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Australia 2000 What Will We Tell Our

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Australia 2000 What Will We Tell Our · .. Prisoner, tell me who was it tlult wrought thi$ unbreakRble dulin? It was I, SIlidthe prisoner, who forged this dulin very carefully. I thought my invincible pqwer would hold the world captive, leaving me in afreedom undisturbed. Thus night and day I worked at the clulin with huge fires and cruel hard strokes. Yv'hen at last the work was done Rnd the links were complete and unbreakable, Ifound that it held me in its grip. Rabindranath Tagore, 'Gitllnj,Ili', (MacMillan, 1913) Pickford Producbon. Ply. Ltd. SX Printing Ply. ua, 1 Neil Street, ToowoomM,. QueenIIand C5O. PadcIord ProducUonl Pt,. Lt /StR1Ra~ ~ AUSTRALIA 2000 BY Jeremy Lee TABLE OF CONTENI'S Pagl FOREWORD.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .... (i) PART ONE Chapter One THE AU5TRAUAN EXPERIENCE.. .. .. .. .... .... 1 Chapter Two THE COMMONWEAL TIl BANI< .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .... 13 Chapter Three THE NORMAN CONQUEST .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... 23 Chapter Four THE UNHOLY TRINITY .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .... 42 Chapter Five lWO RUSSIANS POLES APART.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .... 65 Chapter Six BLOC BUILDING.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... 85 Chapter Seven THE GLOBAL NAVIGATORS , 98 PART TWO Chapter Eight THE RAPE OF AU5TRAUA 115 Chapter Nine THE GLOBAL GULAG 1 ChlpterTen WHAT WILL WE TELL OUR CHILDREN? _ ChlpWr Elewn DAILY BREAD - USURY? OR FREEDOM? •• _ :PClSTSC:RlFr •. .. .. .. .. .. _ •• _ :INDEX _ •. __ ••_ _ FOREWORD This is the story of the near-disro-e-ion of the richPst country in the world, and one of the youngeat in terms of industrial economics. It is a story of how. virile and inventive people have been !lapped of faith and will Some of this material appeared in • booklet I wrote in July 1991. It outlined. predetermined policy, discernible throughout the world, for the transfer of political and economic decision-making way from parliaments elected or otherwise to • global government. The idea has appeared under a number of names: globalism, the new world order, global governance, the new international economic order and so on. The first half of the nineties h.u brought to the surfece I huge of evidence confirming the first publication. This book is more than an update. It deals with whole new dimensions of the constant policy for global governance. For a time any rational discussion about this policy was ~, often by commentators who should have known better. Notions of such. momentous chang", it WAS suggested, were merely the delusions of conspiratorialists or ignorant peopl incapable of dispassionate analysis. apt to !Jet' everything in black-and- white. This position was made eo.sieJ'by the fact that there is always minority of "chicken-littles" who can find t}vt malign in anything from the weather to the royal family. The charge of conspirstorialism becam • stock-in-tradt' for lazy jou.mali~b. evasive politiciAns and isolated demia who knew the penalties for challenging the orthodox, and were happy enough to deride any poseulant or issue that looked a little uncomfortable to deal with. A glo8s4ry of terms WAS employed to bury views that deviated from the m4imtream - racist, faS\."ist, ultra- vative, extreme, and, incnaasirlgly, anti-.mitic. The fact that all these things exist made them effective for general stereotyping. They became the substitute for objective analysis and the freedom to speak. A few years of this sort of sodal<onditioning Ie.ds to a bottling-up process, apt to explode unexpectedly. Journalists and T.V. commentators who brlieve they have a nice handle on the views of th community, confident of their ability to separate the acceptable from the ~Ie, are shocbd to find thne ~ tl'IW of thousands with diffeftnl to hold. The ruction is tedious. Attempts to diIcredJt forgotten' views ue redoubled. RuWs of evid opinion-makers who take upon t.hemsel proeKUton. A minority of the be.t commentators aft h1llft'bJeeonough to tab stock, and re-think their positions if nec:nsuy. They tend to be older, wiser and less dogmatic than the vanguard of theV own profeesions. A clear case of this process followed the election of an independent, Mrs Pauline Hanson, in the Federal lINt of Oxley in March 1996. Her maiden speech in Parliament unleMhed two forces; a sigh of relief among hundreds of thousands of Australians that someone was brave enough to put into words what they were feeling; and an expression of wounded horror from the 'opinion-makers'. How could 50 many viewers and listeners remain uncon'Vinced by the official line? Supposedly, Australia was now a happy, peaceful multicultural country which had evaded all the conflict and misery enforced multiculturalism has produced in less enlightened countri