Agro-Pastoralism in Chad As a Strategy for Survival

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M WORLD BANK TECHNICAL PAPER NUMBER 214 AFRICA TECHNICAL DEPARTMENT SERIES

Public Disclosure Authorized Agro-pastoralism in Chad as a Strategy for Survival

An Essay on the Relationship between Anthropology and Statistics

Angelo Maliki Bonfiglioli Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized RECENT WORLD BANK TECHNICAL PAPERS

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Agro-pastoralism in Chad as a Strategy for Survival

An Essay on the Relationship between Anthropology and Statistics

Angelo Maliki Bonfiglioli

The World Bank Washington, D.C. Copyright C) 1993 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/THE WORLD BANK 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433,U.S.A.

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ISSN: 0253-7494

Angelo Maliki Bonfiglioli is Director for the UNICEF/UNSO Project for Nomadic Pastures in Africa, Nairobi, Kenya.

Libraryof Congress Cataloging-in-PublicationData

Bonfiglioli, Angelo Maliki. Agro-pastoralism in Chad as a strategy for survival ; an essay on the relationship between anthropology and statistics / Angelo Maliki Bonfiglioli. p. cm. - (World Bank technical paper, ISSN 0253-7494 ; no. 214. Africa Technical Department series) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN0-8213-1667-2 1. Pastoral systems-Chad. 2. Agricultural systems-Chad. 3. Chad-Social conditions. 4. Chad-Economic conditions. 5. Anthropology-Statistical methods. I. Title. II. Series: World Bank technical paper ; no. 214. III. Series: World Bank technical paper. Africa Technical Department series. GN652.C5B66 1993 301'.096743-dc20 93-26651 CIP AFRICA TECHNICAL DEPARTMENT SERIES

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No. 175 Shanmnugaratnam,Vedeld, Massige, and Bovin, ResourceManagement and Pastoral Institution Building in the West African Sahel No. 181 Lamboray and Elmendorf, CombattingAIDS and OtherSexually Transmitted Diseases in Africa:A Review of the World Bank'sAgenda for Action No. 184 Spurling, Pee, Mkamanga, and Nkwanyana, AgriculturalResearch in SouthernAfrica: A Framework for Action Abstract

The paper is a wide-ranging multi-disciplinary study domestic unit, village, local authority, etc.) and their of the system within which Sahelian agropastoral impact on behaviors; and (iv) description of the groups in Chad live and work. It examines the key society's production systems, both pastoral and crop- features of a traditional rural society, describing the growing and its alternative activities, accompanied by Chadian agropastoral universe as a coherent whole, examination of economic and social constraints, tech- governed by an internal dynamic that operates ac- nical know-how, and production, consumption and cording to its own rationalities within an environment trading strategies. of uncertainty. To assess the impact of economic decisions, taken at The consequences of war, climatic conditions and the national level, it is necessary to understand the the interplay of economic mechanisms are just some reactions of households to these decisions and to ac- of the random factors that augment the atmosphere of count for the ultimatesocial costs or benefits of these insecurity. In attempting to counteract this insecurity, decisions to the different population groups. In a tra- the Chadian agropastoral society has surrounded it- ditional, very highly structured society like that of the self with traditional organizational practices which Sahelian agropastoralists in Chad, behavior cannot be regulate the behavior of its members: networks of modified except within the framework of already ex- mutual support and interdependence, division of isting conventional social constraints. It is necessary to labor among household members, hierarchically-or- observe reaction behavior and to provide rational ex- dered decision-making, etc. Down through the gener- planations consistent with the complexity of the tradi- ations, this society has also built up a fund of tional structure. The detailed description the paper appropriate technical knowledge, which accommo- provides of Chadian agropastoral society makes it dates the rhythm of the seasons and ensures optimum possible to explain the link between microeconomic production results, whatever the circumstances, from behaviors and what occurs at the mesoeconomic or its crop-growing and pastoral activities. market level. Comprehension of the different facets of this society Accurate knowledge of the mechanisms of this so- requires thatitbe approachedinasuccession of stages: ciety facilitates definition of appropriate analytical (i) identification of the actors involved and examina- concepts and design of suitable tools for the observation of the links that connect them in both decision- tion, measurement and analysis of economic behav- making and mutual support; (ii) study of the grouping iors. Through its cultural and sociological description of these actors according to their economic roles and of a traditional society, the paper allows the investiga- functions within broader ensembles whose purpose is tor a twofold perspective: that of economic analysis, production, consumption or exchange; (iii) examina- which attempts to explain behaviors, and that of sta- tion of the hierarchy of decision levels (individual, tistical observation, which attempts to measure them.

Foreword

Poverty alleviation has been dedared the overarching that rule Chadian society and thus refine the analytical objective of the World Bank. Currently, projects and concepts, such as units of observation, variables, and programs financed through the lending program are economic functions, which are required for statistical reviewed to ensure that this goal is properly addressed measurement. The study, by offering a detailed de- and that the poor benefit from initiatives taken at the scription of Chadian agropastoral society, offers in- macro, sectoral and regional levels. sights into the links between microeconomic behavior Specific tools have already been designed to fulfill and market-level economic phenomena. the objective of measuring poverty in order to under- Such an approach using qualitative methods to de- stand it better. Household surveys, rapid rural ap- fine quantitative tools opens new frontiers in the field praisals, beneficiary assessments, and povertyprofiles of social sciences. It also facilitates more appropriate aid policymakers to identify the most vulnerable groups developmental approaches towards reducing poverty within a population. They are used to understand the in Sub-Saharan Africa. cultural background, analyze the behavior, and measure the standards of living of these groups. This paper in an important contribution in this respect. It illustrates the powerful links that exist between anthropology and statistics, specifically in the Kevin Cleaver context of traditional society in Chad. The anthropo- Director, Technical Department logical methods used describe the causal mechanisms Africa Region

vil

Contents

Executive Summary xi

Introduction 1 General 1 Basic Perspectives 1 General Organization of the Study 2

1. Kinship Groups 4 Introduction 4 The Family 4 The Lineage 5 The Clan 5 The Tribe 6 Conclusion 6

2. The Socioeconomic Setting 8 Introduction 8 The Units of Production 8 Primary Socioeconomic Objectives 9 Mutual Assistance and Solidarity Networks 10 Conclusion 12

3. Sociopolitical Structures 14 Introduction 14 The Canton 14 The Village and the Fraction 15 The Exercising of Authority 15 Conclusion 17

4. The Pastoral System 19 Introduction 19 Pastoral Work 19 The Herd 21 The Cattle Market 23 Major Constraints 24 Major Strategies Employed 26 Conclusion 28

5. TheAgriculturalSystem 30 Introduction 30 Agricultural Work 30 The Land and its Products 34 Major Constraints 35 Main Strategies Employed 36 Conclusion 38

ix 6. Altemative Economic Activities 39 Introduction 39 Alternative Pastoral Activities 39 Alternative Agricultural Activities 40 Parallel Activities 40 Conclusion 42

Conclusion 44

Bibliography 46

Tables 1. General classification of Chadian agro-pastors 3 2. Size and definition of the major social structures 4 3. Seasons in Chad 20

Boxes 1. The kinship groups 7 2. The socioeconomic setting 12 3. Sociopoliticalstructures 17 4. The pastoral system 29 5. The agricultural system 37 6. Alternative economic activities 43

Figure 1. Timing of crop production activities 32

Acknowledgements

My thanks go to Sara Westcott of Oxfam, Chad, for her help and support during the study; to Djidda Gambo for her collaboration; to Nicole Vial and Carol Watson for their bibliographical advice; and above all to the agro-pastoralists of the Oum Hadjir region, of Bahoro, Nokou and elsewhere for having accepted to share with me part of their knowledge. I am also grateful to Didier Deriaz for having authorized the use of pictures such as "Mao city' and "face of Ouaddaian agro-pastoralists' and Jean-Luc Dubois for the writing of the executive summary and the boxes which establish, within the text, the link between the anthropological observations and the statistical concerns.

x Executive Summary

This study gives a detailed description of the system The study aims at comprehending and analyzing in which Chadian pastoral households in the Sahelian the social impact of economic reform programs. In region evolve. The study presents the fundamental this regard, it seeks to comprehend the existing link characteristics of a traditional rural society. It describes between economic decisions, taken at the national the Chadian agro-pastoral system asacoherentwhole, level, and the reactions of households to these deci- governed by internal dynamics and which adheres to sions. More specifically, it seeks to diagnose and its own rationalities in an environment marked by measure the social costs and benefits of these deci- uncertainty. The consequences of war, climatic haz- sions on the different categories of the population, ards and unstable economic mechanisms are so many with a view to helping the most vulnerable and uncontrollable factors which increase the feeling of affected groups. insecurity. In order to combat this insecurity, the agro- The comprehension of this link demands a study of pastoral society in Chad has adhered to certain organ- the interrelation between the macroeconomic, meso- izational practices which govern the behavior of each economic and microeconomic levels. Decisions are member of society, such as solidarity and interdepen- taken at the macroeconomic level for the country as a dent networks, burden-sharing between members of whole (for example the elimination of taxes on heads the same household, and established hierarchy with of cattle). The transmission of these decisions is done regard to decisionmaking, and so on. It has equally at the mesoeconomic level through the markets and through the ages acquired appropriate technological economic and social infrastructures. Prices play a fun- skills which are linked to the changing seasons, en- damental role. The microeconomic level translates the abling it to optimize as much as possible agricultural implications on households and individuals. The lat- and pastoral production systems. ter are often compelled to change their behavior or To comprehend the diverse aspects of this society, attitudes in order to adapt to the new economic it is necessary to give a description of its successive conditions. phases: In the case of an extremely stratified, traditional society such as that of the Sahelian agro-pastoralists in Ldexa rminelnsei thewho betent acthemfromn t Chad, individual behavior can only change within the decasioneakinksviepint astwell as from thao context of already existing traditional social con- socialsiolidarin (Chapter*r straints. It is therefore necessary not only to observe social solidarity (Chapter 1); behavioral reactions, but to be able to provide rational H. exaniine the regrouping of these actors in re- explanations that conform with the complexity of tra- lation to their economic roles and functions ditional structure. This study is situated in this con- within large ensembles oriented toward produc- text. The analytical description of the agro-pastoral tion, consumption and trade (Chapter 2); society it provides makes it possible to explain the link iii. exan.dne the hierarchy regarding thedif between microeconomic behavior and the meso- m. examine the hierarchy regarding the differ- eooi ee ftemres ent decisionmaking levels (individual, family economuclevel of the markets. unitviUge,dmiistrtio, an soon) nd hei Furthermore, a thoroug!h knowledge of the mecha- uitcviae anitration, pand rso (anter nisms of this society facilitates the definition of appro- 3); and priate analytical concepts and the elaboration of the necessary tools enabling the observation, measure and iv. describe pastoral production systems (Chap- analysis of economic behavior. The determination of ter 4), agricultural (Chapter 5) and alternative observation units, the corresponding variables and activities (Chapter 6), by examining economic nomenclatures, the selection of areas for analyses, and and social constraints, strategies of productions, the elaboration of economic functions are a direct consumption, and barter trade. result of these analyses. The presence of local words

xi xii in the study makes it possible to ensure the pertinence behaviors and statistical observation with a view to of the concepts utilized and facilitate the elaboration measuring them. The successive phases of this ap- of the questionnaire using the corresponding words in proach are presented in each chapter. They will be French. synthesized in the form of boxes. This document situates thecultural and sociological It is thus that a link can be established between description of a traditional society in the double per- complementary scientific areas: anthropology, sociol- spective of economic analyses aiming at explaining ogy, economics, and statistics. Introduction

General domestic units experience an excess or a lack of work force, an abundance or a lack of food, and that devel- The goal of this study is to trace, analyze and explain opment and water and field management techniques the basic articulations of the Sahelian agro-pastoral undergo modifications. It is the capacity to resist sea- dvilization Thefundamentalthemesfocusessentially sonal shocks and to find in them appropriate re- on production, consumption of that which is pro- sponses that distinguishes the poor from the less poor. duced, and distribution of that which is produced Saving and spending alternate and equalize the good but not consumed: in a word, on the entire spectrum and the bad periods, between the good and the bad of social and productive life, both in the context years. of a subsistence-based economy and a market-based The famines, animal diseases, ecological and eco- economy. nomic crises reoccur with a tragic insistence. They are Agro-pastoralism, a joint practice of agriculture and henceforth a part of the daily structure, of the frame- cattle raising, constitutes one of the strategies which work and of the biological regime of the men and different groups utilize to live and produce in a pre- women. They create the conditions of a "permanent carious and unstable social and economic context. But, state of siege," incertitude, and questioning, full of it is a difficult phenomenon to measure because it is menace and rupture. Risk and precariousness consti- the result of different forms of association, integration tute a basic element of Sahelian civilization. In this or interweaving of disparate behavior patterns. More- situation, the rich is the one who manages to eat his over, these forms vary in time and are subject to per- fill, in spite of the alternating seasons and the differ- petual historical osciUations. ences from one year to another, whereas the poor live from day to day. Basic Perspectives The technological knowledge of the Sahelian populations is ambivalent and complex, simultaneously In the Sahel, the climate and the ecology shape the experiencing tendencies towards inertia and dyna- overall environment in which the material life of the mism. This knowledge is a part of the group's ideol- people and the animals is organized. But, this influ- ogy, and it is the result of the adaptation and of the ence is difficult to grasp. Ecology can only give partial creativity of numerous generations. Simultaneously explanations for the changes experienced by Sahelian technological knowledge, mannerliness, know-how, societies: it defines the general context of the viability the techniques must be carried on and, thereby, estab- and the vulnerabilityof Sahelian units of production, lish themselves in a code acquired once and for all. But, but its changes do not directly provoke crises at the on the other hand, they must constantly adapt them- heart of these systems. Probably the political and eco- selves to changing historical conditions of the overall nonic changes wiU be translated by ecological conse- environment. Their ambivalence arises from this exist- quences (Dahl, 1979). ing dialectic between ideology and praxis. The study The social, economic and political life of the Sahel- of techniques and practices also refers to social rela- ian populations is profoundly marked by seasonal tions and to underlying cultural models: for a Sahelian alternating the seasons follow one another, and the peasant, to know who is supposed to produce the food, attitudes and the ways of life of the people, as well as who has the responsibility for the different productive their techniques adapt and modify themselves. This tasks, whereand at what momentproduction takes place alternance controls the social division of work and the takes on much greater importance than the simple fact choice of activities, with an accent placed sometimes to know how much is produced (Chambers, Pacey, and on agricultural activities, sometimes on pastoral activ- Thrupp, 1989).The goal is not so much a viable and ities and sometimes, finally, on parallel or alternative sustainable system, but the creation of durable life economic activities. It is because of the seasons that the conditions based on a given system.

I 2

Socioeconomic life is continualy torn between the labor force required, manpower availability, and so obsession to produce the food one needs to exist and on). Chapter 6, in discussing aU of the alternative the need to produce that which must be sold to pro- economic activities that are practiced either within or cure a revenue. It is a constant and complex dialectic outside the agro-pastoral system proper, attempts to between self-sufficiency, dependence on the outside round out the overaU economic picture that makes it world and the interdependence with others, at the possible for agro-pastoral groups to exist in the Sahel. heart of a double level of economic organization: on This study touches the Sahelian zone, defining it less one hand, an economy with a weak circulation of based on pluviometric criteria than on socioeconomic goods, where the economic element depends on the criteria, namely the way to organize production and social element; and, on the other hand, a market econ- to have a certain type of relationship with the ecolog- omy, where money, goods transactions occupy a ical milieu: it is a zone that has a certain cohesion, major place, and where the sphere of the economy while simultaneously experiencing different ecologi- enjoys great autonomy (Raynaut, 1972). cal, historical, cultural and economic situations. Spe- Agro-pastoralism involves instruments, tech- cial attention is paid in this study to the local technical niques, and control of nature and animals. But it also vocabulary. Obviously it was not possible to take into involves an entire spectrum of social production rela- account all of the languages spoken in the Chadian tionships, implying exercise of authority, control of Sahel, much less all the dialectal variations to be found individuals or of groups of individuals, differential within a single language. As much as possible, we access to resources, models of cooperation and hold- have tried to consider all the existing information in ing. This is surely the most important aspect, though the more or less recent studies, articles and reports that not directly visible. It is much easier to measure discuss the Chadian agro-pastoral problems, in gen- the yields and dimensions of a group's fields than eral, and Chadian agro-pastoralism in particular. to quantify its internal and external production In this study, we do not at all retain a classification, relationships. quite frequent and dear to geographers, based on the distinction between "nomadic", "transhumant," General Organization of the Study "semi-nomadic," and "semi-sedentary" stockbreeders, with a further breakdown into long and short All of these topics and dimensions are explored in the transhumance routes. From a socioeconomic point of six chapters which follow, each very different, but view, neither movement nor residential patterns are each complementing what precedes and what follows. deternining factors. Much more important are all the Chapter 1 presents the social identity of Chad's agro- factors relating to economic dependence on livestock pastoralists, introducing their basic social structures, and products from the soil, how long the group has namely kinship groups and the essential concepts of been practicing agriculture, the level of their technical family, lineage, clan and tribe. As in aU the other know-how and the general characteristics of their chapters, concrete examples are given from the vaA- physical environment.1 In short, more than on geo- ous agro-pastoral groups. Chapter 2 focuses on the graphic and residential references, we rely on economic socioeconomic setting, from three essential perspec- and historic criteria to identify the concrete forms or tives: (i) that of the basic production units (represent- the configurations of agro-pastoralism. This study ing the basic residential units), namely the family unit, proposes therefore a general topologicaltable of Chad- the encampment or the village; (ii) that of the main ian Sahelian agro-pastoralism. In this table, the accent goals of the production systems; and (iii) that of the is placed on the origin or the departure point of the main networks of cooperation and solidarity to be different forms, namely the necessary practice of pas- found within the agro-pastoral societies of the Sahel. toralism or of agriculture. Agro-pastoralism, as a way Chapter 3 discusses the political and administrative of life and system of production, appears at the cross- setting, on the one hand, the notion of the canton and roads of a similar search of balance. On the other hand, the village, as basic administrative structures, and, on we attach a great deal of importance to the durationin the other, aU matters pertaining to the exercise of time of these forms, that is to the continuation of a authority, namely the levying of taxes and other fees, given social group in one or the other of the concrete control over land, and settlement of disputes. Chap- forms. Time, in fact, transforms behavior, techniques, ters 4 and 5 constitute the very heart of the study, as and cultural values. In this way, categorizing reality they describe the pastoral and agricultural systems in (see Table 1), we can distinguish: detail. The methodology folowed is more or less similar in both cases: the description of production prac- * Cultivating pastoralists: this refers to producers tices, know-how and strategies is centered around the who have recently emerged from pastoralism triad of labor,capital (animals and land) but with par- and have henceforward also become involved ticular emphasis on labor (periods when work is done, in agricultural practice, essentially because of a 3

Table L General classification of Chadian different backgrounds. More than defining a particu- agro-pastors lar ecocultural system, agro-pastoralism corresponds to a form of transformation and evolution of pastoral Cultivatingpastors Oflong date (e.g.,Arbs of and agricultural societies (UNFSCo,1981). For that rea- Chani-Baguiru) Recently(e.g., Arabs of Eastemn son, it can be considered an unstable solution, which Batha) could lead to a repastoralisation (of former pastoral- Stockbreedingfarmers Of longdate (e.g.,Kanembous) ists), to a complete pastoralization (of former farmers) Recently(e.g., Massalat, Kotoko) or, finally, to the evolution towards a pure form of agricultural society. Agricultural practices and pastoral practices never reach a state of true integration, but they remain simply associated, even placed side by loss of basic animal capital; and to producers side. According to the producers themselves, a more who have f ely emerged from pastoralism or less complete separation of the two practices is and who have been involved in agricultural necessary, however, to preserve zones of security. for a long time. For the first group, The ultimate objective of this study is to furnish an agropractic . a . . . overall description and interpretation of the agro-pas- agro-pastoralism is a strategy of survival and recuperation, more or less provisional, whereas toral systems to be found in the Sahel region of Chad. for the others, agro-pastoralism has become a The goal is to promote an understanding "from the definite and irreversible choice of socl and inside out," in terms of local categories and percep- economidclife. tions, so as to facilitate the carrying out of more de- Herding farmers: a distinction is made between tailed studies and surveys and ultimately to allow the producers who have recently emerged from planning of forms of development that will take ac- farming proper and who have henceforward count of the potential and the internal constraints to engaged in the practice of raising livestock for which the people of Chad are bound. reasons that are due to the climatic variability Notes and the necessity to hoard the agricultural surpluses from the favorable years: agro-pastoral- 1. Agro-pastormlisdefinedasasysteminwhichatleast50percent ism is for them a secondary practice which must of the gross revenue (that is the total value of commercialized permit the viability of the agricultural system; production phusthe estimated value of subsistence production con- and producers who havefonrerly emerged from sumed by domestic units) comes from activities related to agricul- agriculture, for whom raising livestock has be- ture,andbetween lOaand50percentfrom livestockraisingactivities; livelihood, resulting in production whereas one defines as pastorala system in which at least 50 percent come a true hvelihood, resultig in production of the gross revenue of domestic units comes from livestock raising relationships that are fully integrated into the or from activities related to livestock raising (for example: caravan society and its structures. commerce) (Swift, 1975). 2. One could also distinguish raisers of different animal types, From this perspective, agro-pastoralism represents in particular, according to Arabs, between ab-aggara (herders of a kind of pivot between livestock herding and crop bovines) on the one hand and the ab-bala(raisers of camels), on the other. This distinction is useful to the extent that there is a certain production, in the sense that, for very varied and indirectcorrelation between camel raising and intensityof agricul- sometimes even opposite reasons, it constitutes a tural practice. (It is rare, in effect, that the ab-balacan properly meeting ground between groups of producers from practice the culture of fields). 1. Kinship Groups

Introduction ensure the rearing and socialization of children. The members of a family live in the same "house" or in the This chapter represents a very general introduction to same "tent": the terms beytin Arabic, yaagein Dazaga, the main social structures of Chad's agro-pastoral )izdoin Kanembou, and suudu in Foulfoulde designate groups. The economic and politicoadministrative the "tent/house," and by metonymy "family'; they setting will be discussed in the following chapters. It represent the core of the household group, to be dis- may seem arbitrary to separate sociological, economic cussed in greater detail below. Marriage and living and political dimensions which in reality form a single together are thus the two key elements of this defini- whole. In our desire to be both analytical and description marriage is the union of two individuals of oppo- tive, we deemed it preferable, however, to proceed site sexes, institutionalized by the payment of a step by step. Thus this first chapter seeks to define the bride-price or dowry and/or by religious ceremonies, social identities of the agro-pastoralists living in the which establishes kinship relationships (as distinct Sahel region of Chad, before discussing their political from the dlan relationships created by birth). institutions and production activities. Among the agro-pastoral groups in Chad, three Throughout this chapter, we face a problem of ter- different types of family can be distinguished, namely: minology: the local terms designating social structures (i) the family made up of a married couple and their are seldom used in a strict or rigorous manner, cer- children. This is what is termed the "nudear family," tainly not from an anthropological point of view. The (ii) the "extended" family, formed by several married terminology relating to tribe, clan and lineage is ex- couples, living in a certain interdependence; 3 and tremely flexible. Terms are used interchangeably and (iii) the family made up of two couples dependant on seem to lack any absolute values, and the same situa- one another, but on a temporary basis. tion can be described sometimes in one way, and at In the pastoral, and to a lesser extent in the agro-pas- other times in another. This is something that should toral, system the concept of family tends to coincide be borne in mind at all times in order to avoid viewing with the household group. The family represents the the system proposed here as overly fixed or rigid (see point at which the household group fits into the line- Table 2).

