DISMANTLING RAPE CULTURE:

A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF ANDROCENTRISM IN AMERICA

Katrina K. Pimentel B.S., California State University, Sacramento, 2012 M.A., California State University, Sacramento, 2014

DISSERTATION

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

in

EDUCATIONAL LEADERSHIP

at

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO

SPRING 2017

Copyright © 2017 Katrina K. Pimentel All rights reserved

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DISMANTLING RAPE CULTURE:

A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF ANDROCENTRISM IN AMERICA

A Dissertation

by

Katrina K. Pimentel

Approved by Dissertation Committee:

______Porfirio M. Loeza, Ph.D., Chair

______Rose Borunda, Ph.D., Committee Member

______Aaminah Norris, Ph.D., Committee Member

______Nathan Conkle, Ed.D., Committee Member

SPRING 2017

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DISMANTLING RAPE CULTURE:

A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF ANDROCENTRISM IN AMERICA

Student: Katrina K. Pimentel

I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this dissertation is suitable for shelving in the library and credit is to be awarded for the dissertation.

______, Graduate Coordinator ______Lisa Romero, Ph.D. Date

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DEDICATION

This dissertation is dedicated to all those that have been muted and experienced oppression because of your gender or your failure to adhere to a narrowly defined definition and expectations. Moreover, this dissertation is dedicated to the 10% of boys and 20% of girls around the world that have been violated as a result of sexual violence

(WHO, 2015), and the 20% of college women across the United States that have been sexually assaulted during some of the most profound times of your lives.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It is most important to acknowledge my family, Richard, Shawna, Jonathan, and Nana for supporting me both emotionally and economically throughout my educational journey.

I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my chair, mentor, and friend Dr. Porfirio

M. Loeza. It is bittersweet that this dissertation culminates my doctorate program, as I have learned so much from you. You are the ‘Meta-Model’ as you see things as ‘TODO!’

(You must go off the road then come back to understand), and that influence is certainly reflected in this dissertation. Your dedication to helping students to succeed is commendable. Your authenticity is remarkable. You have left an indelible mark in my life.

I would like to acknowledge my esteemed committee. Dr. Rose Borunda played a pivotal role on my dissertation, both scholarly and emotionally, as I embarked on and completed this culminating journey. Dr. Aaminah Norris, I am so grateful Dr. Loeza approached you at your first COE meeting after hearing your expertise. Your insights and insights were amazing and strengthened the meta-models that frame this research. Dr. Nathan Conkle I am so honored to of had your support. Much of my creativity was inspired by your creative energy and feedback on embracing imagery in this dissertation.

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I would like to acknowledge Dr. Carlos Nevarez for the opportunities he made available to me through the Journal of Transformational Leadership and Policy Studies. It is through him that I have learned that even with a doctorate degree, ‘I cannot get ahead of myself, as there is always room for improvement.’ Additionally, his emphasis on frameworks was influential in my producing the meta-models in this dissertation.

I would like to thank Sally Monical for her amazing support. She gave me a life line several times in the program, and she truly is an amazing person!

I would like to acknowledge the Doctorate in Educational Leadership Program, as it is their support of graduate assistantships that have allowed me to have an enhanced my doctorate education. Also, I would like to acknowledge the staff, Elizabeth Steiner for her influence in changing the culture in the doctorate office, and Kristi for her beautiful marketing and promotional resources.

I would also like to thank my participants, Selena, Jessica, Amy, Carrie, Jake, Daryl,

Jeffery, Adam, and the 108 survey respondents as without them this research would not be possible, and from them I learned so much.

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CURRICULUM VITAE

Katrina K. Pimentel Phone: (916) 585-6682 [email protected]

EDUCATION

M.A. Education, Curriculum & Instruction California State University of Sacramento

B.S. Gerontology California State University of Sacramento

Ed.D. Dissertation, CSU, Sacramento

Title: Dismantling Rape Culture: A Critical Examination of Androcentrismin America

Committee Chair: Dr. Porfirio Loeza Committee Mbrs: Dr. Rose Borunda, Dr. Aaminah Norris, & Dr. Nathan Conkle

M.A. Thesis, CSU, Sacramento

Title: Person-Centered Care and the Resident-Care Aide (May 2014)

This thesis focuses on the person-centered care approach delivered to older adults residing in assisted living with an emphasis on dementia-care. Of particular importance in the provision quality of dementia-care is the critical role of the Resident-Care Aide (R.C.A) and the challenges and opportunities within the organization was highlighted using Albert Bandura’s self-efficacy theory juxtaposed leadership. The research design used methods of ethnography which included participant-observation visits, a survey, and informal interviews with staff at an assisted living community with Memory Care in Northern California. The participants of this study included (N=7) R.C.A’s and the residents they cared for in the Memory Care neighborhood. Five substantive themes emerged from the research findings which include: consistent assignment equates to greater resident-knowledge and relationship; understanding the dining program improves viii

the dining experience; embracing emergent leaders within the organization; ambiguity leads to lower family and staff satisfaction; and Resident-Care Aides find meaning in their work.

Committee Chair: Dr. Porfirio M. Loeza Committee Reader: Dr. Cheryl Osborne

PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCES

The Journal of Transformative Leadership and Policy Studies (JTLPS) Associate Editor for the CSU system-wide open access journal. January 2014 – Current. [Vol. 4.1; Vol. 5; Vol. 6.1]

DEGREES Program, California State University Sacramento Research Assistant to aid in the retention, academic success and graduation of struggling students. July 2015 – Current.

The Journal of Transformative Leadership and Policy Studies (JTLPS) Editorial Research Assistant for the CSU system-wide open access journal. January 2014 – August 2015.

Reading Comprehension and Assessment Course/Practicum Provided reading tutoring to 6th grade student-Thomas Edison Elementary September 2012-December 2012

UC Davis Hospice, Sacramento Internship (236 hrs); supported the interdisciplinary team for patient and family Hospice care. February 2011 – May 2013.

Co-Authored Publications:

Title: Illuminating Personal Factors Contributing to the Trajectory of Student Dropouts and Stopouts

Published: Volume 6.1, Journal of Transformative Leadership in Policy Studies Authors: Carlos Nevarez, PhD & Katrina Pimentel, EdD Candidate (February 2017)

This report is the first of a series of two reports focused on examining the stopout and dropout phenomena at Sacramento State. For the purpose of this report, the data analysis ix

and interpretation centers on highlighting personal issues influencing student departure. Personal issues are defined as the concern with students’ mental health, economic, social, and health concerns. The purpose of this study was to derive at a comprehensive understanding of what mediates students to stopout and dropout at Sacramento State. A guiding objective of this study was to develop a data driven framework to guide California State University, Sacramento (Sacramento State) in examining practices that serve to facilitate effectiveness in moving students toward degree completion. An important companion to the data analysis and interpretation is the sections on recommendations for action. It is our hope Sacramento State uses the captured sentiment, voices, and suggestions of student participants to improve degree completion, particularly among the most vulnerable students in order to inform policy for early prevention and creating effective pathways for increasing student success.

Title: Factors Promoting Inclusion and Success for Underrepresented High School Students in STEM

Published: Volume 4.1, Journal of Transformative Leadership in Policy Studies Authors: Randy Kilmartin, MA& Katrina Pimentel, MA (June, 2014)

The focus of this study was to ascertain the best practices and policies for school leaders in recruiting, supporting, and retaining underrepresented students in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) courses while encouraging STEM related career fields. This report synthesizes empirical research at two comprehensive high schools in Northern California funded through the CSU Doctoral Research Fellowship. The policy implications from this study are central to promoting access and inclusion in STEM education and future career pathways. Schools need to market and advertise their STEM programs and begin recruiting within their school, particularly at the middle school level. It was clear from this research that the initial “curiosity” that is promoted by the STEM curriculum needs to be fostered so that students continue to be interested in STEM once they get to high school.

Presentations:

“Inquiry into Meaning and the Significance of Jerome Bruner in the21st Century.”Multi-Cultural Education Conference at CSUS. April 2016.

“Coaching and Faculty Professional Development” Feria DelLibro, Universidad Pedagogica Nacional, Teuhican, Mexico. November 2015. x

“Factors Promoting Success for High School Students in STEM” Multi-Cultural Education Conference at CSUS. April 2015.

“Inquiry into Meaning and the Significance of Jerome Bruner in the21st Century.” Ed.D Curriculum Management Course, CSUS. 2015.

“Inquiry into Meaning and the Significance of Jerome Bruner in the21st Century.” Ed.D Curriculum Management Course, CSUS. 2014.

“Dismantling Rape Culture: A Critical Examination of Androcentrism in America.” Multi-Cultural Education Conference at CSUS. February 2017

Poster Board Sessions:

“Mentoring and the Journal of Transformative Leadership and Policy Studies” CSU Teaching and Learning Symposium, CSULA. 2015.

PROFESSIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

Doctorate in Educational Leadership Student Association (DELSA) Served as 2015 President; Current Member

Golden Key International Honour Society. November 2015 – Current.

Phi Kappa Phi The interdisciplinary, All-University Honors Society. April 2012 - Current.

Sigma Phi Omega, Gamma Chi; the National Honor and Professional Society for Gerontology April 2011 – 2013.

Phi Theta Kappa Honor Society October 2010-May 2013.

SERVICE TO THE COMMUNITY

University of California, Davis Hospice Completed over 450 hours of Volunteer Services; visiting patients & family,

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delivering holiday meals, toys for kids, & office support. 2011-2013.

