HESPERIA 74 (2OO5) THE "FACE OF Pages 299?308 "

ABSTRACT

In this article, the author responds to the claim put forward byWilliam M. Calder III in 1999 that the most famous burial from the Shaft Graves one atMycenae?that generally believed to be the that Schliemann took for a the "face of Agamemnon '?is forgery, planted by Schliemann himself. From an analysis of the surviving documentation, it is argued that this theory is untenable, particularly since Schliemann did not originally associate this mask with Agamemnon.

one The burial mask NM 624 (Fig. 1) from shaft grave V atMycenae is of the most widely recognized icons of the Aegean , and it is as almost universally believed that Heinrich Schliemann identified it the a "face of Agamemnon."1 Any argument that it is forgery planted clandes to tinely in the grave by Schliemann be "discovered" during excavation is, more was therefore, surely of than specialist importance. This view put a a forward in relatively recent article byWilliam Calder III,2 well-known on expert Schliemann who has shown in various publications that much of what Schliemann claimed about his early life is romanticizing fiction. The that he raised were in comments on the article queries supported by David another well-known of Schliemann's Traill,3 analyst career, espe cially with regard to his work at . Traill has been able to demonstrate one at least major falsehood in Schliemanns account of his excavations,

to on Emil to to 1 1.My thanks Tracey Cullen for tion and Ludwig; Penny mission reproduce Figs. and 2; me to to encouraging write this article and Wilson, Librarian of the British School Sinclair Hood and the Trustees of at in on to showing considerable patience during , for research Athens the Trust for permission to Katie for to the lengthy period of itswriting and my behalf; Demakopoulou reproduce Fig. 3; and Jeff Veitch of to a Deltion rewriting; the reviewers of the copy of her report (Demako the Department of , Uni to to the original draft for their comments; poulou 2002); Tobias M?hlenbruch versity of Durham, for making his Stephanie A. H. Skennell, Institute for for copies of article and for drawing print for Fig. 3. Schliemann attention and W. M. in Aegean Prehistory Project my to, providing copies 2. Calder III, Harrington Fellow at the American School of of, the cited articles ofW. Arentzen et al. 1999, pp. 53-55. Studies at R. to the D. in et Classical Athens, for very and Witte; American School 3. A. Traill, Harrington al. comments on at helpful the documenta of Classical Studies Athens for per 1999, pp. 55-56.

? The American School of Classical Studies at Athens

American School of Classical Studies at Athens is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve, and extend access to Hesperia ® www.jstor.org 3?? OLIVER DICKINSON

Figure 1. Burial mask NM 624, from the southern burial in shaft grave V, Alison Frantz . Photographic Collection, American School of Classical Studies at Athens

the circumstances in which the hoard nicknamed "Priam's Treasure" was found,4 and he has previously expressed doubts about mask NM 624.5 s were Calder arguments opposed by Katie Demakopoulou, who was Director of the Prehistoric Collection in the National Archaeological in at on Museum Athens the time of writing, and further commented by other specialists, including myself.6 In this article, I set out my criticisms of this theory in detail. The arguments of Calder and Traill can be ques not on tioned only grounds of their general plausibility and presentation concern of the archaeological setting (to say nothing of the implications ing Schliemanns honesty and collusion by Greeks in the fraud), but also are on a to because they based premise that Iwish dispute, that NM 624 is as ar the mask that Schliemann identified that of Agamemnon. I would in was gue, opposition, that the Agamemnon mask NM 623 (Fig. 2), from the same tomb. It follows that if the fine mask NM 624 was not Schlie manns "face of Agamemnon," he would have had little motive to forge it. I first came to the conclusion that NM 623 was Schliemanns "face of course Agamemnon" when, in the of researching Schliemann for other

4. a are no Traill 1984; but his suggestions expressed different view: "there Shaft Graves and that major tombs, that Schliemann finds excellent reasons for the the incorporated assuming of kind that might produce such made earlier on the and a on site, purchases, authenticity." In Harrington mask, have been found the acrop even fakes into "Priam's Trea et al. he over non possibly 1999, pp. 55-56, goes the olis of Mycenae; in the end, he is sure"?as he has also of the same suggested ground, introducing the idea that committal. Shaft Graves?have not been it could be "an authentic find from a 6. K. in accepted, Demakopoulou, Harrington to later unaware that et comments my knowledge. tomb," apparently al. 1999, pp. 57-58; for by 5. Calder and Traill 134. no such masks have ever been found see 1986, p. others, "Epilogue," p. 59. in contexts Later, however, Traill (1995, p. 172) Mycenaean except in the THE OF "FACE AGAMEMNON" 301