The Family Table 2. Size and definition of the major social The definition of a family is problematic because of the structures extreme variability in internal structure, the existence of polygamy, and the great mobility of individuals. It Size is generally true to say, however, that the family is the Structure (parson) Definition basic social unit, created by marriage, and made up of Fay 6-15 Socal unit establishedby a couple, together with their children. This marriage marriageand formedby a is established as a contract between a couple on the coupleand children. basis of mutual respect, mutual aid and agreement, Lineage 500-1,000 Primarykinship group and its major goal is the reproduction of children. An constitutedby a group of individual has an identity only as a member of the families.Group linked to a near basic social group that is the family, and it is thereby histDricalancestDr. Base of that he can integrate himself into an enlarged society. Clan 1,000-5,000 Group of lineages surrounding His individual interests and those of his family be- the same more or less mythical come only one. The role of the family, as a social historicalancestor. Attachment institution, is to channel reproductive capacities and to the same tribalterritory.

4 5 age group. Every family is subject to change (fragmen- diya or blood-price) (Tapper, 1979;Baroin, 1985,Asad, tation) and, generally speaking, goes through what 1975).Positively, lineage gives the individual security, might be termed a cycle of development: the nudear protection and valorization: negatively, it defines the family tends at first to grow into an extended family, circle of people an individual must not attack.6 With only to shrink back again to a nuclear family. To take the exception of the Dazagada groups, it is at the heart the Dazaga4 groups of western Kanem as an example, of the lineage that one contracts marriages, with a this cycle is of short duration, tied to the maturing and concern to safeguard at the interior of the lineage the subsequent aging of the man and his wife (Baroin, available animal capital, while simultaneously having 1985). Clearly, any survey focusing on families as it circulate between the different domestic units. kinship units must take account of what stage in the In terms of size, a lineage may encompass between cycle each family currently occupies, depending on a 500 and 1,000 individuals, ie. between 100 and 150 wide range of factors (the respective ages of husband family units. The degree of cohesion among these fam- and wife, how long they have been married, what ilies varies by region, depending on production sub- production factors they have available, and so on), in systems, cultural habits, and ecological conditions.7 order to determine their status (formation, growth or dissolution phase). The Clan Finally, one must keep in mind that for the Chadian agro-pastors, the average size of a family unit, in spite Located at a more structured sociological level, the of regional variations, is six to seven people. clan is composed of a number of lineage groups or patrilinear lineage segments. From the anthropologi- The Lineage cal point of view, a clan may be defined as the collective descendants of a vaguely known historical A family unit must of necessity be placed within a ancestor. The members of a dan generally have diffi- more complex family network, which we may term culty in reconstituting the links between them and that 'lineage" or "primary kinship group." This social unit ancestor and the genealogical ties among the various is built up of nuclear and/or extended families,closely clan members (the clan ancestor, jid, is historically linked by ties of kinship and mutual obligation and more remote than a lineage ancestor). In a certain sometimes, though not necessarily, by joint residence. manner, the notion of clan is even more vague than A lineage is made up essentially of the descendants of that of lineage. The members of a clan are nonetheless a single, relatively recent male ancestor (five or six aware of forming a distinct social group, of being generations past). This ancestor is historically known "descendance units," without however being organ- to the members of a given lineage; as a general rule, ized groups. Finally, properly speaking, clans do not they are able to reconstitute without hesitation their have true chiefs, but rather leaders, even popular genealogical links to that ancestor and to specify their leaders. current relationship to each member of the lineage. On the basis of the local languages, it is not always Among the Arab or Arabic-speaking groups in easy to distinguish where a lineage stops and a clan Chad, the lineage is termed khashim-beyt,among the starts; the same also applies to the boundary between Dazaga groups it is known as yaga-c, among the the clan and the tribe. Shortcuts or leaps are common. Kanembou as kifadayand among the Zaghawa as biea. Moreover, the terms always remain the same, even All these terms express the same concept, namely, the when reality is dynamic and is subject to alternating "threshold of the house." But all of these terms are fusion and fission, growth and shrinkage, and expan- extremely imprecise and they are sometimes used sion and contraction. interchangeably, representing a kind of catch-all In Arabic, the same term (khashim-beyt)is used to phrase.5 designate both the lineage and the clan, depending on The members of a given lineage have quite a pro- the context; thus, if someone wished to draw a distinc- nounced sense of forming a single body and of being tion, he would have to resort to the terms khashim-beyt linked by a sense of solidarity ('asabiya)by virtue of the seghiir ("small khashim-beyt/lineage) and khashim-beyt blood relationship (rihm). They identify with a com- kabiir (or large khashim-beyt/clan).The members of a mon model, and this model assures unity, identity and clan define themselves as being the descendants continuity. They also have a tendency to form a sort of (walador bent) of the ancestor in question. In Dazaga, "united front," particularly when faced with dangers the termjele'or kinjele is used to designate the clan, but and threats from the outside world. At the heart of a it is a synonym for "race, species, genus." In society governed by violence, a cultural manifestation Kanembou, the term jili, which means "color" or of the utmost importance, the lineage is, in fact, a true "species," is used to designate the clan; sometimes, "defense group," 'vengeance group" or "attack however, it coincides with the term chieri,which re- group" (particularly in regard to the conditions of the fers to a smaller group of individuals (Conte, 1983a). 6

Among the Zaghawa, the notion of dan is expressed other members of the tribe. Only rarely do members by the term tirga (Tubina, 1985). At the same time, of a tibe live together as a group; generally, they among the Foulbe the term lenyoldesignates, depend- represent a category of individuals who share a coming on circumstances, a variety of levels of social mon social status and identity, but never act as a relationship. community. In the vernacular, we find the same ter- A clan may be composed of between 1,000and 5,000 mninologicalfluidity as with the clan. individuals, or a maximum of 10 or so lineages. Most In Dazaga and in Fulfulde, the terms jeWand lenyol members of a given clan reside generally within the are also used to designate the tribe. In Arabic, the term same geographical area, but there are also some clans nafar (or gabiiZa)is used for the concept of tribe. In whose members are very widely scattered. Kanembou, the term kari is employed to refer to the Within the clan one finds disparate groups of indi- tribe or, if circumstances require, the ethnic group. viduals who do not constitute lineages in the strict From the point of view of numbers, a tribe can vary sense of the term; instead they represent a heteroge- greatly in size, it may contain 10,000-50,000individu- neous assemblage of members of other lineages or als, ie. 10-50clans. even other clans. Thus, within the internal structure of Tribes tend to split up and form more dearly de- the clan, a distinction should be made between a nu- fined subunits (clans). Thus each tribe has its own cleus of autochtones and a surrounding group of al- internal history. One can say that a tribe regroups lochthones. In this regard, in discussing the Daza and clans that share a certain territory on which they have Teda groups in Chad, researchers have used the terms established themselves in successive waves (Tubiana, "ethnic clans" and "geographic clans.8 With regard to 1985).The tribe has a dearly defined territorial dimen- the Kanembou, another author has identified a variety sion: the founding ancestor was the first occupant, of processes that came into play in the formation of even the conqueror of a given territory, and his de- clans (aggregation and integration) (Conte, 1983b). scendants, identifying with this territory, retain a cer- Another point that should be noted is that, frequently, tain mastery of the space. clans do not represent geographical units, which means that their memnbersdo not get together and as Condusion a result they never meet (Baroin, 1985). Among most groups in Chad, one can identify a All the agro-pastoral societies of Chad show the char- certain number of characteristics which distinguish acteistics of segmentary lineage organizations ap- one clan from another; these features serve to remind pearing in the form of a series of groups, interwoven each clan member of his social identity. Chief among onewiththeother,rangingfromsmallcohesivefamily these distinguishing features are: (a) a commonfound- units all the way up to vast tribal units. Families within ing ancestor.this ancestor may be a more or less historic lineages, lineages within clans, and clans within tribes. personage, the focal point of a tradition; (b) a commton The sense of reciprocity, of mutual obligation, be- residenceor, on occasion, a common place of worship, tween kinsfolk is particularly strong and genuine the latter linked to the group's notional point of origin; within limited kinship groups (see Box 1). (c) a common surname (family name) traditionally as- There is, generally speaking, a linkage between so- signed to the clan; (d) a commontaboo or set of taboos cial units and space, ie. a relationship between kinship serving to regulate social life; (e) a territory (section distance and geographic distance. The doser the ties 3.4.2); and (g) a moral obligation to settle vendettas of kinship, the smaller the tendency to live a scattered and blood-price disputes by arbitration.9 existence; conversely, the more scattered a group, the less effective and real the ties of kinship. Among the The Tribe agro-pastoralists of the Sahel, attadument to a given territory is less pronounced than among settled farm- In very general terms, the tribe is the conflationof all the ers, given their differing production systems and po- kinshipgroups, representing a kind of coming together litical institutions. Even among the most mobile of the of communities and the embodiment of the links herding groups, however, a given territory remains as among communities. All the members of a given tribe a point of reference. recognize a common founding ancestor, but this an- From an anthropological point of view, two geomet- cestor is virtually always a personage of whom little is ric figures can be used to represent the overall struc- known historically, in the vague no man's land where ture of society: (i) the pyramid: the smallest and history fades into myth. What is certain is that the simplest units are to be found at the base and, as one current members of the tribe are absolutely incapable climbs higher up, one finds larger and more com- of reconstituting the genealogical links between them prehensive groupings (the pattern of a segmented and the founding ancestor, and also unable to eluci- hierarchy, where each unit retains a measure of auton- date the connections that exist between them and omy while yet fitting within a whole); and (ii) concen- 7

Box 1. The kinship groups

Chadianagro-pastoral society iscomposed of population i. vertically, by forming a pyramid with several hier- groups connected by kinship relations. These groups are archical levels. Each level, the family, lineage, clan or the family unit, the lineage, the clan and the tribe. tribe is a decision, observation or analysis level. The Thefivmiyunitis the basicsocialunit Itisdefined by three decision of the highest level imposes itself on the low- criteria:the presence of the head of the family, the wife (or est level; and the wives) stemning from mnarge and common resi- dec.ece. .uromttese. .e nteara,.ten,oncni one ancharactenzeneeeaVeseveral types ofii. solidarityhorizontally, that existbecause betweenof the units numerous and thatconnections translate of familyunits: nuclear,extended, polygamous, aiiail themselves in terms of rights and obligations creating fraternal; a same familyunit being able to evolve from one aeselves intransfers. type to another depending on the a series of transfers. The lineageunites several family units having solidar- The basic decision unit is therefore the family unit ity connections between themselves. The clan unites sev- defined by the criteria of head of family, wives and eral lineages on a determined geographic space. Its residence. This unit, that is only considered in a geo- characteristics are a ban and common obligations, a dis- graphic perspective, can only function optimally by tak- tinct cattle mark, a founding ancestor and a territory. The ing into account constraints stemming from higher lineage and the clan, as statistical and economic units, are decision levels and obligations from units of the same only useful if one integrates all the social constraints in level. Its reaction to exterior economic shocks, notably the analysis. The objective is to reduce insecurity of the during a period of adjustment, will therefore be ex- family units by a system of rights and obligations. It is tremely dependent on these networks of constraint. however difficult to estimate, a priori, the importance of To characterize these statistical units and effectuate the variables that they characterize in the analysis of the topologies, one would have to collect appropriate behavior of the family units. variables. The knowledge of local terms therefore be- Thefirststepofananalysis,beiteconomicorstatistical, comes indispensable to assure oneself of the pertinence requires that one defines with precision the population of concepts utilized for observation. It finds its practical groups to be studied. These groups determine the units confirmation in the elaboration of questionnaires that of observation or analysis. In Chadian agro-pastoral so- must formulate questions adapted to the observed ciety, these units are interwoven in two ways: context.

tric circles: the smallest and simplest units are to be the units of a patriarchalsociety (a 'patriarch," his wivesand his found here at the center of a number of circles, or of a sonsmarried with theirwives and children),or thenuclear families number of social spheres. The degree of integration of severl brothersin a fraterral"family. and sociability diminishes as one goes farther and 4. The term Da=agadaor Dazagaradesignates in a general mianner,all the numerousgroups having the samehre, linguistic root farther away from the center, that is as the organiza- (dazagalanguage), which in Chad is designated by the Arab term tion level increases and the fields of social relations Gornnesand in Nigerby the termkanouri Toubous (Daza and Azaof expand.1 0 northwestKanem, as well as the Kreda groups and Annakazaof In confrontations with other groups, each group Kanemand Batha). adopts an "us/them" attitude. How big the "us" is 5. Conte, 1983 for the Kanembous;Tubiana, 1985 for the depends on the group's position within the social Zaghawaand Baroin,1985 for the Dazagadagroups. pyramid; "our" group, however large or small, is 6. Accordingto the expressionof Baroin,1985. pyramid;"go n unit.roweveproi mgelrsm (giftS, Z Theagro-pastorahistsofEastemChadseemtohave,uponfirst perceived as a unit. In reciprocity models (gifts, glance,an internalcohesion greater than that of the westem agro- exchanges, and so on) one always proceeds from the pastoralists:their sedentary natur and theirpractice of agro-pasto- center out toward the periphery; each successive ralismare in fact relativelyrecent phenomenons. Moreover, they circle represents a specific sector of social relation- seemto haveretained more the structure of the pastoralgroups. The ships, and these relationships are diluted as they westerngroups, on the other hanld,have experiencedia longer and furtherfurter ndawayfrom th family more profoundlsodLocultural evolution, and theirresidential units expand further and futher away from the family (villages)are muchmore composite. sphere." & LeCoeur, cited by Baroin,1985. 9. For all this sectionsee Baroin,1985; and Tubiana,1985. Notes 10. For all this part,see Sahlins,1968. 11. This is strikinglybrought to mindby a Bedouinproverb 3. This type of familycan be composedof either the different "Meagainst my brother,me and mybrother against our cousin;me, familycells of a polygamist(each woman constituting,with her my brotherand our cousinagainst the neighbors;all of us against children,an autonomoussub-unit at theheart of the samefamily), the foreigner." 2. The SocioeconomicSetting

Introduction double capital and it is for this reason that the mechanisms of transmission of goods from one generation to This chapter addresses the socioeconomic setting of the other are so complex and occupy such an import- the Chadian Sahelian agro-pastoral societies. This is ant place in the life of groups.13 evidently a very vast theme that merits a much more Although important, thenotion of domesticunithas important development. Here, the subject is barely however a relative value. In fact, in the first place, a outlined from three essential perspectives: (i) the units domestic unit is not a simple entity, but a complex of production, namely the domestic unit, the encamp- collective reality: its members, for example, are not ment and the village, and the city; (ii) the principal subject to a single center of decision, do not respond objectives of production; and (iii) the solidarity net- to constraints with uniform strategies, do not con- works.12 stitute a collective budgetary unit, and enjoy a rather large economic autonomy. Moreover, a domestic The Units of Production unit is subject to variations, to the growth phenomenon, to dissolution and splitting, and to changes The DomesticUnit because of the mobility and independence of its members. A domestic unit does not generally have Unlike a family, a household unit cannot be viewed as true autonomy in relation to other units, and it can simply a natural unit, even if its three determining never be considered in isolation. Thirdly, a domestic elements are blood, marriage and adoption (Hill, unit experiences a true cycle of development, there- 1982).It represents more a group established in light fore a history. It constitutes an ephemeral and com- of concepts, rights, obligations, degrees of freedom, posite group that can disintegrate and divide itself kinship, residence, labor and constraints (Guyer, at any time: one only belongs to a domestic unit 1981). A production unit is constructed and is dis- provisionally. solved because of its objectives and the strategies of its members. Production is a domestic function, the rela- The Encampment tionships between the members of a family are production relationships, production is managed in In most Chadian agro-pastoral societies, the en- relation to family demands, and it ceases when family campment (known as ferik in Arabic, plural, furgaan) needs are satisfied. However, even if production is a is the basic social and pastoral unit. Composed of a family activity, it is not always accomplished as a number of household units/production units, the domestic activity. encampment is a collective residential unit, physi- The domestic unit controls the division of labor, the cally visible and circumscribed in space. It is, at one models of consumption and the structure of village and the same time: (i) a social entity, as its nudeus terroir.The members of a domestic unit are united by is generally made up of a group of kinsfolk (same connections of collective residence, cooperation, com- minimal agnatic lineage, sometimes even a dan). mensualism and conviviality and by the leadership of Thus we find perfect coincidence between these the head of the family, true controller of the means of basic communities and primary kinship groups (it production and consumer goods, an administrator or should be noted that the vernacular tends to stress manager more than the owner of the possessions of this relationship between residential communities each and every one. In this sense, every domestic unit and kinship communities); and (ii) a pastoral entity, enjoys a certain autonomy, even if his independence as other family units may be clustered around this is only real in relationship to capital/ land and capi- nucleus. These other family units may have their tal/herd, as well as the available work force (Asad, origin in other lineages, other clans or even other 1975): his survival is linked to the possession of this tribes; and their presence may reflect interests

8 9 or requirements linked to the practice of animal The NeighboringGrouping husbandry. As both a community and a pastoral group, the Within a given geographical sector, the various en- encampment represents a pragmatic group, brought campments constitute larger socio-pastoral units, together on the basis of specific, real links and based made up of family units belonging to a number of on the collective holding of a given set of natural lineages, dlans and even tribes. Within this unit, the resources, a single migration policy, collective man- various production units may be linked by territorial agement of livestock, and with its members eating and mechanisms for consultation and cooperation: the ter- living together. While each household unit is, by def- ritorial community is a sort of spatial projection of inition, autonomous, it is not self-sufficientin terms of pragmatic defense relationships, collective residence, pastoral life. An encampment could also be termed a and cooperation or exchange of animals. For the agro- "basic pastoral unit," a "local animal production pastoralists, who in comparison with the pastoralists, unit,' a "pastoral cooperation group," a "nuclear pas- have small-scale mobility models, these socio-pastoral toral community," or a "collective residential and con- units form watering communities joined together by sumption unit.''4 An encampment is established and the utilization of a similar water point or a similar grows on the basis of reciprocal interests, by virtue of water point system. They can consist of several tens, proximity and cooperation in production activities. even several hundreds of families, and several thou- Kinship and proximity are not enough to guarantee sands of livestock heads. permanence of the structure. An encampment is limited in size and generally The PastoralCity consists of 10-30family units (ie. 60-180individuals). T he size will depend first and foremost on ecological IntheSahelianagro-pastoralcontext,thelargevillages factors (availability of resources) but also on political and, for all the more reason, the small urban centers, factors,15 while simultaneously changing according to occupy an entirely important role. Because of the pres- the seasons and the years. ence of these centers, agro-pastoralism is part of a whole, not isolated, but it is in articulation with a The Village multidimensional economy in the capitalist style (Dahl, 1979).The urban center is above all the site of The village constitutes the most strildng and the most exchanges, transactions, market, ideal place of supply immediately visible social unit. As a neighboring and demand, and recourse to others: with the city grouping more stable and more fixed than the en- there would be no economy. The city is the place of campment, the village (hille in Arabic) represents a concentration of military, administrative, judicial, po- stage in the potential evolution of every pastoral soci- litical, ideological and market powers, before being ety. Initially, the village is the geographical expression the center of services and, sometimes, the center of of the political unity of a given clan or lineage. What production. The Sahelian city has an extremely varied this means is that villages are established as homoge- population: civil servants, small workers of the infor- neous residential units when a given kinship group mal sector, peasants, livestock and cereal merchants, takes possession of the land in question. Subsequently, insurance salesmen, sales guarantors, chiefs of dis- as a result of in-migration and out-migration, very tricts and their representatives, and also owners of disparate groups of individuals may join the original animals kept by the stockbreeders. Regarding the last nucleus, so that the village may end up as a heteroge- categories, one must keep in mind that these mer- neous grouping of lineages and clans, an agglomera- chants or these owners of livestock must not, in theory, tion of groups of individuals (even though, for be considered as marginal in relation to the pastoral ideological reasons, the residents still tend to preserve society: the people from the cities continue in effect to an image of homogeneity, by manipulating or reinter- belong to specific lineage groups, and retain numer- preting family genealogies and histories). ous social, economic and political interests with the At the heart of a village, the differences between the "bush." domestic units are not very great, because they all live, work and feed themselves in the same manner. Some- Primary Socioeconomic Objectives times differences originate from the capacity of certain individuals to have complementary activities (for ex- An agro-pastoral system cannot be understood with- ample, commerce) permitting them to preserve or to out a proper analysis of the main objectives being augment their base capital, and are generally based on pursued by producers. Such an analysis may permit, an unequal access to resources, a different land status, inter alia, an overall view of the system and provide a the size of domestic herds and the mass of available better understanding of the major constraints facing family work force. those seeking their livelihood from this system. 10