Sutter VNA & Hospice, Sacramento Completed 24 hour-volunteer training which focused on: Communicating with clients &family, Death, Dying and Bereavement, Spirituality and Cultural Diversity. 2010.

Volunteers of America, Senior Safe House Provided support to clients and staff of program, which provides temporary housing to abused, neglected, or exploited seniors. January-December 2010.

Girl Scouts of America Co-led Junior and Senior Cadet Girl Scout troop. April 2004 – April 2011.

Golden Pond Retirement Community Conducted a holistic assessment of a person who was independent and suffering from COPD. 2010.

Eskaton Skilled Nursing Facility, Greenhaven Conducted a holistic assessment of a person who was medically dependent and diagnosed with COPD. 2010.

Chateau at River’s Edge Assisted Living Provided 20 hours of care management to an older adult residing in an Assisted Living Community. 2010.

E.M. Hart Senior Center, Sacramento California Provided 10 hours of service learning working with older adults in various activities, while gaining experience working with clients with dementia. 2009.

HONORS AND AWARDS

Wayne K. Miyamoto Public Policy Fellowship Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship. 2016.

Magna Cum Laude, B.S. Gerontology Dean’s Honor Award nomination at commencement ceremony: 2012.

William Randolph Hearst, Outstanding Achievement Award: xii

Overcoming adversity, Exemplary Academic Achievement and Commitment to Community Service. 2012.

UC Davis Volunteer Scholarship Recipient For providing over 400 hours of volunteer hours to the hospice program by assisting the interdisciplinary team, visiting patients and their families. 2012.

Graduate Equity Fellowship Recipient Office of Graduate Studies For commitment to improving the lives of diverse groups. 2012-2013.

Bradley E. Long (BEL) Scholarship Recipient CSUS Donor For commitment to community service and in loving memory of Bradley E. Long, a former Sac State Student. 2012.

Bradley E. Long (BEL) Scholarship Recipient For commitment to community service and in loving memory of Bradley E. Long, a former Sac State Student. 2011.

Renaissance Society Scholarship Recipient For commitment to improving the lives of older adults. 2011.

Renaissance Society Scholarship Recipient For commitment to improving the lives of older adults. 2010.

Bradley E. Long (BEL) Scholarship Recipient For commitment to community service and in loving memory of Bradley E. Long, a former Sac State Student. 2010.

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Abstract

of

DISMANTLING RAPE CULTURE:

A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF ANDROCENTRISM IN AMERICA

by

Katrina K. Pimentel

Sexual violence is a pervasive problem on colleges that affects 20% of college women

(Burnett et al., 2009). Moreover, the Rape Abuse Incest National Network (RAINN)

(2011) reported that 90% of the rapes against college women are committed by just 3-7% of college men. To continue in the tradition of feminist scholars, the purpose of this study was to assess the influence of a male-dominated culture on the lived experience of college students and its relationship to rape culture (androcentric society) in order to facilitate in the transformation of society from one that condones rape to one that dismantles it by raising conscientização (critical consciousness) (Freire, 1970; 1993).

This study is framed by Muted Group Theory and Five Faces of Oppression which together form a meta-theory, and used phenomenological research methods (interviews and the administration of an online survey), and focused on eight (N=8) interview participants, and (N=108) survey participants. The findings resulted in the emergence offive themes and 20 assertions. The first theme Gender Identity and Social Positioning centers on how college students are both positioned within society as a result of their

xiv

gender and navigate the tensions between their own desired identity and societal expectations. The second theme Socialization and Sexual Violence and centers on the factors which influence college students’ attitudes towards sexual violence and victims of sexual assault. The third theme The Experience of Sexual Violence centers on the college students personal experiences of sexual violence and the impact that it has had on their identity and college experiences. The fourth theme Consent & Policy Literacy centers on how college students’ define consent and understand SB 967 (Yes-Means-Yes policy), and how efficacious they perceive it to be. The fifth Transforming a College Rape

Culture centers on college students’ bystander attitudes and their demand for early rape prevention education with an explicit focus on consent. These findings have policy, curricular, and leadership implications. The contribution that makes this study provides is the utility of three meta-models, two for problematizing the problem of muting and oppression (Faces of Women’s Oppression and Androcentric Oppression) and one for problem-posing (Dismantlement of Androcentric Oppression). What makes these models unique is their invitation for researchers to continue theorizing about the problem of sexual violence and strengthen the opportunities for dismantling the cultural ideologies that maintain it as a silent epidemic.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Dedication……...………………………………………………………………………..v

Acknowledgements…….……………………………………………………………….vi

Curriculum Vitae

List of Tables……………………………………...………………………………....xviii

List of Figures ………………………………………………..……………………….xix

Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………..……………….1

Sexual Assault in a Rape Culture…………………………………. ………….....28

Statement of the Problem ……………………………………...... 31

Purpose of the Study…………………………………………………………..….32

Research Questions…………………………………………………………….....33

Nature of the Study ……………………………………………………...... 34

Delimitation……………………………………………………………...... 35

Limitation..………………………………………………………………………...36

Significance of the Study………………………………………………………....36

Theoretical Frameworks…………………………………………………………..38

Muted Group Theory ……………….…………………………………..…38

Five Faces of Oppression………………..……………….………………..40

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Meta-Theory of Androcentric Oppression………………………...... 41

Organization of Dissertation……………………………………….……………..44

2. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE …………………………….…………..46

Introduction…………..…………………………………………….……….…….46

Muted Group Theory………….……………………………………...….....56

The Five Faces of Oppression……………………………………………....69

Cultural Imperialism……………………………….….……………...70

Marginalization…………………………………………...………....72

Exploitation…………………………………...………………...... ….75

Powerlessness………………………………………………...... 76

Violence………………………………………….……………...... 79

Theorizing about Women’s Oppression in an Androcentric

Society…………………………………………………………..…..80

Ontogenesis of Male Dominance in America…………………...………….……...85

Impact of Mythologizing (Muting) Historical Truth………..……………….88

Religion as Mechanism for Women’s Oppression.…………………………91

Women and Witchcraft: Maleficarum………………………………………95

Socialization Toward Systematic Oppression…………………...……...………..104

Gender Attitudes and Aggression …………………..…….……………….107

Dysfunctional Childhoods….…………………………………….………..112

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Minority Status…………………………….……...…………..…………….115

The Media and its Cannibalization of Youth…………………………..……...…116

Television…………………………………………..………………………118

Video Games………………….…………………………..……………….120

Online Sexual Violence…………………………………..……………….123

The Sexualization & Exploitation of Women and Young ……………….………126

Toys……………………………………...………………..………………127

Marketing Ads ……………………………....…………..………………..134

Child Beauty Pageants……………………………………….…………...139

Cultural Myths that Justify and Legitimize Rape………………………………...146

The Purity Myth….……………………………………..………………...150

Male Obsession and Conquest………………..……..……………..154

Effects of Rape Culture (Androcentric Society)…....……………...157

The Blitz Scenario of Rape………….…………………….……………...159

Alcohol: The Ultimate Legitimizing Rape Agent………....……………..161

Rape as Function of Systemic Oppression…..……………...………….………...164

The Silent Epidemic…………………...……………..…………..……….165

Marginalization of Trauma ……………………………………………....170

Reframing Victim and Offender…………………………..…………….174

Sexual Assault on College Campuses…………………………………..………..177

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Best Practice on College Campuses…….……………….…………...185

Summary……………………………………………………..……….…..187

3. METHODOLOGY.……………………………………………………………….188

Introduction ………………………………………………...……….…... 188

Research Design………………… …………………………………...... 188

Role of the Researcher…………………………………………...…...... 189

Research Questions………………………….………………….………...190

Setting, Population, and Sample……………….………………….……...191

Data Collection and Instrumentation…………………………...…..….……...... 193

Qualitative Method…………………………………………………………193

Gender Identities ……………………………….………………………….194

Socialization ………………………………………….……….…………...194

Socio-Political ……………………………………….………….……….…195

Sexual Assault Experiences ………………………………………..… ..…197

Sexual Assault Risk Reduction …………………………………………....197

. Historical Understanding …………………………………………..……....199

Allies for Change ……………………………….……………….…….…..199

Quantitative Method …………………………………………….…… …...200

Data Analysis…………………………………………………….………....204

Validity and Reliability………………………………..….…………...... 205

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Protection of Participants………………………………….………………..206

Summary ……………………………..…………………………………..…207

4. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA……………………………………………………..208

Profile of Participants ………………………………………………………….211

Gender of Participants …………………………………………….…………..212

Ethnicity of Participants ……………………………………………………….213

Year in College of Participants. ………………………………….…………...214

Activities Enjoyed by Participants ……………………………….…...... 215

Gender Identity & Social Positioning…………………………………..………....217

Being “Female” Means You Are Persistently Critiqued ……………...……..218

Women Are Muted Because This Is a Man’s World…………….… ……….223

Non-Aggressive Males Are Muted Because This is a Manly Man’s World...233

The Double Standard Is a Sad Reality but Socialization is Everything……..246

Socialization and Sexual Violence…………………..……….………………..….....249

The Bro-Code and Locker Room Talk Excludes Sexual Assault………….. 250

Men & Women Experienced Muting and Oppression Post-Election………. 258

The Media is Responsible for Society’s Desensitization to Violence…….…262

The Experience of Sexual Violence ……………………..………………………. ...266

Sexual Violence is a Common & Inevitable Experience of Women ……...267

Sexual Assault Is A Silent Epidemic Indeed………………………………....278

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College Women Must Be Armed & Not Stray from the Path………..…...292

