Reform As a Means of Social Control

REFORM AS A MEANS OF SOCIAL CONTROL

Theodore Roosevelt and Women's Suffrage

by Eliane Leslau Silverman

The women's suffrage amendment to the American constitution, the Nineteenth Amendment ratified by the states in 1921, became federal law because men with power approved women's right to vote. The reform represented a potent tool for these men when they came to believe that it would help them con• trol the forces that were threatening their society. Avid suffragists had The assumptions underlying the suf• been arguing for at least three deca• fragists arguments were more pervasive des before the amendment's passage and had a wider appeal than a simple that women's votes would bring the "vote yes" or "vote no" could convey. political millenium closer, but The men who acquiesced in granting agitation for the franchise became women the vote did so because they effective only when suffragists were understood that their personal needs able to convince senators, congress• and the country's needs meshed, and men and state legislators that the that those needs could come closer to measure was congruent with and neces• being fulfilled if women were part of sary for achieving their own visions the political system. Part of their of the ideal American political and need was, first of all and most ob• social structure. The goal which had viously, the perpetuation of their own once been part of a radical programme power and that of people like them• for women's rights became a narrow selves. The less obvious aspect of reform, yet another tool of social their need was for a return to the and political control in the hands of world of their youth, the golden age middle class ma 1es. of their childhoods, in which middle Theodore Roosevelt, 1907. Courtesy of the Public Archives of Canada class men had wielded incontrovertible relationship between the sexes, be• power in towns and small cities, un- came more pressing, but he returned in threatened by the assault from above his ideology and his behaviour to of the great new industrialists and those past models, thus relying on from below by masses of imimigrants in patterns useful for himself and his growing urban centers. In that world generation but painfully restrictive fathers had been powerful and mothers for the twentieth century. had been moral. Restore the order of that world and the new powers might be The suffrage issue perhaps elucidates negated. The middle class might con• best Roosevelt's view of the American tinue to reign; social order might be system. Through his journey toward restored, chaos averted. Men with approval of votes for women he indi• power came to understand that women cated the intensity of his commitment could contribute to that restora• to a sexually polarized world in which tion and that control could be masculinity was aggressiveness, theirs again. license, and independence, femininity submissiveness, order, and dependence. The example of Theodore Roosevelt The one extreme, he felt, needed the provides a striking insight into balance of the other. An excess of the manner whereby men came to ac• masculinity could produce chaos, which commodate voting women into their might mean the end of the society in scheme of future, healthier American which he had grown up and which he politics in which they need not fear wished to perpetuate. Obedience and losing control. As New York's gov• discipline, feminine characteristics, ernor in he was opposed to must be introduced Into politics and 1900 granting women the vote; he es• society to reimpose order. Masculine and feminine qualities together, he poused the cause mildly in and 1912 believed, would restore virtuous heartily by The reason for 1919- Ameri ca. his shift bears close examination, for it elucidates the way suffrage fitted into his vision of the future, based Throughout his life Roosevelt was on his nostalgic understanding of the fascinated with explicitly masculine past. While believing he was march• subjects. Admiring the manly in• ing firmly forward, Roosevelt in fact dividualism of cowboys, soldiers, looked fixedly backward to his child• hunters, and ranchers, he returned hood and especially at the models for in speeches and books and in his own behaviour and sexual roles provided life to the theme of the lone man in by his mother and father.(1) He ma• a society without women, always evok• tured in the period when the Woman ing for himself and his audience Question, the issue of the correct vividly masculine images. The viril- ity of the man on his own must pro• vide America's forceful thrust; the mythical loners were the best Amer• icans in their independence. In shortly after his three year 1888, sojourn in the Dakotas, he wrote, "The hunter is the archetype of free• dom. His well-being rests in no man's hands save his own. He recalled "(2) that period of his life with joy: "in that land we led a free and hardy life, with horse and with rifle. "(3) The independence he admired among cowboys was intensified by his read• ing about and experience among soldiers. A nation like an individ• ual could evince its strength in the bearing of arms; if the individuals of the nation proved manly, the coun• try would be virile. The convenience and comforts of an industrial civili• zation must never excuse Americans from "admiring and practicing the heroic and warlike virtues," he wrote in his autobiography.