To speak of the objectives of agro-pastoralists is, an integral part of the system, determining production above all else, to speak of the "rationality" embedded strategies and techniques. This variability in the agro- in the system. In point of fact, however, the very notion pastoral system is due essentially to, on the one hand, of "rationality" is sometimes interpreted ambigu- drought, always a recurrent phenomenon which has, ously, in the absence of a single model of rationality. in the unanimous opinion of all those living in the All of these objectiveshave one characteristicin com- Sahel,taken on enormous proportions over the past 20 mon:theystemfromalocalized,seasonalandindividual years, and on the other hand, markets for grains and perception of problems, and they give rise to local, livestock, which are characterized by huge fluctua- economicallyand ecologicallyopportunistic but always tions in price and volume. The agro-pastoralist has a appropriate responses geared to specificobjectives. range of possible strategies available for dealing with risk. The first of these strategies, inherent to the very FoodSecurity definition of the system, is diversification of activities. By choosing to engage in both animal husbandry and The primary objective here is to convert the various crop production, the agro-pastoralist is able to mini- system inputs into food, namely natural resources mize the risk of falling below a certain threshold of (agro-silvo-pastoral), labor and capital (land and ani- "disaster" and thus maximize his probabilities of sur- mals). For an agro-pastoralist, a system is viable if vival (Upton, 1987). In Sahelian agro-pastoralism, there is a sound relationship between the volume of diversification reduces risks, provided however that inputs actually used and the product obtained, in the two activities are kept somewhat separate. An- terms of the subsistence of the production unit. This other way to reduce risks is mutual aid and coopera- is, quite simply, the notion of "production function" tion, at least at the level of the extended family. as used by economists. This fundamental search for food guides the choice of agricultural and pastoral GainingStatus Within Society techniques. To increase his food security, the agro-pastoralist may, for example, be inclined to spend money Each individual seeks to gain and retain a certain to recruit paid labor, for example, in order to increase status within society. For this, he must have a mini- the amount of land devoted to crops or to cultivate his mum of resources and factors of production at his fields while he concentrates on his own livestock; command. Capital in the form of land and animals prefer to grow food crops rather than commercial guarantees each individual a place within an agro- crops; grow lower-yielding varieties of grain that are, pastoral society. Without land or animals, one cannot however, more dependable and more resistant to be included in the system of agro-pastoral production semiarid conditions while making smaller demands and consumption; such an individual cannot be con- on the soil (only the well-off agro-pastoralist can af- sidered a full member of society. ford to experiment with innovative techniques, such as growing higher-yielding but less dependable vari- Group Survival eties); retain relatively less productive dairy animals which are, however, more resistant, or even immune, Every group of individuals, however small or how- to the main animal diseases found in the area. ever large, has survival of the group as its basic objective. To achieve this, the group has to define and Minimum CashIncome adhere to a certain number of social and economic rules, even at the risk of appearing unproductive. The This income must be enough to meet immediate phys- ablative practice of the exchange-gift aims at, for ex- ical needs, i.e. sufficient to buy any food needed to tide ample, ensuring the cohesion of the group as such the family over the "hungry season," plus assorted However, a group cannot survive without the loss of ingredients for sauces, as well as clothin& farming a certain number of marginal individuals. When the implements and veterinary products. This cash in- viability of the group as such is menaced, a process of come is obtained by selling agricultural or animal expulsion or of "sloughing-off" intervenes in a selec- products, the proportion between the two depending tive manner. Individuals leave pastoral and agro- on which specific agro-pastoral subsystem the family pastoral life to recyde themselves elsewhere, and pursues. the group can continue to live in a less saturated environment. Risk Reduction Mutual Assistance and Solidarity Networks The overall environment within which Sahelian agro- pastoralists seek to survive is extremely variable and Parallel with the barter system and outside of the unstable, with the result that familiarity with risks is monetary economy, multiple networks of mutual 11

assistance, solidarity and cooperation as well as a creates a great intermixing of animals, according to the complex and varied ablative (exchange-gift) system species and the lineages, for a genetic renewal of the can be identified in Chadian agro-pastoral societies. races: the good male and female reproducers circulate Between lender and recipient, between donor and and improve the races. Finally, from a social point of donee,is always established a symmetrical reciprocity view, the fact to loan animals to others can permit an in which the positions are complementary, the same individual and his family to pride itself on a certain person being able to sometimes play the role of donor, number of persons, families and grateful, even depen- sometimes that of donee (Nicolas, 1986).In spite of the dent, groups. By these mechanisms, each individual development of a monetary economy, with all its so- finds himself at the center of an entire network of cial and mental implications, the circulation of goods economic and social interests from which he can enjoy and the ablative system of the exchange-gift occupies numerous advantages. a place of primordial importance. CollectiveWorks The Circulationof Animals Sahelian agro-pastoral society prefigures several sche- A number of different types of circulation of animals mas of reciprocal assistance in the takeover of different among agro-pastoral household units can be works. We will speak of them later, in the context of identified: agricultural and pastoral works. Generally speaking, Transfer of animals at the time of payment of in every integrated agro-pastoral system, the cultiva- the bride-price or dowry, which the Arab and ton of fields demands a high degree of cooperation and mutual aid at the domestic unit level, whereas the Arabic-speaking groups cal sadaqor mahr.An- raising of livestock demands a great deal of coopera- imals belonging to the groom's family are trans- tion at the encampment level (Cunnison, 1966). That ferred to the bride's famnily'sherd (even though, means that pastoralism seems to more easily push under Islamic law, the sadaqshould go to the imndvidualstoward enlarged schemas of cooperation bride). This transfer reflects the alliance be- in the leading of herds and in the management of tween the different household units or lineage! natural resources, whereas agriculture pushes one to- clan groups.v Giftd of animals from the bride's family to their wards a more precise, individualistic way of acting: married daughter, to provide the newly mar- agro-pastoralism is developedinthisdiecticprocess, marriedcoupl terwithmeasureo ofe neonomicd- sometimes in one direction, sometimes in another. ried couple with a measure of economic independence (this custom is not found among all Blod Solidarity the groups). - Gift of animals from father to son at different stgsi.hsgot to mtry. Among the members of the same kinship group, by Exchangesof animalsbetweenrindiwtdual,mvirtue to of the moral connection that unites them, there divesfy andreiniate thei herdus.6 exists a principle of active solidarity in the defense of * Temporary loan of animals: theiscan tae a va- persons and goods, and in the decision of vengeance rempofarformso asears: dthio cand t. erms in the case of a homicide (Asad, 1975). When honor riety of fozms as regards duration and terms, n h sitrs aebe aae,i h depending on the nature of the animals and the group loan provisions, case of a homicide, premeditated or accidental, of one of its members, the group has the choice either of These exchange and livestock circulation networks vengeance (thar),or accepting the "prix du sang" (diya) enable one to understand the logic of social relations. paid in compensation. The principle is quite simple: Even in societies with vague social structures, their no vengeance with the diya, and no diya after ven- role is to create a dense fabric of interpersonal mutual geance. The principle of the diya is based on a strong aid relations (Baroin, 1985).The circulation of animals familial and tribal cohesion (in fact, no one would be enables one to validate a certain number of social able to pay it by himself, without the aid of his kinship processes and to solidify social connections: for exam- group): the tribe, the clan and the lineage therefore act ple, a marriage is not valid unless a transfer of animals as defense groups. The smaller the group is, the more takes place; unless a diya (blood-price) is paid, an there is a sense of solidarity, and the more vast the agreementcannotbeformallyconcludedbetweentwo group is, the less the sentiment of solidarity will take groups. Dispersion of individualy owned animals effect.Thedialecticalrelationshipbetween"us/them" over a number of herds and in different geographical of linear segmentary societies, even if affirmed with locations lessens the risks of epidemic or ecological vigor at the ideological level translates itself in praxis failure or security threats (cattle raids, theft of ani- with much slowness. Moreover, between extended mals). The intense circulation mechanisms of animals groups, more or less formal alliances may be con- 12

Box 2. The socioeconomic setting

The internal dynamics of agro-pastoralism are explained production, or becomes unstable in time, evolving by the presence of a set of production units with perfectly through the different life cycles, it constitutes the first of defined production objectives which are interlinked by the statistical units, since it corresponds to the concept of networks of solidarity. To logicaly aralyze the socioeco- the household, used in statistical and economic analyses. nomic behaviors of agro-pastoralism, the following The encampment and the village are the statistical phases have to be taken into consideration: units at a more aggregated level than the domestic unit. The encampment is the unit that enables one to better i. thelocationandidentificationofthestatisticalunits; understand pastoral production. The village possesses ii. the study of the link between the micro and some characteristics of the encampment, but because of mesoeconomic levels; its greater stability, linked to the notion of terroir,it receives more important economic infrastructures. Located iii. the study of the underlying production model atamoreall-encompassing level thanthedomestic units, with its objectives, its optimum criteria and variables; they are essential for understanding the connection be- and tween the micro and mesoeconomic levels of analysis. iv. the study, important in the African context, with The agro-pastoral system is an example of a ratioral respect to the networks of solidarity, which impose model of behavior. In an insecure environment, several rights and obligations on individuals, and could con- strategies may be decided to sometimes reduce the risks, stitute constraints in the search for optimal results. or to increase revenue, production and social status. One needs only to act on the factors of the production func- This chapter on the socioeconomic setting provides tions (levelof inputs, choiceof animal species,geographic elements of response to the four phases. mobility), to substitute production functions (subsistence The domestic unit is the simplest of the statistical units or commercial crops, pastoral or agricultural activities), as regards production and consumption. It has the same and to decide on minimum thresholds of revenue or of characteristics as the demographic unit; the authority of production factors. the head of the family, the unit of residence to which are The mutual aid and solidarity networks that character- added common production and consumption activities. ize the agro-pastoral culture translate themselves by an- Even when this unit possesses only reduced means of imal transfers.

tracted determining the conditions of payment of the similar village is larger than that which exists between diya.17 relatives of the same dan who live far from one another. A community constitutes a complex social rela- Condusion tion, bringing together in a fragile manner, fragile sentiments and disparate attitudes; community rela- The language that surrounds the klnship groups, their tionships are associated with situations of calculating, function and their finality is more often that of ideol- conflict or even violence. Economic organization is ogy. On the other hand, the language that is used to consequently the fruit of the combination between, on define the socioeconomic setting is much more prag- the one hand, a system of general kinship, and on the matic, real and flexible (see Box 2). But the language is other hand an economic system (determined by his- the reflection of a sociological situation. Social life tory, ecology and relations of social production). Kin- consists of pragmatic and concrete relationships: an ship organizations are regulated by absolute, individual finds himself integrated into an entire imperative norms; on the other hand, economic orga- group of configurations and sometimes complemen- nizations take on less rigid structures, and confer on tary, sometimes competing instances. The kinship their members the possibility of choice. only constitutes one of these instances, but it un- dergoes the rivality of new or different institutions. In Notes this context, the village is more important than the clan, and the neighboring and cooperating relation- 12. It must be keptin mind that accordingto econormicanthro- ships tend to be more effective and concrete than the pology, the units of productionconstitute agents of production kinship relationships. 18 In other words, the domestic whosedimensions and structureare determined simultaneously by units interact in a parallel fashion or independently of the forcesof productionand by productionrelationships. Each unit the blood relationship that unites them, and social and productionis characterizedand byits itscomponents specificmanner in the of social combiningproduction the factorsrelation- of economic solidarity do not always correspond. The ships.Production is consequentlydefined not only by the technical community that is established between neighbors of a aspects,but alsoby the exAstinginteractions between producers. 13

13. From a cultural point of view, this economic autonomy by protocol; and ii) exchanges that have a free character, that may coincides with the desire of every manto be an 'adult: the stab of be the obect of an acceptance or of a refusal (Raynaut, 1972). adult signifies real and concrete autonomy and independence (see 17. From another point of view, granting a credit also expresses Reyrka,1977). a certain type of solidarity it exists in many forms, money as well 14. This from all the literature concerning the notion of encamp- as goods (livestock and harvests). The reimbursement of the debt mentinpastoral societies (seeKChazanov,1984; Dyson-Hudson 1972; may be the object of a due date decided in a friendly manner, and Cunnison, 1966). be continued even after the death of the debtor. 15. Tapper, 1979, evokes the ideal size of the 'vengeance 18. See Nicolas, 1986.The neighborhood is of essential import- gxroups.. ance and the intimacy of the relationships that it concretizes, and 16. One must distinguish two categories of exchanges: i) ex- sometimes surpasses, that of the connections belonging to a similar changes that have the aspect of an obligation and that are regulated kinship group establishes (Raynaut, 1972). 3. SociopoliticalStructures

Introduction because he is, at the same time, the representative of local social groups before the administration and the This chapter presents actual local sociopolitical struc- representative of the state before these same groups.21 tures, in fact above all the district and the village or In fact, there is not always correspondence between fraction and identifies the principal themes of the the canton and the enlarged kinship group (or tribe). political and administrative setting, the exercise of The cantonis often an artificial entity, created to attain authority. administrative and political objectives (Coumakoye, Since independence in 1960, Chadian administra- 1988).The hierarchy of the chiefs is not always based tive organization has remained more or less the same, on an existing political base, but is often 'an inven- according to the same colonial model that had been tion," the state aiming to reinforce all the actions of the progressively put into place during the entire twenti- chiefs as legitimate expressions of customary law: eth century. The administrative units are divided into today, that has however acquired an aureole of perma- police headquarters, sub-prefectureheadquarters and nence (Hart, 1983).Before the colonial administration, administrative positions on the one hand, and in can- certain chiefs had just a moral ascendent and not a true tons and villages or fractions on the other hand.19 Only power. The historical realms of Ouaddai, Zaghawa, the chiefs of the cantons, villages and fractions come Fitri, Baguirmi and Kanem-Borno had dominated the from the local population. The others, notably the political life of the Chadian territory before coloniza- prefects, sub prefects and the chiefs of administrative tion. The majority of the societies only knew guides or positions, are civil servants. The modern state has men who simply had the cleverness to submit them- consequently created a kind of political leveling and selves to the colonial regime in the name of their own administrative uniformity at the heart of all Sahelian people, without having a true mandate to do it. The societies, those that had a strong political tradition colonial administration instigated a policy of estab- (state controlled societies like for example the lishing chiefdoms with the goal of creating adminis- Kanembous and the Ouaddaiens) and those that were trative sub-structures,22giving all these chiefs a more organized rather on the model of lineage societies (as, established role than the one they had before,23by a for example, the majority of the Arabs and the Daza group of contradictory behavior patterns, supporting and Kreda populations). or dispersing the political chiefs, according to the situation (Khayar, 1984). The Canton A chief of a canton is always seconded in his work by an assistant or representative (called khaliifa),who The canton constitutes the basic entity of all the local generally even lives in the place of the sub-prefecture politico-administrative structure. The notion of canton or the administrative position, and whose principal includes above all that of a "chiefdom" and a "terri- role consists of establishing permanent and regular tory." Each cantonis placed under the responsibility of relations with the official administration. He is also a cantonchief (muluuk).This chief is always a clan chief assisted by a secretary and guards, paid by the state. and in theory a member of a dominating clan (that Each cantonchief receives from the state a fixed annual means that only certain individuals may become can- allocation, the amount of which is established "by ton chiefs). He is named by the administration, after taking into account the classification of the cantonsby consultation with the population.20 He is considered categories, the level and the way of serving the Chief, as a kind of "auxiliary of the administration," and he notably in the area of tax collections and maintaining is placed under the authority and the control of the order" (according to the Decree n. 102). To the canton Prefect, Sub-Prefect and of the Administrative Chief of chief are attributed a certain number of functions and Post. A Canton Chief is thereby situated between the powers. One can distinguish, among others, the fol- state political power and the local social structure, lowing domains. 4 with regard to police matters, the

14 15

cantonchief is responsible for tracking down people choose his own administrative inscription, even committingcrunes,misdemeanorsandotheroffenses; though the administration normally tries to discour- in the matter of customary civil law it is his responsi- age these changes, since too many changes could de- bility to attempt to reconcile, in the first instance, the stabilize the administrative balance. The duties of a parties residing within his Jurisdiction, failing which village chief (defined in the Decree No. 102)are collec- the matter is referred to a justice of the peace or the tion of the dvic tax under the direction and supervi- competent magistrate; as regards criminal law it is his sion of the canton chief and transfer of the proceeds to responsibility to handle cases involving theft of live- the tax collector, general police powers to protect stock, homicide and assault and battery; he is also growing crops, plantations and harvested crops expected to settle claims for losses caused by straying against stray animals and bush fires in particular; animals; in the matter of taxes, he is responsible for public hygiene, by reporting cases of infectious dis- collecting the civic tax; and in administrative matters, ease or animal epidemics to the cantonchief; and infra- he participates in population censuses. structure, by ensuring that the village and its immediate surroundings are kept clean. The ViUlageand the Fraction The Exercising of Authority As a political structure, the canton is subdivided into villages and/or fractions, depending on whether the The authority of canton chiefs and, in part, that of local population is sedentary or mobile. The concept village and fraction chiefs,is exercised in a preferential of "village" covers the entirety of an inhabited area manner when taxes and fees are collected; and also by and, generally speaking, it relates to both the terrir, the control of land and the resolution of conflicts all of the arable land cultivated by the people of the between individuals and groups of individuals. These settlement in question, and the actual territory over three themes constitute the essential part of this which the local people exercise rights of ownership. section. Each cantonal subunit is headed by a village chief (termed kabiiral hill or bama or manjak$depending on The Collectionof Taxesand Fees the region) orby a fraction chief (kabiiralkhashim-beyt), who exercises authority over portions of the canton's We refer here only to the major taxes, notably civic tax, daar(cf. below). These secondary chiefs are often, but muslim tax or zaka and new fees. They enable the not always, lineage chiefs, members of the kinship chiefs to play a political role of increasing importance, group claiming rights to a portion of the given terri- while simultaneously constituting a definite block of tory. In point of fact, they serve as links to and from an economic takeoff of the administered people. higher administrative authorities and are appointed Every adult, man or woman, from the age of 18 (but by the Central Government (by the prefect and the often earlier) until the age of 60, must pay a civic tax, sub-prefect), with or without consultation with the called in Arabic miiri. This capitation tax was estab- cantonalchief, lineage leaders or the local population. lished by the colonial administration. At the present By way of remuneration, a village chief receives a time it is 1,000 PCFA per person each year. This tax, portion of the taxes he has collected. Thus, from the collected by the village/fraction chiefs, is given to the political point of view, the village is not an aggregation cantonchiefs respectively and then, to the administra- of individuals but a true unit of local government run tion, the chiefs having the rght to receive a reduction by a political authority. The village is an autonomous on the tax sum of their subjects. Every adult must also entity, since each village is represented by its own pay the muslim zaka. According to Islam, the zaka is chief and exercises ownership rights over the land and "legal alms," even obligatory, a kind of "tithe," as territory surrounding it. For pastoral and agro-pasto- opposed to "spontaneous alms," called sadaqa.The ral groups, the fraction corresponds to the village, and zaka should normally be given to the poor, thereby one must remark that the same word khashim-beyt permitting a certain redistrbution of the wealth of the designates the clan/lineage (kinship group) and the rich towards the poor. But today its collective dimen- fraction (administrative entity). That may create a cer- sion has almost disappeared, in favor of a purely tain ambiguity, because social entity and administra- individual obligation. In fact, it is now given to the tive entity are not absolutely identical. That means, chiefs (two thirds to the cantonchiefs and a third to the among other things, that individuals of the same clan village chief), and that is justified by the principle of necessarily belong to the same administrative fraction, an automatic redistribution of community goods and that an administrative fraction is not composed of through the chiefs. Thus, originally a religious act, the individuals of the same clan. In principle, whereas z7A has become a sort of political act of allegiance. The belonging to a dan is determined by birth, belonging contribution to the war effort or to the national con- to a fraction is free and an individual has the liberty to scription effort and the (uNM)party conscription con- 16 stitute new forms of fees: every adult must now be land owners considered separately. The people be- registered with the single party (uNR) and pay annual longing to the group that controls the daar do not need dues, caUedsimply uniir,of 500FCFA (in fact, the canton any special permission to dig for water. On the other and viUage/fraction chiefs rarely play a direct role in hand, the members of a foreign group must often pay the coUectionof this fee). a fee to the representatives of the group that controls the land (cantonchief and/or viUage chief). The Controlof the Land The coUectiveright to land is defined on the basis of the first occupation. The individual right to dune lands The land system defines the relations developed by (goz)or to the water-level lands is established by the men concerning the object of work which is the land. clearing of fields for cultivation and the cutting of It constitutes an array of practices controlling the ac- trees. The limit of fields may be defined by physical cess, utilization and transmission of land, the general marks (trees, hedges, enclosures, and so on). If the organization of space. Every space, to the extent that legal owner is absent or has not worked the land for a it is the object of a group appropriation, is related to number of years, which varies according to the region, the concept of land. The land is in this way the expres- the land wiU be allocated by the vilage chief to some- sion of social relations between individuals (at the one else. In practice, the family of the one that has heart of a homogenous group) and between groups (at cleared the land first wiU keep this right by internal the heart of more vast formations) concerning space. adjustments. One must also keep in mind that in an According to the principles of politico-territorial agricultural field, there may bea double rightof usage: organization in Chad, a canton chief is responsible for the right for cereal products, and the right for fruit a daar or cantonal territory (which sometimes corre- products: that means that fruits belong to the one that sponds to the tribal territory), and a vilage chief is planted the tree, even if he has no right to use the responsibleforthehilleorvillageterritory(comprising parcel of land where the tree is (Bouquet, 1971). the hille proper, together with its farmed or cultivable In conclusion, the customary land system is charac- lands (dungus). Thus there is a certain correspondence terized by a certain fluidity, an indispensable condi- between the sociopolitical structures, on the one hand, tion for its own survival. It is the result of a certain and geographical territories, on the other. The dungus number of adjustments between colectives and indi- is to the daar what the khashim-beytis to the nafar. A viduals, and never stipulates any form of exclusivity. given area of land expresses, in spatial terms, the rules The territorial limits remain vague and undefined, of the group in relation to its ecological setting. groups and political hierarchies being concerned with One can say that the "land" belongs to the group grouping people around collective centers of adhe- and the "lands" to individual families. Individual ac- sion, while simultaneously leaving the spatial limits of cess to land is in principle obtained by virtue of patri- these centers vague (Hart, 1983). Buffer zones have lineal descent, i.e. the fact that the individual belongs been established among the different clan spaces to a given kinship group, together with the principle (empty lands), the goal of which is simultaneously of the coUectiveownership of the land. This principle social (reduction of tensions due to immediate prox- is, however, subject to three restrictions: the land is not imity) and ecological (constitution of protection, re- alienable from the point of view of the individual; use serve and expansion zones in case of major ecological of the land is transferable in the direct line, but the heir crises). must maintain this right by cultivating the land regularly; the beneficiary is required to pay a certain ConflictResolution amount in taxes or other levies to the cantonaland clan authorities (Conte, 1983). It is the cantonalchief who has the responsibility to What this means is that clans are not all on an equal resolve all kinds of conflicts that may arise among his footing as regards access to and control over a given subjects. In fact, he has only a conciliatory role; and the plot of land, and that, even within the same clan, cases can only be resolved initially by theJustice of the individuals do not aU have the same rights. Different Peace. In this section, we give an example of four of categories of individuals can in effectbe identified. For the more recurrent causes of conflict between inhabi- the agro-pastoralists, and more importantly for the tants of thesamecanton, and thewayof resolvingthem pastoralists, the notion of pastoral space is of little (more complex is, on the other hand, the solution of significance. More important is the notion of "natural conflict between inhabitants of different cantons).25 resources" (grazing land, waters and minerals) that In every case of divorce, where the reimbursement the spaces contain. The relationship of the stockbreed- of the matrimonial compensation is anticipated (agot), ers to these resources is an exploitative and not a work the canton chief receives an ushuur, that is 10 percent relationship. The utilization of these resources is reg- of the reimbursed value (in goods or monetarily). In ularized at the coUective level rather than that of the cases of adultery, as in all other kinds of litigation 17