Sexual Assault Changes You…………………….……………………….……...300

Consent & Campus Policy Literacy………………………………………..306

Consent is a Mutual & Fluid Agreement, Not a Binding Contract………...308

Some Guys Will Rape Regardless of Policy; Enforcement is Needed…...315

Girls Can Be Raped Even When They Don’t Say ‘No’………………...... 319

Alcohol Does Not Legitimize Rape………………………………..….….. 324

Girls Often Say Yes To Make Him Happy……………………...... 334

Guys Can “Not Consent” Too…………………………………………...... 335

Guys Don’t Get a Free Pass to Rape…………………………………..…….338

Transforming A College Rape Culture…………… …………………………………351

Those Willing to Use Their Voice Potentiate A Change………………...... 352

Consent and Rape Education is Needed and Needed Early…………….…370

5. SUMMARY AND CONTRIBUTIONS…………………………………….…….378

Theme One: Gender Identity and Social Positioning ………. ……….…..384

Theme Two: Socialization and Sexual Violence ………………….……..385

Theme Three: Experience of Sexual Violence ………………….……… 387

Theme Four: Consent and Campus Policy Literacy ………….………….389

Theme Five: Transforming a College Rape Culture ……….…...... 391

Contributions of this Study………….………….……….…..…….…..………...393

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Opportunity One: Gender Diversity…………………………..……...... 395

Opportunity Two: Multi-Cultural Education…………………….……..403

Opportunity Three: Social and Emotional Learning ………………...... 404

Opportunity Four: Body Safety and Bystander Education ………….. 410

Limitations……………………………………………………...………………...411

Recommendation for Future Study.……………………………………..…….. 411

Conclusions …………… …………………………………………………….....411

6. APPENDICES ………………………………………………………………..… 413

A. Online Consent Form………………………………………………….…..…413

B. Interview Consent Form (Female Victims)…………………..….………..…415

C. Interview Consent Form (College Males & Females)…………..….……..…417

7. REFERENCES………………………………………………………….……...... 419

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LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Federal Law Definition…………..………………………………….…….…..150

2. Active Sentence Construction……….…………………………………….…...176

3. Passive Sentence Construction……...…………………………….…….….....177

4. Frequencies of Themes in Gender and Social Positioning …………………..218

5. Frequencies of Themes in Socialization and Sexual Violence ……………...250

6. Frequencies of Themes in the Experience of Sexual Violence ……………..267

7. Frequencies of Themes in Consent and the Campus Policy Literacy ………..307

8. Frequencies of Theme in Transforming Rape Culture ……………………… 352

9. Five Core Competencies Learned From SEL …………………………………406

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Nancy O’Dell ………………………………………………………………………...3

2. Book: Lost Tycoon………………...…………………………..…………….………5

3. Trump & Epstein………………….....…………………………….….……………...6

4. Jill Harth and Trump…………………………………………….………………...... 9

5. Temple Taggart…………………………………………………………….………..10

6. Hollywood Access: Donald Trump…………………………….……..….…....…..11

7. Jessica Leeds 2005………………………………………………………………….12

8. Jessica Leeds 2016……………………………………………………………….…12

9. Rachel Crooks…………………………………………………………….………...13

10. Natasha Stoynoff………………………………………………….……………….14

11. Mindy McGillivray…………………………………………………..…………..…15

12. Summer Zervos………………………………………………..…...……………...16

13. Cathy Heller……………………………………………………..………………....18

14. Kristin Anderson…………………………………………………………..…….…18

15. Karena Virginia…………………………………………………..………………...19

16. Jessica Drake………………………………………………………..……………...20

17. Late Show With David Letterman………………………………..………………..21

18. Bridget Sullivan…………………………………………………..…………….….22

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19. Cassandra Searles………………………………………………….…………….....23

20. Carrie Prejean...... 24

21. Tasha Dixon……………………………………………………………….….…...26

22. Mariah Billado……………………………...…………………………...…..…...... 27

23. Dominant vs. Muted Group…………………..…………………………………....39

24. Process of Silencing ………………………..………………….…………………..39

25. Meta-Model, Faces of Women’s Oppression………………………………….…..41

26. Meta-Model of Androcentric Oppression (Rape Culture) ……………………...... 43

27. Meta-Model Dismantling Androcentric Oppression (Rape Culture).…………..…44

28. Original 1978 Horror Film “I Spit On Your Grave”…………..……………….….51

29. 2010 Horror Remake: “I Spit On Your Grave”………………..…………………..51

30. Little Red Riding Hood...…………………….…………………..…………….….53

31. Perrault’s 1697…………………………………………...……..……………….…55

32. Walt Disney’s The Little Mermaid Gives Ursula Her Voice.……….………..….60

33. Dominant Group vs. Muted Group…………………………………..…………...61

34. Process of Silencing………………………………………………..……….…..…61

35. 2016 Donald Trump & Hillary Rodham Clinton……………………….…………62

36. Little Mermaid ………………………………………………………………….….63

37. Beauty/Beast ………………………………………………………………….……63

38. Aladdin ……………………………………………………………………...…..…63

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39. Pocahontas………………………………………………………………….……...63

40. Mulan …………………………………………………………………………...….63

41. Nina Agdal, Carl’s Jr. Hamburger Ad………………………...……………………65

42. Andrew Puzder…………………..……………………………………..………….66

43. Young’s (1990) Five Faces of Oppression…………………………………...…..70

44. Christian Boarding Schools………………………………….………………….....71

45. Traditional Gender Roles…………………………………………………………..73

46. Snow White …………………………………………………………..……………74

47. Cinderella ………………………………………………………………………….74

48. Sleeping Beauty ……………………………………………………………………74

49. Submissive and Sexual Ads ……………………………………………………….76

50. Gendered Pay Inequality…………………………………………………………. 78

51. Ku Klux Klan…………………………………………………………..………… .80

52. Meta-Model, Faces of Women’s Oppression……….………………………..… ...81

53. Male Culture………………………………………..……………………………. 82

54. Gendered Hierarchy……………………………………………………….……….82

55. Meta-Model of Androcentric Oppression (Rape Culture)……………….………. 83

56. Organization of Literature Review ………………………………….…………….85

57. Indigenous Slaves in Spanish Conquest of the Americas ……….………………. 88

58. Christopher Columbus Claiming Land for Spain………………..….……………..89

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59. Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden…………………………………..…………93

60. Goddess …………………………………………………………………….……...98

61.Goody Glover……………………………………………………………………...101

62. Salem Witch Trials ……………………………………………………….……...102

63. Organization of Section: Gender as Socialized Oppression …………………..…104

64. Husbands as Breadwinners……………………………………………...……… 106

65. Gendered Norms of Boys and Girls…………………………………….………..108

66. Organization of Section: Media………………………………………….………118

67. GTA V Prostitution-hiring………………………………..……………..……… 122

68. GTA V Killing Prostitutes………………………………..…………..…………. 122

69. Daisy and Audrie’s FB Profiles …………………………………………….….…125

70. Organization of Section: Sexualization……………………………………….… 127

71. Barbie Doll……………………………………………………………………… 129

72. Emma Doll……………………………………………………………...………...129

73. Valeria Lukyanova: “Real Life Barbie” ……………………..…………………. 131

74. Barbie ® Fashionista ™ Barbie Dolls: Realistic Barbie………….……….……. 132

75. Bratz Dolls………………………………………………………………………..133

76. Cosmo Girl Mary Kate Olson……………………………………...………….… 135

77. Trickle up: Adultification……………………………………….……………… 136

78. Trickle Down: Youthification………………………………...……………….… 137

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79. Anorexia Nervosa………………………………………………………….…… .139

80. Fake Beauty in Child Beauty Pageants………………………….………………..141

81. Toddlers and Tiaras’ Paisley as Pretty Woman………………………………….142

82. 1932 Film: War Babies ……………………………………………………...…. 143

83. 1932 Film: War Babies …………………………………………………………..143

84. 1932 Film: War Babies ………………………………………………….…..…..143

85. Donald Trump on Military Sexual Assaults …………………………….……....148

86. Organization of Section: Cultural Myths……………………………….………. 149

87. The Grooming Phase… …………………………………………………………..155

88. The Transformation Process..………………………………………………….…155

89. A Virgin Auction …………………………………………………………….…. 155

90. Sold to Highest Bidder ……………………………………………….…………..155

91. After Losing Her Virginity……………………...…………………..…………….156

92. Violet is Now a Woman ………………………………………………………….156

93. Stanford Swimmer, Brock Turner ……………………………………………… 162

94. Organization of Section: Rape as Function of Systemic Oppression ……………165

95. Brock Turner Arrest Photo………………………………………………………..168

96. Judge Aaron Persky ……………………………………………………………...168

97. 1775 British Wartime Propaganda………………………………………….…….170

98. Symptoms of Trauma……………………………………………………...…….172

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99. University of Minnesota Gophers Suspended………………………...………….184