(h) Himself a soldier in the Spanish-American war he later reflected that the charge up San Juan Hill had given him most satisfac• tion during that war, a charge notor• iously mismanaged and in which his unit,- the Rough Riders, took the highest casualty rate of any American unit. Indeed, his only unpleasant (5) reminiscence of the campaign, he wrote to his son Kermit, was "a touch of Cuban fever. The carnage seemed "(6) merely great fun, and Roosevelt's ex• periences afforded him joyous memories of soldiering. The kind of dying Stephen Crane documented with such sensitivity was for Roosevelt part of straint of men and the training of the great adventure. He reserved his future generations. In 1910, speaking greatest contempt for pacifists— at a girls' school, Roosevelt said people opposed to American entrance that girls should learn to run a into World War l--whom he described as household that "will keep the husband the sort of man "who would not even there" rather than elsewhere.(11) A resent his wife's face being slapped wife's duty was to keep her husband by a ruffian or his daughter being moral. Only cowardly and vacuous kidnapped by a white slaver."(7) women would shirk their duty as good They had lost every quality of man• wives and mothers: good, that is, hood, he wrote in his volume on because they kept men on the straight preparedness.(8) Roosevelt's pas• and narrow—a difficult task, admit• sion for big game hunting was ted Roosevelt, but in doing it a another manifestation of his exub• woman would know the "highest and erance in the sense of masculinity holiest joy known to mankind. . . ."(12) he derived from the act of killing, Women must raise the children and The chase is among the best make the home sufficiently attractive of all national pastimes; it that future generations would choose cultivates that vigorous man• the same path as their parents, the liness for the lack of which in path of national duty; his parents a nation, as in an individual, had done that for him. When men were the possession of no other selfish the blame lay on: qualities can possibly atone.(9) the lack of strength of character, the lack of wisdom, the lack of The doctrine of individualism which genuine love on the part of that lay behind his admiration of cow• woman in not bringing her boy up boys, soldiers, and hunters kept to be unselfish and thoughtful of alive "that virile vigor" indispens• others, so that he might live able to the nation.(10) In the decently in his own household and chaotic gilded age of early 20th do his work well in the world at century America, Roosevelt came to large.(13) believe that a firm application of feminine qualities was necessary to Women were capable of this task because preserve the social fabric to which the qualities innate to their sex were he was commi tted. sweetness, gentleness, unselfishness, tenderness, and the strength to en• For Roosevelt the social importance dure.(lA) Loving self-abnegation was of women was enormous. Women meant the mark of motherhood; associations marriage; marriage meant the re• with the very word rendered it "holy in any society fit to exist."(15) In he made explicit his conviction 1918 his unspoken needs. Women's suffrage that women would always continue to be for Roosevelt did not imply a revo• moral guides and teachers in a letter lution in women's roles; nor did it to Harriet Stanton Blatch, the daugh• suggest simply a reduplication of the ter of Elizabeth Stanton and herself electorate. Rather, it meant that a suffragist. The "best women" when women would vote for and participate aroused, he wrote, offered the surest in progressive reforms, would be means of resisting the "unhealthy better able to teach men and boys softening" of materialism in the morality, better able to help men nation as well as in the family. The resist the siren chaos. Women would country would become ever greater so contribute to the restoration of the long as women showed evidence of the social order and the reform of the same "iron resolution" which had industrial machine that the progres• characterized the women of the Revo• sive movement, the Progressive Party, lution and the Civil War. Interest• and Roosevelt himself wanted to ingly, he was unconsciously comparing effect. He was certain that women the present time, a year after Ameri• would concur in his aims, for he had can entrance into World War I, with confidently defined them as civili• previous periods of national trauma. zing agents. From women and the in• The nation now needed the service of stitution in which they were impor• women who must have the same chance tant, the family, he had learned to to contribute as men had. When (16) be a social being. Extrapolating