Box 3. Sociopolitical structures This chapter provides the main elements for the compre- ment, correspond to so many expenses in cash and hension of the sociopolitical structure of the Chadian kind for households. In Chad, agro-pastoralists have agro-pastoral society. A good knowledge of this set-up is to face a very complex network of taxes, the in-depth indispensable for any economic and statistical analyses knowledge of which facilitates the elaboration of the for the following reasons: nomenclature of expenditures and makes it possible to i. The comprehension of the decisionmaking process calculate household budgets. is done by identifying the levels of decision, making it iii. The authority represented by the cantonchief is the possible to establish the link between the political and sole guarantor of all individual rights (land rights, economic spheres, which concern us here. The canton access to water), corresponding obligations and the chief,whohasauthorityoverseveralvillagesisthebest settlement of disputes. All these elements have im- example: "half-way between the government and the plications in the measuring of household assets and social structure." The decisionmaking structure ema- wealth. nating from the articulation of different levels of decisionmaking makes it possible to understand the ain aopaictical way, k l o theociopoltia linkagebetween macroeconomic decisions, their trans- a a s mission at the macroeconomic level and microeco- implementation of a household survey. Indeed, the non.c repercussions. The constraints that households latter requires the support of the political and admin- have to face are a direct outcome of . s istrative authorities (sub-prefect, canton chief, village chief or fraction chief) and the sensitizing of the popu- ii. The government levies taxes and duties. These lations concerned that only the former can undertake taxes, which are a source of income for the govern- efficiently.

between two persons, the guilty person must pay a quite large, because of the production capacities of its fine (hukum) to the cantonchief, fixed usually at 25,000 members, in particular the head of the family, and also FCFA,but there are frequently mediations and bargain- because they are exposed differently to recurrent eco- ing and the grieved party must pay a right of judge- logical, food and epidemic crises. The capability to ment (called hagg alfashr),of a value of 500-1,000 FCFA. resist shocks and to recuperate after crises is not the In case of assassination, there is a very detailed reso- same for all producers. All of these factors together lution, which varies according to the groups: among favor in the end the emergence of major inequities: the Arabs, the lineage group whose member has been political inequity seems however more profound for killed must pay to its own canton chief a right called the sedentary farmers than for the pastors and the khamma-dam,or right of "blood collection." The par- agro-pastors, because of the value of land goods, in ents of the murderer must then collect a sum of about spite of the strong productivity of stockbreeding and 150,000 FCFA,to constitute the hagg as-sadaqa,essen- the social value of animal property. tially destined to aid the parents of the victim to organize funeral arrangements (this sum enables them to Notes buy millet, tea and sugar for the day of the funeral). The family, even the clan of the murderer must pay a 19. Accordingto DecreeNo. 27/INT.(see below), the Republic "blood price," called diya in Arabic (and goraga in of Chad is divided into 11 policedepartments and 42 sub-police Dazaga). The value of this price varies according to the departments. region. If there is damage in a field cultivated by 20. DecreeNo. 27/WNTof 23 February1960, following Decree animals, there is a precise resolution that envisages the No. 4 of the same date conceningthe administrativeorganization means of reparation, depending on the vegetative of the Republic'sterritory dictates the followingprocedures in nominatingdepartment heads. presentation of candidaturesto the state of the crop and the animal species. sub-prefecture;consultation of the electoralbody composed of headsof viflages,quarters, and notablesdesgnated by the sub-pre- Conclusion fect;transmission of consultationreport and proposalsof the sub- prefect to the Minister of Interior by the prefect; transmission of Chadian agro-pastoral society, beyond the context of Midisterof Interior's proposalsto the Prime Minister;and finally the the ideological discourse of kinship and solidarity, is decisionof theCouncl ofMinisters. 21. In fact,the law (DecreeNo. 102/PRIThrof 6 May1970) on not egalitarian, neither from a political point of view cheftancy makesa distinction between the sultan, the department nor from an economic point of view (see Box 3). In fact, head and the head of a group of vilUages.But, in reality, the modal- the autonomy of individual units of production is ities of their nomination, their functions and their power are more 18 or less the same. The status of sultan has an historic character and between direct and indirect rule by setting up artificialchiefdom is only exists in a few places (Kanem, Baquirmi,FPtri, OuaddaD. The vague. group of villages constitutes a necessary structure in the ceation of 24. That from Regulations No. 6 and No. 7 of 6 May 1970, a department. concrning respectively certain judiaary police functions and cer. 22. Le Cornec,ated by Khayar, 1984. tam powers concering judiciary matters of traditional chiefs, and 23. See Baroin (ed.), 1988 In fact, irntially the colonial admii- of Decree No. 102. trators did not consider it important touse the traditional chiefs. But 25. Beyond the collectionof fees, land control, and resolution of a true indirect system of administration was set up at the end of the conflicts, the exercise of power also finds itself associated with the military conquest, more specificallyfrom 1917,with the recognition redistribution of wealth. The prestige of a collectivity is measured of the status and authority of the traditional chiefs who benefited by the importance of the gifts that its representative can offer to its from a '1imited delegation of powers.' But in fact, the distinction peers and rivals (Nicolas, 1986). 4. The PastoralSystem

Introduction June or the beginning of the month of July that the first rains take place. They inaugurate a season called The main features of the stockbreeding practices of rushashin Arabic. It is for al the groups of agro-pas- the Chadian agro-pastors will be presented in this toralists a period of great fatigue because of agricul- chapter. There is a wide variety of practices due to tural work, intense animal supervision and the different histories and pastoral traditions. movements of encampments. It is with the khariif Stockbreeding performed by farmers descended that the rainy season is in ful force: it starts in the from an authentic pastoral tradition has a different middle of July. One generally says that the year form than stockbreeding done by agricultural farm- starts off favorably if the animals have already been ers who recently became involved in pastoral activ- able to nourish themselves from the new grass when ities. The pastoral system, which differs from the the constellation of Orion appears at dawn from the agricultural system described in the next chapter, East, very low on the horizon. The khariifconstitutes, has to be considered as a consistent whole with at the same time, a season of intense agricultural several components, interrelated with one another. activity and an unequaled pastoral season, and the We are describing the pastoral system keeping in attention to the fields and animals must be very mind three different perspectives: (i) the pastoral great. The strategies that aim at balancing agricul- work, i.e. the major activities according to the sea- tural demands and pastoral demands are extremely sons and the type of animal; (ii) the herd: the pro- varied. For groups recently emerging from pastoral- gressive formation of the familial herd, the concept ism, stockbreeding remains an absolute priority. of herd and subherd, and the main techniques of Field work is confided to certain members of the managing and caring for the animals; and (iii) the family, with or without the help of an outside work cattle market with its actors and rules. FinaUly,we force. This is the case of some groups of Arabs of wiU describe the major constraints of the pastoral Salamat that leave to put their animals to pasture in system and the main strategies implemented by the the North, leaving the care of the fields to the old stockbreeders to solve these difficulties. men and a few women. This is also the case of certain Kreda of the N'Djam6na Bilala region, who live in Pastoral Work the southern part of Bahr El-Ghazal. The rains stop towards the end of September, the vegetation dries Introduction and the ponds rapidly dry up: this is the season called in Arabic deret. This is the harvest period for In the pastoral system, work has specific characteris- the majority of the rain crop products. For all the tics. The overall annual work demands are relatively agro-pastors, without exception, the work in the light. That means that the average work productivity fields is a priority, since the animals have generally is light. That is exactly the opposite of the characteris- been able to gain weight during the humid season, tics of agricultural work. and are in overall good health. During the cold season (shite), from the beginning Main Activities of December to the end of February, the agro-pastors must prepare the conditions that will enable their The practice of Sahelian stockbreeding is deeply animals to get ready for the dry season in a favorable marked by alternating seasons. The seasons, in manner this is basically the time for the construction transforming the natural environment, constantly of cesspools and the repair of wells. One tries, of modify the lives of men and animals, and the work. course, to stop installation near wells and to exploit In the Sahel one can distinguish five main seasons existing ponds as much as possible. To do that, the (see Table 3). In general, it is during the month of family herd is very often divided in half, and young

19 20

Table 3. Seasons in Chad OutsideFamily WorkForce Seaaon Arab Peul KanembouZaghaw When the family work force does not manage to take Beginring rushash seeto ngili- irsasi care of all the tasks concerning the herd, an outside rains cinkda family work force becomes necessary. The usage of an Rains khariif ndunngu ngih gye outside work force can take on several forms, accord- Afterrains deret yaawol kere muguli o the sof the herac Cold shite dabbunde kasaku dabo mg to the size of the herd: Dry/hot seyf ceedu kii aigi * The farmer who only has several heads of cattle, gives them to a pastor, in a more or less permanent fashion, but on the basis of friendship and confidence. Between the two parties, there is a shepherds travel very far with their animals to look for relationship of "trust" (amana). In general, the water and grazing land. In this season the recession pastor (called amiin, or "man of trust") takes sorghumcrops arein full force and mobilize everyone's care of the amaana animals together with his energies. own animals. Finaly, during the dry and hot season (seyp, from * The farmer who possesses a very smaU herd, March to June, the fields must be prepared, but it is the gives it to a shepherd, by means of a guarding watering of the animals that constitutes the most im- contract, called uda'a.The farmer gives no sal- portant work. ary to the pastor, but accords him the right to benefit from all the milk production of the herd. Family Work Force The uda'a contract is practiced more and more in the entire agro-pastoral zone, because of the The majority of pastoral activities are taken care of by rapid impoverishment of numerous stock- the members of the domestic unit of production. The breeders and the progressive transfer of the head of the family is the chief of the holding, respon- property of their animals in the hands of a mi- sible for herd management, defining each one's role, nority of rich owners (stockbreeders, farmers and sharing tasks. and "absentee" merchants). There is evidently an optimal relationship be- X The farmer who begins to have a rather large tween the size of the domestic units and the size of numberofanimals,isobligedtohireashepherd the herds: the number of animals that a stockbreeder (maay).The salary of a hired shepherd varies can effectively manage is limited, and this number from one region to another, but is about 5,000- also varies during the year. The growth of a family 8,000FCFA per month. Less habitual is the pay- herd is therefore limited by the amount of domestic ment in kind (that is one head of cattle at the end work force available.26 The family herd is managed of the season). The livestock owner must also collectively, but each member is the owner of a provide his shepherd with covers, mats, shoes, certain number of animals. The different activities food and tea, during the crop season, and above are divided according to the sex and age of the aUwhentheshepherdmustabsenthimselffrom people.27 Generally speaking, the men take care of the village or the encampment, he must ensure guarding and watering the animals, search for graz- his shepherd's subsistence by allotting him a ing fields, repair wells and cesspools; they also take milk animal. care of everything concerning the sale of animals on * Finaly, the agro-pastor who is the owner of a the market. The women take care of the milking of large herd (or of several herds) generaly uses the animals, the sale and the bartering of milk prod- an administrator (wakkil),who is in charge of all ucts, the guarding and the watering of certain cate- the supervision problems. It is the wakJil who gories of animals (in particular the mules, young personaly recruits shepherds and instructs sheep and goats). Moreover, they take care of the them on the management of the herd. When an management of the domestic unit, the preparation animal is sold, the wa7kklreceives gifts from the of food and the children's education. The children owner of the herd. Moreover, he directly bene- participate very early, in an active manner, in the fits from the owner's annual zaka, that is, a handling of different pastoral tasks, by above all two-year old lamb for a herd of 30 animals, a aiding in the guarding activities and the watering of two-year old heifer for a herd of 40 animals, and the animals, as well as the search for water for family a young three-year old female for a herd of 50 needs. animals. 21

Besides the guarding and watering activities, a has a maximum weight of 35 kilograms and is found more or less specialized outside work force is used mainly in the east of AtL The white-haired Arab sheep, for the construction and maintenance of a water with similar characteristics is found mainly in the west hole.28 of Ati, along with the peul sheep with cose-cropped white hair, and the tall peulsheep (ouda)with long falling The Herd ears, and black and white fore and hind legs. Among the other animals, one distinguishes the Introduction Sahelian goat, agile, tall, with short hair; the drome- dary "camelus dromedarius" (with one hump), com- Animal capital occupies a fundamental place in the monly called "camel;" the horse (from the Bahr, pastoral system operations. However, the concept of El-Ghazal and Kanem regions), and the mule. a herd proves itself to be quite complicated to analyze. As a group of social animals, the herd is always at- Acquiring a Herd tached to a human social group, and the two groups maintain a symbiotic relationship, which develops in The possession of animal capital constitutes the cen- an interdependent fashion. The herd facilitates the tral element of the social and economic life of every formation and the reproduction of the domestic family individual. In a traditional pastoral society, to be a unit to which itis attached, and enables the production human being coincides with being a shepherd and of food and revenues for the subsistence of individu- cattle owner. It is the possession of cattle that reveals als. Between the human social group and animal social the full personality of a human being, from birth to group, there is a double parallel: it is the herd that death. Without cattle, the individual is lost, he has no enables a family to be constituted, and it is the family social status and no power; without cattle, pastoral that assures a herd of the conditions of its growth. One society breaks up, crumbles and disappears. In this must not however simplify the existing relationship section, we limit ourselves to analyzing the principal between the size of the herd on the one hand, and the social mechanisms that progressively enable an indi- subsistence needs and the work capacity of a domestic vidual to obtain animal property. unit, on the other hand: in fact, the size of a herd is also a function of the intensity of an entire array of techni- PURCHASES.In every lucrative activity, the agro-pastor cal, economic, matrimonial and political practices. instinctively acquires for himself an animal (large or From an internal sociological point of view, a herd small cattle), depending on the amount of money he constitutes an animal social group, formed of animal has. There is then a legitimate desire to "hoard": the lines and individuals divided according their age cat- wealth is the cattle. One can earn money by watering egories and their sex. In a herd, individual animals or keeping others' animals, by cultivating others' have status and different social and economic roles. fields, by practicing small trades in the cities on a From an economic point of view, a herd is a means of seasonal basis, by making objects, if one masters arts production at the disposition of a human group, and and trades techniques or one cannot exclude steal- it is comparable to land. But, contrary to land, a herd ing.30The animals acquired in this fashion by a per- is a perishable good and must therefore be constantly sonal effortconstitute the animals called dura', animals replaced by simple animal reproduction.29 acquired on the markets and whose origins are generally unknown. Types of Animals IN-KINDPAYMENTS. Sometimes, when cultivating the Among the cattle species, one distinguishes the Arab fields or keeping the animals of others, an individual zebu (Bos indicus), fine, with generally short antlers, is not paid with money, but in kind, that is, he directly a protruding fetlock and a black and white, red, black receives animals. These animals and their descendants or spotted coat. The adult male weighs between 350 are then directly integrated with his personal herd. and 400 kilograms and the female 250-30 kilograms. The zebu mbororo is long-lined, with short hair, lyre- PATERNALHERITAGE. At the heart of agro-pastoral so- shaped antlers and a long head. The male weighs ciety, it is by animal property that an individual ac- between 350 and 500 kilograms and the female 300 quires social status. In this way, the recognition of kilograms; the zebu kouri or boudouma is long-lined, paternity passes by the giving of an animal to a new- with enormous "antlers" but light in a high or rising born. In the majority of pastoral and agro-pastoral lyre shape (it essentially lives in the islands and on the societies, the notion of "heritage" is not linked with banks of Lake Chad.) death, but life. The transmission of cattle from one Among the sheep species,one distinguishes the Arab generation to another is a continual processus (system sheep with long black hair, and long and falling ears. It of pre-heritage or "ante mortem" heritage). 22

GIFns ANDLOANS. In every pastoral society, varied they indude the individual and familial animals. mechanisms exist for the circulation of animals from These are always management units, whose size cor- one individual to another, from one family unit to responds to concrete capacities of work, either the another. These mechanisms, of which we have spoken watering or the guarding. Everywhere, this size varies in the preceding chapter, enable people to acquire between 60 and 100 animals (it is the number of ani- rather rapidly personal herds, autonomy and eco- mals that a shepherd can care for during a watering). nomic independence. More profoundly, they enable Every morning the subherds leave in different direc- one to understand different aspects of social life. For tions. More often than not, in the agro-pastoral vil- each type of mechanism, or each type of transaction lages, each unit is given to a member of the village or (gift, loan, exchange, sale), there is a specific social the encampment, or to a paid shepherd who is a relationship. foreigner to the village, and is paid by the different animal owners depending on the number of their MATRimONIALCOMPENSATION. In the majority of pas- animals. In this way, setting up units of animal man- toral and agro-pastoral groups, animals are utilized to agement becomes a form of cooperation beyond the contract marriages, and they are the object of gifts and individual domestic units, at the level of the entire allocations. A vast circuit of animal transfers between encampment. groups is organized around marriages, and the circulation of women and animals has the goal of structur- BAsEDON MILKPRODucTION uNrIS According to the ing society in a fundamental manner. The dowry season, the herd is divided based on the productive generally has a conventional character it does not capacities of the animals of which it is composed. In ensure a property right over the woman, but a filial fact, above all during transition perods (beginning relationship over the latter's children, who belong to and end of the rainy season), the herd is divided into the husband's lineage (Nicolas, 1986). two parts:

PAYmENTOF THE -BLOODPRICE" The payment of the * milk animals on the one hand (this subherd diya,orbloodprice,alsoenablesanindividualtoacquire is called shawayl, by the Arabs of Chari- a certain number of animals, over which he exercises Baguirmi); complete property rights, having received the animals * bulls, the castrated ones, the young females and in compensation for the murder of a member of his the nonproductive females on the other. lineage group. The value of the diya is fixed in advance, but varies according to the regions and groups. These different subherds are managed according to different techniques. Because of their production of Herds and Subherds food, which moreover varies according to the season, the milk animals are kept near the encampment or A herd, an animal social group, organizes itself like village, whereas the other animals are given to young a human society, and must be considered as a set of shepherds, generally without women and without en- groups. The herd must consequently be perceived campment, who are very mobile. as the result of a group of subherds. For all the agro-pastoral groups, the herd is divided into sub- BASEDON AGE uNrrs. The herd of the pastoral unit (at herds, based on criteria and multiple constraints. the family or encampment level) is also divided The cutting-off points are not independent, some- based on the age and the sex of the individuals, each times not even visible, an individual animal being category using different management strategies. able to be attached simultaneously to several sub- Among the young animals (0-4 years approxi- herds, based on periods, seasonal constraints and mately) one distinguishes among both males and the type of guarding requested. Consequently, one females: (a) young calves (calves on a string), called distinguishes management, milk production, and amsalaabin the East and hidbeat Chari-Baguirmn; (b) age bracket units. calves just weaned, called hawaala-this is the age bracket of the year-old young animals; (c) young BASEDON MANAGEMENTuNrrs Animals of the socio- animals called jud'an, that form the age bracket of pastoral group (village or encampment) are divided the two-year old young animals; (d) the animals into several management units or 'lots," and there is called tuniyah, the three-year olds; and (e) the rarely correspondence between appropriation or ac- ruba'aananimals, the four-year olds. cumulation units and technical management units: the Among the adult animals one distinguishes: (a) the latter are called du'un, (plural of daan)by the Arabs of female adults called angamba.One distinguishes more Chari-Baguirmi, and juzo, by the Arab-speaking precisely the females which have never breeded groups of Eastern Batha and in all Eastern Chad, and (called samma), the females without a calf at the foot 23