Figure 2. Burial mask NM 623, from the northern burial in shaft w grave V, ^ Alison Frantz Mycenae. Photographic \ Collection, American School of Classical Studies at Athens

I in s a purposes, read Emil Ludwig biography the text of telegram re to ported be "to the Minister." This reads, in the English translation: "In the last tomb three one ornaments. to bodies, without Have telegraphed for a to man Nauplia painter, preserve the dead with the round face [my one italics]. This is very like the picture which my imagination formed of Agamemnon long ago."7 Surely, the "round-faced man" could refer only to NM 623. I to an briefly referred this conclusion in article published in 1976, and have since mentioned it to many but was 7. 208. privately colleagues, Ludwig 1931, p. to prompted return to the point the of Calder s ar 8. Dickinson 1976, p. 164. It is only by publication ticle.8 I discovered that Reinhard Witte reached remarkable, in view of their more recent recently independently the same some writings, that Calder andTraill (1986, conclusion, and made trenchant criticisms of Calder's ar n. this when a as p. 238, 26) originally accepted guments Calder first presented them in lecture, although, "It is if point: clear, rather surprising, Arentzen has to pointed out, Calder and Traill appear have ignored these that Schliemann regarded the mummy criticisms not completely.9 Here, while answering Calder point for point and its mask, rather unprepossessing asWitte it is intention to the with close atten than as resem does, my reopen the Agamemnon mask, question tion to the documentation and of the excavation. bling Agamemnon." See also Traill history n. 1. It to 1995, p. 323, has proved impossible verify the wording and even the existence 9.Witte 2000; Arentzen of the 2001, telegram cited by Ludwig; the relevant copybook of Schliemanns p. 189. correspondence was among those taken to Ernst "for 10.1 am to by Meyer very grateful Stephanie World War and lost or there.10 Skennell for information on this safekeeping" during II, apparently destroyed point. text See further The cited is similar, however, to that of a tele http://www.ascsa.edu.gr/ by Ludwig remarkably sent to on archives/Gennadius/Schliemann/ gram by Schliemann various Greek newspapers, and printed SchHistory.htm. December 3-4,1876. This reads, in the translation made for Calder and 302 OLIVER DICKINSON