This is an important issue. There are strongly-held view. on both sides. On the whole the opinion-makers shunned any ohj«tiw presentation. Instead, they adopted a highly moralistic: J'OSition any argument in conflict with their own was an evil genie to into tJv. bottle. There emerged another motive for this censoriou.5 tion mo,. powerful - and more perverted - than ,argument for a f'Pduction in immigration and on AustraliA's tnd. iii European economic leaders prepared to piece a "deal" above the upintions of their own people. AIiInI put their own nations first. They do not eH this as inimical to international relations. What must they think of weM.em 1eeders who do? This book may help explain. if not excuse, the reaons why our lHders have ceued any attempt to enact the promises they make at elections; and why an increasing number of voters regard elections and promises with suspicion and cynicism. There'. nothing new in this. Plato wrote in his REPUBUC: "The rulers of the State are the only ones who would Iuzvt the privilege of lying, tither at home or abroad; they rruzy be allowed to lie for the good of the State." George Bush put it more succinctly: "Watch my lips." Keeting' version was "L..A.. W - Law". Through history the will-to-power has been the fulcrum on which the fate of the social order has swung. The freedom and happ~ of ordinary people in succeeding generations have been duhed on the dark rocks of ambition and the lust for power of • few or even a single individual. Christ confronted and dealt with the temptation of power in the wildernees when offered "all the kingdoms of the world" and the power thereof. His Sermon on the Mount is implicit in its condemnation of the lust for power and glory. From this totally new approach the Christian nations perceived that "peace on earth and goodwill toward men" were impeded, rather than established by Ca4osar; and that while government was nKeiIIM.r)', the IH5 of it the better. Power should M localised .... far ., practical. Limited government was essential, and that government which, of necesity, was unavoidable, should be> subject to the separation of its powers to minimise corruption and misuse. Such ideas an> not in vogu days. Lord Acton's "All power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts abeoluiely," may have applied in centuries past when men were less sophisticated. But at the end of the twentieth century . ? Well, we now have computers and the information superhighway. Gather together a Bill Gain, a Henry JU.inger, a Bill Clinton and Mikhail Gorbachev; get the best technicians working on a global spread-sht>et with an international data-hMe and presto! ... we'll all get the solution we want. IV d.iff.ftnl. It is Rldom, 1f ever, tNat tho8e on whom focu.ed .... the J"eal wielders of pow«. The mOlt !nOW'S silently, untroubled by the journalist'. pttn or the a.enman's ecnabny, which it owns. The whip in its hand is fi.n.ance. It no --. ofkn no ~ce, recogniMl neitMr right nor wrong that which increMee its .tranglehold over nations, lNden and ,dtizenI aIib. Today it has the world by the throat. There is no community or :1oaWty untroubled by the fingers of debt. It needs a little more time to quell the growing misgivings appNring everywhere. It fears exposure and informed. opposition even at thitI advanced *ge of its programme. It has reason to fear. It w. alwaY' inevitable it would have to come into the open in the later of its advance. There are far more people who now understand the nature of the battle than it might have antidpated.. Individual initiative, which it thought to 'educate' from the human mind, is .. alive .. ever. Much .. it expects us to reject such an idN, thr servile world .tate is not inevitable. Whatever happens, the damage atre.dy caused by this programme will get wont before it gets better. Australia has a major part to play in coming to gripe with Uf!I of monumental importance, which its parliaments NVl! so far evaded. It is in the belief that Australians will rekindle the .cligge:r .ptrit before it is too late that this book My thanks are due to num information and advice; to Judy Moffatt, w uncovered. number of inaccuraOf'!i; to the redoe Bevf'rwy Will, author and editor extraordinatre' ).. led to many improvements and CO""" .. ter Nancv, without wtao. encouragftl'\, wou.Id newr have bHn puh TIlE AUSTRAUAN EXPERIENCE 1 PART ONE CHAPTER ONE THE AUSTRALIAN EXPERIENCE 'Right fhrolAgit tht 11ft' tH find dtil univtrMl Mft$t of Dioint inspfrllM • this foeling thAt " wisdom beyond that of IM1I sJutpts tN tUstiny of StIItt:s: that tN i1lltihltiont of mnt art but 1M imptrftrl irt$trumntts of" Diuint IIPI.d ~t mergy, helping tNV higher IIims. S/wuld not UIt, $i" I'"tlt tJat 1"tryef of '"""y pditiont thAt 1urw bttn 1"nnrttd to ad, by 'toOpising lit tN <rpenitlgof Ollt' grad fuhlrt 0", tIqnuIm«"PI'" God?... • South Australian delegate Mr Glynn" Constitutional Convention 1897.
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