Militancy, Scientific Sociability and Professional Identity
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Call for Papers Training Programs and Geographical Mobilities: Models, Tools and Strategies France and Its Colonial Empire, 18Th – 21St Centuries
1 Call for Papers Training programs and geographical mobilities: models, tools and strategies France and its colonial Empire, 18th – 21st centuries Bordeaux, 13-14 June 2019 Organising committee Marianne BLANCHARD, ESPE Midi-Pyrénées /CERTOP Clémence CARDON-QUINT, ESPE d’Aquitaine - université de Bordeaux/CEMMC Leïla FROUILLOU, Paris Nanterre, CRESPPA-GTM Solenn HUITRIC, Université de Lausanne Emmanuelle PICARD, ENS de Lyon Contact: [email protected] Scientific committee Robert ANDERSON, Professor Emeritus in history, Édimbourg (Royaume-Uni) Jérôme AUST, Sciences Po, Centre de sociologie des organisations. Myriam BARON, université Paris-Est Créteil, Géographie-Cités Patrice CARO, université de Caen, Espaces et sociétés Jean-Michel CHAPOULIE, professeur de sociologie émérite, université Panthéon-Sorbonne Béatrice COLLIGNON, université de Bordeaux Montaigne, UMR Passages. Jean-François CONDETTE, COMUE-Lille-Nord-de-France (ESPE), Centre de recherche et d’études histoire et sociétés de l’Université d’Artois Ismaïl FERHAT, ESPE Amiens, Centre amiénois de recherche en éducation et formation Marguerite FIGEAC, ESPE d’Aquitaine - université de Bordeaux / Centre d’études des mondes moderne et contemporain André GRELON, EHESS Michel GROSSETTI, EHESS Antoine LAPORTE, ENS Lyon, Environnement ville et société Jean-Noël LUC, université Paris Sorbonne, centre d’histoire du XIXe siècle Régis MALET, université de Bordeaux, Laboratoire Cultures Éducation Sociétés Christian MAROY, université de Montréal, chaire de recherche du Canada en -
Social Advancement and the Primary School Teacher: the Making of Normal School Directors in France, 1815-1880 by C
Social Advancement and the Primary School Teacher: the Making of Normal School Directors in France, 1815-1880 by c. R. DAY* French historians have commonly held that educational institutions reflected and reinforced the social structure of nineteenth century France. 1 Accordingly, the instruction of the common man was limited to the primary schools, while education beyond this level was regarded as the exclusive preserve of the bourgeois and upper classes. The occupation of primary school teaching itself was held to conform to this pattern. Schoolmasters, recruited largely from the rural working class, were given an education in the normal schools designed to limit them to the horizon of their rural clientele, and were then sent back to the rural areas. Once they had returned to the village, they were consigned by poor pay and in tellectual isolation to a lifetime of oblivion in the same cranny of French society from which they had originated. Such a view of the French educational structure, while containing a good deal of truth, overlooks the complexity of the French system of primary education which resulted from the rapid expansion of the system after the Law on Public Education of 1833 (the Guizot Law). The law required every commune in France to open a school for boys, the larger towns to open higher primary schools, and the departments to establish normal schools to train teachers for the new schools. The law also created a corps of primary schools inspectors. Within a few years a network of ur ban primary, higher primary and normal schools had been created, and there had come into being a new class of educators and education officials within the primary system which came to be recruited over the years mainly from among the abler primary school teachers. -
La Résistance, Le Temps, L'espace
Alya Aglan, « La Résistance, le temps, l’espace : réflexions sur une histoire en mouvement », Histoire@Politique. Politique, culture, société, N°9, septembre-décembre 2009. www.histoire- politique.fr La Résistance, le temps, l’espace : réflexions sur une histoire en mouvement Alya Aglan L’histoire ne peut être réduite à la séparation entre les faits et les discours sur les faits. Comme le souligne Reinhart Koselleck, le fait historique est « un événement qui se compose toujours d’éléments d’action extra-langagiers et langagiers1 ». Ce qui distingue le fait historique tient précisément à cette particularité : lorsqu’il est historique, le fait est toujours déjà doté d’un sens, donc d’un discours. Certes, l’historien ne se contentera pas des interprétations que les acteurs confèrent à leurs propres actions, mais il est contraint de les prendre pour points de départ de son analyse. « Le discours parlé (ou le texte lu) et l’événement