Traill: "In the last tomb there were three bodies, of which one was found an come without ornaments. I telegraphed to Nauplion for artist to here to to draw the corpse which I referred in my last telegram. This corpse very much resembles the image which my imagination formed long ago of wide-ruling Agamemnon."11 While Schliemann could well have used very similar language in dif one ferent telegrams, might conjecture that Ludwig "improved" the text of on the newspaper telegram, perhaps drawing for dramatic effect Schlie manns account of the body, in which the phrase "round face" appears.12 more an Alternatively, perhaps plausibly, he may have been given elabo rated version of the story handed down in the Schliemann family tradi tion, which could also have been the source of the story that Schliemann a wrote in telegram to the king of "I have gazed upon the face of These words constitute a a statement in Agamemnon." factoid, repeated so to no means print often that it is taken be fact. It is by impossible that in an as cer later years Schliemann, inveterate romancer, claimed this, he was tainly seems to have been claiming by 1889 that mask NM 624 his account ex "face of Agamemnon" (see below). In his contemporary of the a more cavations, however, he records much restrained telegram in French, on sent November 28,1876, and replied to by the king's secretary. In that as re 11. Calder andTraill 234. telegram he stated that he had discovered the tombs that tradition, 1986, p. as to 12. Schliemann 1880, p. 296: ported by , claimed belonging Agamemnon, , "but of the third body, the round face, Eurymedon, and their companions, and that these contained immense with all its flesh, had been wonder treasures, all of which he was to Greece.13 In any event, the refer giving fully preserved." Emil Ludwig (1881 ences to an artist that are found in the sent to news was a summoning telegrams 1948) professional biographer, are can no work been as papers and "to the Minister" very significant; there be doubt whose has described a vivid and dramatic but sometimes that Schliemann is referring there to the making of painting of the sup unreliable (see The Columbia Electronic mummified burial found in the north of grave V 3), a posedly (Fig. figure 6th was Encyclopedia, ed., 2005; http:// whose face covered by NM 623. www.infoplease.com, "Encyclopedia," Here it is to insert a brief account of the excavation of s.v. see appropriate Emil Ludwig); alsoTraill 1995, V. In Schliemanns V was the First for grave terminology, grave Grave, pp. 7-8. S. Skennell (pers. comm.) writes: to upon removing three of the grave stelae that he had found together in late "Ludwig's approach biogra was and August within the circular wall of slabs that he had originally taken for phy consciously literary-artistic he avoided but he and believed to enclose an he discov scholarly references, tombstones, subsequently "agora," access to more did have considerably mouth of a shaft cut into the rock. This took on ered the discovery place first-hand documentation than sur October but for a time more effort was into other excava as as contact 25,14 long put vives today, well with was on concentrate Schliemann swidow and tions, and it only November 9 that he began to effort (I think) Skennell believes that it is within the Grave Circle, to discover the mouths of other graves and find daughter." that Schliemann "encountered the first burial, in the grave he called the Second Grave (now grave I), on possible an alternate, more elaborate account November 13. This grave and others were cleared first, because their partly that is now lost, either because it was so burial seem to have lain nearer to the surface, and the dis in one of the books layers grave contained copying covered first came to be excavated last. removed or because someone actually by Meyer in s it to him Schliemann discovered that there were three burials in grave V, each Schliemann family told as a of (not reliable) laid out with feet to west and head to east, and he apparently excavated piece necessarily oral tradition." one to them from the west eastward. The central proved be without goods, 13. Schliemann 1880, pp. 380-381, and he that it had been robbed, thus the plausibly hypothesized explaining cited in English inTraill 1995, p. 162; scatter of small items found the fill of the shaft above. The see et throughout also Harrington al. 1999, p. 52. southern burial, with mask NM 624, was cleared next, and then that with 14. Calder andTraill 1986, p. 179. THE FACE OF AGAMEMNON 303

Figure 3. Painting of the northern burial in shaft grave V. Courtesy S. Hood and the Knossos Trust; after Demakopoulou 1990, p. 117

NM 623. The northern burial, with mask NM 623, attracted considerable itwas so interest, because well preserved.15 Not only did Schliemann have a painting made of it, he first preserved the body by chemical means and then removed it by cutting into the rock beneath it and excising the whole x m slab.16A lump of earth, 1.3 0.7 in dimensions, that seemed to be part was of this burial rediscovered in the Athens National Museum some years but ago, investigation revealed only small fragments of bone, scraps of gold and bronze, and a few amber beads.17 It is to note important that Schliemann ended the excavation atMyce nae with this not burial and that covered by mask NM 624, for this point undermines Calder's argument that Schliemann wished to close the exca vations with a spectacular find, i.e., NM 624. Although in his reports he does speak highly of the qualities of this mask, he gives much more space to the of the burial with mask NM 623, which was, indeed, 15. See above, n. 12. discovery more with than the it 16. See Schliemann 1880, p. 298, lavishly supplied precious goods other, although for the fullest account had a less mask and The burial with NM 623 of this operation. impressive breastplate. had 17. 2002. associated with Demakopoulou many weapons it, including swords with decorated gold 304 OLIVER DICKINSON

as as hilt-plates, well gold scabbard attachments and other ornaments, three a a gold cups, four silver cups and silver jug (almost certainly from Knossian a on workshop), and Minoan stone chalice. A plain gold breastplate rested on once a the chest, which, it seems, there sat hexagonal box to which art a golden plates decorated with animal had been attached; long golden a across band, with part of sword attached, lay the loins of the deceased.18 on was In contrast, the southern burial, whose body found mask NM was 624 and the only decorated gold breastplate, notably poor in precious none an vessels, having in gold and only two in silver, together with ala a near baster jug with gilded bronze rim attachment.19 Many weapons lay a on the deceased, however, including sword with fine gold hilt-plates; the as a body were, well as mask NM 624 and the breastplate, gold armband a were and gold necklace, while many amber beads and other smaller finds also associated.20 on Neither of these lists includes all of the goods placed with the dead the occasion of their burial. A great deal more was found in grave V, al was though Calder is incorrect to say that it the richest of the graves?that as distinction belongs to grave IV, correctly noted elsewhere by Traill.21 Grave IV also contained far more of the well-known treasures from the