100. Qualitative Framework ……………………………………..…………………..193

101. Donald Trumps’ Alleged Victims………………………………….……………196

102. Quantitative Framework………………………………………………………...200

103. Findings Organization Chart…………………………………………………….211

104. Gender of Participants…………………………………………………………..213

105. Participant Ethnicity……………………………………………………………..214

106. Participant Year in College………………………………………………………215

107. Activities Partaken By Participants…………………………………………...... 216

108. High Risk Participants………………………………………………..………….217

109. Women Are Too Hormonal For Leadership ……………………………………227

110. Male Athletes on Women in Leadership ……………………………………….228

111. More Credibility to Men's Respect …………………………………………….. 238

112. Male Athletes-More Credibility to Men's Respect ………………………...….. 239

113. More Confident of Men’s Skills than Women’s ……………………………… 240

114. Fraternity & Athletes’ Confidence in Men’s Skills than Women’s ……………241

115. Women Are Not Trustworthy ………………………………………………… 244

116. Male Athletes on Women Are Not Trustworthy ……………………………….245

117. Online Sexual Harassment ……………………………………………………. 270

118. Experienced a Sexual Assault ………………………………………………..... 275

xxix

119. Sororities on Experienced a Sexual Assault …………………………………….276

120. Sexually Assaulted Under the Influence ………………………………..…….. 288

121. Prevalence of Reporting……………………………………………..……..…...289

122. Rape Only Happens With Bruises ……………………………………..….……298

123. Male Athlete on Rape Only Happens With Bruises ……………………………299

124. Asking for Consent …………………………………………………….……….310

125. High Risk on Ask for Verbal Consent ...... 311

126. Stop Sexual Activity If Asked ...... 314

127. Guys Rape Because They Think They Can ...... 318

128. Athletes on Guys Get Away With It ...... 319

129. Rape Requires Verbal ‘No’ ...... 322

130. Male Athletes on Rape Requires Verbal ‘No’ ...... 323

131. Girls are Responsible If Drinking ...... 327

132. Fraternity/Athletes on Girls Responsible If Drinking ...... 328

133. Girls Wearing Slutty Clothes Ask For Trouble...... 339

134. High Risk on Girls Wearing Slutty Clothes Ask For Trouble...... 340

135. Girl at Fault If She Goes to Room with Guy...... 342

136. Athletes on Girl at Fault If She Goes to Room with Guy ...... 343

137. Out of Control Sex Drive ...... 344

138. High Risk on Out of Control Sex Drive...... 345

xxx

139. Guys Drunk Might Rape Someone ...... 347

140. High Risk- Guys Drunk Might Rape Someone ...... 348

141. Sex with Someone Intoxicated ...... 350

142. Checking On Friend That Looks Drunk ...... 361

143. High Risk Check on Friend That Looks Drunk ...... 362

144. Confront Friend with Drunk Person……………………………………....……362

145. Athletes on Confront Friend with Drunk Person……………………….……….363

146. Confront Friend Giving Alcohol for Sex……………………………………….364

147. Athletes on Confront Friend Giving Alcohol for Sex…………………………..365

148. Confront Friend Hooking Up With Girl Passed Out………………………..… 366

149. Athletes on Confront Friend Hooking Up With Girl Passed Out……………….367

150. Report A Friend That Committed A Rape…………………………………..… 367

151. Sororities on Report A Friend That Committed A Rape……………………… 368

152. Dominant vs. Muted Group…………………………………………………… 379

153. Process of Silencing…………………………………………………………… 379

154. Meta-Model, Faces of Women’s Oppression…..……………………...……… 380

155. Meta-Model of Androcentric Oppression…………………………………...… .381

156. Meta-Model of Dismantling Androcentric Oppression………………..……… 395

157. Book: William’s Doll……………………………………………………..……..398

158. Book: Oliver Button Is a Sissy…………………………….…………...………..399

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159. Book: Pearl Fairweather, Pirate Captain …………………….………………….402

160. Book: The Princess Knight………………………………………….…………..403

161. Book: Rethinking Columbus…………………………………………..………..404

162. Social Emotional and Learning……………………………………..…………...405

163. No Difference Between Us …………………………………………………...... 407

164. My Body Safety Education ……………………………………………………..409

165. My Body Safety Education ……………………………………………………..409

166. Bystander Education………………………..………………………….………..410

xxxii

1

Chapter One

INTRODUCTION

As a woman, all illusions of progress as a country dissipated on November 8,

2016. Despite Hillary Rodham Clinton winning the popular vote by 2,864,974 votes,

Donald Trump, the billionaire, was elected President of the United States by the Electoral

College. While this election was not the first time that the Electoral College vote and the popular vote did not align, this clearly was the first time that a candidate built his campaign on overt racism, misogyny, sexism, hatred and fear (The Telegraph, 2016).

Yet, it is Donald Trump’s long history of sexually assaulting women that dates from 1998 and continues through to 2007, that too many American’s willingly ignored that I found most troubling. I will not ignore it. I expect the President of the United States to abide by the law and to protect women, not violate them. What follows is a description of the legal protections granted to women that Donald Trump has allegedly violated, followed by the alleged victim’s claims, and supporting evidence. I say allegedly, since under the protections granted via the Coffin v. United States (156 U.S. 432), Donald Trump is presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law.

The Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 (ADEA), “and its amendments, prohibits employment discrimination against individuals 40 years of age or older” (Pub. L. 90-202). Yet in 1997, Donald Trump was cited by Mark Singer in an article in The New Yorker as openly admitted to avoiding hiring older women at Mar-a-

Lago (The Cut, 2016). In the article, Mark wrote:

2

Trump introduced him to the property’s resident physician, Dr. Ginger Lea

Southall. When Ginger could not hear them, Mark asked Donald Trump

where she received her training. Donald Trump replied, “I’m not sure.

Baywatch Medical School? Does that sound right? I’ll tell you the truth. Once

I saw Dr. Ginger’s photograph, I didn’t need to look at her resume or anyone

else’s. Are you asking, ‘Did we hire her because she trained at Mount Sinai

for fifteen years? The answer is no. And I’ll tell you why: because by the time

she’s spent fifteen years at Mount Sinai, we don’t want to look at her” (The

Cut, 2016).

Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Equal Employment

Opportunity)prohibits sex-discrimination and sexual harassment which is defined as

“unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical harassment of a sexual nature, and includes making offensive remarks about a person’s sex or offensive comments about women in general” (42 US Code § 2000e–4). There have been over 4,000 lawsuits filed against Donald Trump, with at least 20 related to the

“discrimination against women, ignoring sexual assault complaints and even participating in them himself, and in three cases he told them they would lose their jobs if they complained” (The Cut, 2016). One of the claimants, Sue Kwiatkowski, was a supervisor at his golf club and alleges that Donald Trump directed her to hire more attractive women saying, “I want you to get some good-looking hostesses here.” And added the

3

justification that, “People like to see good-looking people when they come in” (The Cut,

2016).

The Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1970 makes “it illegal for employers to exclude pregnancy and childbirth from their sick leave and health benefits plan” (P.L. 95-

555). Nancy O’Dell, former host of the Miss USA pageant,claims that Donald Trump tried to get her fired twice, once in 1997 after she rejected his advances, and again in

2007 for not living up to his standard of appearance when she was seven months pregnant

(see figure 1; The Cut, 2016).

Figure 1. Nancy O’Dell

Retrieved http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3828093/Donald-Trump-tried-dump- Nancy-O-Dell-hosting-Miss-USA-pageant-2007-pregnant.html

Federal Sexual Assault Law: Rape is defined as when someone

(1) uses unlawful force against that other person; (2) uses force causing/likely to cause death or grievous bodily; (3) threatens/places another in fear a person will be subjected to death; (4) first rendering that other person unconscious; (5) administering by force/threat of force, or a substance without consent

4

Regarding Ivana Trump and Rape, a book was published in 1993 titled, Lost

Tycoon: The Many Lives of Donald J. Trump and included transcripts from her and

Donald’s contentious divorce case, at which time, Ivana accused him of raping her during their marriage after he returned home from surgery. The author of the book, Harry Hurt

III,wrote that in 1989:

Trump confronted Ivana after a painful scalp reduction surgery to reduce his bald

spot. He allegedly yelled that her “fucking doctor” ruined him, and then held back

her arms and pulled out fistfuls of hair from Ivana’s scalp, before ripping off her

clothes and forcing his penis inside her (figure 2; Jamieson, Jeffery, & Puglise,

2016).

However, one of the stipulations of their divorce settlement was that Ivana was not to speak to anyone publicly about the life she shared with Donald Trump without his authorization. Moreover, the book was published with the following disclaimer from

Ivana:

[O]n one occasion during 1989, Mr. Trump and I had marital relations in which

he behaved very differently toward me than he had during our marriage. As a

woman, I felt violated, as the love and tenderness, which he normally exhibited

towards me, was absent. I referred to this as a ‘rape’, but I do not want my words

to be interpreted in a literal or criminal sense (Jamieson, Jeffery, & Puglise,

2016).

5

Figure 2. Book “Lost Tycoon”

Retrieved http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2015/07/27/ex-wife-donald-trump- made-feel-violated-during-sex.html

Donald Trump denies both the rape and the scalp surgery, saying “It’s obviously false. It’s incorrect and done by a guy without much talent …He is a guy that is an unattractive guy who is a vindictive and jealous person” (Jamieson et al., 2016).