(mi'addiyat),the females in gestation (duraar)and the furnish to each category of animals varied care de- milk-bearing females with a calf at the foot (shawayl); pending on their specific demands. (b) the adult males called kulsan.One distinguishes the A herd constantly needs minerals. In fact, a lack of faha1or reproducers, and the khussiyaannor castrated salt is followed by a decrease in performance, which (these bulls are generally castrated from the age of may also cause major pathological manifestations. three). Minerals, according to stockbreeders, are used to "purge" the animals and liberate them from "all inter- BASEDON PROPERTY.A family herd, a homogeneous nal disease." This true lack of salt (hiyam)can be com- unit of management, does not constitute a property pensated for in several ways: unit. In fact, it is not possessed collectively, but above all, by permitting the pasture of forage belongs to different members of the family unit and, sometimes, to foreigners. The domestic unit/pro- species rich in minerals. According to the con- ducetion ut apears. aes unitedic uthero- ception of the majority of agro-pastors, the duction unit appears as a result united in the hold-vauofgziglnisnkdtthtyef in of the same herd, but there is no absolute value of gaink theytypeoof coincidence between property rights and holding in certain regions, during the rainy season, the rights, neither between the notions of "animal stockbreeders lead their herds near wells with owner" and "herd chief' or (manager). From an- salty waters. It is a kind of intensive salt cure, other point of view, one can say that the wealth of that enables the animals to become healthy and an individual is never in a unique and visible herd, better uipedtoconfrontthelon season. and is never m a unique place, but is spread out m in the *pp-gcesay the middle of the group. *wmathe regions where the mineral resources are weak, the stockbreeders regularly organize ex- Herd Managementand Animal Care peditions to go collecting natron themselves. Twice a year, the camel raisers of the East Bartha The Sahelian agro-pastors utilize a vast range of region organize camel caravans (caled rabua) stockbreeding practices. These practices constitute a as far as Kanem, in search of natron. The stock- true technological knowledge, which is not fixed, but breeders live in a group. In this way, each rabu'a that changes and evolves depending on external stim- is the occasion of a truly voluntary association ulants, economic, poltical, ecological and sociologi- in which the people gather on the basis of com- caLThese practices are different also because the social mon interest; and units of production of which they are an expression in certain regions where the mineral resources are different. Onecan'distnguish:31 rare lacking or are a great distance from natural are different. One can distingshquarries, the stockbreeders and above all i. practices of holding which concern the entire the raisers of cattle (baggara)buy natron on the set of operations by which a stockbreeder exer- markets. *ises a levy on the animals he takes care of: milk production, in an organic way, or directly animal The Cattle Market levy (for sale on the markets, or for their utilization in social and religious ceremonies); and In a cattle market, one can idensfy several commercial actors: ii herd management which concerns all of the technical operations by which a stockbreeder * theseller (called baya').This is normally a stock- ensures animal maintenance and conditions them breeder. to reproduce or to be consumed. * the guarantor of a seller (called damiin). In fact, the guarantor is nothing less than the represen- To be complete, one would have to evoke, in the tative of the canton chief to which the seller is context of herd management practices, basic veteri- attached from an administrative point of view. nary practices of prevention and care of major animal In each market, one consequently finds a per- diseases. However, according to stockbreeders, a great manent damiin for each local canton, to whom many diseases are not in fact "true" diseases, but the one must add the nonpermanent damiin, oper- consequence of a state of deficiency and malnutrition. ating in the name of the chiefs of neighboring From this perspective, the question of giving salt to cantons; animals occupies a particular place, above all for its * the buyer (called tajir), who can be a stock- economic implications. A good shepherd knows how breeder or a merchant. There are four categories to give to every animal the water, grazing lands and of merchants: i) those who have the authoriza- minerals which it needs, based on the seasons and its tion to export approximately 1,000heads of cat- growth cycle. In fact, the stockbreeder is careful to tle a year; ii) those who have the authorization 24

to export between 400 and 800 animals a year; SocialUncertainty iu) those who may only export a number inferior to 400 animals a year; and finally iv) those A general feeling of insecurity pushes the agro-pastor who do not export at al, but who operate at the to leave some regions and to settle more in others. It is heart of the national market. In fact, in order to the visible effects of war, either open or latent. The do this, a merchant would need a license (that consequences are the increase of cattle stealing and the costs between 52,000and 172,000FCFA, accord- emergence of rural thieves. These population move- ing to the category). In reality, on the markets, ments and the resulting concentrations create condi- among the buyers, there are very few licensed tions of overutilization of pastoral lands and under- merchants, and the majority are formed by col- utilization of others. porters (whose annual license costs as much as 6,000 FCA a year). However, aU these rules are Land Uncertainty in the process of being modified, because of recent institutional changes; The confused land situation, the result of the inter- the intermediary of the buyer (called dallaalior weaving or juxtaposition of several land tenure sys- sabaaba).The intermediary fills several func- tems, often finishes by opposing farmers, agro-pastors tions (lodger of the producers, guardian of his and pastors concerning the access and holding of animals in the viUage), but he is above aU the space. The territorial administrative organization has guarantor of the legitimacy of the transaction, often caused serious tensions to explode between the confirming that the animal sold has not been different groups of producers. The chronic situation of stolen. He must establish a relationship of trust drought has favored a chaotic extension of cultivated between the buyer and the seller. Anyone can surfaces, withareduction of grazingfields, principally become an intermediary. In certain regions in the richest ecosystems. there has recently emerged a true socioprofessional category (for example, the Arabs of Market Fluctuation the Ziwd clan in Western Batha); X the civil servants, notably the tax collector, or The livestock market fluctuates drastically, consider- his secretary, responsible for collecting the dif- ably reducing the purchasing power of the stock- ferent taxes, and the local representative of the breeders, renderng them extremely vulnerable in the stockbreeding service, responsible for issuing face of recurring epidemiological and ecological cri- sanitary certificates to each herd and to each ses. The over-tendency of stockbreeders to accumulate individual animal. large herds must not be considered an irrational way of behaving (it has been spoken of, wrongly, as Major Constraints "thoughtful" or "prestigious' stockbreeding), but as a strategy linked to the extreme variability of economic The pastoral system experiences a certain number of parameters. In a precarious situation, in an extremely constraints, true "blockage factors" that compromise monetarized economy, the stockbreeders, to achieve the social and economic life of the agro-pastoral pop- the same objectives (production of the means neces- ulations, and destabilize their relationship with the sary for subsistence and revenue), need to possess natural environment. According to the stockbreeders, large herds. Moreover, the entire amount of fees and the major constraints are essentially linked to ecolog- market taxes finishes by discouraging and demotivat- ical, social, economic and land insecurity, animal dis- ing producers. eases and the influence of human diseases on normal productive activity. Animal Diseases

EcologicalUncertainty High rates of morbidity and animal mortality also constitute a major constraint, which varies according A persistent climatic variability and a general worsen- to the ecological zones. The results of a large survey ing climatic condition render fragile, unstable and conducted with the stockbreeders show that approxi- precarious the social formations and the agro-pastoral mately 63 percent of the cases of animal mortality are units of production. During the recent droughts (1973 due to disease (against 32% to drought and food defi- and 1984),all the Chadian stockbreeders have lost an ciencies, and 5% to accidents). The stockbreeders important amount of animals. Numerous are those confirm that among the diseases, digestive diseases who have had to irrevocably leave stockbreeding. that result in the highest mortality rate, followed by Others continue to live a precarious existence. the plague, blood parasitism, anthrax and digestive 25

parasitism, and by other diseases not very well- ation of the cornea. Conjunctivitis is widespread in the defined?2 Sahelian zone, because of the sand storms. These same climatic conditions seem to be the cause of a high rate Human Diseases of blindness. Meningitis is a rather common phenomenon. It appears above all during the months of Feb- The physical, biological and human environment, at ruary, March and April, with the great southeast the origin of numerous diseases of the Sahelian pasto- winds. Finally, lice may lead to different forms of ral and agro-pastoral populations, constitutes without dermatosis, recurrent fevers and exanthematic typhus any doubt a major constraint to agro-pastoral produc- (Glibal et al., 1981). tion. Diseases, hunger and malnutrition have a sure economic impact, diminishing agro-pastoral produc- Diseaseslinked to Milk Products tivity. One must however add that few surveys have been able to be conducted in the Sahelian zone to All the agro-pastoral populations have a diet in which document the incidence and the frequency of these nilk products occupy an important place, with a diseases in the agro-pastoral groups. Generally speak- marked improvement in their nutritional state. More- ing, the major causes of morbidity and human mortal- over, a high consumption of milk products seems to ity in Chad are the different forms of diarrhoea, also constitute protection a ainst certain infections respiratory infections, the measles, neonatal tetanus due to bacteria or parasites.m It carries however sev- and above all malaria. Here we distinguish diseases eral risks. Diseases like brucellosis and tuberculosis inked to contact with animals, diseases due to the are transmitted to man through the milk of infected environment in which the agropastoral populations animals. A diet rich in milk may also lead to compli- live, sicknesses linked to milk-based food, "hydric" cations with respect to a deficiency in iron and in diseases, and finaLlymalnutrition. vitamninC (Swift et aL, 1987). The quantity of milk available at the level of the family unit is moreover Sicknesseslinked to Closenesswith the Animals very variable. The overall productivity of the dry season is well inferior to that of the rainy season. In an Zoonoses are diseases common to people and to ani- average herd of 30-35 cattle, one can predict that milk mals. Certain zoonoses need an animal carrier at a is abundant during two months of the rainy season, given moment of their cycle. Stockbreeders live very lasting during two or three months after the end of the near the animals and are thereby exposed, more than rains, and insufficient the rest of the year. other rural populations, to a large number of zoonoses. These include hydradid cysts that spread through Diseaseslinked to Water dogs and camels; anthrax, even though the statistics on human anthrax are rare; and rickettsiosis. Certain human diseases find a milieu propitious for their transmission around water holes. One may dis- Sicknesseslinked to the Environment tinguish: (i) viral hydratid diseases: colon bacillus which is at the origin of infant gastric enteritis, salmo- The pastoral environment may favor a certain number neDla,typhoid fever, typhoid, shigella and bacillary of characteristic diseases, creating in each pastoral dysentery; and (ii) different parasitic diseases (amoe- group specific sanitary conditions. The more import- biasis, lambliasis, and ascaridiasis, resulting from ant aremalaria, conjunctivitis and meningitis. Numer- pathology associated with fecal danger (Gibbal et aL, ous diseases, whose gravityis not greatperhaps, finish 1981).The hydratid intake of an adult depends on the by having a determining incidence on the pastoral importance of effort and the ambient temperature. In populations, because of their mobility, their isolation this way, in the Sahelian context, the dangers of dehy- and the dispersion of their habitat. This is evidently dration are very frequent above all in children. linked to the large distances the sick must cover to reach the rare medical and dispensary centers spread Malnutrition out over a vast territory.33 Concerning malaria, one must also note that the majority of pastoral popula- Children are also particularly exposed to seasonal and tions are subject to it only during the rainy season, and annual alimentary deficiencies and to effects of mal- that does not allow individuals to acquire efficient nutrition, including numerous infectious diseases and resistance. Malaria hits more groups that live in spe- diarrhoea. However, malnutrition is not in general cific regions, like the lakeside zones (lakes Chad and declared, even if it is associated with other sanitary Fitri). The drying and irritation of the eyes aggravate problems. The two characteristic forms of infant mal- ocular infections. Because of various germs, conjunc- nutrition in the entire country are the kwashiorkor(pro- tivitis is endemo-epidemic, and may lead to an alter- tein malnutrition) and the marasma (energetic 26

malnutrition). Hemeralopia, avitaminosis A, of which i. a linear movement, a kind of pendular move- we have spoken above, is also a common consequence ment, of comings and goings, an ascension and a of infant malnutrition in the Sahelian zone. Particu- descent between two geographical points more or larly critical for children is the weaning period. One less distant, notably a dry season zone (called generally thinks that malnutrition in Chad, like in the massWef,from the term seyf, dry season), and a majority of the African countries, is linked to bad rainy season zone (called makhraf,from the term weaning practices, characterized by the lack of pro- khariif, rainy season). In fact, according to the gression and by rapidity. The basic product intro- groups and regions, it is one zone or another that duced for weaning is porridge, a poor product, maybeconsideredatruezoneofattachment,'ard, composed of millet flour, sorghum or rice, mixed with or tribal territory. In certain agro-pastoral groups, water or milk. One can however estimate that weaning above all those that do not already have a great is more easy for the stockbreeders because of their pastoral tradition, this movement has rather the milk-based diet, although that varies according to characteristic of an elliptical movement of small groups and heavily depends on the season (children dimension: the weak importance of available an- weaned during the dry season suffer more). In fact, ial capital or the importance of parallel practices energy needs are only occasionally attained. Periods of agriculture forces groups to make small move- of grave deficit follow periods of equilibrium. ments motivated essentially by the need to distance animals from cultivated surfaces. In an Major Strategies Employed inappropriate fashion, this linear movement may be designated by the term "transhumance"; Facing these constraints, Chadian agro-pastors re- ii. an irregular movement, which is an array of spond with an entire array of pastoral strategies. The movements, sometimes unpredictable, in the lim- most important of these strategies are the mobility of its of a given region, and only during the rainy the men and the animals; diversity of the animal spe- season. Whereas the linear movement is a collec- cies raised; seasonal separation of herds; cooperation tive movement of an entire migratory group or a between the productiou units; aninal feeding and homogeneous group of encampments, irregular finaly attitudes toward the market. nmovement is more an individual movement, at Mobility the level of domestic units of encampments. It is essenhally determined by the search for varied Among all the mechanisms Chadian stockbreeders grazinglandsandwater,dependingonthenature use to resist the thousands of constraints of their envi- of soils, as well as the demands of agricultural rorument,mobiity of the men and animals constitutes activities (the adult men go back and forth be- without doubt a central strategic element. It is evi- tween ae;elds and the encampments, where the dently more important for the pastors who essentially herds are); live from stockbreeding and who are not engaged in iii. a circular movement, which is typical of the any type of land work. But, even for the agro-pastors, dry season, and is always relative to a given water with different modalities, it takes on a very great im- hole. The space situated around a watering hole portance. It is mobility that enables a herd to optimally is thereby exploited by centrifugal, circular move- exploit resources spread out in time and space, and ments. This movement may however simply be also to escape ecological and localized epidemiologi- made by the herds, the encampments remaining cal crises. In the Sahelian climate, the floral composi- fixed near the water hole (above all at the end of tion and the bromatological value of forage depends the dry season); largely on the soil, and herd mobility enables animals iv. a withdrawal movement that is typical of the to achieve an alternating of oligo-elements. It is conse- 1V. a thdry seamovemendthat is typial o- end of the dry season, and that is essentially mo- quently an ecologicalwhich~~~~enbe thefactor ~ to of exlihclgianhstvated adaption to the environ- by a lack of water and/or grazing land. ment whch enables them to exploit ecological mches This concretely means the abandon of the zone of submitted to productvity variations in time (uNfCo, habitual attachment, and the depatue towards 1981). But mobility also has a social and political di- another more favorable zone (a zone generary mension, since it is a privileged means of resolving controlled by another group). It is in this context social conflicts of al kinds arising within groups, as that the buffer zones acquire an important ecolog- well as in the fleeing of all forms of administrative and ical value; and political pressure. Moreover, each mobility model is linked to a precise v. and finally, much more rare, a migratory level of the social structure. One can thereby distin- movement so to speak, that, for serious reasons, guish may force a group to the outside of its own 'ard 27

and make it emigrate towards other regions. Con- postcrisis situations, small ruminants, because of their trary to other forms of movement, this migratory high rate of reproductivity, enable stockbreeders to movementisgenerallyfinalandirreversible,with reconstitute rather quickdya sufficient animal capital important consequences on social structure and to progressively return to pastoral life. After each dry the functioning of the economic system. At the season, the small ruminants recover quickly, being base of the majority of large migratory move- able to profit from the small plants after the first rains. ments there are social and political phenomena of Especially goats present enormous advantages from splitting up and fission. an economic point of view, simultaneously in terms of the production of meat and milk The raising of small CooperationBetween Units ruminants necessitates however a much larger space and a better water quality than that of a camel raiser. Cooperation between production units (domestic All the small ruminants are very sensitive to the men- units, encampments, networks of encampments, ace of diseases much more so than the cattle and the neighboring groups) may be considered as a true pas- camels. toral strategy. Each unit, to survive, needs to be in- serted in a larger group, interdependence not The Separationof Men and Herds contradicting independence and autonomy of basic units. This cooperation may manifest itself in several The members of an agro-pastoral family unit do not circumstances: in the circulation of animal in collective remain together throughout the year but separate and works (collectiveguarding of units of animal manage- meet again according to the rhythm of the seasons and ment and well construction); in defense and aggres- the seasonal requirements of their animals, the con- sion groups. straints of watering and the demands of the crop cycle. However, the subject of interest at this point is the SpeciesDiversification separation between humans and animals dictated by stockbreeding activities. T-hemajority of Chadian agro-pastors, few exceptions aside, have very diversified herds in relation to the Animal Feeding animal species that make them up. In fact, animal species complement one another. they do not exploit Every stockbreeder is extremely careful to give his themilieuwiththesamemodalities,donotreactinthe animals appropriate and sufficient food. In this area, same way to food crises, do not produce food during there is an appropriate technique for each season of the same period, and are not affected by the same the year. epizooties. The choice of an animal species is moreover not a "neutral" choice, in the sense that it is * at the end of the rainy season the major strategy "simultaneously" the choice of a certain way of living, consists of giving animals rich and varied graz- even a certain kind of society. ing land. The major objectives are the stoutness In the Sahel, the raising of cattle is evidently the of the herd, fertility and milk production. In a most widespread, as opposed to camels, cattle are less more specific manner, stockbreeders utilize the resistant to droughts and are more violently affected practice of buming high grasses (of the An- by the aggressions of ecological crises. But reproduc- dropogon type, ab-taffor example) that smother ing themselves faster, their milk production is abun- every other kind of vegetation. On the burned dant and appreciated, and guarding them does not terrain, profiting from the relative humidity of present major difficulties. The raising of camels pre- the soil, the young plants may develop under sents several advantages compared to that of other good conditions. The practice of buming is animals: their resistance to dry conditions, the stability called khariif(literally "rainy season"), because of the milk production of the females. However, a herd it permits a stockbreeder to artificially prolong of camels reproduced itself less fast than a herd of the benefit of the rainy season and to give ani- cattle and, much more so, than sheep and goats. It mals green grass even after the rains, by cutting constitutes therefore a high risk in stockbreeding. In back on dry, straw-based food; economic terms, in the raising of camels the returns of * in the heart of the cold season, during the capital is rather weak. The level of life of a camel raiser months of January and February, herd separa- is generally quite poor, because the majority of imn- tion, or ti'zib, which we have just talked about, mediate benefits must be reinvested in the herd itself. is a practice to enable herds to rationally exploit Also, the camel market is much more difficult than certain specific ecological niches; that of cattle, the demand being very low. The raising * during the hot dry season, between February of small ruminants is also extremely widespread. In and May, herds graze in the agricultural fields, 28

where the rainy crops are cultivated: it is the largely depend on the importance of farming activi- farmers themselves who ask the stockbreeders ties, the cycle of farning works, relations between to lead their herds there (for the manure, diyaar). livestock price and cereal prices, pastoral, behavior On the other hand, it is the stockbreeders them- and food patterns of the populations, and habits of selves who ask recession sorghum field owners livestock merchants. The stockbreeders prefer to sell for the permission to lead their herds there (in the large animals during the dry season (from Febru- general, in fact, one does not fertlize a recession ary to April). Animal sales also become necessary at sorghum field). Access to the recession sor- the end of the dry season and at the beginning of the ghum stalks, at the end of harvesting, is called rains, to compensate the fall of the herd's milk produc- talaga.To give his herd access to the farming tion by buying cereals. sub-products, a stockbreeder is prepared to pay One may, in conclusion, identify a certain number in kind or with money. In the Salamat, for ex- of attitudes common to the majority of producers ample, herd owners pay a general sum of 1,500 of the region: the frequentation of the nearest mar- FCFA per hectare. At the local level one finds kets, except due to an act of God; the choice of true collective contracts between owners of bartering merchandise rather than its direct sale, the herds and owners of fields, the first having the utilization of money being considered as a necessary right to exploit vast village terroirs; practice. * in the heart of the hot dry season, between May and June, stockbreeders practice stripping the Conclusion major fodder trees. This practice, abundantly used everywhere, is called khadar.It enables one For all the agro-pastors, and even more so for the to put leaves, pods and tree fruits at the animal's pastors, the activities of stockbreeding do not only disposition, at a moment of the year where the constitute a kind of general backdrop of social and herbal stratum is insufficient; economic life: more profoundly, they durably, contin- * finally, with the beginning of the rains, the de- ually and profoundly affect all the behavior patterns, parture for the transhumance, enables stock- mental structures and rituals (see Box4). In this way, breeders to achieve the grazing regions rich in property and animal herd management, with the sys- ta'yim. tem of reciprocal rights and obligations which thereby result, express kinship and neighboring relationships. Attitudes Towardsthe Market And, reciprocally, kinship relationships express themselves through the property (or co-property) relation- Stockbreeders also dispose of numerous strategies ships of an animal herd. concerning the market in general, and the animal mar- For the farmer who begins pastoral practice, farm- ket in particular. The market occupies an essential ing continues to remain at the center of his social and place in the social and economic life of the Chadian economic life: acquired animals are not really a part of agro-pastors. In each region, there is constant network this social and economic life, but rather like a foreign of weekly markets. body, finally more aggravating than useful. Pastoral The principal strategies of the animal market con- work is reduced to a minimum, limiting itself to keep- cern essentially the categories of animals for sale: the ing the animals away from cultivated areas during stockbreeders prefer to sell sheep or goats more than crop maturity, and keeping them free the rest of the cows and camels, the first category of animals consti- year. An increase in herd size forces the farmer how- tuting a sort of reserve or "pocket money." In fact, in ever to search for new strategies; the guarding and the familial herd, independently of animal species, supervisory roles of a stockbreeder or hired shepherd one can identify two subherds, in function of produc- become necessary. tion demands: (i) a subherd for investment, reserve or Finally, the farmer who possesses a rather import- speculation, destined essentially for the sale and even- ant animal capital, even while simultaneously contin- tual production of a revenue, and formed of castrated uing to cultivate fields, must compromise: change his bulls and females of reform; (O)a subsistence herd, life, modify production relations at the heart of his destined essentially for milk production for the domestic unit, his behavior patterns and his residen- family's own consumption, and reproduction. This tial models. The simple introduction of domestic ani- second subherd is not in general destined for sale and mals in the agricultural system means the beginning the eventual sale of animals of this subherd constitutes of a particular agro-pastoral system that transforms a sure indicator of crisis. But the sales strategies also the social and economic life of the former farmer, concern preferential sale seasons; these seasons reorienting all the systems and changing the life style change sensibly from one region to the other, and and production style of his domestic unit. 29

Box 4. The pastoral system

The pastoral system is an economic production system digger), cooperation with other domestic units (collec- based on the herd, which is simultaneously considered tive works); and as capital, an element of wealth, and as a factor of pro- ii. utlizing all the tecmological knowledge onsti- duction, like land, susceptible to produce revenue. At the ted by the vast panorama of stockbreeding practices heart of this system, the pastors sear for strategies (herd mobilit, secies diversification, division in sub- satisfy, in an unstable environment, a minimization of , aim a f . in saon)u risk objectives or an improvement of their economic or herds, animal feedig, sellig season). social situation. The presentation of characteristic features of the pas- The insecurity of the environment comes from the toral system provides the elements for an analysis in permanent climatic variability, the overuse of space, the statistical terms. In effect, one finds in this chapter tenure system and price fluctuations of the cattle market. Indeed, the rhythm of the seasons brings a semblance of i. the description of the role and activities of the dif- certainty, because one knows that the following season is ferent miembersof a domestic unit; approaching, but one cannot determine with precision ii. all the essential variables linked to animal produc- the reality of its coming. tion (names of animals, activities, etc.), input expenses The herd is a capital that is progressively constituted (upkeep expenses, work force, etc.), the exchange of through purchase, heritage, gifts of cattle, sheep, goats, products (actors, causes of herd modification, etc.); and camels. This capital is perishable, it must therefore be constantly replaced by animal reproduction. The iii. characteristic normnsconcerning the unit costs of search for optimal herd management is done by dividing work force, the purchase of animals as well as gifts in the animals into sub-herds (sub-herds of investment or kind. speculation, and sub-herds of subsistence) depending on theicpacties prouctve orthei ag clasifcatinsiv. a presentation of the seasonal succession, and the their productive capacities, or their age clsifications. correspondingactivities, which ensure that a represen- The pastors judgeJudge themselves on two acquired pri 1` tationin time of these phenomena is guaranteed in any ples: on the one hand, there is an optimal relationship statistical study. between the size of domestic production units and herd size; on the other hand, the average work productivity is v. a presentation of the basic infrastructures, at the high, whereas the marginal productivity is weak. In this mesoeconomic level that facilitate production (water context, they search for optimal production strategies by: holes, wells and cesspools) or exchanges (markets); li. acting on the work factor. perfectly-defined activi- vi. a description of the mechanisms of herd mobility: ties at the heart of the domestic unit (role of the men, linear, irregular and circular mobility that one needs to women and children), recourse to an outside work know to identify even the most mobile domestic units force (guardian, shepherd, administrator or well- one wishes to survey.