civilization itself was under attack from his experiences he concluded women would come to its rescue. that the creation of a female con• At the core of Roosevelt's political stituency would restore America to programme was the masculine-feminine i ts mythic order. organizing principle, the need for strong institutions representing the Theodore Roosevelt reached his ap• family writ large in the state and proval of women's suffrage at a slow able to resist primitive impulses crawl, as he came throughout his which Roosevelt sensed in himself and political career to recognize the ascribed to other men. The Progres• difficulty of maintaining the power sive candidate came finally to call of the middle class. A sporadic, for help in the reorganization of half-hearted interest began in American society--from women. In 1899 1912 when as governor of New York he he advocated women's suffrage, endors• called for limited suffrage.( He 17) ing the Progressive Party's plank be• explained his position in a letter cause he construed the measure as con• that year to Helen K. Johnson who gruent with his explicit ideology and opposed women's suffrage. The core of his argument rested on the statement, he did not consider it an im• ment that the "sane advocates of portant matter. He was unable to see women's rights" wanted to help women any improvement in the position of better to perform their duties. women in the western states where they Limited suffrage would assure women could vote compared with those states a voice in areas that concerned them in which they could not. Certain that and their children. Suffragists who when women as a whole wanted the vote claimed more than that for the cause they would have it, he believed most were "as undesirable a class of women to be unenthusiastic. His two people" as the United States had ever sisters were strongly against it, his seen, having warped minds and com• wife halfheartedly in favour. The real bining disinterested zeal with the usefulness of women lay in their role immorality of fighting not only the as mothers of families, where they laws of man but the laws of nature.(18) would find the "full and perfect life, the life of highest happiness and of Despite the limited approval he ex• highest usefulness to the State. . . ." pressed that year, Roosevelt's in• (22) He was not yet defining women's terest in women's suffrage remained votes as a vote for morality. sporadic until 1912. At a celebra• tion of Colorado's twenty-fifth an• The subject stayed on his mind; ten niversary as a state in he made 1901 days after his letter to Mrs. Upton he no mention in his speech of its 1893 wrote to his son Theodore that women's amendment granting women the vote. (19) suffrage did not warrant much interest. When celebrating Susan B. Anthony's He repeated that he and Mrs. Roosevelt eighty-fourth birthday in dele• 1904, were "lukewarmly" in favour of it, gates of the National American Women's while his sisters Anna and Corinne were Suffrage Association called at the against it. Later that year the White House. He gave them a non• (23) National American Women's Suffrage committal answer when they asked his Association asked the President whether support for a federal amendment. (20) one million signatures would encourage Addressing the American Federation of him to recommend the reform to the Con• Labor in Roosevelt made no men• 1906, gress; he replied that a petition would tion of women, by then over twenty per move neither him nor the Congress. cent of the working force. In (21) When the deputation he was receiving he wrote to suffragist Harriet 1908 asked him what they should do to Taylor Upton that he would not mention effect the suffrage, he answered that the subject in his annual message be• they should, "Go, get another cause he did not consider it a "live State. He was responding at an issue;" no good would come of talking "(24) objective political level, not see• about it just then. Not an enthusi• ing it as a pressing national ques- astic advocate of federal enfranchise• t i on. "Both the size of the vote and the overwhelming victory for right" he maintained as late as 1911 that he gratified progressives who believed in would favourenfranchising women if "helping out American policies."(27) they wanted to vote, although he did In a lively letter early in 1912 to not consider it as important for Florence Kelley, social worker and women or for the state as the other suffragist, he wrote that women like tasks that women could and should men must militate against "vice, and do.(25) The inconsistency of his frivolity, and cold selfishness, and position was frustrating1y apparent to timid shrinking from necessary risk the suffragists: a million signatures and effort. . . ."(28) If convinced were not proof to him that women wanted that "women will take an effective the franchise. Not until the Pro• stand against sexual viciousness, gressives endorsed women's suffrage in which of course means especially 1912, the year they most acutely feared against male sexual viciousness," as the loss of middle class morality and they had done in Seattle by outlawing their own power in politics, did prostitution, he would become a fer• Roosevelt actively urge others to adopt vent believer in the suffrage.