Regarding a 13 Year Old Girl and Rape, during the presidential campaign,

Donald Trump was going to trial for accusations that he raped a minor aspiring model in

1993, while at a party of Jeffrey Epstein, a billionaire and convicted pedophile (The Cut,

2016).Jeffrey Epstein “was widely known to throw wild parties with young women and girls, and was accused of recruiting dozens of underage girls into a sex-slave network

(Callahan, 2016), usually preying on his low-income assistants’ children for the benefit of wealthy men (Grim, 2016). The lawsuit, which was for $100 million, accuses both billionaires “of having solicited sex acts from her at sex parties held at the Manhattan homes of Epstein and Trump back in 1994,when the claimant was just 13 years old”

(figure 3; Mikkelson, 2016).

6

Figure 3. Trump & Epstein

Retrieved https://therealdeal.com/2016/06/20/jane-doe-files-civil-rape-complaint- against-donald-trump-in-ny-court/

The lawsuit claims that “after luring her to a series of underage sex parties by promising her money and a modeling career, she was forced to masturbate Donald Trump’s penis and engage in lesbian sex with a 12 year old fellow sex-slave”(Mikkelson, 2016).The claimant goes on to explain the abuse she encountered:

Defendant Trump had sexual contact with me at four different parties in the

summer of 1994. On the fourth and final sexual encounter with Defendant Trump,

Defendant Trump tied me to a bed, exposed himself to me, and then proceeded to

forcibly rape me. During the course of this savage sexual attack, I loudly pleaded

with Defendant Trump to stop but he did not. Defendant Trump responded to my

pleas by violently striking me in the face with his open hand and screaming that

he would do whatever he wanted. Immediately following this rape, Defendant

Trump threatened me that, were I ever to reveal any of the details of Defendant

Trump's sexual and physical abuse of me, my family and I would be physically

harmed if not killed (Grim, 2016).

7

The lawsuit adds: “Both defendants let plaintiff know that each was a very wealthy, powerful man and indicated that they had the power, ability and means to carry out their threats;” a claim that Tiffany Doe, an anonymous witness in the lawsuit, corroborated

(Mikkelson, 2016).In 2015, Donald Trump’s attorney responded to the lawsuit saying,

“Mr. Trump’s only connection with Mr. Epstein was that Mr. Epstein was one of thousands of people who has visited Mar-a-Lago. That’s it. Mr. Trump has NEVER been accused of having any involvement or even having any knowledge of any of Mr.

Epstein’s conduct by anyone” (Feinstein, 2016). Yet prior to his incarceration, Donald

Trump was cited in the New York Magazine: “I’ve known Jeff for fifteen years. Terrific guy. He’s a lot of fun to be with. It is even said that he likes beautiful women as much as

I do, and many of them are on the younger side. No doubt about it ― Jeffrey enjoys his social life” (Grim, 2016).Unfortunately, the claimant dropped the lawsuit just prior to the court hearing. Her lawyer said her client had received threats and was too afraid to follow through (Gerstein, 2016).

Federal Sexual Assault Law is defined as “as touching, or causing another person to touch, directly or through the clothing, the genitalia, anus, groin, breast, inner thigh, or buttocks of any person, with an intent to abuse, humiliate, or degrade any person without consent” (10 U.S. Code § 920 - Art. 120). The same law defines Consent as

A freely given agreement to the conduct at issue by a competent person. An

expression of lack of consent through words or conduct means there is no consent.

Lack of verbal or physical resistance or submission resulting from the use of

8

force, threat of force, or placing another person in fear does not constitute

consent. A current or previous dating or social or sexual relationship by itself or

the manner of dress of the person involved with the accused in the conduct at

issue shall not constitute consent” (10 U.S. Code § 920 - Art. 120).

Yet, Donald Trump has been accused of a sexual assault by thirteen women, and includes (1) Jill Harth (2) Temple Taggart (3) an Unnamed Woman, (4) Jessica Leeds (5)

Rachel Crooks (6) Natasha Stoynoff (7) Mindy McGillivray (8) Summer Zervos, (9)

Cathy Heller (10) Kristin Anderson (11) KarenaVirginia (12) Jessica Drake, and (13)

Ninni Laaksonen. What follows are their claims that they were either kissed, groped and or almost raped without consent.

Jill Harth said she first met Donald Trump in December of 1992 during a business presentation, and claims that Donald Trump “subjecting her to a steady string of sexual advances” (Jamieson et al., 2016).The next evening Donald and Jill had dinner at the Plaza Hotel’s Oak Room, where she claims he groped her under the table. Then in

1997, Jill filed a lawsuit for “attempted rape” against Donald Trump, accusing him of pulling. Donald Trump denies these claims as “meritless” (figure 4; The Cut, 2016).

9

Figure 4. Jill Harth and Donald

Retrieved http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3700562/He-hands-Woman- sued-Trump-sexual-assault-1990s-breaks-silence-wants-apology-presidential- candidate.html

Temple Taggart, Miss Utah 1997, alleged on May 14, 2016, “[Donald trump] kissed me directly on the lips. I thought, ’Oh my God, gross.’ He was married to Marla

Maples at the time. I think there were a few other girls that he kissed on the mouth. I was like, ‘Wow, that's inappropriate” (The Cut, 2016). A few months after the pageant,

Temple claims Donald Trump kissed her again when he invited her to Trump Tower to discuss her career. He also advised her that if she wanted to succeed in the entertainment industry at the age 21, “We're going to have to tell them you're 17” (figure 5). Donald

Trump affirms the allegations are false as “he is reluctant to kiss strangers on the lips”

(The Cut, 2016).

10

Figure 5. Temple Taggart

Retrieved http://www.pageantupdate.info/utah-titleholder-history.html

Regarding Donald Trump’s Admission, on October 8, 2016 a video emerged from 2005 which captures Donald Trump openly admitting to sexually assaulting women while talking with former Access Hollywood television show host Billy Bush, on the set of the soap opera Days of Our Lives ( Post, 2016). On the tape, Donald

Trump is captured saying:

I moved on her like a bitch, but I couldn’t get there. And she was married…I’ve

got to use some Tic Tacs, just in case I start kissing her…You know I’m

automatically attracted to beautiful — I just start kissing them. It’s like a magnet.

Just kiss. I don’t even wait…And when you’re a star, they let you do it…You can

do anything…Grab them by the pussy…You can do anything (figure 6;

Washington Post, 2016).

11

Figure 6. Hollywood Access: Donald Trump

Retrieved http://www.thewrap.com/how-access-hollywood-found-the-trump-tape- and-why-nbc-news-probably-leaked-it-exclusive/

After the release of the video, Donald Trump posted an apology on social media saying, “Anyone who knows me knows these words don’t reflect who I am,” he said. “I said it, I was wrong, and I apologize” and dismissed the comments as “locker-room talk”

(Jamieson et al., 2016). However, Donald Trump said he does not even wait. This is clearly a sexual assault according to federal definitions of consent. Shockingly, after the emergence of this tape, Billy Bush was fired from Access Hollywood for encouraging

Donald Trump to be sexist, while Donald Trump was elected President of the United

States.

Regarding an Unnamed Woman, on October 8, 2016 a woman alleged that

Donald Trump tried to kiss her on the mouth in a boardroom at Trump Tower in 2010.

She claims:

Trump took Tic Tacs, suggested I take them also. He then leaned in, catching me

off guard, and kissed me almost on lips. I was really freaked out…After, Trump

asked me to come into his office alone. Was really unsure what to do. … Figured

12

I could handle myself. Anyway, once in his office he kept telling me how special

I am and gave me his cell, asked me to call him. I ran the hell out of there

(Jamieson et al., 2016).

Trump did not respond for comment (Jamieson et al., 2016).

Regarding Jessica Leeds, when Donald Trump denied ever sexually assaulting women during the second presidential debate, Jessica, who was watching the debate from home, became infuriated, saying “I wanted to punch the screen,” prompting her to break her silence after 36 years (Twohey & Barbaro, 2016). On October 12, 2016, Jessica, now

74, came forward with allegations that when she was 38 years old, in 1980, she met

Trump in the first-class cabin of a flight to New York (figure 7-8). She claims that almost an hour after the plane took off, Donald Trump began to grab her breasts and tried to reach up under her skirt (Twohey&Barbaro, 2016). “It was an assault. He was like an octopus … His hands were everywhere” (Jamieson et al., 2016).

Figure 7.Jessica Leeds 2005 Figure 8.Jessica Leeds 2016

Figure 13. Retrievedhttp://www.newstalk.com/Two-women-claim-Donald-Trump- inappropriately-touched-them Figure 14.Retrieved http://www.npr.org/2016/10/14/497953012/jumped-out-of-my-skin- trump-accuser-jessica-leeds-on-why-she-came-forward

13

Donald Trump denies the incident took place, and his campaign responded by saying: “This entire article is fiction, and for the New York Times to launch a completely false, coordinated character assassination against Mr. Trump on a topic like this is dangerous” (Jamieson et al., 2016). Donald Trump’s lawyers sent a letter demanding that they retract her allegation or else she will face legal action. The New York Times is has affirmed they will not retract the published story (Jamieson et al., 2016).

Regarding Rachel Crooks, she too was at home watching the debate and infuriated, prompting her to also come forward on October 12, 2016. Rachel claims that in 2005, she worked as a receptionist in Trump Tower. She and Donald Trump shook hands in the elevator, and then he kissed her on the cheeks and the mouth. Rachel said, “It was so inappropriate. I was so upset that he thought I was so insignificant that he could do that.”

Donald Trump has also denied this allegation, and tweeted it was “a total fabrication”

(figure 9; The Cut, 2016).