Shaft Graves (e.g., the Siege Rhyton, the "Cup of Nestor," the Lion Hunt no Dagger) than grave V.22 Although Calder claims that other Mycenaean a was grave contains tenth of what found in grave V (thus ignoring graves treasure can rare III and IV), comparable quantities of be found in those cases where Early Mycenaean graves have survived unplundered.23 There treasure is nothing suspicious about the quantities of found in graves IV and V, which might suggest that Schliemann "improved" them with addi on or tions of his own, whether items excavated elsewhere the site dupli cates and forgeries. rare to Calder and Traill do not seem to appreciate how it is find intact nor princely burials inMycenaean Greece, how unlikely it is that finds like those in the Shaft Graves would be discovered in the excavation of settle ment strata. Indeed, atMycenae itself, the Early Mycenaean levels, which source would have to be the of any items supposedly used by Schliemann or to enhance the Shaft Grave finds,24 have largely been effaced covered

son 18. See Schliemann 1880, pp. 296 Dickinson 1977, p. 49. 1977, p. 90; the original report is et the 306, 308-314, 316-317, and Calder 21. Calder, in Harrington al. Tsountas 1889, pp. 136-172), while in andTraill 1986, pp. 254-256 (Times 1999, p. 54; Traill 1995, p. 171. In main pit the Dendra tholos (which letters XII and XIII), for references to point of fact, both graves III and IV held two burials, but most of the items the sum more were associated with the goods with northern burial, contained gold (byweight) than "king") pro see nine marized in Karo 1930-1933, p. 37, V; also Karo 1930-1933, pp. 166 duced 10 precious vessels, very ornate metal and Dickinson 1977, p. 49. 168. weapons, four sealrings, was a seven and ornaments 19.This jug (NM 829) Mi 22. InDickinson 1977, pp. 48-49, sealstones, glass noan in from an I summarize the most finds. that seem to have decorated some form product, adapted style important 23. in et al. of Egyptian vessel (Warren 1969, p. 104). Calder, Harrington headgear (Persson 1931, pp. 31-39). For the most 24. There can be no the 20. See Schliemann 1880, pp. 295 1999, p. 54. example, doubting contents cist in date of all but one or two items 296, 300-302, 307-308, and Calder significant of the intact early to have in the andTraill 1986, pp. 256-257 (Times the Vapheio tholos, reported found by Schliemann Shaft to been as if around a were Graves. The clear are letter XIII), for references goods arranged body, only exceptions summa 14 two Late Psi with the southern burial, 13 precious vessels, weapons and Mycenaean figurines sup found in I. rized in Karo 1930-1933, p. 37, and implements, and 23 sealstones (Dickin posedly grave the "face of Agamemnon" 305

over area by later Mycenaean building activity, particularly in the of the where Schliemann was the excavations at acropolis excavating. Further, more Mycenae by Schliemann's successors, although far extensive than his, have failed to turn up anything like the Shaft Grave treasures, either in graves or settlement strata, apart from Grave Circle B.25 It is difficult to see how Schliemann could have inserted awhole col on lection of forgeries into his finds without large-scale collusion the part of his workforce and also of the Greek archaeologists under whose super was vision he working, or to imagine how he could have had work of so such quality made quickly. This theory has been criticized by several scholars, who have drawn attention to the difficulty of providing models for the forgeries, ordering them without leaving any written trace, and to bringing them Mycenae and placing them clandestinely in the burial layer.26 In this connection itmay be noted that the "Cup of Nestor," which out as a Traill singles potential forgery added to the Shaft Grave mate not a as rial,27 would in fact be good representation of Nestor's cup de not scribed in the (11.632-635); that cup h-usfour handles, two, and two birds per handle. Train's alternative suggestion, that if the cup is genu ine it is of Late Helladic IIIC date, is extremely implausible, since there is no were clear evidence that vessels of gold being produced at all in the Mycenaean world by then. Its links with material of the Middle and early are Late Bronze Age much clearer.28 to Traill suggests that Schliemann had ample time plant the mask. He writes:

we If examine Schliemann's diary, it is clear that grave V had been to a meter or so excavated within of the burials by November 20. was Given nine full days and nights, Schliemann certainly capable a of finding way of adding the Agamemnon mask to the mud of grave V.29 no reason Yet Schliemann had to believe that there were gold burial masks on on any of the dead until the resumption of excavation November 28, were as when the three masks in grave IV discovered, his diary entry shows.30 as Two of these show notable points of comparison with NM 624, has often been observed.31 Thus, the time-scale within which Schliemann would have had to work is far shorter than Traill allows. It is difficult to see how the insertion of the mask could have been achieved when Schliemann was constant working under the supervision of Panagiotis Stamatakis, was the Director of Antiquities, who assisted from November 28 by a other archaeologists sent from Athens, and by guard of Greek soldiers on the site. Another pressing question is how Schliemann could have found

25. The source of the also K. D. S. in Har 29. in et original p. 595; Lapatin, Traill, Harrington al. 1999, at et "Acropolis Treasure," discovered rington al. 1999, p. 59. p. 56. in 1877 in Mycenae and reported 27.Trailll995,p.l74. 30. Calder andTraill 1986, p. 202. Schliemann is not 28. Traill 174. vessel is comments 1880, chap. XI, 1995, p. The 31. See, e.g., by K. Dema but was not the illustrated and discussed in Schliemann in known, certainly prob makopoulou and J. G. Younger Har able in which it was see et grave found; 1880, pp. 235-239. See Davis 1977, rington al. 1999, pp. 57 and 59, Thomas 1939. with for a pp. 183-186, figs. 148-150, respectively. 26. in See, particular, Masson 1995, good modern discussion. 3?6 OLIVER DICKINSON

to as was over the exact spot place the mask (which, he describes it, found the skull).32 at Circumstantial evidence that Schliemann this time regarded the as northern burial in grave V that of Agamemnon is provided by his choice to of mask NM 623 for the frontispiece chapter X o?Mycenae, where he sets out his argument that the burials in the Shaft Graves are those of uses an Agamemnon and his murdered following.33 He image of mask NM 624 to head the general account of the excavation of grave V in chap ter IX.34 It also seems noteworthy thatWilliam Gladstone, in his intro duction toMycenae, clearly understood Schliemann to be arguing that the was never northern burial in grave V Agamemnon.35 Schliemann, however, proclaimed in any of his letters to the Times that he had found Agamemnon, no to and he made attempt in the publication of his excavations identify Agamemnon with any particular burial. can Why did Schliemann not do this? One only speculate that he felt a himself presented with quandary. In many respects the northern burial seem more would appropriate for Agamemnon, because of its well-pre more served state and the generally richer and spectacular goods associ ated with it; but the southern burial had a much finer mask and breast a plate. So perhaps, perceiving potential contradiction, Schliemann delib erately left obscure the question of which burial he believed to be Agamem non. seen as a was He might also have it problem that grave IV richer, and more a contained many elaborate finds, than grave V. To judge from state ment of Karl Schuchhardt's, by 1889 Schliemann evidently believed that was the burial with mask NM 624 that of Agamemnon;36 but by that time was he could quite possibly have confused the details of what found with own no which burial in his mind. Certainly, Georg Karo had doubt which burial Schliemann took to be Agamemnon when he wrote his magisterial as catalogue of the Shaft Grave finds,37 while, Tobias M?hlenbruch has pointed out, Schuchhardt himself erroneously stated in 1941 that mask NM 624 came from the northern burial.38 For all the spectacular finds that he had made, Schliemann leftMycenae never in a state of considerable frustration and returned.39 The Depart to ment of Antiquities and Stamatakis had tried control his activities closely,