(29) the measure at the national level. Before that year he sti11•be 1ieved that Roosevelt began examining Progressive women's needs and duties were only in• victories in the states and seeing the directly connected with politics.(26) influence of women doing their duty on behalf of better government. All the In fact, Roosevelt never became a sexual while he still stressed women's duties egalitarian. Protection of women re• above women's rights. mained one of his personal and political I have always told my friends needs. But he came to think that women that it seemed to me that no man could help him further the moral recon• was worth his salt who did not struction of American life. If think very deeply of women's Roosevelt's kind of progressivism was rights and that no woman was founded on the ideological and per• worth her salt who did not sonal hope of reintroducing a familiar think more of her duties than of moral order, it began to seem reason• her rights. ... I favor it able to him that women as the key to [women's suffrage] tepidly, be• the most fundamental institution, the cause I am infinitely more in• family, should enter the political terested in other things. (30) scene. He was impressed with the size Women must continue to understand that of California's Progressive vote in their great work must be done in the 1911. with women in the electorate. home, that the ideal woman of the fu• equal suffrage to men and ture, just like the ideal woman women a 1i ke.(3^) of the past, must be the good wife, the good mother, the mother Roosevelt publicly described his who is able to bear, and to rear, conversion to the suffrage cause in a number of healthy children. (31) this fashion: He was convinced that the best woman I grew to believe in Woman Suf• would always be the wife and mother frage, not because of associating like his own who performed "the most with women whose chief interest important of all social duties with was in Woman Suffrage, but be• cause of finding out that the wisdom, courage, and efficiency."(32) He reiterated, "I believe in woman's women from whom I received most rights. I believe even more earnestly aid in endeavoring to grapple in the performance of duty by both men with the social and industrial problems of the day were them• and women. . . ."(33) When he con• strued women's duties to extend beyond selves believers in Woman Suf• the home into the political sphere he frage. (35) began to argue more forcefully for These women were politically effective women's suffrage. but more than that he conceived them to be women brought up like him and the women he knew most intimately. In 1912 Roosevelt allegedly wrote the Progressive Party's original plank They would present no threat to supporting women's suffrage. It Roosevelt's feelings about himself pledged the party to support the and his relations with women. In electoral reform only when the question short, when approving women's suffrage Roosevelt was advocating the restora• had been submitted to a referendum of tion of government by his own class the women of the United States. He and seeking renewal of social control was then persuaded, probably by by people like himself. suffragists, of the insult of test• ing women in this fashion; men had "His own class" is not a phrase to be never been polled on the subj.ect of understood merely in economic terms. their franchise. A new plank was Rather, it refers to a weltanschauung subst i tuted. which he felt was shared by certain The Progressive Party, believ• people who had been brought up to ing that no people can justly respect the same values as he, or who claim to be a true democracy had learned to do so, and who would which denies political rights perpetuate them in the political on account of sex, pledges order. His view of relations between itself to the task of securing people formed his conception of society. Some people had to protect In advocating the suffrage for women, other people. In his own life, his he said that politics would become a father had protected his mother. He method of applying ethics to public himself had felt highly protective life; this application concerned women of his first wife. As President he as much as men.