Figure 9. Rachel Crooks

Retrieved http://heavy.com/news/2016/10/rachel-crooks-donald-trump-hillary-clinton- -facebook-photo-donor-democrat-politics-new-york-times-sexual-kiss-husband- family/

14

Regarding Natasha Stoynoff, a People magazine writer, Natasha also came forward on October 12, 2016 alleging that for their first anniversary in 2005, she went to

Mar-a-Lago to interview Donald Trump and Melania and at one point, Donald insisted upon giving her a tour of the resort; during which, Donald forcibly kissed her. He also later told her that the two were going to have an affair (The Cut, 2016). Immediately afterwards, they posed for a picture with Donald Trump, his employees, and wife

Melania. She did not report it because she both blamed herself and wrote it off as one of the risks associated with her job (The Cut, 2016). Natasha explained she did not come forward at the time because she had come to believe she was at fault or was one of the risks of the job. Natasha explained her reason for breaking her silence now by saying,

“Women are talking about this, and they need to…We cannot be silent anymore. I didn’t tell my story for politics, I told it for women” (figure 10; People, 2016).

Figure 10. Natasha Stoynoff

Retrieved http://heavy.com/news/2016/10/natasha-stoynoff-people-magazine-writer- author-accuse-donald-trump-sexual-harassment-assault-accuser/

A spokesperson for Donald Trump responded by saying Natasha had lied and told his supporters, “Look at her! I don’t think so” (People, 2016). He also tweeted, “Why didn’t

15

the writer of the twelve year old article in People Magazine mention the “incident” in her story. Because it did not happen!” (Jamieson et al., 2016).

Regarding Mindy McGillivray, Mindy said the sexual assault she experienced by Donald Trump was something that for more than a decade had only shared with a close circle of family and friends (Capozzi, 2016). Yet, watchinghim deny ever sexually assaulting women during the second presidential debate was her motivator for coming forward (figure 11; Capozzi, 2016). On October 12, 2016 Mindy alleged that in 2003, when she was 23, she and her partner, photographer Ken Davidoff, went to Mar-a-Lago to photograph the Ray Charles concert (Capozzi, 2016), Donald Trump groped her bottom while he stood next to his then-fiancé, Melania (The Cut, 2016).

Figure 11. Mindy McGillivray

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3840054/Trump-s-butler-denies-People- magazine-reporter-s-claim-groped-Mar-Lago-mansion-interview.html

Mindy recalled that after the show, they were in the middle of a group of people when

“All of a sudden I felt a grab, a little nudge. I think its Ken’s camera bag, that was my first instinct. I turn around and there’s Donald. He sort of looked away quickly. I quickly turned back, facing Ray Charles, and I’m stunned’’ (Capozzi, 2016).Mindy said she

16

remembers saying to herself, “‘OK, am I going to say something now and make a scene or be quiet?’ I chose to stay quiet’’ (Capozzi, 2016).

Regarding Summer Zervos, Summer, a fifth season contestant on The

Apprentice, came forward on October 14, 2016 alleging that “Donald Trump forcibly kissed her on the lips –once at Trump Tower and another at the Beverly Hills Hotel after having dinner with him”(figure 12). She also claims that after kissing her in the

California hotel, Donald Trump grabbed her breast and thrust his genitals at her” (The

Cut, 2016). Donald Trump released a statement that he “vaguely remembered” Summer

Zervos but “never met her at a hotel or greeted her inappropriately a decade ago”

(Jamieson et al., 2016)... “That is not who I am as a person, and it is not how I’ve conducted my life” (Zondronzny, 2017).

Figure 12. Summer Zervos

Retrieved http://www.revelist.com/politics/women-trump-assaulted/5258

Three days before his inauguration, on January 17, 2017, Summer Zervos filed a lawsuit against Donald Trump for defamation of character for denying he met her in a hotel room

(Zondronzny, 2017). The lawsuit states: “For the first time, Summer saw Mr. Trump’s

17

behavior towards her for what it was: that of a sexual predator who had preyed on her and other women” (Zondronzny, 2017). The core of her claim is

Donald Trump’s denial was not only knowingly untrue, but was made with the

knowledge that it would be heard by millions, and would do irreparable harm,

subjecting Summer and the other women to threats of violence, economic harm,

and reputational damage(Zondronzny, 2017).

Summer Zervos has since taken and passed a polygraph, and in a press conference, her lawyer, Gloria Allred said:“Ms. Zervos is willing to dismiss her lawsuit if [Donald

Trump] will retract his false statements about her and acknowledge that what Summer said about Mr. Trump and his alleged conduct is and was the truth” (Silva, 2017)

Regarding Cathy Heller, on October 15, 2016, Cathy came forward with allegations that in 1997 she went to a Mother’s Day Brunchat Mar-a-Lago and was kissed aggressively by Donald Trump to the point she almost lost her balance and in front of her family (figure 13). Cathy told the Guardian, Donald Trump “was pissed. He couldn’t believe a women would pass up the opportunity…he seemed entitled” (The Cut, 2016).

Donald Trump responded, “There is no way that something like this would have happened in a public place on Mother’s Day at Mr. Trump’s resort.” A spokesman said,

“It would have been the talk of Palm Beach for the past two decades” (Jamieson et al.,

2016).

18

Figure 13. Cathy Heller

Retrieved http://people.com/politics/donald-trump-cathy-heller-forced-kiss- sexual-misconduct/ Regarding Kristin Anderson, on October 14, 2016, Kristin decided after the audio of him bragging about sexually assaulting women emerged that it was time to come forward (figure 14; itv.com). Kristin told the Washington Post that Donald Trump groped her while sitting next to him at a Manhattan night club in the 1990’s. “It wasn’t a sexual come-on. I don’t know why he did it. It was just like to prove that he could do it, and nothing would happen” (The Cut, 2016).While Donald Trump did not respond immediately to these allegations, in a rally he said, “As you have seen, I am a victim of one of the great political smear campaigns in the history of our country. These allegations are 100 percent false. They are made up, they never happened” (itv.com).

Figure 14. Kristin Anderson

Retrieved http://www.itv.com/news/2016-10-14/former-model-and-ex-apprentice- star-claim-donald-trump-sexually-assaulted-them/

19

Regarding Karena Virginia, on October 20, 2016 Karena came forward with allegations that when she was 27, while waiting for a ride in front of the 1998 U.S. Open

Tennis Championship in Flushing, Queens Donald Trump approached her and said:

Hey, look at this one; we haven’t seen this one before. Look at those legs, as if I

was an object. He then walked up to me and reached his right arm and grabbed

my arm. Then his hand touched the right inside my breast. I was in shock. I

flinched. ‘Don’t you know who I am? ‘Don’t you know who I am? Don’t you

know who I am?’ …I felt intimidated, and I felt powerless…my shock turned to

shame (figure 15; The Cut, 2016).

Donald Trump’s spokesman discredited the allegations as a “political operative of her lawyer Gloria Allred, and coordinated, publicity seeking attack with the Clinton campaign” (Jamieson et al., 2016).

Figure 15.Karena Virginia

Retrievedhttp://www.cosmopolitan.com/politics/a6963445/karena-virginia- donald-trump/

Regarding Jessica Drake, on October 22, 2016 Jessica, a pornographic film actor and sex educator, said that after meeting him at a golf event in 2006, she and two of her girlfriends were kissed without consent by Donald, and then was propositioned with

20

$10,000 and access to his private jet to have dinner and attend a party with him (figure

16; The Cut, 2016). Jessica said,

He asked me for my phone number, which I gave to him. Later that evening, he

invited me to his room. I said I didn’t feel right going alone, so two other women

came with me. In the penthouse suite, I met Donald again. When we entered the

room he grabbed each of us tightly in a hug and kissed each of us on the lips

without asking for permission (The Cut, 2016).

Figure 16.Jessica Drake

Retrieved https://www.pinterest.com/pin/81416705741370292/

Donald Trump denies this claim as fiction, and added sarcastically, “And she’s a porn star. You know, this one that came out recently, ‘He grabbed me and he grabbed me on the arm.’ Oh, I’m sure she’s never been grabbed before” (Jamieson et al., 2016). Donald

Trump’s comments seem to disregard her right to her own body because she is an adult entertainer she should expect to be touched without consent.

Regarding Ninni Laaksonen, on October 27, 2016 former Miss Finland’s Ninni, became the twelfth woman to come forward with claims she too was sexually assaulted by Donald Trump (figure 17). Ninni alleges that moments before she and three other

21

contestants were to escort Donald Trump onto the stage of the Late Show With David

Letterman in New York, Donald Trump grabbed her bottom without consent while

posing for a group photograph. Ninni said, “Trump stood right next to me and suddenly

he squeezed my butt. He really grabbed my butt. I don’t think anyone saw it but I

flinched and thought, ‘What is happening?” (The Cut, 2016).

Figure 17. Late Show With David Letterman

Retrieved http://www.deathandtaxesmag.com/308158/miss-finland-donald-trump-squeezed- my-butt-late-show/

Regarding Peeping Tom Laws, despite Equal Employment Opportunity

Commission laws that vary by state, four beauty pageant contestants came forward with

allegations that as the owner of the pageant, Donald Trump purposefully entered the

dressing room to see the contestants naked. The four women include (1) Bridget Sullivan

(2) Cassandra Searles (3) Tasha Dixon, and (4) Mariah Billado. What follows are their

claims, and an excerpt from an audio which captured Donald Trump bragging about

doing exactly as they claim.