a 32. Schliemann 1880, p. 296. "An der Leiche im S?den des Grabes, not bit better than that furious Turk seinem whom I had at all 33. Schliemann 1880, p. 333, Agamemnon ..." [my italics]. Troy.... They beg no. 473. 38. M?hlenbruch 2003, p. 48. me to continue the work; but I wont on same 34. Schliemann 1880, p. 289, Unfortunately, earlier the page do it" (quoted inMeyer 1962, p. 95). no. two to his dated 474. M?hlenbruch himself places the According diary entry at 35. W. E. Gladstone, in Schliemann burials the wrong ends of grave V, Sunday, November 13 (actually No seems to 1880, pp. xxxi, xxxvii-xxxviii. i.e., the burial with NM 623 in the vember 12), Schliemann to excava 36. Quoted inTraill 1995, p. 297, south and thatwith NM 624 in the have wanted complete the he notes that tions much earlier: to ter from Schuchhardt's autobiography, north, though correctly "Wishing a seems to have NM minate the excavations in order when recalling meeting with Schlie Schliemann taken today mann was 623 to be the "face of to leave tomorrow in July 1889: "He also angry Agamemnon," morning" (quoted that I had refused to consider the citingWitte 2000, p. 24. in Calder andTraill 1986, p. 191). remains with the bearded mask to be 39. See his comments in a letter to Calder andTraill (p. 220, n. 188) on other Max M?ller written on December that this was "mere dramati Agamemnon, and many 31, suggest 1876: "Believe I have had hard zation after the but it is hard points." me, fact," see at I an overseer to see a since 37. Karo 1930-1933; p. 37: times Mycenae. had rationale for this, this the "face of Agamemnon" 307

which is hardly surprising in view of the fact that he had smuggled "Priam's Treasure" out of Turkey and had been sued in Athens for its return by the were Turkish Government. They surely justified in taking such precau a tions, but Schliemann chafed fiercely against any restraint; he wanted completely free hand. This, together with the increasingly bad weather, which often made it difficult to find workmen, is to my mind the most on likely explanation for his rather abrupt departure from Mycenae, which a more Calder and Traill characteristically place sinister interpretation. It more is, perhaps, surprising that the only publication that he produced of an the finds atMycenae was edited version of his letters to the Times. This seen as might be another sign of his frustration, compounded by the fact as a that, he rather characteristically commented, in letter to Emile Burnouf, Director of the French School of Archaeology, "unfortunately, nothing is mine except the glory."40 statement a news The curious made by local reporter of the Argolis paper on December 2,1876, that mask NM 624 had no mustache41 may was support the possibility that the mask "improved" during restoration,42 but it is very hard to believe that awhole mustache could have been added. a This alteration would have to have been made at very early stage, since the mustache is clearly visible in the photograph used by Schliemann in Statement was never in a which also in the German and British versions of published Mycenae, appeared Times let alone in his book. He some letter, the book in 1878, and is discussed in detail by Schliemann in his fumed at the that forced the delay description of the piece.43 Schliemann himself could not have had this closure of the excavations on November done, for, asArentzen out, Stamatakis would have noticed see the to points certainly 26-27; letter M?ller quoted n. any attempt to the mask's appearance so Indeed, by Calder andTraill (1986, p. 227, change markedly.44 " Arentzen makes the that the "Hohenzollern facial hair" and Winck 265), also inMeyer 1962, p. 93.My point is as soon as impression that he left he elmann's Greek nose" that Calder had detected and thought suspicious in could, if in a bad mood. not reasonably the mask45 apparently did impress contemporaries of Schliemann 40. in 209. Quoted Ludwig 1931, p. such as Charles Newton of the British Museum and the Irish scholar P. 41. Cited both Traill and J. by who saw and handled the finds at a and in et Mahaffy actually very early stage Lapatin, Harrington al. 1999, the overenthusiastic of the finds the National Mu pp. 56 and 58, respectively. deplored cleaning by 42. as a seum's conservators.46 too would have noticed Considered possibility by Mahaffy surely any changes in et al. to Lapatin, Harrington 1999, made the appearance of mask NM 624 between seeing and handling pp. 58-59. on the finds in the National Bank of Greece and seeing them display in 43. Schliemann 1880, 289, p. the National Museum. on fig. 474; the mask is discussed No doubt it is to have mask NM 624 dissociated from p. 312. disappointing the but it seems to me that the conclusion is 44.Arentzen2001,p. 190. "Agamemnon" story, inescap 45. in et al. not Calder, Harrington able. This conclusion has the merit of exonerating only Schliemann, 1999, p. 55. a one or but good many people associated with him in way another, from 46. Arentzen 2001, pp. 191-192. the of a fraud on the Further data may yet come Arentzen also that the attractive charge foisting public. argues from Stamatakis's still or from corre on unpublished diary, unpublished reddish "bloom" the gold objects, of Schliemanns. But there seems no reason to on all whose loss through cleaningMahaffy spondence doubt, must have on the indications that mask NM was in deplored, been present presently available, 624 found pre NM like the other and 624, goldwork, cisely the circumstances that Schliemann described. Whatever questions could have been counterfeited hardly by may be raised about Schliemanns general behavior and veracity, and his a modern This is an inter goldsmith. the claims about circumstances in which finds (especially "Priam's Trea esting additional argument for the sure") were made at there seems no reason to that he mask's authenticity, but it is inferential, Troy, good suppose for to falsified his discoveries at Mahaffy only refers specifically Mycenae by incorporating forgeries, particularly on the "bloom" the cups. not mask NM 624. 308 OLIVER DICKINSON