(37) When he insisted felt he had to protect the American that Progressivism really represented social and economic order from un• the people, he meant that it represented ruly persons. When he came to be• the right kind of people who construed lieve that some woemn shared this the world in his own male-female terms. view of the world, and would help The mother's nurturing role would be ex• him in its continuation, he agreed tended to protect women and other child• that women could participate in like people, the lower class, to regu• politics. He frequently said that late ethics; and to reform social and only exceptional women would be able industrial conditions. If Americans to act outside the home. Since he were not oppressed by vile working con• felt that the women he knew best ditions they could return to their and those with whom he worked were homes at the end of the day to be good exceptional, he probably assumed and energetic fathers and mothers. that women who did not share his Those who worked to effect these goals morality would not be a political should be granted full political rights, force. The women he knew would call as should the women he knew intimately forth the best in Americans, making and respected like his wife and his sis• the nation purer and stronger. ters. Comfortable with these women, he believed they were the "highest type," Some of the women he envisioned in serene, gracious, and receptive.(38) political life after 1912 were the And so, Roosevelt relied on the social workers who were endeavouring middle class women he trusted to be to ameliorate American conditions. He the moral guides of future American said that women like Florence Kellor, politics. They shared his view of the Florence Kelley, and Jane Addams had world, he believed, and agreed with his the same zeal for reform as men. They view of the relations between men and knew about working girls' conditions, women; they understood his desire for for instance, and therefore could his own ethics and his own needs to help change them. Women were deeply become the ethics of all. "A vote is concerned with prevention of accidents like a rifle," he wrote; "its useful• and industrial diseases, unemployment, ness depends upon the character of the overwork, wages, workers' compensation user."(39) Middle class women would and the eight-hour day for women. use it wel1. They could also reform "certain dread• ful evils of our social life."(36) Roosevelt still insisted in 1912 as he would have to persevere in adherence had in 1899 that the suffrage movement to the justice of the cause when included another kind of women, those assaulted daily by the "unnatural, un- he called extremists or fanatics. feminine, almost inhuman blindness" of These women discredited themselves and some of its advocates.(h]) their sex by their disorderly antics in Once Roosevelt had convinced himself public. They assailed "the foundations that such women were distinctly in the of private and public morality in their minority, he advocated women's suf• endeavor ... to lower the sense of frage. The extremists of the movement moral duty in women. He was could not negate the value of a reform "(40) probably referring to women of the Con• from which the nation would gain im• gressional Union, the left wing of the measurably not only from women's suffrage movement, many of whom had morality but also through their know• learned activism from the English suf• ledge of certain issues like labour frage movement which had a stronger legislation with which social workers were fami iar. Even so, in a alliance with the working class than 1 (42) collection of twenty of his cam• had the National American Women's Suf• 1912 frage Association. They used radical paign speeches he included only one reference to the subject. He may tactics--pickets, parades, strikes, (43) public bonfires fueled by President have been right, politically, to Wilson's speeches--taught them in minimize the issue, since national England. Roosevelt believed that their interest in women's suffrage did not run high that year. actions inspired antipathy to the re• (44) form. He attacked them in 1912, accus• ing them of associating the suffrage Early in after his defeat Roose• 1913 movement "with disorderly conduct in velt once again explicitly linked his public and with thoroughly degrading support of women's suffrage with and vicious assault upon the morality Progressive hopes when he wired Wis• and the duty of women within and without consin's governor that Progressives marriage." They behaved in an unseemly should support the suffrage amendment. fashion in public, like striking work• He said that America should lead the ers rather than genteel ladies. Even way in this reform which had already worse, Roosevelt thought them to be had success in the Pacific and Rocky advocating reforms like late marriage Mountain states, "i have worked for (this was traditionally a form of birth social justice and industrial reform control) which he stated went against with women exactly as with men and the facts of psychology and sexuality, there is no difference between the encouraging male immorality and female work of the best women and the best prostitution. Suffrage enthusiasts men. In fact, he had worked so "(45) little with women that his statement was probably founded rather on the to men. In matters most intimately assumption that the best women would concerning "ordinary people," he wrote behave as he hoped they would. in the Out look, women should have an exceptionally strong voice. Earlier, (48) in he had said that the really Later that year he gave a public 1908, address in New York entitled "Women important issues in life were not