Regarding Bridget Sullivan, on May 18, 2016, four days after Temple came

forward, Bridget, former Miss New Hampshire, found the strength to come forward with

22

allegations that she also experienced Donald’s invasion in the dressing room when she

was a contestant in 2000 (figure 18). Bridget said, “The time that he walked through the

dressing rooms was really shocking. We were all naked,” and compared him to “a creepy

uncle. He’d hug you just a little low on your back,” she said (Garrison & Taggart, 2016).

Donald Trump’s spokeswoman said that the allegations were “totally false” (Jamieson et

al., 2016).

Figure 18. Bridget Sullivan

Retrieved http://www.vox.com/2016/10/13/13269448/trump-sexual-assault-allegations

Regarding Cassandra Searles, a month after Bridget came forward, on June 17,

2016,Cassandra, former USA, claimed on a Facebook post: “[Donald

Trump] probably doesn’t want me telling the story about that time he continually grabbed

my ass and invited me to his hotel room. Do y’all remember that one time we had to do

our onstage introductions, but this one guy treated us like cattle and made us do it again

because we didn’t look him in the eyes? Do you also remember when he then proceeded

to have us lined up so he could get a closer look at his property?” (Jamieson et al., 2016).

Paromita Mitra of Mississippi corroborated Cassandra’s claim (figure 19; The Cut, 2016).

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Figure 19. Cassandra Searles

Retrievedhttp://www.misswashingtonusa.com/contestants.php?pageant=m&year=2011

Other contestants also corroborate with Cassandra, with one noting her story was

“so extremely true and scary”. And, former Miss California USABeauty queen Carrie

Prejean wrote about the ‘Trump rule’ in her book, referring to the Miss USA pageant, of which Trump was co-owner (figure 20), where Donald Trump had the girls parade in front of him so he could rate their attractiveness. Carrie wrote: “Many of the girls found this exercise humiliating. Some of the girls were sobbing backstage after [he] left, devastated to have failed even before the competition really began. . . it was as though we had been stripped bare” (The Cut, 2016).

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Figure 20.Carrie Prejean

Retrieved https://www.amazon.com/Still-Standing-Against-Political- Attacks/dp/1596986026

Regarding Donald Trump’s Admission of Peeping, although Donald Trump adamantly denies walking in on contestants changing, on October 8, 2016 audio was recovered which captured Donald Trump on tape bragging about doing just that on The

Howard Stern Show in 2005. This is clearly evidenced in the following transcript from this show:

Robin: when Stern’s news anchor Robin Quivers asked if Trump was worried

about the conflict of interest regarding having sex with pageant contestants,

Trump: “It’s the kind of thing you worry about later — you tend to think about

the conflict a little bit later on.”

Trump: “Well, what you could also say is that, as the owner of the pageant, it’s

your obligation to do that…

Stern: “You're like a doctor.”

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Trump: Well, I’ll tell you the funniest is that before a show, I’ll go backstage and

everyone’s getting dressed, and everything else, and you know, no men are

anywhere, and I’m allowed to go in because I’m the owner of the pageant and

therefore I’m inspecting it. You know, I’m inspecting because I want to make

sure that everything is good. You know, the dresses. ‘Is everyone okay?’ You

know, they’re standing there with no clothes. ‘Is everybody okay?’ And you see

these incredible looking women, and so, I sort of get away with things like that.

But no, I’ve been very good (Buzzfeed, 2016).

Regarding Tasha Dixon, four days after the emergence of these audio, more former beauty pageant contestants came forward and broke their silence. On October 12,

2016, Tasha, former Miss USA 2001, alleged that when she participated in the pageant it was uncomfortable saying,

Our first introduction to him was when we were at the dress rehearsal and half

naked changing into our bikinis. He just came strolling right in. There was no

second to put a robe on or any sort of clothing or anything. Some girls were

topless. Other girls were naked. To have the owner come waltzing in when we’re

naked or half naked in a very physically vulnerable position and then to have the

pressure of the, you know, the people that worked for him telling us to go fawn all

over him, go walk up to him, talk to him, get his attention (figure 21;

CBSLA.com).

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Figure 21. Tasha Dixon

Retrieved http://www.pageantupdate.info/utah-titleholder-history.html

Donald Trump’s campaign released the following denying statement:

These accusations have no merit and have already been disproven by many other

individuals who were present. When you see questionable attacks like this

magically put out there in the final month of a presidential campaign, you have to

ask yourself what the political motivations are and why the media is pushing it

(Jamieson et al., 2016).

Tasha believes Donald Trump had an ulterior motive for purchasing the pageant saying, “I’m telling you Donald Trump owned the pageant for the reasons to utilize his power to get around beautiful women. Who do you complain to? He owns the pageant.

There’s no one to complain to. Everyone there works for him” (CBSLA.com).

Regarding Mariah Billado, on October 12, 2016 Mariah, the Miss Vermont

Teen USA 1997, alleged that Trump caused a panic in the dressing room when he barged in unannounced as the young women — some of who were as young as 15 years old — were getting dressed (figure 22). Mariah stated, “I remember putting on my dress really

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quick because I was like, ‘Oh my God, there’s a man in here.’ I remember it shocking me. I barely let anybody except my sister see me getting dressed” (Mooney, 2016).

Mariah also recalled Trump trying to calm the teenagers down by saying, “Don’t worry, ladies, I’ve seen it all before” (Mooney, 2016).

Figure 22. Mariah Billado

Retrieved https://www.buzzfeed.com/kendalltaggart/teen-beauty-queens-say- trump-walked-in-on-them-changing?utm_term=.wodvvqwyw#.mhE66pwxw

Mariah thought of Trump's invasion as “more of a pompous ‘I own this place' rather than a perverted thing” but remembers telling Ivanka Trump, who was 15 years old at the time and co-hosted the pageant, about the incident — to which she allegedly replied: “Yeah, he does that” (Perez Hilton, 2016). One former teenage contestant, who wishes to remain anonymous, corroborated Mariah’s account, and said “At the time, you’re a teenager, you’re intimidated. It’s Donald Trump, he runs the pageant” (The Cut, 2016). Donald

Trump’s campaign responded the following day, denying these allegations and questioning the political motivation behind them, adding, “Mr. Trump has a fantastic

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record of empowering women throughout his career, and a more accurate story would be to show how he's been a positive influence in the lives of so many”(The Cut, 2016).

Alas, for a moment it seemed that the 13 women that have accused Donald Trump of various forms of sexual assault, including one accusation of rape and the four other women that said Mr. Trump walked in on them as pageant contestants, combined with the audios where he openly brags about doing both, was enough for country see the character of the man running for President, the highest leadership position in the country, and grasped just how detrimental his position in office would be for the country; but they did not. Donald Trump was able to “woo white evangelicals…who attend religious services every week and won them over by historic margins, and even won white female votes by nine points” (Times, 2016, p. 6). This outcome has been devastating for women around the country, but has been especially traumatic for victims of sexual assault. It has left many, including myself, to wonder just how could someone accused of such behaviors, with some even corroborated on tape by Donald Trump himself, ever be elected president? Yet, as I engaged the literature the answer became all too clear: the election of a man accused of sexual assaulting this many women over such a long period of time could only happen in a rape culture.

Sexual Assault in a Rape Culture

Sexual violence is a pervasive problem in the United States (Burnett, et al., 2009).

However, as Dodge (2016) asserted “sexual assault does not occur in social and cultural isolation” (p. 16). A rape culture is an environment that avoids genuine conversations

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about violence and their origins, and in turn allows society to keep a safe distance between the uncomfortabilty that would comes from hearing victims’ experiences and acknowledging just how violent men in the United States are to women (Buchwald et al.,

2005). To facilitate in the nation’s disassociation from this reality, attacking women’s character and scrutinizing their flaws for behaviors that veer from a narrowly defined expectations society has for them become the measurement by which violence committed against them becomes justified (Martinez, 2011; Burnett, et al., 2009). Consequently, sexual assault remains a silent epidemic (Johnson-Quay, 2015), and is largely the result of four overarching factors. These are delineated here linearly, but can occur simultaneously and concurrently.

First, sexual assaults are a silent epidemic because of the low rate at which women report them to the police (Johnson-Quay, 2015), which among the general population is only 16% of actual assaults (Koss, 2006), and among college women is just

5% (Burnett, et al., 2009). In order to report a sexual assault to the police, the victim must identify she has been assaulted (Burnett, 2009), trust that she will believed and that justice will be served (Koss, 2006). Many women do not label their experience of unwanted contact as a sexual assault (Swauger et al., 2013), and an even more number of women doubt reporting will be efficacious (Burnett, 2009). The explanations for these assertions are directly related to the other factors that make the epidemic of violence against women a silent issue.

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Secondly, sexual assaults area silent epidemic is because of the long-standing cultural myths about women and sexual activity (rape myths) that are mostly false but widely held (Burt, 1980), and serve to switch the meanings of perpetrator and victim. As a result, society becomes sympathetic with the perpetrator to the point where imposing proper punishments are seen as too harsh and traumatic, while women are caricatured as sluts which justify violence committed against her (Swauger, Witham & Shinberg, 2013;

Sandy, 1998, Buchwald, Fletcher & Roth, 1993; Lonsway & Fitzgeralds, 1994). These myths are deep-seated cognitive structures that serve as a moral compass which guide behavior and regard for women (Smith, 2005) and are passed from generation to generation “through patterns and paradigms without rape ever being uttered” (Pearson,

2000, p. 12), and directly affect the first and third factors for the epidemic.