Notes 29. It is a classicstudy of Barth(1973) who identified the major characteristicsof animalcapital with respectto landcapital i) ani- 26. A herd of about 60 animalsconstitutes a maximalmanage- nal capitalis directlyconsumable, and it does not necessitatea ableunit fora domesticunitformed by two activeadults (aman and conversionby an interposedmarket; ii) animalcapital, contrary to a woman)with one or two childrenof workingage. land, must be replaced,even constantlyrenewed; and ii) animal 27. In Chad,one doesnot havestatistics concerning the division capitalmay be investeddirectly, without the mediationof specific ofwork according to age,stil lessaccording to sex Thisis moreover economicinstitutions. true for Africain general,probably because the observershave 30. Stealinganimals is considered,in certainsocieties, an act of underestimatedthe impactof the work done by childrenand the virility,courage and cleverness(see Baroin, (1985), for thecaseof the elderly. DazaKesherda). 28. To constructa shallowwell ('id),one uses teams of well 31. In foDowingthe terminologyof Landais-Lhoste-Milleville, diggers;the price variesaccording to theregions, but is about30,000 1988. ICFA,but one must providestraw for the teamof wel diggersto 32. See Planchenaultet aL (1989).For an identificationof the placeaframeon thewell, as well as food, tea and sugar.To construct majordiseases and the localnames see Imadineet al. (1987). a deep well(sannya), a team of well-diggersasks forbetween 75,000 33. For all this sectionsee Swiftet al. (19S7). and 100,000FCFA, plus food, tea and sugar. 34. Murray dted by Loutan (1985). 5. The Agricultural System

Introduction secondary crops (sesame, peanuts, and cucumbers) on the other hand; and (iii) the nature of soils on which In this chapter, we first present the three essential they are cultivated, that is, the rainy crops cultivated components of the agricultural system, notably work, in sandy soils (goz);low tide crops cultivated between land and the market Then, foilowing the outline of the the rainy season and the first part of the dry season, in preceding section, we describe the major constraints clayish or clayish-sandy soils; and irrigated crops, of Sahelian agriculture and the principal strategies cultivated all year long in generally clayish soils called employed by the agro-pastoral groups to combat these wadior basins. The soils, because of their possibilities constraints and develop potentialities. For the agro- and their more or less large capacities to retain water, pastors who are descendants of the pastoral milieu, have a major importance, permitting an extension of agricultural activity remains an important secondary the plants' growth period, beyond the so-called rainy activity maybe from an economic point of view, but season. entirely secondary from a psychological point of view, The proportion between these crops varies enor- and one may say, mental. For agro-pastors who are mously according to groups, agricultural techniques descendants of the farming milieu, on the contrary, it and food habits and the potentialities of different mi- retains much importance and plays a capital role, lieu. Generally speaking in the entire Chadian Sahel- being a true technical skill and a way of life. ian zone one can estimate that cultivated, low tide crops only constitute approximately 30-35 percent of Agricultural Work the total of cultivated areas.35

-.he PrincipalCrops Cultivated CEREALCROPS Sorghum. In the Sahelian zone, one can distinguish In this section, agricultural work is presented based on several kinds of sorghum, based on color, taste and a perspective that takes into consideration the variety length of maturation cycle. There is red sorghum dura of cultivated species and their demands in the work ahmar (sorghum dura var. rubra), also called dura force. The distinction between the work of the family kurdufaan, because of its geographic origin (in work force and that of the outside family work force Kordofan, in Western Sudan): it has folded ears, it is enables one to understand the nature of labor fur- planted, in general, at the beginning of July, and, nished. The organization of agricultural work is heav- during a maturation cycle of 80 days, it is harvested ily linked to cultivated species, at the level of towards thebeginningof October; itisnotveryappre- production, soil characteristics, returns, level of food ciated, above all because of its taste, but its cultivation, self-sufficiency of the production units, and models of due to its short growth cycle and its resistance to social division of work. Consequently, within a range drought, imposes itself more and more, in conditions of limited possibilities, the choice to cultivate this or of great rainfall variation; very red sorghum dura that crop has capital importance for a given produc- lachini,(sorghum dura unknown variety), with a mat- tion unit and for the individuals who compose it. One uration cycle of 120 days. It is not very much appreci- can, in other words, say that there is a tight correlation ated, because of its taste; white sorghum dura between crops cultivated and social relationships of (sorghum dura), similar to panicum;it has a cyde of 60 production. days; red, low tide sorghum, "recession sorghum" or Cultivated crops may be classified based on three masakau (sorghum dura variety nilotica); it is also major criteria, notably (i) their economic function: called ashattay (small pigment) because of its color, with crops destined for subsistence and destined for and it matures 90 days after planting; white, low tide the market; (ii) their food value: with cereal subsis- sorghum, white "sorghum," with a cycle of 105 days tence crops (mil and sorghum) on the one hand, and after planting.

30 31

Millet.One also distinguishes two main types of millet: In the utilization of agricultural work, Sahelian pemnisetum nieet, called dukhum baladiya,with a mat- agro-pastoralism is characterized by a very marked uration cycle of 90-120days, and pennisetum millet seasonal aspect empty periods follow periods of great (dukhum nejaada)(pennisetum thyphoideum), with a activity (see Figure 1). This seasonal aspect is linked to maturation cycle of 90 days. the shortness of the growth period and the rainy sea- What. One can distinguish three kinds of wheat hard son. Consequently, the majority of agricultural work wheat, called "Kanem wheat,Vwith a maturation cycle must be done in a very short lapse of time. Agricultural of 90-120days; hard wheat called Zenati Boutey,more cycles of overoccupation and underoccupation are recently imported from North Africa; and Siassara characteristic of the Sahelian zone. That also means wheat for food aid. that the marginal productivity and the opportunity Com. One can distinguish two varieties of corn (zea costs by hour of work vary enormously from one r1Lays,called masar,in the majority of Chadian lan- season to another. It is the temporary utilization of an guages): dry season corn, cultivated in rotation after outside familial work force that often enables one to wheat, planted in April and harvested in July (during lessen the inconveniences of seasonal strangling. One the preharvest gap period, ihkedates) with a cycle of also finds, according to the regions, important sea- 70-80 days (it needs weekly irrigation until maturity); sonal migrations of work force. and rainy season corn, harvested in July after dry Agricultural activity takes place during two distinct season corn and in the same quarters, and harvested periods and in different ecologicalzones: in the dunes at the end of October (it needs three or four comple- and in the plateau dunes (goz),during the rainy season mentary irrigations). (between June and September), and in the low, clayish-lemon plains (naga'a) during the cold dry season SBCONDARYCROPS. The other noncereal crops essen- (between September and February). The rainy crops tially have the goal to complete the diet. The princi- heavily depend on the rainfall, whereas the dry season pal crops are beans, or niebe, called in Arabic lubya crops depend on the floodings of terrains (the floods (ngaloin Kanembou, nyebbein Foulfoulde) (dolichos aerate the soils and deposit clay, a source of fertility) lubia), which may be harvested at the beginning of and it is moreover the probability of flooding which the rainy season, and its maturation cycle is 60 days creates the value of a parcel of land. (always cultivated together with other crops); sesame, called susum in Arabic; peanut, called ful in RANCROPS.For therain crops, the farmers identify the Arabic; tuk-tuk, bittekh and anjelfe, cross cultivated following steps: with millet or sorghum; cucumber, called in Arabic jfaggus, whose grains constitute a preharvest gap a. the clearinga of thes fied F ...... there iS first the clearing of bushes, called food very much appreciated; onion, in the wadi, taktagaan,then the constitution of piles (bote)of called basar, which needs 40 days of seeding; and the thors and shrubs and, finaly, their buning tomato, planted in parcels of the wadi, starting with (harragaan);these different activities take place plants 30 days old. during the months of March and April; FRurTTRES. Finally, for the fruit trees, among the b. drysowing thisworkcalledmikoya,isaccom- irrigated crops of particular importance is the date plished with the use of a dibble, from the begin- palm (phoenixdactyliferm, called tamr in Arabic, and ning of May, as soon as the fields are ready. This diina in Kanembou). A palm tree produces fruits after dry sowing can be continued and completed by five years. In addition to the benefit of its production, sowing in the already humid soil, after the first a palm tree protects, with its shadow, underlying rains; crops against evapo-transpiration. Handpicking is furrow digging caled mur, that consists of done between July and August (therefore durng the making small furrows between the rows and the preharvest gap period, like corn). mounds of earth to cover the plants' roots, to Major Works collect water and prevent its draining-off. It often demands outside family help; In agro-pastoralism in general, it is work, more than d. weed uprooting, called maale, which takes land, that constitutes the base of the economy and the place during July, as soon as the millet reaches a principal limiting factor. Contrary to the European height of 15 cm. Weed uprooting is done with a agricultural system, for example, in Africa it is the hoe, kadanka,used like a scraper, or (jaraay).The work available that has constituted the base of eco- need for a second weed uprooting (approxi- nonic and political power, in a context characterized mately twenty days after the first), depends on by a weak population density. rain and the nature of the soil. w"u------j".w_w_------jZ---"

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------

32 33

e. the protection of thorns against grain-eating d. transplanting of plants, caled shaq,accom- birds in August and September; plished during August and September; f the harvesting, after the complete maturation e. weed uprooting, called knvto, done begnudng of the thorns, starting in the beginning of October. in October for approximately 20 days; This work consists of cutting (gata'an)the thons, f the case of predatory birds; arranging the ears in small piles (caUedmasabbat), and then in large piles (jurun)in the middle of the g. the harvest takes place between January and fields; March; g. the transportation of the millet from the field to h. the transportation of ears of com from the theseparationzone (madak),located near the village; field to the separation zone; h. the threshing (called daggaan)of the grains i the separation or stripping of ears of corn In from the separation zone; the separation zone (madak);and i. the winnowing (called darraan)of the grains to j. grain winnowing, to eliminate wastes. remove their wastes; IIWGATEDCROPS. In several regions (Western and j. the stocking of the grains in the grainary Southeast Kanem, Ouaddai), one finds agro-pastors (dabangat)or in holes in the soil (nugra). irrigating acops in the valleys or in the interdune de- pressions in the form of more or less closed basins RECESSION CROPS. Recession crops are more or less called wadiin Arabic and b'Iain Kanembou. Irrigated widespread according to geographic regions and ac- crops have their own characteristics and their own cording to groups, based on soil potentialities and specific qualities: practiced in fertle soils (whose tex- group habits. The floodwater cleans the terrain, resti- ture is generaUy muddy and/or muddy/sandy), they tutes the fertlity and favors the plants' growth, pene- demand a considerable amount of work. The crops are trating deeply into the soil. GeneraUlyspeaking, these planted during the entire year, com during the rainy crops demand: (i) more advanced technological season (July-August), and wheat during the cold sea- knowledge than that of rainy crops; (ii) a larger work son (December-April). For these types of crops, one force availability; and (iii) a capacity to practice, year can identify two major types of tasks: the first consists round, very varied activities. of stirring the mass of sterile sand that the wind inces- All the recession crops demand a lot of general land santly accumulates and that menaces the wadi with developmentactivity,particularlyfortheconstruction being sanded in; the second task consists of irrating and maintenance of small protective dikes to retain the crops two or three times a week (this is a task water. The main recession crop is the "recession sor- practiced with the shaduuf, a kind of balanucng pole ghum.n This crop varies depending on the soil, and with a counter weight). this variation affects the mass of labor furnished as well as the yields. One distinguishes two kinds of soils: Family WorkForce () the clayish-sandy soil (caUledmarsiya in Arabic); and (ii) the black clayish soil (called zargayain Arabic). Most agricultural works are done by a familial work One can identify, in the case of the recession sor- force. There is, moreover, a close correlation between ghum in a clayish-sandy soil marsiya,as many as 10 the size of the family unit (either between the available types of tasks, that occupy the familial and outside family work force) and the size of the familial hold- work force during approximately 10 months a year. ings. This means that the area of cultivated land de- These tasks are: pends on the familial structure and the number of hours of work that the family is able to provide. The a. the construction of small dikes, work called in division of labor constitutes the social context of pro- Arabic jir'f this construction begins in February- ductive strategies (Hart, 1982). Most agricultural March and continues until the beginning of the works are done by members of the domestic unit the rainy season (these small dikes retain the rain size and the composition of these groups and the water and force it to penetrate the soil); principles of organization of the work take on primor- b. the establishment of a nursery called in Arabic dial importance (Swindell, 1985).And it is these mod- diga. ifications that intervene at the level of this organization, more than the evolution of techniques, c. the clearing of the field called katil(often using that make the entire production system extremely outside work force and/or village or lineage flexible and changing(Swindell, 1985). Within a do- help); mestic unit of production, work does not constitute a 34

homogeneous input (Upton, 1987),and there is a social The Land and its Products division of work essentially based on the age and sex of its members, the reasons of which, not always ap- This section discusses the land based on three specific parent, must be situated in the context of relations of perspectives: the measure of cultivated land and the cooperation, kinship and power. There are moreover land's products, and the problems relative to the models of the division of labor according to the differ- stocking, sale and consumption of these products. ent social networks (kinship groups, villages). LandMeasuremeft Outside WorkForce Chadian Sahelian populations experience several Generally, one does not use outside work force except units capable of measuring the surface of a field: in cases of real need, that is, for long and difficult tasks, tni of measurement corresponds to that, like digging (mur) in the case of rainy crops, and * e leg of that thedencespon to the cleaning of fields (kati), in the case of recession an elbow's length, that is, the distance from the crops, must be accomplished in a relatively short pe- elbow to theetemityof the hand, thatis approx- riod of time. The use of a salaried work force permits imatelY5s58centimeters. Itiscalleddura'bordArab those who control the means of production (in this bytheArabsofChariBaguirmi;daranbytheAmabs case the land) to have access to the work of others. The of- Eastern Chad; kele by the Kanembous of importance of this practice may constitute a significant teKanem;"and fi'andeby the Foulbe; indicator of several underlying phenomena, such as a rthe'ud ("baton") or agek (canne"), for the mna- chronic lack of money, a lack of possibilities to obtain ority of Arabs, is five or six elbow lengths long short term credit, the importance of seasonal stran- (that seems to varytaccording to the region); gling of the agricultural crop in relation to the work * the surface constituted by 30 batons x 30 is gorc,and the impoverishment of certain levels of the called mukhammasin the Batha and in Western force, ation. Chad, and mokakkam or meter by all the Arab- rural population.spagpepeoCetlndWtmCh. This work force may be utilized in different ways: speaking people of Central and Western Chad. (i) the most common case is the renting (ujaar) of one It corresponds to approximately 5,000o n2, or several unskilled workers during several days, whichis 0.56 hectares.But thelideaof moahakmin based on the size of the fields and the work capacity does not appear very well-defined and is even, of the familial work force: the payment of the ujaar sometimes, unknown by certain groups or has is made in part in money (from 250 to 1,500 FCFA a fallen into oblivion. day, according to the region and according to the Generally speaking, the size of the fields depends hours of work used), and in part in kind (a meal two on the size of the family unit, actually the available times a day, that is, before and after work, and tea); familial work force, and the density of the population. (ii) quite common is the system of the standard In the Sahelian zone, it varies between two and six contract, called mogawalain Arabic, where the value hectares. of the payment is determined by the nature and the quantity of work to be done, (iii) the third case is the MeasuringProducts invitation to collective work addressed by an individual to members of his village, to parents and The Arab-speaking groups of Chad have a certain friends. It is the system commonly known by the number of traditional units of measure destined to term nafiir in the entire Arab-speaking Chad, but measure the capacity, in particular the quantity, of that is also called juwaada or sargaya.The nafiir is the cereals. The use of these measures often falls into expression of cultural assistance between different oblivion. Their definition is also subject to variations persons at the heart of an economic solidarity group: from one region to another: it essentially consists of the pooling of the work force, and the parcels of different people of the nafiir * the zakka, also called muntal in Eastern Batha network are cultivated in turn. and hin and yawaloin Eastern Chari-Baguirmi, One must say finally, to conclude this section, that consists of two handfuls, and corresponds to the payment of an outside work force, according to approximately 600 grams of millet; all the forms it may take on (cash salary, compensa- * the koroconsists of 4 zakka/muntal/rot/hin,or ap- tion in kind, food preparation for collective work) proximately 2.40-2.50 kilograms of cereals constitutes probably the most important category of (but its capacity varies according to the variety; the expense budget of the majority of the domestic * the midd(or mudd)designates a unit of measure, units. However, we do not have the results of any whose capacity is approximately 12 rotl or 3 specific inquiry. koros,or a little more than 7 kilograms. 35

Yields TheConsumption of Products

For aU the Sahelian groups, the estimated yields are In the Sahel, the populations do not benefit from a extremely imprecise and problematic and depend on varied diet and do not experience stable nutritional objective criteria (nature of the soil, characteristics of equilibrium. One can distinguish: the region) as weU as numerous subjective criteria (adopted measures). For milet, generally speaking m a. customary dishesprenared dailv leV ('esh), the Sahelian zone one has yields going from 350 to 80 generai y based on pennsetum mriUet (duntum), kdlogram/hectare. For sorghum, the yields are a little morninguand teein& acomajie by iffe higher (between 400 and 900 kilograms). morningand the everlng,accompanied bydiffer- ent vegetable sauces; a bitter drink based on millet StockingProducts flour mixed with milk, caUed ajina, consumed above all in the middle of the day; milk; and In the Chadian Sahel, stocking constitutes an obliga- sugared tea (several times a day); tion for the populations survivaL One finds two major b. inhabitual dishes, prepared for precise cir- systems for stockng of products from the earth (ex- cumstances, such as the greeting of important cluding temporary stocking of small quantities of ce- guests or social and religious ceremonies (called reals in cases, by means of sacks or pottery: azuma):grilled or cooked meat, of course, but also * the granary en banoo,called dabangat,generally rice (riiz), crepes (kesar),cous-cous (cus-cus) based used above aU in Kanem and in the East; and on dried peanuts mixed with pennisetum millet • the hole in the soil, called nugra,or, in particular, flour; and lasko,often utilized for securty reasons, against c. finaUy, exceptional dishes during the fast of fire and plllagers. Ramadan in particular madide,or porridge based on curded milk and sugar, and sharba,or soup The Saleof Products based on meat and vegetables.

The market constitutes a kind of "interface" be- Major Constraints tween the basic agro-pastoral units of production and the overall socioeconomic environment (Upton, The agricultural system experiences a certain number 1987). The term "market" designates here every of specific constraints in addition to general con- kind of financial transaction effectuated on the basis straints (see Chapter 4). of money or the exchange of products, taking place everywhere, including in the places of production, Water and not only in the market places properly speaking. One can distinguish the stand-up sale of non- The decrease i rainfall constitutes, accordig to the finished products, and the sale of finished products unanimous advice of the agro-pastors, the major cause on the market. of the low productivity of Sahelian agriculture. Water is consequently considered the major limiting factor. STAND-UP SALEOF NON-FNISHBD PRODUCTS The sheyl Water, as a constraint, may be divided into three system enables a cultivator to sell his own millet, classes: (i) drinkng water necessary for men and ani- before the harvest, sometimes even before sowings, at mals: availability of potable water may modify the a price inferior to that of the normal market. Evidently, distribution of the habitat, the size of encampments the sheyl is considered as a necessity for producers in and villages, and finally influence social relationships distress, a survival strategy during the preharvest gap of production; (ii) soil humidity necessary for the period. It profoundly compromises productivity and growth of vegetation: it is a constraint linked to land individual agricultural holding. characteristics; and (iii) irrigated water, for irrigated crops. THE SALEON THE MARKETOF FIIHED PRODUCrS.A producer generally sells the product of his labor Soil Fertility through the use of intermediaries. But one finds several systems, more or less complex, in function of The lack of soil fertility is another important con- geographic zones. In zones experiencing good straint.Thisfertilitymaybeseriouslydiminishedafter production, the producer is taken care of on the ten years of intensive cultivation. The principal mdi- market by guides and intermediaries (who receive cator of exhaustion is the appearance of a parasitic commissions). plant, called buda (striga). Certain regions like the 36