those Suffrage Demanded in the Interests which public men discussed but rather of Good Government." He argued the "intimate things of the home, the (46) that when women had qualifications things that have to do with the charac• ter of the individual man or woman. useful for the service of the state "(49) it was wasteful that they not bene• Reforms in labour and education concern• fit the nation. If a woman like Ida ed women as much as men, and the schools Tarbell was capable of teaching should prepare both sexes to be better Roosevelt something about how he citizens, developing not only women's should vote on certain issues, she capacities to be housewives and mothers, was certainly competent to vote herself. but their desires to work outside the home if they wished. Civics teachers were women teaching (50) boys; they could as well vote them• selves. The benefits of women's suf• In he stated unequivocally in a 1915 frage would accrue not only to women private letter that if women could be but to the nation, for where women sovereigns no reason could be given already voted, the underworld had less against their right of sovereignty in a power. There were fewer redlight dis• democracy so that they could decide tricts where women entered politics. "how their intimate concerns shall be The underworld, he said, was a world managed." ) A year later the Pro• (51 controlled by men; women's influence gressive Party platform stated again could only be opposed by people with a that women, sharing men's burden of financial stake in the "continuation of government in peace and sacrifice in conditions of infamy." war, must have the vote, and that the reform must be achieved by state and By he had so convinced himself of federal action. Roosevelt himself 1914 (52) the justice of his position that he told a delegation from the Congression• could state that half a century hence al Union for Women's Suffrage that he people would marvel that Americans had favoured a federal amendment to the Con• stitution for women's suffrage. ever denied women the suffrage and an (53) education equal with men's. He All the evidence offered by Roosevelt (47) pressed for the seating of women at the after this time indicated his complete New York Constitutional Convention, agreement that women should be made 1915 arguing that the new laws there en• part of the political process, both the acted would apply to women as much as nation and women themselves benefiting from the change. Every woman must get 1919, two days before his death, her full rights "in connection with Roosevelt wrote to Senator Moses of the performance by her as wife and New Hampsh ire, mother of these indispensable duties I earnestly hope you will see your which make her the one absolutely in• way clear to support the National dispensable citizen of this Repub• Amendment. It is coming anyhow and lic. "(54) To Will Hays he wrote in it ought to come. When states like 1918 that the nation needed women, New York and Illinois adopt it, it in New York for instance, where can't be called a wild-cat ex• "old-style politicians" were unable periment. (59) to cope with new problems.(55) He On 21 May 1919» the Nineteenth Amendment acknowledged that women, out of to the Constitution passed the House, their deep knowledge of what was with thirty-four votes to spare, by a right, had supported the soldiers; men vote of 304 to 89; it passed the Senate in turn must see women as workers for on 4 June 66 to 30. a common cause.(56) This certainly was not a wild-cat ex• As the Congress came to the time of periment. The admission of women to voting for the national amendment, the electorate, as construed by Roose• Roosevelt began to petition fellow velt, had become not a means of in• Republicans to support women's suf• troducing new solutions to new problems, frage. He had come to believe in the but rather of reintroducing traditional measure wholeheartedly; he came to morality. As women in the home had al• associate it with the party with ways restrained men when they wandered which he had so long allied himself. too far, women in politics, he thought, Republican leaders in the Congress, would keep America orderly and righteous he wrote to Joseph Medill McCormick, As a politician, Roosevelt attempted to had resolutely stood for the measure reproduce familial patterns in the in which he said, "I now believe, and world at large. Order must overcome have always believed with all my heart the shattering potential of democratic and soul."(57) Remembering selectively, individualism. And since women repre• he had quite forgotten his earlier sented order, men disorder, women would recalcitrance. The Republican Party hold together American society. The must urge its Congressional represen• imaginary golden age of his childhood tatives to vote for the amendment. might yet return and social control be Women must get the suffrage as a matter restored. of justice and common sense. A woman from every suffrage state should sit on the Republican National Commit• tee. (58) And finally, on 3 January NOTES Ibid.