en train de s’accomplir ne peuvent être disjoints in actu, mais seulement distingués analytiquement2. » Comme l’écrit Pierre Guillain de Bénouville en mai 1945 : « La Résistance était un groupe de Volontaires qui comptaient renouveler le monde de demain, et ne pas se séparer au jour de la Libération3. » La perception du temps comme critère d’analyse Si la perception du temps détermine les formes et le moment de l’activité résistante, il s’agit de repérer, dans le discours résistant, les relations qu’entretiennent passé, présent et avenir, à partir des sources disponibles. Avec l’hypothèse que le temps a été un critère majeur de détermination de l’engagement résistant, l’étude de la Résistance peut alors dépasser, sans les annuler ni les réduire, les dualismes désormais classiques de l’historiographie(gaullistes/communistes, réseaux/mouvements, activisme/attenti- sme), même s’ils restent valables comme éléments de distinction, tout comme le couple intentionnalité/fonctionnalité mis en évidence par François Marcot4, qui sépare avec pertinence la « Résistance-mouvement » de la « Résistance- organisation ». -
The National Management of Public and Catholic Schools In'france
Comparative Education, vol. 51, n°1, 2015 DOI : 10.1080/03050068.2014.935580 The national management of public and Catholic schools in France: moving from a loosely coupled towards an integrated system? Xavier Pons, Agnès van Zanten and Sylvie Da Costa In this article, we analyse changes in the contemporary management of private Catholic schools under State contract in France since the 1980s. Writing from a ‘policy sociology’ perspective, we use data from previous studies on policy and on public and private schools as well as from an ongoing research project comparing policies of accountability in France and in Quebec. After presenting an outline of the constitutional, legal and institutional context in which public and religious schools operate, we show that the introduction of new public management approaches and instruments in the field of education has not exerted a significant influence either on the public management of State- controlled private schools or on the coupling between the public and the private sector. The management of Catholic schools is still mainly based, on the one hand, on regulation through inputs and limited intervention by public authorities and, on the other hand, on a complex system of internal moral controls by the private authorities themselves. However, although the management of public and private schools remains loosely coupled, some moves towards a closer interaction between the authorities in charge of both systems have taken place in the last decade. Introduction A growing body of research now stresses the increasing privatisation of school systems in various parts of the world (Whitty and Power 2000; Ball 2007). -
Scientific Education and the French Entrepreneur
MIT LIBRARIES fiA^MEffl Illllllll 3 Q080 00395 9878„ LIBRARY OF THE MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Boston Library Consortium IVIember Libraries http://www.archive.org/details/scientificeducatOOkind working paper department of economics 1 SCIENTIFIC EDUCATION AND THE FRENCH ENTREPRENEUR by Charles P. Kindleberger 1 Number 104 Feb rua ry 1973 massachusetts institute of technology 50 memorial drive Cambridge, mass. 02139 MASS. IMST. TECH. MAR 121973 DtV'/LY LiSRARY SCIENTIFIC EDUCATION AND THE FRENCH ENTREPRENEUR by Charles P. Kindleberger Number 104 February 1973 Draft of a lecture in a series at the History Departments of Johns Hopkins and Catholic Universities, entitled "Enterprise and Entre- preneurs in 19th and 20th Century France". Corrections and comments invited. :, Tdo jChorrie of ttils locluro \ io ,^(^rt wllti n do'-.cri pi ion of scientific and technical education in France - a description more or loss valid for the whole period since the Revolution, rather than a detailed chronolon i ca I account, although some major milestones must be mentioned. There follow discussions of the role of technical education in entreprenoursh generally, and of the special characteristics which i p distinauish I'oth scientific education and entrepreneLirsh i p in France. The rnethod used is what two younn economic historians somewhat sniffily call "qualitative statement and countorstatement" , better in tlieir view fhan 'journalistic qenora I i zation"out of which it emerqes, but well short of 'standard economic and statistical tools'' of a nuant itat I ve sort. "The social return to technical ecJucation could be estimattsd and comparison made (for Britain) with German and American rates of return L'^lcCloskey and Sondberq, l07-08j.