Batha and the Kanem experience, from a pedological All these techniques concern the supervision and perspective, a phenomenon of whitening and im- management of the environment. There are two criti- poverishment in the fine partides of the upper soil cal moments when these techniques are progressively layer (CrFr,1989). Generally speaking, one can affirm used: at the beginning of the rains and during the first that the loss of fertility, while being favored by the weed uprooting. Laterains may force the farmerto dry phenomenon of eolian erosion, changes in the level of sow. Bad grain Apening forces him to sow again soil texture, is indirectly linked to demographic and/or transplant or to change the crop variety. What growth and the increase of population density. counts in the entire process is the constant necessity to make the right decision at the right time, based on the PredatoryAnimals empirical knowledge of the major factors and parameters of the environment. Another constraint is the presence of many preda- An entire arrayof adjustments,even arrangements, des- tory animals that destroy harvests, above all-grain tined to permit optimalutilization of the differentecological eating birds, grasshoppers and rats. Their damage, subsystems. according to the year, may be very important, above Generally speaking, these practices concern the di- all during sowing (in the case of rats) and after the versification and the association of crops. Diversifica- ripening of the corn (in the case of birds and grass- tion enables farmers to reduce production variability, hoppers). to produce the most necessary subsistence crops, to satisfy the need for liquid assets and to use the micro Main Strategies Employed variables of the soil types (Malton, 1983). These are sometimes complex arrangements demanding an ap- At the level of Chadian agro-pastors, there are three propriate technology, particularly in cases of exploit- major strategies based on the principal objectives: ation techniques of sediment lands for recession A variety of techniquesdestined to conserveor improve sorghum, the choice and management of varieties re- the physicalproperties of the soils. sistant to drought and the behavior of each variety These techniques preserve the structure of the soil according to climatic conditions. One notices that: and improve its fertility, and give it nutritive elements. during drought, farmers tend to disperse their Among these: cultivated parcels, and, in dune soils (goz)to dry * manuring (diyaarin Arabic) is practiced in dif- sow, well before the beginning of the rains, to ferent regions, but never in clayish soils for save time. The best agricultural strategy is a recession crops (with recent rainfall deficits, the good supervision during the crucial cultivation diyaaris less and less practiced); periods, at the beginning of the rains and during * fallowing (bura) is neither generally practiced in the first weed uprooting. Important decisions muddy soils (goz), nor in the wadi, because the must be made immediately before the rains, and land is already rather fertile; finally neither in in the interval between the first storms and the soils already rich in animal manure; heavy rains. During the crop cultural season, * the construction of furrows and soil hills, small there are three determining periods: (i) the ger- dikes and terraces, and the planting of shrubs mination of cereals (beginning of July); (ii) the and plants such as the Andropogon gayanus) ripening of millet (end of July); and (iii) the on the border of the fields, to reduce wind and ripening of sorghum (September); water erosion and to ensure soil cover; * the practice of diversified and associated crops * fruitful sowings, from the beginning of the constitutes an important strategy and accords rainy season, to benefit to the fullest from the tangible results. It permits in fact a reduction of addition of nutritive elements: Sahelian soils are the production variability to produce all one in fact poor in organic matter, rapidly decom- needs, to partially satisfy needs in money liq- posed by microorganisms in hot and humid uidity and to exploit the microvariability of soil conditions from the beginning of the rains types (Malton, 1983).Quite crucial is the role of (Upton, 1987).Dry sowing is possible, accord- the woman in the efficient adoption of a new ing to the cultivators, only in new soils, little or crop or new variety, because of the impact on not at all previously worked; organization and the allocation of agricultural * crop rotation, called shagalibiinin Arabic; and work (Swindell, 1985).Association enables one * in the wadi, to fight against the accumulation of to have better returns and above all more cer- salt in the lands, the peasants flood the polders tain; it also enables one to economize on the by a breach in the dike to clean the soil and to mass of labor necessary to accomplish different give it renewed fertility. activities, on the principal that the same task 37

Box 5. The agiicultural system

The agricultural system is a complex production system ii. utilizing all the technological knowledge relative based on the two production factors of work and land. to cultivating practices (manuring; fallowing, crop ro- Farmers, using rational strategies based on an optimal tation, time of sowing, water control, etc.), stocking of allocation of resources, try to satisfy objectives to mini- products (barns en banco) and their sale (period of mizerisks and to improve the economic or social situation sale). in an insecure environment filled with social constraints. Labor, more than land, constitutes the essential, limit- The detailed description of the major traits of the agri- ing production factor. This explains the tight correlation culturalsystemasdoneinthischapterfurnisheselements which existsbetween thesize of thedomesticunitand the indispensable to an analysis of the system in statistical extent of the exploitation. Agricultural production activ- terms. One finds: ities, a function of adopted cultivating activities, are reg- i. all the essential elements linked to agricultural pro- ulated by the seasons. Consequently, marginal duction (nomenclature of kinds of crops, products, productivity and opportunity costs based on labor hours activities, etc.), inputs (instruments, seeds, work force, vary enormously according to the seasons. etc.) and exchange of products (actors, type of transac- Farmers, in this context, search for optimal strategies tion, value, etc.); of production: i. acting on the labor factor division of labor at the ii. indicative normisconcerning size of fields, returns, heart of the domestic unit (females activities, males task periods, coefficients of the conversion of quanti- activities, alternating activities, role of children). Utili- ties, unit cost of products, the cost of work force con- zationof salaried work force for long and painful work tracts, allocation and gifts in kind; (renting of unskilled work force, standard contract), iii. linking of activities necessary for the production invitation to collective work; of each kind of crop and the persons of the domestic u. diversifying crops fo.owing the nature of the . unit who are .~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~te OsS accordingtraditionally tooptheirwm age associatedorursex; with these activ- (rainy, low tide, irrigated cultures), following con- itesaccordigtotheirageorsex; sumption objectives (subsistence crops, sorghum, mil- iv. a presentation of the exchange mechanisms at the let, wheat, etc.), secondary crops (beans, sesame, mesoeconomic decision level that are represented by peanuts, etc.);and associating certain crops with others the markets (actors, value, benefit, etc.). (millet-beans,sorghum-beans);

(for example, weed uprooting) may finally be interest in the form of descendence and moreover it is profitable for all the varieties; to minimize the immediately convertible into money. Livestock, con- impact of the draining of rain waters, reduce trolled by the investor, is not subject to inflation; its disease infestation and bad grass, and maxi- acquisition becomes for the peasant an incentive to rnize the utilization of daylight (Watts, 1987; improve agricultural production. As a property, it Richards, 1983; to take care of great diversity of brings the security of food and social prestige. Techni- needs (subsistence products, products "for the caUy, the herd is a source of manure for soil fertiliza- sauce," commercialized products). tion, especially through its ingestion of harvest residues which would otherwise be difficult to incor- In this context, the raising of animals may be con- porate into the soil. sidered in itself an agricultural strategy. The posses- The agro-pastoralpopulations' capacityto adapt and sion of animal capital has a particular value for alternativestrategies facing recurrentecological and eco- Sahelian farmers: investment in livestock constitutes nomic crises. in effect an alternative and a not to be mnissedoppor- This implies strategies like seasonal migrations, tunity. Money has an ambiguous value because it does hand-picking of crops, the practice of varied economnic not represent a sure way to hoard, does not express a activities, the expression of a true "science" or peasant possibility of reserve. The purchase of livestock there- knowledge, which we will discuss in the following fore constitutes a rare investment possibility, in an chapter. Generally speaking, farmers produce for fa- economic perspective that enables one to live from day milial self-consumption. They try, from this point of to day. A simple savings account in the beginning, view, to situate themselves facing inter-annual fluctu- livestock finishes by representing a relatively certain ations, by accumulating and keeping subsistence and stable form of accumulating wealth; it produces stock from one year to the other. But the social dimen- 38 sion of this strategy must not be forgotten: each pro- We have seen in the preceding chapter how the duction uwit must help the others, in the context of choice of pastoral practice on the part of agricultural lineage groups. This social dimension may determine communities is full of consequences for the social production schemas. During periods of crisis or reces- and economic life of basic production units, as well sion, farmers prefer to eat and drink what they pro- as the environment. The same thing is true for the duce themselves, rather than sell the surplus in choice of the agricultural practice by pastoral com- markets subjectto fluctuationsand speculations. They munities, often following tragic losses of animals, prefertochooseactivitieshavingperhapsweakprofits droughts and famines: their agro-pastoralism is but also minimal nsks, like those finalized with food then a survival strategy, and the direct practice of production or the exercising of a small local business, agriculture is considered as a refuge and divine ratherthanactivitiesimplyingmoreimportantprofits, salvation. This agro-pastoral situation creates how- but also great risks, like activities linked to large busi- ever a change in habitat, diminished mobility, a new nesses and distant markets (Richards, 1985). spatial inscription, modification of feeding habits, and adjutments at the level of basic pastoral tech- Conclusion niques. The goal pursued is definitely that of recre- ation of pastoral life, where the livestock can regain In the study of the functioning of small agricultural its primordial place. Often, however, this style of production units, the family plays an essential role:the living and production tends to perpetuate itself and production process is a consequence of decisions become chronic, and agro-pastoralism progres- made by the head of a familial unit and the labor of all sively becomes a true, permanent life style. its members, concerning the utilization of lands, workforce, capital, and crop management (Brossier, 1987). Note It is an agricultural system with internal coherence, with an array of practices and logical technical 35. According to the statistics of the National Rural Develop- sequences(see Box 5). ment Office (ONDR)for 1983. 6. Alternative EconomicActivities

Introduction Generally, these guarding contracts do not provide for any form of salary. The shepherd just has the right The goal of this last chapter is to give a comprehens- to receive milk from the herd. Sometimes, he receives ive view of these parallel activities, because of their gifts: a loaf of sugar, tea, or clothes. Traditionally, the importance and their impact on material life. Chad- guarding of animals existed within lineage and ian agro-pastors know a series of activities, whose friendly relationships, or in specific tributary relation- principal function is to render functional the entire ships between different social formations. However, agro-pastoral system in situations of penury, crisis today, following the general impoverishment of the or rapid impoverishment. Among these activities, rural milieu, this phenomenon has generalized itself, we distinguish those that are connected, in a more and it is destined to increase. Moreover, in regions or less direct manner, to the raising of animals; those with a strong demographic density and near large that connected to the work of the land; and finally urban centers, there is a heightened tendency towards those that are exercised outside agro-pastoralism monetarization of this type of contract. properly speaking. These alternative activities are very important,36 but unfortunately, they are subject Wateringof Others'Animals to seasonal and regional variations that are not very well known qualitatively and quantitatively. How- A poor stockbreeder may very easily rent his own ever, these activities substantially occupy members labor force and, partially, that of his family unit, to of the production units, and exercise a definite im- water others' animals. To do this, actual watering pact on the agricultural and pastoral activities prop- contracts codified by usage are established that gener- erly speaking. ally foresee the construction, even the maintenance of a well or a cesspool, and the watering of the herd Alternative Pastoral Activities during an entire season. A certain number of conditions govern the digging and the maintenance of water Particularly important are the activities that enable an holes. For example, a normal contract foresees the individual, even an individual domestic unit, to exist payment of a sum of money starting from 3,000 to at the heart of a pastoral way of production, and to 5,000 FCFA a month, according to the region and the maintain a "semblance" of normal stockbreeding depth of the well, for the daily watering of an average practice, even if an essential element is lacking, espe- herd of 60 animals. The owner of a herd must also cially the legal possession of sufficient animal capital. furnish a cord. In this way, a shepherd, with or without the help of his family unit, may be forced to sell his own work, to Convoys and Caravans keep, water, or send towards the markets animals belonging to other people. A certain number of people are needed to convey the animals to markets belonging generally to large mer- Guardingof Others'Animals chants. The work simply consists of transporting a merchant's herd of animals from a collection market The poor stockbreeder must concern himself with an- toward a terminal market, following an itinerary usu- imals belonging to rich farmers or stockbreeders, or ally in a group of three or four people. Their remuner- absentee owners (merchants from the urban centers), ation varies according to the region and the length of accepting to submit himself to guarding contracts, the trip. For a convoy of animals from eastern Batha to called amaanaor uda'a.We have already discussed the N'Djamena, for example, demanding at least 20 days methods of guarding of animals belonging to other of travel, each conveyor receives a cash payment of people. 20,000 FCFA. Certain people may accomplish as many

39 40 as three or four convoys a year. Numerous agro-pas- products of handpicking are now regularly commer- tors organize caravans destined to transport different cialized. The monetarization of the economy, the products from the Saharan zone to the Sahelian zone, degradation of natural resources and general transfor- and vice-versa. There are true caravan routes in each mation of production systems have however sensibly region. modified the methods of handpicking and reduced its impact. Alternative Agricultural Activities The techniques of handpicking are based on profound knowledge of the ecological milieu by the Here we distinguish two kinds of agricultural activi- populations. Handpicking demands an appropriate ties accomplished by poor agro-pastors for other peo- knowledge of the harvest, preparation and utiliza- ple: participation in field work and care of the tion of different products. Even for handpicking, transportation of products of the land. one may identify models of social division of labor, although the role of women and children is primor- Workingin the Fieldsof Others dial, men only intervene in this domain when there is a major crisis. The practice of handpicking how- We have spoken at length of this activity in the pre- ever is now experiencing a certain decline for all the ceding chapter. Here, we must just add that because agro-pastors: always present as a secondary food of the internal characteristics of agro-pastoralism, very source, it tends to become residual as substitute food few agro-pastors finally work the land for somebody (Chastenet, 1987). Among the principal products of else. This practice is common above all among the handpicking, one finds cereals, cereal substitutes impoverished farmers. and raw fruits.3 Among cereals, the most important of the non-cul- TransportingAgricultural Products tivated cereal species is generally designated in Arabic by the name kreb:this is general term, that seems to Frequently, pastors and agro-pastors rent their work refer to several species of grasses, such as Brachiaria and that of their animals to transport cereal products Kotschyana, EchinodoaColona, Panicum Laetum and for farmers. One can distinguish two forms of trans- Panicum Phrogmitoides (Gaston and Fotius, 1979). portation: (i) the transportation of the entire harvest The kreb grows, during the rainy season, in .iuddy of the field to the village granary, for stocking; and land and in the lower depths; it is prepared, like millet (ii) the transportation of a part of the village's produc- and sorghum, to form a "ball." Resembling kreb is tion to the market, for sale. One transports cereals with l'absaba,Dactyloctenium aegyptiacum, that grows in camels or mules. The prices of transportation vary the same types of soil and that is prepared in the same depending on distance and period of the year. More way. Among the other cereals, one must recall the often than not, remuneration of the transportation is smaU grains of l'amhoy,Eragrostic pilosa, that grow in made in kind, and not in money. The average remu- the depths of the ouadisat the beginning of the rainy neration provides for a koro of millet (approximately season, wild rice, caled am-belele,Oryza breviligulata, 2A kilograms) to transport a sack of 40 koro(or approx- prepared to form small baUs,its harvest takes place in imately 96 kilograms). This is done in the entire coun- the middle of October, I'askanit, Cenchrus biflorus, try. The stockbreeders of eastern Batha, for example, generally called cram-cram,that has the advantage of at the end of the rains, return precipitously to the being harvested late in the year, in the middle of the agricultural regions of Salamat to take care of trans- dry and hot season, seyf. portation of local farmers. Numerous stockbreeders of For the main cereal substitutes, that during a period northwest Kanem descend into the region of Lake of famine, are used to prepare basic food, in the form Chad for the same reason.37 of porridge, cakes or nougats, one can speak of the round and hard berries of the shrub called mohet, Parallel Activities Boscia senegalensis; juicy fruit seeds from the tree called gafal, Commiphora africana; fruits of the Handpicking kurmut, Maerwa crassifolia;small, round tubers of the siget,Cyperus rotundus, harvested at the beginning of In Sahelian agro-pastoralism, marked by recurring the rainy season; and the fruits of the sao, Salvadora subsistence crises, handpicking remains an extremely persica, battikh,Colocynthis citrullus, or wild mellon, important secondary or substitute activity, based on and karkan,Hibiscus sabdariffa. In the regions of the the alternating of normal and crisis periods. Hand- islands and the banks of Lake Chad, alge, Spirulina picking has always played a major role with relation- platensis, called dihe in Kanem, are collected in the ship to food self-sufficiency of the domestic units. ponds of the littoral, dried in basins dug in the sand. Lately, it has opened itself to the market, and the One prepares sauces very rich in calories3 9 41

Finally, among the fruit trees, one consumes the 1985): in fact the average age of those who leave is fruits of the tomur al abid, the giddemand the kabayna, 30-40. They may remain absent from their encamp- which correspond to different species of Graewia ment/village during several months. The length is (respectivelyVillosa,PopulifoliaandFlavescens),har- determined by their material needs and capacities of vested in September-October, before the millet har- work of those who stay at home (availability of famil- vest; pulp, kernel and almond of fruits of the nabakand ial work force).42In the cities, these men do any small the korno,that is respectively of the Ziziphus mauriti- craft that can earn them a little money: the transporta- ana and of the Ziziphus spina-christi, or jujubier, that tion of water and the digging of wells and latrines matures in March-April, and that are consumed in seems to be their most frequent work. But they are different ways (raw, in nougats and cakes); the pulp, ready to do anything. They integrate themselves with kernel and almond of fruits of the tree hejlij,Balanites great difficulty into the permanent urban population aegyptiaca, (commonly called "soap tree"), prepared and remain quite marginal. in different ways; and the fruits of the dum, Hyphaene It is, however, rare that these seasonal workers bring thebaica, or doum palm tree, that, harvested in Janu- a lot of money home. They are generally obsessed by ary, are directly consumed or are piled and reduced the need to obtain food (cereal)for their families, above into flour.40 all for the long preharvest gap period, and by the desire to avoid all sale of weak animal capital still available. CraftsIndustries The depart of numerous young men has the indirect effect of easing the family budget destined for buying As an economic activity, crafts are practiced essentially food, and to enable those who remain to better share by a specific socioprofessional category, that of the small resources. Consequently, the departure of a mi- artisans, who are called Haddads by the Arabs, Aza by grant has above all a regularizing role depending on the Dazagada populations, Duu by the Kanembous, subsistence problems, favorising an improved avail- and Kultu in Ouaddai. The artisans constitute true ability of food for numerous consumers (Couty, 1987). statutory groups characterized by a strict endogamy, a It is probable that the departure of these men has a sort of "caste" both feared and despised by the others. negative effect greater for the stockbreeders than for They are atribal groups, even if their origins seem the farmers, because the herds need constant care. It ethnic (Seignobos, 1984).Distinct from the others from is, anyway, a complex phenomenon, because on the a sociological and sometimes, administrative point of one hand it can aggravate the stagnation of the stock- view (in eastern Batha, for example or in eastern breeding sector, with the departure of an important Kanem, there are cantons called Haddads),today the part of the work force needed by the herds during a artisans are not much different from the agro-pastors critical moment of the year, but on the other hand it from an economic point of view. This phenomenon of may invigorate stockbreeding by injecting fresh capi- reduction of identity is linked to a conjunction of tal into the cattle. causes, such as the settling process and the generalized dependence on agricultural activities, the expansion of Collection/Saleof Wood,Carbon, and Straw Islam, droughts and their consequences,loss of animal capital and destruction of artisan functions and rituals One of the most common alternative economic activi- which were indispensable in the past.4 ' ties for the agro-pastors is the collection and sale of heating wood, carbon and straw. In fact, this type of SeasonalExodus Towardsthe Cities activity, despite its simplicity, to be practiced cor- rectly, demands a certain number of external condi- Every year, above all starting in November or Decem- tions, that is, work force availability; transport animal ber, and until May, numerous agro-pastors quit their availability (mules); the presence of a market, that is villages and their encampments, to go to the large the relative proximity of a city, or, at least, a major cities of Chad (N'Djamena, Sarh and Abeche) and road. This is a difficult activity, that demands time and neighboring countries (Maiduguri in Nigeria, Bangui finally gives few benefits. In the outlying villages, a in Central Africa or Maroua in Cameroon), searching cargo of heating wood can only bring between 200 and for small tasks to do. Except in the case of agro-pastors 500 FCFA,according to the regions and, above all, the and pastors without any means of subsistence, these periods of the year (at the end of the dry season, prices are temporary, seasonal departs. It is rare that women may double, even triple). Carbon is produced from leave for this kind of exodus. In Ouaddai, where the essences like Acacia(nilotica or senegal).To prepare the masculine emigration is high, for example, during the carbon, a team of two coal men need: 10 days for the dry season numerous villages have a large feminine cutting and preparation of the wood; 4 days for burn- majority, and the proportion increases even more in ing and carbonization; 2 days for cooling and putting the age groups of 20-50 years of age (Alio and Goua, into sacks (c=r, 1989). 42

The collection of wood is essentially practiced In fact, certain segments of the population (the Aza) by women, whereas that of straw is practiced by the do the hard and despised work. Extraction is done by men. The two activities take place usually during the teams of three. dry season.During the rainy season, the pastoralmigra- Traditional extraction of natron implies several tions and agricultural activities leave the men less commercial circuits and several intervening people: availablefor this kind ofwork In certain regions,during the workers are generally the Aza, the owners of na- the long months of the dry season, the women organize tron trees are the Kanembous, and the Merchants of the collection,the transportation and the sale of wood the Kanembous, Hawsa or Kanouri. Black natron is as much as four or five times a week, being able to exclusively destined for Nigeria, by lake transporta- cover about ten kilometers with their cargo each day. tion. Merchants come to buy natron in person and transport it, with trucks, towards N'Djamena and, Fishing with large barks, towards Nigeria. It is utilized in pharmacopoeia, cooking and especially in the raising Fishing is an extremely important activity for agro- of animals. pastoral communities located on the banks of lakes Chari and Logone and lakes Chad and Fitri. Fishing Condusion techniques are simple. The kadei, traditional, light boats made of papyrus leaves, have been abandoned, Alternative economic activities generally experience and replaced by canoes. One finds the net trap, called the same constraints as stockbreeding or agriculture, nduli by the Boudouma, made of two poles and a notably droughts, degradation of resources and the cotton net with small links; the ngile-ngile,capture natural environment, demographic growth, deteriora- vessel, is made with woven doum leaves; the kare-kare tion in marketing channels, and insecurity (see Box6). is a "capture chamber," constructed of reeds in deep They have also been rendered more difficult by the waters, and whose opening may be dosed from the massive impoverishment of vast segments of the rural land by a sitter furnished with a cord. The habitat of population as a result of recent ecological, economic, fishers is varied and may consist of installed villages, epidemiological, and political crises. They are no permanent and temporary encampments. longer viewed as a means of earning additional money Techniques and fishing seasons vary depending but as sources-sometimes the sole source-of subsis- on the seasons. Fishing on the lakes takes place tence and income. usually between February and August. In the rivers One can speak of a true model of the phenomenon one distinguishes three long periods: the period of of rural impoverishment, from which it is possible to high waters (JAuly-November),with the capture of deduce constants and, above all, consequences. Be- large fish (ex. Lates niloticus) with swinging nets; cause of the primordial objective of food security in the recession period (during the cold season) with the domestic units, it would be possible to trace pat- the capture of fish leaving flood zones, with instru- terns of responses of the Chadian agro-nastors to cri- ments like the net, hoop nets and the cage; and the ses, depending on the degree of penury. Progressing low-water period (March-July), with intensive fish- from a difficult situation to a crisis situation, one ob- ing of the salanga (alestes baremose), with nets with serves varied responses of the agro-pastors, indicative small links) (Bouquet, 1976). of the state of impoverishment: Traditionally, fish is dried or smoked. Then it is transported to interior markets (N'Djamdna) as well * faced with the first signs of a food crisis, there as foreign markets (Nigeria). The recent technique of isanintensification of the practices of handpick- the bandaalso enables one to smoke the fish. ing of crops and craftsmanship; * borrowing of limited amounts of grain from Hunting relatives and friends; * sale of a farm product before it is ready (sheyl) Traditionally, groups of iron smiths (Haddaad)hunted and of young animals from the speculation herd with antelope nets: the meat was dried and the skins already indicates the gravity of the situation; tanned and transformed into straps, sacks and water * sale of labor to tend other people's animals, skins. But this activity has declined because of the water them or till fields belonging to others; disappearance of game birds and very strict rules. * intensive involvement in unaccustomed or degrading work, such as collection of fuel- Natron Extraction wood, charcoal and straw, or extraction of natron; Natron extraction, called atron in Arabic,43 is done, * seasonal migration of labor (particularly the especially in the mines of central and western Kanem. men) to urban centers; 43

Box 6. Alternative economic activities

Excepting the crafts industry, which only concerns the A detailed observation of these activities makes it artisans, a population category with a precise social role, possible to statistically characterize the poorest allothereconomicactivitiestendtocontinuouslyensure population groups. These include on one hand security to people constantly in need, in the event of households which do not own cattle nor their own structural or temporary poverty, and when poverty is lands, and on the other hand, households with insuffi- due to irregular circumstances. cient assets to provide them with adequate revenues In the pastoral system, these activities include herd and therefore have to devote themselves to alternative caretaking for others or escorting animnalsfor merchants. activities. In the agricultural system, these activities relate to farm- This chapter furnishes a necessary framework ing for others or transportation of agricultural produce. for the elaboration of nomenclature activities and Other more marginal activities are the gathering of cere- products which allow these population groups to be als, grains, fruits and wood, charcoal or straw. determined.