For a fuller explication of his childhood, set E1iane Leslau Silverman, TR, Realizable Ideals, "Theodore Roosevelt and Women: The Inner Conflict of a President and Its

Impact on his Ideology," unpublished Ph.D. thesis. University of Cali• - 635. fornia at Los Angeles, IS73- TR, Ame icarj^blc Theodore Roosevelt, Ranch Life and the hunting Trail, !386, in rierrr.aiin Hagedron (ed.), The Works of Theodore Roosevelt, Vol. I (New York: Ibid. , p. 208. Scribner's Sons, 1926} , p. 351 . Hereafter citeo as work:. Catt and Shuler, p. 23 TR, An Autobiography. 1513, in Uorks, V?I . 2C , r. 'r • 30 Augus t 1512, speecn Ibid. , p. 231 • \ • tie Nd r i cna 1 A "c - ] c

Library of Conyres->, Virgil C. Jcnes, rtoose vc 1; 1 s Kou^h Pi Garden City: Do.ibleJay ar Co. , 1971) , p. t>.~ Ibid., pp. 1 and 7.

TR to Ken,.i t f.oosevc'. •scp:. bucklin Bi shop (en . Ibid., p. 3. 1 Theodore Sccsevei t r '\', * Yoi k: S-r ; -,.cr ' s Son 1923), p. 71- TR, American ProbU.r.s, 1912, Works, Vol. 16, p. 218.

l*t June I9'7, speech at Lincoh., Nebraska, ;.• I?, Speech TR, Autobjography, HI 3, in W ks_. Vol . ?0, p. 166. Theodore Roosevelt Collection, Library uf L<> Hereafter cited as TR LC. TR, American Problems, 191?, Works, Vol. ID, p. 211.

8. TR, Fear God and Take Your Own Part, 1916, in Wo 56. Ibid., op. 209-210.

9. 2, Trt, The Wi Iderness Hunter, in Work.,, Vol. p. TR, "Women and the New York Constitutional Conventi 797. 2- (August 1914), pp. /Q6 and 10. TR, Autobiography, in Wcrks, Vol. 20. n.

'••'••/ Rc*.,~, 43- TR, 8 October tf'";. = :"-v.hool , Ge- rr orgifl, Speech File, TR LC. "-}„-'. '1 C^paign of 1912 (New York: Pr.

iR. !313). "the Sue •;*•_•! iTocl-,^t," Ladies More j. •.••-]! /-5 !Jun, 1308), P. 11, Eleanor Flexner, Century of $; rugg' e: The TR, "The American Woman as Mother," l.-ijici JcornaI, 21 (July 1905). the United Stales {Cambridge: ri university P r e s * ,

2 November IS10, speech Coll ege, Balti more , Maryland, p. S, TR to FrGn-'s r.c G... •. r r , 2 8 Ma r c h < 5" I 3 , Francis HcGcvern Pape s, Wisconsin His Wi scons i n.

2 Hay 1913, speech at Metropolitan Opera House, Ne~ York, pass 16. TR f. 5nrl,.' S'-..t.«- F'...c. if. April 1918, Tk LC .

17. TR, State Papers as Governor and President, 1899-1909, in Works, Vol. 15, 47. TR, Literary Essays, 1914, in Works, Vol. 12, p. 212. P. 211. There is ear I 1er evidence of his interest in the subject in his Harvard senior essay, "Practicability of Equalizing Hen and Women Before 48. TR, "Women and the New Yotk Constitutional Convention, the Law," 30 June 1880; but the arguments therein are ambiguous and re• (August 1914), ^ flect rather his sense of himself before that time than intimations of his position after. 49. 27 April 1908, Press Releases, Vol. 2, p. 55, TR LC.

TR to Helen K. Joi.nson, 10 January 1899, in Elting E. Morison fed.), The 50. TR, "Women and tire New York Constitutional Ccn.ention, Out look, 07 Letters of Theodore Roose.'clt. Vol. 2 (Cambridge: Harvard University (August 1914), p. 796. Press, 1951), pp. S05-906. Hereafter cited as Letters. 51. TR to Ethel E.V. Oreier, 15 October 1915, in Letters, Vol. 8, p. 974. 19. TR, The Strenuous Life, 1900, in Works, Vol. 13, pp. 450-459 passim.

