking activities is not always sponsored by complex criminal organisations: free-lance traffickers and small enterprises are also very active in the field. Considering their size, the degree of integration in the underworld system of prostitution, as well as in legal society, some distinctions can be made among the criminal groups which can be roughly divided into three main categories: the small and loosely connected criminal groups, middle-size criminal groups, and complex trans-national criminal organisations.

1) In the small and loosely connected criminal groups, usually recruiters also act as transporters and exploiters, and they are friends or acquaintances of the future victims. Once abroad, they introduce themselves to established criminal networks (preferably of the same nationality) involved in the lowest circles of illegal prostitution. In Europe, small and loosely connected criminal networks develop mainly in western countries bordering the eastern side of the Shengen area. Examples of these networks are the Czech groups in Austria, Albanian groups in Italy, and Polish groups in Germany. They make substantial profits from the high price paid in European countries for sexual services, as opposed to lower equivalent earnings in their origin countries. Initially these loose networks are formed by free-lance procurers who migrate temporarily. As soon as they meet with favourable demand and weak anti-trafficking policies, a more structured and permanent ring can emerge. But, even when they are able to control an important share of the sex market, their position in legal society remains marginal.

2) Middle-size criminal groups are different from small organisations in that they specifically provide trafficked women and girls to supply sex markets of foreign countries. Some of these groups focus their activities uniquely on the recruitment and transport of victims. They make

3 profits “selling” their victims to middlemen and procurers in the industry’s main transit points, in particular the capital cities and/or border areas. More sophisticated middle-size groups organize the so-called “mobile prostitution”. It consists in moving or rotating trafficked women from one place to another, both internally within a country, and across national borders, mainly to western European countries. This system of rotation, known as the “carousel system”, ensures that brothel owners, and procurers, have a constant supply of new trafficked girls and women (ECPAT, 2001). The managers of the “carousel system” select the best routes, means of transport, and modes of entry into the destination country. They can devise different covers for the transportation of their victims declaring that they are on tourist and business tours. Their flexible organizational structure includes recruiters, body-guards, transporters and decision makers who negotiate financial conditions with pimps and night-club owners. Different sex markets require different types of girls, and different arrangements. For example, pimps providing customers at hotels with escort girls ask for more trained, attractive, and expensive girls and women than the pimps operating in the streets. The itinerant nature of the “carousel” business requires a high degree of integration into several underground systems: traffickers need to be supported at least by a reliable network of sex exploiters, and by middle-men in the transit countries who provide them with forged papers, or facilitate their crossing of national borders by corrupting border control officials.

3) Finally, more complex trans-national criminal organisations are those able to control and co-ordinate every phase of the trafficking procedure, from the recruitment of women and girls in their origin countries to their exploitation abroad. These networks are highly specialised. Several professional figures, some of which are well integrated in legal society, partake in the business. Initial investors are often sheltered and not otherwise directly involved. Within this network, specialized recruiters are in charge of finding the victims. Travel or employment agencies often carry out the deals directly in bars, or through newspaper ads, telephone solicitation or contacts with friends or family members. Transport professionals organize all the travel arrangements, by land or by air, while protectors take care of the necessary bribes. Debt collectors make sure the victims pay the agreed fees once they are in the destination country. Brothel owners are involved in the management of clubs abroad. And finally of course, money specialists launder the profits. As the operations become more sophisticated, other specialists Ð such as forgers and lawyers, - are brought in.

Trends in Eastern and Central Europe

In the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, including the Balkans and in Central Asia, the increase in demand and supply for trafficking has lead to the growth of the trafficking in women and girls for sexual exploitation. Many of the Central and Eastern European countries have particular difficulty in dealing with the problem, because of their weakened social control system and the high degree of ineffectiveness of their formal criminal justice systems. In the region, the rise of small, middle-size and complex organised criminal networks whose main interests are in human trafficking coincides with the growth of the shadow economy and the high levels of unemployment among the female population. According to official estimates, in the last decade alone at least 400,000 women have been trafficked from the Ukraine (UNICRI, 1999). In 1995, it was estimated that the money generated by the informal (and illegal) economy accounted for 50% the gross national product, furthermore unemployment mostly affects women, constituting 64% of the total unemployed (Hughes, 2001). The huge availability of

4 illegal services greatly facilitates trafficking, for example, there is evidence that traffickers can obtain a forged passport for young girls under 18, for about $800 (OSCE 1999).

Routes Recent estimates on trafficking show that a quarter of trafficking flows worldwide originates from Central and Eastern Europe, region which presents the most impressive increase in trafficking activities on a global level (CIA, 2000). Despite the increasing magnitude of the internal sex markets, the main flows of the traffic are still directed outside of the region. The region now rivals “traditional” trafficking source regions such as Asia, Africa and the Caribbean. Generally women and girls are normally younger than those trafficked from developing countries. In Germany, where 9 out of 10 victims of trafficking are from Central and Eastern European countries, the percentage of girls aged between 15 and 18 is estimated to be as high as 20%. However, few data have been collected, within Europe, on the percentage of girls among the trafficked population.