* distress sales of animals from the subsistence 38. Forall thissection see in particularTubiana 1969, and Conte, herd. 1983. 39. Thisalge has an exceptionalnutritive value between3,100 The notion of poverty as well as that of social well- and 3,400calories by kilogram(Bouquet, 1971). being may vary from one crop to another and may 40. One must finallyadd handpickingof all typesof products evolve in time. The situation of the "poor" and the used for a variety of purposes:gum of the kittir abiyad, Acacia "less poor" fluctuates, and individuals pass and re- senegal, and of the kittir anag, Acacia nilotica,which is now utilized as a candy,remedy and materialof reparationto closeoff pass the poverty level depending on endogenous and the recipients;bee honey (ndh); branches and leaves of sao, exogenous factors. The seasonal factor also has a de- Salvadorapersica, to prepare vegetablesalt, after evaporationof ternining influence on the continual dropping below a water and ash so]ution;barks of the taDir,Acacia seyal, for the the poverty leveL Consequently, the state of "non- making of cords;and clovesof the hijili, Balanitesaegyptica, are poverty" is characterized by the power to resist picked greenand crushed, and producea paste used for toiletry items and for washing (thus the name "soap tree given to this shocks, and by the ability to recuperate after crises. tree):for the preparationof this product,the leaves and branches are burned, and the ash is gathered in a basket and filteredwith Notes water; one boilsthis water and the deposit constitutea bread of salt utilized for the cookingof vegetablesand the preparationof 36. One has been able to calculatethat in sub-SaharanAfrica, sauces. between25 and 30 percentof the annualwork of all the membersof 41. For theDuu of Kanemsee Conte,(1983). a domesticunit is in fact accomplishedin the contextof alternative 42. For the Duu of Kanemsee Conte,(1983). economicactivities (see Either-Baker, cited by Upton,1987). 43. Pon Duunateaneis see and(1983). 37. Tobe completein this area,one must alsorecall the transfor- 43. Natron is carbonatbof sodiumand magnesium.It comesin mationofagriculturalproducts.Inparticular,thereisthefabrication two forms:one whichis extractedby funnel-diggingin the soil a from merissecereals, a localbeer, and d'arg,a localalcohoL These holeof one meterin diametr, and lookslike a rockthe size of a fist; productsare destinedin part for localconsumption and in part for and oneproduced by evaporationand crystallization,on thesurface commercialization.Oil is alsoproduced from peanuts at the levelof of ponds,and look likea bick (LeRouvreur, 1962). the differentdomestic units. 44. Weare inspiredby the arile ofWatts, 1988. Conclusion

There can be no real conclusion to an "introductory" producers are more and more similar and form soli- report of this type, as its primary purpose is to throw darity networks. However, the unity of its logic does open doors, to give a glimpse of horizons. Nonethe- not allow us to forget deficiencies and asymmetries. less, we propose to make a number of very general The present situation because of the range of forces conduding remarks. existing at local, national and international levels As we have worked our way through the pages of tends to increase economic diversity between individ- this report, we have come to see agro-pastoralism in uals as well as groups. Other Sahelian countries are an Chad as a highly complex system, difficult to follow exarnple of this differentiation process: the destabili- in its internal logic and held in thrall by its multiple zation and decomposition of the domestic unit; the requirements, the accumulation of needed technolo- breakdown of cooperation networks; and the proletar- gies and the urgency of its vital objectives. We have ianization of some population groups due to ecologi- also come to see it as a contradictory system, both cal and economic crisis. In the long term these trends frozen in time and changing. Agro-pastoral memories will modify the general socioeconomic situation of plod stubbornly down known pathways, avoiding agro-pastoralism in Chad. risk and danger and any dream of a different future; It is perhaps this very ambiguity, this double as- the individual prefers to live within the framework of pect, that makes agro-pastoralism a reflection of his own experience, "trapped" (as Ferdinand Braudel both unsuspected wealth and desperate poverty. It puts it) "by his former successes." But history moves is a system with multiple aspects, a kaleidoscope of forward and the system must evolve with it: the soci- colors, hues, adjustments, strategies and internal ological, political, economic and ecological environ- feedback mechanisms, which endow it with its rich- ments offer no guarantee of stability. The ideological ness and ensure its future. But it is also an im- terminology employed by agro-pastoral peoples bricated structure, an interwoven whole, where sometimes gives the impression that things are fixed, every element is extremely dependent on those but reality and praxis are quite different. around it. A reduction in the number of animals, for In the final analysis, Sahelian agro-pastoralism is exarnple, will be reflected in a decline in soil fertility; ambiguous, representing as it does the end result of a decline in grain output will swell the flight from two opposing processes, namely the growing wealth rural areas to the towns and bring about an increase of farmers eager to invest their farm surpluses in live- in the area under cultivation to offset the decline in stock, and the declining fortunes of herders anxious to yields and ultimately, as the amount of land avail- reconstitute the fabric of part of their pastoral exis- able for grazing is reduced, animal productivity will tence by tilling the soil. drop and death rates for young animals will rise. Therefore, agro-pastoralism is for the pastor a "ref- With the exception of the southern band situated at uge," a survival choice, and for the farmers an im- the frontiers of the Sahara that experiences annual provement. In one way or another, there is always rainfall below 250 millimeters, agro-pastoralism in the some ambiguity. Survival strategy or accumulation, it Sahel continues to be a subsistence solution for thou- is a momentaneous and "provisional" situation. For- sands of family units, an open system, a space of mer pastors may always either return to pastoralism security, provided, that is, that the mobility and flexi- or decide to settle themselves near an urban center. bility necessary to perpetuate it is preserved. It is dear Former farmers may always evolve towards a more that agricultural practice of a group of pastors or the pastoral system or revert to their agricultural origins. pastoral practices of a group of farmers introduces in Agro-pastoralism is therefore a space of encounter, a each system new constraints and a new way of life. cohesion factor, in a common, general backdrop, Consequently, agricultural practice forces a pastoral which catalyzes all active forces. The frontiers be- group to reduce, even to modify its models of mobil- tween pastors and farmers are vague the two types of ity, change its residential patterns, and to define itself

44 45 in a new land context towards the space, with a more punctual surveys that quantify a certain number of precise definition of territorial rights. Land cannot practices using new tendencies, for a larger compre- circulate like livestock, social institutions are then hension of the phenomenon of actual rural modified, and solidarity networks lose their intensity. impoverishment. Finally, from a strictly anthropolog- This study is therefore merely an introduction. It ical point of view, one would have to conduct analyses needs to be fleshed out and added to in several areas. of a certain number of key concepts(such as wealth, One must mackemore detailedcase studies, of a village, poverty, or subsistence crisis), and the historical clan, group of stockbreeders of a given small region, reconstructions of the complex relationships that and of the precise modalities of individual access to the agro-pastors maintain with their general the land to animal capitaL One must also conduct environment. Bibliography

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Gaston, A., et G. Fotius. 1979. "Lexique des noms Lebeuf, A.M.D. 1959. "Les populations du Tchad." vernaculaires des plantes du Tchad." N'Djamena: Paris: PUF (Presse universitaire de France). ORSFoM Magnant, J.P. 1977. "Quelques grands types de Gibbal, J.M., E. Le Bris, A. Marie, A. Osmont et G. systemes fonciers traditionnels du Tchad." Cahiers Salem. 1981. "Position de l'Enquete anthro- d'Outre-Mer122. pologique en milieu urbain africain." Cahiers Maillard, P. 1951. "Notes sur les Ouadis a cultures d'Etudes AfricainesXXI, 1-3. irriguees, leur exploitation et leur organization Gilg, J.P. 1964. "Mobilite pastorale au Tchad occiden- coutumiere." tal et central." Cahiersdes Etudes Africaines13. Maliki, Angelo M. 1981. "Ngaynaaka: 1'l1evageselon Guyer, J. 1981. "Household and Community in Afri- les Wodaabes du Niger." Niamey: Ministere du can Studies." Etude ex&eut6esur commande du D1veloppement Rural/USAID. "Social Science Research Council." . 1988. "Nomades Peuls." Avec photos de R. Hagenbucher-Sacripanti, F. 1977. "Les Arabes dits Francois et M. Gomes. Paris: L'Harmattan. 'Shuwa' du Nord-Cameroun." Cahiers de l'ORSIOM, Maliki,Angelo M., L. Loutan, J. Swift et C. White. 1984. SerieSciences Humaines XVI, 4. "The Wodaabe." Dans J. Swift, ed., PastoralDevelop- . 1979. "Notes sur les allianceset les marquesde ment in Central Niger. Niamey: NRL Project; bitail." Cahiers de 'ORSrOM,Serie Sciences MDR/USAID. Humaines XVI,4. Mark, F., et G. Felber. 1987. "Analyse r6gionale Hart, K 1982 'The PoliticalEconomy of West African sommaire du Ouaddai g6ographique (Tchad)." Agriculture."Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress. N'Djamena: Tchad. Hill, P. 1966."Landlords and Brokers: A West African Marnay, P. 1965."Etude Socio-Economiquede la ville Trading System." Cahierd'Etudes Africaines23. d'Abeche." Paris: SEDES. 1972. "Rural Hausa: A Village and a Setting." Martin, A. 1985. "Farming Systems in the Kebkabiya Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. area, North Darfur Province, Sudan." Khartoum: * . 1982. "Dry Grain Farming Families." Cam- OXFAM. bridge: Cambridge University Press. Matlon, P.1983. "The TechnicalPotential for Increased EMVT(Institut d'elevage de medicine veterinaire des Food Production in the West African Semi-Arid pays tropicaux). 1966. "Economie Pastorale de la Tropics." Communication presentee a la conference region de Moussoro." Paris-N'Djamena. sur l'acc&eration de la croissance en Afrique sub- 1976. "Projet de Developpement de l'Elevage saharienne. dans la r6gion Nord-Ouest du Tchad." Paris. McCown, R.L.,G. Haaland et de C. Haan. 1979. "The EMVT/CIA (Institut d'elevage de medicine veterinaire Interaction between Cultivation and Livestock Pro- des pays tropicaux/Centre technique Africain). duction in Semi-arid Africa." Dans A.E. Hall, G.H. 1986. "Elevage et potentialites pastorales sah&- Cannell et H.W. Lawton, Agriculture in Semi-Arid iennes: Syntheses cartographiques." Paris: EMVT. Environments. Ecological Studies 34. Berlin: Imadine, M., J. M. Fabre et S. Buron. 1987. "Noms Springer-Verlag. vernaculaires des maladies des bovins au Tchad." Ministere de la Securite Alimentaire et des Popula- N'Djamena, Laboratoire deRecherchesVeterinaires tions Sinistrees (Republique duTchad). 1987 et 1988. et Zootechniques. "Bulletins du Systeme d'Alerte Pr6coce." Khayar, I.H. 1984. "Tchad. Regard sur les elites Nachtigal, G. 1987. "Sahara and Sudan. Vol. III: The ouddaiennes." Paris: Editions du CNRS. Chad Basin and Bagirmi." Traduction anglaise du Khazanov, A.M. 1983. "Nomads and the Outside texte publie en allemand en 1879. London: Hurst & World." Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Company, Humanities Press International. Landais,E.,P.LhosteetP.Milleville. 1988."Pointsde Nardello, R. 1989. "L'allevamento e la com- vue sur la zootechnie et les systemes d'elevage mercializzazione del bestiame in Ciad: Studio di un tropicaux." Cahiers des Sciences Humaines, caso. L'allevamento sedentario nei villaggi del Can- Systimes de production agricole en Afrique tropi- ton Madiago (Chari Baguirmi)." Rapport prepare cal. Paris: ORSTOM. pour l'Instituto Italiano per l'Africa. Latruffe, J. 1971. "Les Arabes Missirie du District Nicolas, G. 1986. "Don rituel et echange marchand d'Oum Hadjer." Rechercheset Documentsdu Cheam: dans une societe sahelienne." Paris: Institut Quelquespopulations de la Republiquedu Tchad.Paris: d'Ethnologie, XXV. CHEAwK Pelissier, P. 1966. "Les Paysans du Senegal. Les Le Coeur, C. 1953a. "Le systeme des dans au Tibesti." civilisations agraires du Cayor a la Casamance." Etudes NigeriennesI. Niamey: IPAN. Saint Yrieux:Imprimerie Fabregue. Le Rouvreur, A. 1962. "Saheliens et Sahariens du Planchenault, D., 0. Le Gal et F. Roy. 1989. "Resultats Tchad." Paris: Berger-Levrault. de l'enqu&te sur la situation de l'elevage bovin, ovin 49

et caprin au Tchad." N'Djamena/Paris: MEHPet Tapper, R 1979. "The Organization of Nomadic Com- IEMVr. munities in Pastoral Societies of the Middle East." Plote, H. 1970. "Programme quadriennal Equipeecologie et anthropologiedes societs pastorales, d'amenagement hydraulique de l'Ouaddai." Rap- "Pastoral Production and Societies." Cambridge: port de synthese (vol. I) Paris: BRGM. Cambridge University Press et Paris: Editions de Raulin, H. 1984. "Techniques agraires et instruments Maisons des Sciences de l'Homme. aratoires au sud du Sahara." Cahiers de lORSTOM, Toulmin, C. 1987. "Drought and the farming sector: SerieSciences Humaines XX, 3-4. Loss of animals and post-drought rehabilitation." Raynaut, C. 1972. "Structures normatives et relations DevelopmentPolicy Review 5. electives: Etude d'une communaute villageoise Tourneux, H. 1984. "Vocabulaires compares des haoussa." Paris: Mouton. instruments aratoires dans le Nord-Cameroun." Remi, G., J.P. Albert, J. Delmont, J.Y. Ricosse et P. Cahiers de l'ORSTOM,Serie Sciences Humaines XX, Volpoet. 1982. "Environnement et maladies dans 3-4. I'Afrique de l'Ouest: Un entre-deux mondes." Trystram, J.P. 1958. "Le regime foncier des ouadis du Cahiersd'Etudes AfricainesXXII (1-2). Kanem." Fort-Lamy: ORSTOM. Reyna, S. 1977. "Marriage payments, Households Tubiana, M.J. 1961. "Le marche de Hili-ba: moutons, Structure and Domestic Labour-Supply among the mil, sel et contrebande." Cahiersdes EtudesAfricaines Barma of Chad." Africa47, 1. 6, II, 2. . 1990. "Warf without End: The Political Econ- .1969. "La pratique actuelle de la cueillette chez omy of a Pre-Colonial African State." Dartmouth: les Zaghawas du Tchad." Journal d'Agriculture University Press of New England. tropicaleet de Botaniqueappliqu&e XVI, 2-6. Richards, P. 1985. "Indigenous Agricultural .1971. "Systeme pastoral et obligation de trans- Revolution." London, Hutchinson. humance chez les Zaghawa (Soudan et Tchad)." Roth-Laly, A. 1969. "Lexique des Parlers Arabes EtudesRurales 42. Tchado-Soudanais," vol.4. Paris: CNRS. .1985. "DesTroupeauxetdesFemmes:Mariage Sahlins, M. 1968. "Tribesmen." Englewood Cliffs, et transferts de biens chez les Beri (Zaghawa et NewJersey: Prentice Hall. Bideyat) du Tchad et du Soudan." Paris: Sarniguet, J. 1967. "Exploitation du cheptel bovin au L'Harmattan. Tchad." Paris: Ministere de la Coop6ration UNESCO(United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Francaise. Cultural Organization). 1981."Ecosystemes pAtures Schillinger, D.,S. Buron et G. Saint-Martin. 1988."Pro- tropicaux." Un rapport sur l'etat des connaissances motion de 1'elevage adapte aux conditions du mi- prepare par 1'UNusco,le PNuEet la PAO.Recherches lieu dans la region du Ouaddai geographique sur les ressourcesnaturelles XVI. Paris. (Tchad): Evaluation de l'elevage du dromadaire." Upton, M. 1987. "African Farm Management." Cam- Frankfurt/Paris: GTZ/IEMVr. bridge: Cambridge University Press. Seignobos, C. 1984. 'Instruments agricoles du Tchad Watts, M. 1987. "Drought, Environment and Food meridional et du Nord-Cameroun." Cahiers de Security: Some Reflections on Peasants, Pastoral- l'ORSTOM,S6rie Sciences Humaines XX, 3-4. ists and Commodization in Dryland West- Serre, G. 1971."Nomadisation d'hivernage des Arabes Africa." Dans M.H. Glantz, ed. Drought and Hun- de l'Ouadi Rime." Recherches et Documents du ger in Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Cheam: Quelques populations de la Republique du Press. Tchad. Paris: CHEAM. . 1988. "Uncertainty and Food Security among Sigaut, F. 1984."Essai d'identification des instruments Hausa Peasants." Dans I. de Garin et G. Harrison, Abras de travail du sol." Cahiers de l'ORSTOM,Serie eds. Copingwith Uncertaintyin FoodSupply. Oxford: Sciences Humaines XX,3-4. Oxford SciencePublication. Swift, J. 1979. "West African Pastoral Production Sys- Wilson, R.T. 1984. 'The Camel." London-New York: tems." Working Paper no. 3, Livestock Production Longman. and Market in the Entente States of West Africa. Works, J.A. 1972. "Pilgrims in a Strange Land: The University of Michigan: CRED. Hausa Communities in Chad." Ph.D. Thesis, Uni- -. ed. 1984. "Pastoral Development in Central versity of Wisconsin. Niger." Niamey: NRL Project, MDR/USAID. Zeltner, J.C. 1970. "Histoire des Arabes riverains du . 1988. "Grands problemes de developpement Lac Tchad," Annales de l'Universited'Abidjan, Serie pastoral, en particulier dans certains pays F, Ethnosociologie, 2,2. africains." Rome: FAO. . 1986. "Les Arabes et la terre au sud du Lac Swindell, K. 1985. "Farm Labour." Cambridge: Cam- Tchad." Dans Verdier-Rochegude, ed. Systhmes bridge University Press. fonciersA la ville et au village.Paris: L'Harmattan.

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No. 178 Le Moigne, Barghouti, and Garbus, editors, Developingand ImprovingIrrigation annd Drainage Systems:Selected Papersfrom World Bank Semiiianrs No. 179 Speirs and Olsen, IndigenousIntegrated Farming Systems in the Sahllc No. 180 Barghouti, Garbus, and Umali, editors, Trendsin AgriculturalDiversification: Regional Perspectives No. 181 Mining Unit, Industry and Energy Division, Strategyfor AfricanMining No. 182 Land Resources Unit, Asia Technical Department, Strategyfor ForestSector Development in Asia No. 183 Najera, Liese, and Hammer, Malaria: New Patterns and Perspectives No. 184 Crosson and Anderson, Resourcesaid GlobalFood Prospects: Supply and DemnandforCereals to 2030 No. 185 Frederiksen, DroughtPlanning and WaterEfficiency Implications in WaterResou rces Managetment No. 186 Guislain, Divestiture of State Enterprises:An Overview of the Legal Framework No. 187 De Geyndt, Zhao, and l iu, FronmBarefoot Doctor to Villagc Doctor in Ru ral China No. 188 Silverman, PutblicSector Decentralization: Economic Policy and SectolrIntvestmtent Prograins No. 189 Frederick, Balancing lVater Demands wvitl Supplies: TlheRole of Management in a World of Increasing Scarcity No. 190 Macklin, Agricultuiral Extension in India No. 191 Frederiksen, Water Resou rces Institutions: Some Principles and Practices No. 192 McMillan, Painter, and Scudder, Settlemnentand Deoelopmientin the River Blindness Control Zone No. 193 Braatz, Conserving Biological Diversity: A Strategyfor Protected Areas in the Asia-Pacific Region No. 194 Saint, Universities in Africa: Strategies.for Stabilization and Revitalization No. 195 Ochs and Bishay, Drainage Guidelines No. 196 Mabogunje, Perspectiv!eo n Urban Land and Land Maniagement Policies in Su b-Saharan Africa No. 197 Zymelman, editor, Assessing Engineering Education in Sub-Saharan Africa No. 198 Teerink and Nakashima, Water Allocation, Rights, and Pricing: Examplesfrom fapan anrdthe United States No. 199 Hussi, Murphy, Lindberg, and Brenneman, The Developnmentof Cooperatives and Other Rlural Organizations: The Role of the World Bank No. 200 McMillan, Nana, and Savadogo, Settlement and Development in the River Blindness ConltrolZone: Case Stu dy Burkina Faso No. 201 Van Tuijl, Improving Water Use in Agriculture: Experiences in the Middle East and North Africa No. 202 Vergara, The Materials Revolution: What Does It Meanfor Developing Asia? No. 203 Cleaver, A Strategy to Develop Agriculture in Suib-SaharanAfrica and a Focusfor the World Banik No. 204 Barghouti, Cromwell, and Pritchard, editors, Agricu ltu ral Technologies for Market-Lcd Development Opportunities in the 1990s No. 205 Xie, Kiuffner, and Le Moigne, Using Water Efficiently: Technological Options No. 206 The World Bank/FAO/UNIDO/Industry Fertilizer Working Group, World and Regional Supply and Demand Balances for Nitrogen, Phosphate, and Potasl, 1991/92-1997/98

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