52. 13, c 20. Mary Gray Peck, Carrie Chapman Catt: A Biography (New Vork- The H S Series Suns ries D. Bo> 2, TK LC. Wilson Co., I9&4) . p. 134. — 53. 28 April 1916, referred to in Letters, Vol. 0, p. 1051, note 3. 21 . 21 Harch 1906, Speech File 5A, TR LC. 54. TR, Foes of Our Own Household, I9i7, in Works. Vol. 19. pp. 145-146. 22. TR to Harriet Taylor Upton, 10 November 1903, in Letters Vol 6 PP. 13'»l-!342. ' 55. TR to Wi1 I Ha,s , 26 March 1518, in letters, Vol . 8. p. 130 5.

15 1918, 23 TR to Theodore Roosevelt Jr., 20 November I908, 56. TR to Harriet Stanton Blatch, April TF LC. ibid., p. 1373. 57. 1 30 ti, 24. Carrie Chapman Catt and Nettie Rogers Shuler, Woman Suffrage and TR to Joseph Hedi I McCormick, October 1918, in Letters, Vol. p 1384. Politics (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1923), p. 235.

58. 12 25. TR. Literary Essays. 1913, in Works, Vol. 12, p. 193. TR to William Russell Willcox, Ja 1269.

55. Quoted in Catt and Shuler, p. 333. 26. TR to Mary Ellen Lyon Swift, 7 Harch 1900, in Letters, Vol. 7, p. 240.

27. TR to Charles Dwight Wi Hard, 28 October 1900, in ibid. , p. 428.

28. TR to Florence Kelley, 9 January 1912, in Letters, Vol. 7, p. 475. Jones, Virgil C. Rooseve It's Rough Ri de rs. Garden Citv; Doubleduy and Co., BIBLIOGRAPHY 1971. ] . MANUSCKIPT COLLECT IONS Morison, Elting E. (ed.). The Letters of Theodore Ro.y,evfU. 8 voK.

Francis McGovern Papers. Wise on sin Historical Snc i et y, Mad i son, Wi scons i n. Canbridge: Harvard University Press, 1951- r. • or Peck, Mary dray. Carrie Chapman Catt: A Biography. Nr.. York: T"e W. National American Women's Suffrage Association Co I It c • jn. L . i. r „ rv Con• Wilson Co., 1944*"^ gress, Washington, D. C.

Rooseve1t, Theodore. Progressive Principles: Selections fro- Adorcsse^ Made Theodore Roosevelt Collection. Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. During the Presidential Campaign of 1912. New York: Progressive National 2. BOOKS Service, 1913.

Bishop, Joseph Bucklin (ed.). Theodore Roosevelt's Letters to His Children. 3. ARTICLES New York: Scribner's Sons, 1923. Roosevelt, Theodore. "The American Woman as Mother." Lad i es Home Journa1 , Catt, Carrie Chapman, and Shuler, Nettie Rogers. Woman Suffrage and 22 (July 1905) , 3-4 • t Po 1 i ics. New York: Scribner's Sons, 1923.

. "The Successful Mother." L_ad_i es< Hone Juuma I , 25 (June igo8),P.ll. FIexner , Eleanor. Century of Struggle: The Woman's Rights Movement in the Un i ted States . Cambr idge: Harvard University Press, 1 959 . "Women and the New York Constitutional Conventior . " Out 1ook, 107 (August 1914), pp. 796-798. Hagedorn, Hermann (ed.). The Works of Theodore Roosevelt. vols. Net-. York; 1926. Scribner's Sons,

JUNE BRINGS CIRCLES

Circles make sense. Time is logged on one. Food is eaten from another. The sun, day, as you know, Is very round. The moon, night, is too. Growth is round, full, Apples, pumpkins, pregnant. Barrel hoops hold water and fish And are circles always. Brands are often circles On horses and cows. Eyes have them. So do navels. Rings are round Go round and round And back again. Circles make sense. People can dance in them. Circle round. You circle me. And back again.

Lynne Sharman