As regards figures, according to OSCE calculations, in 1997, some 175,000 women and girls were trafficked from the eastern countries of the OSCE region to Central and Western Europe. The transfer of trafficked women and girls flows from the Eastern countries to the Western countries and _ to a less visible extent _ from the Southern countries (Romania, Bulgaria, Albania) to the Northern countries (Poland, Hungary, Czech republic, Lithuania). Cities such as Budapest, Prague, and even Belgrade, as well as major towns and cities situated along border areas, are used as transit points.

The geography of trafficking is changing fast. At the beginning of the 90s, Central European countries like Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Lithuania were mainly origin countries for trafficking of women and girls to the Western countries. Nowadays they are important origin, transit and even destination countries. Most of the women trafficked into Czech Republic and Poland Ð a country where 15,000 arrivals are estimated each year - are nationals of the former Soviet Republics. In fact, although new origin areas emerge, trafficking of nationals from Russia and Ukraine persists. Eastern countries such as the Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Romania and Bulgaria are now origin and transit areas for the trafficking of women. Even Belarus has become a strategic origin and transit state, used on the way to the Western European countries through the Ukraine and Poland, and to Scandinavia through the Baltic States.

Former Soviet republics of Central Asia are now booming as recruitment areas. Even if information on the scope or extent of the phenomenon is still very limited, local NGOs report a growing number of trafficking cases from Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan. According to IOM about 4,000 women have been trafficked in 1999 from Kyrgyzstan, with different destinations: one third of them were travelling to or through Central Europe, two thirds were travelling to China, the Middle East and the West European countries (IOM, Trafficking in Migrants, n.22). The major push factors for trafficking in Central Asia are the presence of strong organized criminal groups, a high rate of female unemployment (80%), along with high levels of poverty, weak institutions, and open borders (Slawomir, 2000).

The Balkan region is acquiring increasing importance not only as a ground for recruitment practices, but even for the transit and final exploitation of trafficked women and girls. In Macedonia in 1998 local authorities recorded (UNICRI, 1999) a sharp rise in the number of trafficked women and girls (but mainly young girls), citizens of Russia, Ukraine, Belarus,

5 Moldova, Bulgaria, Romania and Albania. In Macedonia traffickers are said to be well organised, with regional connections and a good level of technology. The same is true of Bosnia-Herzegovina, where the problem has reached alarming proportions. Bosnia has become a final destination for hundreds of women as the presence of 20,000 foreign peacekeepers has provided a ready market for brothel-keepers. Interviewed last year by an IOM survey (Trafficking in Migrants, n.23), I/3 of the women working as prostitutes declared to have been lured, and trafficked into the country. They come mostly from Moldova, Romania and the Ukraine, or other parts of the former Soviet Union, and 5% of them are minors. Often recruited by acquaintances or friends, they have been transported to Belgrade, where they have been sold to traffickers and provided with false documents, before being introduced in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

The organised crime involved in trafficking activities The business of trafficking from and within Central and Eastern Europe is increasingly controlled by Russian and Ukrainian middle-size and trans-national criminal organisations. Ukrainian and Russian networks especially provide or escort system services worldwide. Some of them, at any given time, can control over 100 girls and women, mainly nationals of Russia and the Ukraine, as well as other CIS countries.

Equipped with modern means of communication, and well introduced in the sex market structures abroad, they often run all the phases - recruitment, travel, and exploitation - of the business. Sometimes they are involved only in the recruitment and transport phases of trafficking, “selling” women on the foreign sex markets. The reputation of Russian and Ukrainian traffickers is widespread and, depending on their area of action, they are able cooperate with the main organised criminal groups involved in human trafficking worldwide, such as Turkish and ex Yugoslavian networks, as well as Chinese triads or yakuza (CIA, 2000).

It is worth noting the huge extension of the routes of such traffic: women are circulated among different countries, by air and land. Important flows controlled by Russian and Ukrainian groups end up in the United States, where it seems that 4,000 women from Eastern and Central Europe arrive each year to work on prostitution (CIA, 2000). They also end-up in some Asian megalopolis, including Bangkok, Hong Kong, Beijing and Singapore, as well as in Japan, the Middle East, Israel and Turkey. In some parts of the world, such as Turkey and Israel, the presence of women from Russia and other former Soviet republics is so prevalent that prostitutes are called Natashas (Hugues, 2001). Generally, routes directed to the neighbouring countries are less demanding from the organisational point of view. For that reason too, in Finland, Russian criminal organisations closely control the “carousel” system (ECPAT, 2001), while in over half of the trafficked women are estimated to be from Russia and Ukraine (IOM, April 2001). Ukrainian and Russian organized crime groups also control the main part of and clandestine brothels in localities in Poland and the Czech republic situated close to the border area with Germany and Austria. In this border area since 90% of clients come from the Western countries, high profits are assured. The most attractive women and girls, once trained, are selected and moved on to other Western European countries.