REFERENCES

W. 2001. "An sur Arentzen, Early Exami H. Schliemann," R?G108, nation of the of 'Mask Agamem pp. 593-600. 189-192. non,'"AntCl70, pp. Meyer, E. 1962. "Schliemanns Letters Calder, W. M., Ill, and D. A. Traill, toMax M?ller inOxford," JHS 82, 1986. eds. Myth, Scandal, and pp. 75-105. History: The Heinrich Schliemann M?hlenbruch, T. 2003. "Noch einmal and a First Edition zur Controversy of 'Maske der Agamemnon,'" the Detroit. Mycenaean Diary, Heinrich-Schliemann-Gesellschaft E. N. 1977. The Davis, Vapheio Cups Ankershagen Informationsblatt 15, and Gold Aegean and Silver Ware, pp. 48-50. New York. A. 1931. Persson, W. The Royal Tombs ed. 1990. near Demakopoulou, K., Troy at Dendra Midea, Lund. H. 1880. A Nar Mycenae??Orchomenos. Schliemann, Mycenae: Heinrich Schliemann:The 100th rative Researches and Discoveries at of His Athens. and New York. Anniversary of Death, Mycenae Tiryns, -. 2002. "E0VLX? H. 1939. ApxouoAoyix? Thomas, "The Acropolis Treasure at BSA Moooe?o;ArchDelt52,Kl (1997), Mycenae," 39, 1-3. pp. pp. 65-87. Dickinson, O. T. P. K. 1976. "Schlie Traill, D. A. 1984. "Schliemanns mann and the Shaft GaR Graves," Discovery of 'Priam's Treasure': 33, pp. 159-168. A Re-examination of the Evidence," -. 1977. The Origins ofMycenaean JHS 104, pp. 96-115. -. 1995. Schliemann Civilisation, G?teborg. of Troy: P. Harrington, S. M., W. M. Calder III, Treasure and Deceit, London. D. A. K. and Traill, Demakopoulou, Tsountas, C. 1889. ""Epeuvai ?v tt? Aa K. D. S. Lapatin. 1999. "Behind the xcovixY) xai ? xacpo? too Bacpeio?," ," Archaeology ArchEph 1889, pp. 129-172. (July/August 1999), pp. 51-59. Warren, P. M. 1969. Minoan Stone G. 1930-1933. Die Karo, Schachtgr?ber Vases, Cambridge. von Munich. R. 2000. "Die Mykenai, Witte, 'Maske des Aga E. 1931. Schliemann Ludwig, of Troy: memnon' oder Erkenntnisgewinn a trans. The Story of Gold-Seeker, durch Diskussion," Heinrich - D. F. London. Schliemann Tait, Gesellschaft Ankers h agen 0.1995. "Recherches r?centes Masson, Informationsblatt 12, pp. 22-24.

Oliver Dickinson

University of Durham

department of and

38 north bailey

durham dhi3eu united kingdom

[email protected]