Otherwise in the Baltic States, especially in the strategic border areas, trafficked women working on the streets are mainly nationals of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, which have been “exported” mainly by Russian and Ukrainian groups.

6 Similarly to what happens in the Czech republic and Poland, two recent trends have been noted in the border areas: first, the arrival of trafficked women from the Eastern countries: second, the arrival of sexual tourists from richer countries visiting the local sex markets, because of the low prices. The main trafficking flows out of the Baltic States go from Lithuania, a country of origin of strong criminal groups which are able to coordinate their activities with Russian and Ukrainian groups.

With respect to their victims, the methods used by Russian and Ukrainian groups, as well as Lithuanians, Polish, and other criminal networks from Central European countries, are the same. Even those women who voluntarily engage in prostitution are blackmailed and become prey to their exploiters. There is evidence that organizers of trafficking sexually abuse the newcomers and then collect pornographic materials of this abuse. They threaten them, saying that they will show videos of them to to their families if they attempt to report to the police or escape. Other menaces usually concern the eventual killing or torture of family members. Their passports are confiscated, and in some cases women are locked up, beaten and even tortured (Global Survival Network, 1997). Patterns of sexual exploitation may vary depending on local sex-work structures, however a strict and permanent control of the organised crime emissaries on the victims is held. Even if the women are compelled to work for “external” exploiters, they have enormous debts to pay back to the organisation, generally on a weekly rate.

Organised criminal groups from Albania are also involved in trafficking in women and girls all over Europe. They are different from the Russian and Ukrainian groups in the routes they use, the kind of markets they supply, and the type of girls they exploit. As regards routes, they operate exclusively within Europe. Albanian gangs initially began to traffic girls from their country into Italy. Recently, Albania has also become a transit country for trafficking originating in the ex Soviet republics. Women entering Albania are “bought” before being transported to Bosnia, Macedonia and Kosovo. Italy is still one of the main countries of transit and destination, for trafficked girls and women of Albania and the Eastern countries. Traffickers also pass through Italy, or through the eastern countries, such as Slovenia, to enter the Shengen area and reach the North-Western European countries, especially the Netherlands, Belgium and France. In Western European countries the Albanian organized criminal groups supply the lowest level of prostitution markets. While women from the ex Soviet republics who are exploited by Russian and Ukrainian groups are often well educated, and better trained, it seems that women exploited by the Albanians rings are mostly uneducated.

Concluding remarks

Recently, efforts to fight organised criminal groups involved in human trafficking have been intensified. In the Central and European countries some prevention activities are emerging, including awareness campaigns at railway stations, in disco-bars, and in schools. Some countries, such as the Czech republic, have already established special criminal police units to deal with trafficking. Many countries are working on the definition of new laws on prostitution, and others are introducing “trafficking in human beings” as a crime in their Penal Code. At the international level, a fundamental step forward has recently been the UN “Protocol to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons, especially women and children”, presented for signature in Palermo, in December 2000. It promotes cooperation among

7 criminal justice systems as well as the protection of victims, drawing the attention to the international organized crime component of trafficking, and highlighting at the same time the central role of human rights.

Despite the growing awareness of the international community to human trafficking, many issues remain ambiguous and under-researched, especially in the complex field of trafficking for sexual exploitation. To allow for precisely targeted solutions, knowledge on organised crime mechanisms, and the countermeasures already at play, has to be deepened. At the moment, information on the organised crime structures involved in the trafficking practices is not precise enough. Only a few case studies on organised criminal groups involved in trafficking are supported by the analysis of judiciary and law enforcement records. Comparative studies in this field do not exist.

Above all, it is important to stress that few attempts have been made to study the trafficking within its natural context, which is the clandestine market of sexual exploitation. More research in this field would allow a better understanding of the underground alliances, or violent struggles, among the underworld’s groups, and the different roles organised criminal groups can play in this context.

In some situations, for example, the entry of organised criminal groups can re-shape the existing prostitution markets, leading night-clubs and clandestine brothels to adopt new forms of management. On the other hand, the structure of local sex markets can affect and constraint the trafficking activities. A trans-national organised crime group can use different trafficking methods, according to the local structure of the sex markets.

In order to obtain a better understanding of the “trafficking underworld”, and to design more effective tools and strategies to combat it, at the local and regional levels, these and other issues related to the recruitment and transport of victims, should be analysed in greater detail.

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Paola Monzini, Ph.D., UNICRI consultant [email protected] www.unicri.it

Paper presented at the first Annual Conference of the European Society of Criminology, September 6-8, 2001

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