Thirdly, sexual assaults are a silent epidemic because victims are rarely vindicated in the justice system because law enforcement responding to sexual assault complaints must believe a crime has been committed and that the case will hold up in court (Smith,

2005; Koss, 2006). Research by Koss (2006) indicates that as many as 70% of police officers conducting sexual assault investigations did not believe the claims made by women were genuine. In cases where police officers do believe a crime had been committed, only 10% of sexual assault cases are pursued by prosecutors (Campbell &

Johnson, 1997; Jordon, 2004) since the victim’s character or the tenants of the assault must be an unmistakably clear case of rape to withstand trial and gain support of a laymen jury whom also ascribe to rape myths (Koss, 2006; Burt, 1980). This lack of

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remedy and anguish as a result of due process that favors the rapist has been known to be a source of secondary trauma, thereby compounding their ability to heal which contributes to the fourth factor.

Fourthly, sexual assaults are a silent epidemic because the often immense physical, psychological, and emotional traumas that result from experiencing both a sexual assault, and the secondary trauma from law enforcement and others remains largely removed from other social structures despite having often impairing, life-long effects (Van Der Kolk, 2014). According to Campbell, Dworkin and Cabral’s (2009) study on sexual assault victims, “65% suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder, 51% met the diagnostic criteria for depression, 40% experienced generalized anxiety, 49% become dependent on alcohol, 61% use other illicit substances, and 19% are prone to attempt to commit suicide post-sexual violence trauma”(p. 318). Again the uncomfortabilty that would come with acknowledging the post-trauma realities experienced by women would be too great for society, and therefore, silence serves to maintain the problem of violence against women at the ideologically level as an individual issue and not a societal one (Dodge, 2016).

Statement of the Problem

This dissertation is not about Donald Trump per se, but rather is about the culture in the United States that normalizes and legitimizes men’s sexual aggression towards women (Brownmiller, 1975; Burnett et al., 2009). Akin to the common cold, this socially transmitted toxic culture (Pearson, 2000) raises women to believe that if they restrict their

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own behaviors they “can survive in it, yet refuses to say anything to men about not raping” (Swauger et al., 2013, p. 629), and when women are raped their experiences are minimized and it is they that are blamed (Burt, 1980). This is societal sexism and is a form patriarchal control (Brownmiller, 1975). “Sexism invalidates women’s thoughts, opinions, beliefs, values, feelings, preferences, and choices in favor of men’s—as women internalize this in negation of their experiences, they learn to silence their voices, mistrust their own judgments, and yield their thinking to that of men and other women” (David,

2014, p. 212; Brown & Gilligan, 1993; Jack, 1991; Jack & Jill, 1992). This is a problem that must be addressed because it is a limit situation, which Borunda (2011) “refers to as specific conditions that serve some people, at the expense of others” (p. 40) which in the case of sexism serves men at the expense of women. A rape culture, then, can be used synonymously with a patriarchal and or an androcentric society because maintaining men’s dominant position serves to benefit their interests, not women’s. Therefore, to reduce sexual violence requires that rape culture (androcentric society) be critically examined and unapologetically challenged.

Purpose of the Study

Despite extensive research from a multiplicity of perspectives (e.g. Brownmiller,

1975; Burt, 1980; Payne and Lonsway, 1999; Heise, 2008; 2011), sexual violence remains an unresolved, and ever-growing problem (Burnett, et al., 2009). While Dodge

(2016) asserted, “eradication may be very well impossible, as long as it continues to be viewed as a crime committed by an individual against another individual, absent of any

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social context, there will be little success combating it” (p. 77). The ability to widely transmit an ideology in silence (Pearson, 2002) signifies that that the only way to facilitate in the dismantlement of a rape culture (androcentric society) is to become a voice in the movement against it. Especially given that having a predator is in the White

House will have implications on the nation’s impressionable youth long after Donald

Trump leaves office. Consequently, if a rape culture (androcentric society) ideology is transmitted via social contact, then socially transmitting conscientização (critical consciousness) about rape can act as an antidote for combating its harmful effects and promoting social change. Conscientização “is an awareness of beliefs and language that obscure systematic inequities and is a necessary precursor to enacting meaningful systemic transformation” (Radd & Macey, 2014, p. 2). Hence, the purpose of this study was to explore how college students socially construct their reality (name their world) and to assess the influence that a male-dominated culture (androcentric society) has had on their lived experiences. By naming it, theorizing about it, and analyzing it through meta-theoretical frameworks, the goal of this dissertation is to facilitate in the transformation of society from one that condones rape to one that dismantles the culture that maintains it (Freire, 1970; 1993).

Research Questions

This dissertation focuses on male and female college students between the ages of

18 and 24 that wanted to contribute to the conversation on sexual violence, and female college students that experienced unwanted sexual contact since their enrollment in

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college. The overarching research question, what are the lived experiences of college students positioned within a male-dominated society that celebrates male aggression and normalizes sexual violence? is framed by four focal research questions:

1. How do male college students (athletes & fraternity members) enact gender

identities? And what are the relationships among these identity processes and

rape culture (androcentric society)?

2. In what ways has the unwanted sexual contact experienced by college women

influenced their identity and college experience?

3. In what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by gender

identity, sexism/internalized sexism, consent, rape myths, bystander attitudes,

sexual experiences, and in the media and online? And what are the

relationships among these factors and rape culture (androcentric society)?

4. In what ways are college students muted (i.e. as women, consent, sexual

assault policy, and historical and current events)?

Nature of the Study

This dissertation takes a feminist stance to sexual violence and uses phenomenological research methods (interviews and survey) to gain an understanding of how the participants “interpret their experience, construct their worlds, and what meaning they attribute to their experiences” (Merriam, 2009, p. 5) in relation to (1) gendered norms (2) gender identity (3) sexism (4) rape myths (5) consent (6) bystander attitudes,

(7) sexual assault experiences, and (8) connections to historical and current day violence.

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The interviews with females that experienced unwanted sexual contact centered on the nature of their assault, the outcome of the contact/reporting, and connections to societal socialization, and the impact that the assault has had on their identity and experiences as college students. The interviews with male college students focused on their identity and positioning as males in a society juxtapose male norms designed to permit reprehensible behavior. Additionally, the entire interview sample were assessed for their literacy on consent and SB 967 (yes-means-yes policy), and perspective on whether Donald Trump bragged about committing a sexual assault or simply engaged in “locker room talk,” as well as their insights on why his alleged victims would chose to come forward now, and their connections to historical and current day violence. The quantitative data collection method used in this study was a composite survey instrument derived from three pre- existing instruments and some original questions. These include select questions from the: Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) (McMahon & Farmer, 2011), the Bystander Attitude Scale, Revised (BAS-R) (McMahon, 2011), and the Internalized

Sexism Inventory (jona olson, 1999-2011).

Delimitation

There is a purposeful exclusion to the population of students that are included in this dissertation. This included any four-year college student under the age of 18 or older than ages 24 years old. This delimitation is not based on ignorance that these students do not experience sexual assault or that their insights are not important, but rather is based on the literature which indicates that students 18 to 24 years old share unique experiences

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that encompass social/binge drinking and casual sex without the expectation of a committed relationship (hooking up) (Martin, 2016; Branch & Richards, 2013).

Additionally, these students are considered active social networking media users

(Turner& Thompson, 2014), which influences the socially accepted norms for the generation and the increased risk of exposure to sexual violence throughout their development that was not available to previous generations.

Limitation

Given the nature of this topic and the limited time permitted to complete this culminating doctorate project, there are limitations to this study. The primary limitation is the that the recruitment of interview participants identified in the literature as “high risk” college students (athletes and those pledging a fraternity/sorority) was unsuccessful

(McMahon, 2011). To mitigate for this limitation, disaggregation of the survey responses made by these students was conducted for each survey question and presented in chapter four when doing so contextualized the findings. Justification for securing these high risk college students in future studies is introduced in the next section on this study’s significance.

Significance of the Study

The World Health Organization (2015) reported that child sexual abuse affects

20% of women and 10% of men around the globe report; once a person has been violated they are 67% more likely to be victimized again, possibly because they have a delayed risk recognition and/or respond less assertively during sexual assaults (Turchik et al.,

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2010). Hence, by the time a child goes to college as many as 21% report a lifetime incidence or rape or attempted rape” (Tatum &Foubert, 2009, p. 195), indicating that sexual violence is a major problem that must be addressed long before students set foot on a college campus. Once enrolled in college, 20% of college women will become the victims of unwanted sexual encounters (Lawyer et al., 2010), with between “3% and 5% of college women experiencing a rape and/or attempted rape during every academic year”

(Tatum &Foubert, 2009, p. 195). The risks for this population of women is “greater than for the general population or in a comparable age group, as they are living in an environment that juxtaposes the abuse of alcohol, casual sex, the objectification of women, and a culture that celebrates hegemonic masculinity (male dominance)” (Branch

& Richards, 2013, p. 659; Armstrong et al., 2006; Cass 2007; DeKeseredy& Kelly, 1993;

Fisher et al., 2000; Koss et al., 1987). Consequently, 90% of sexual assaults on college women are committed by someone known to them (Ricketts, 2009), usually in an actual or potential romantic or sexual relationship with (Black et al., 2011). Shockingly, the

Rape Abuse Incest National Network (RAINN) (2011) reported that 90% of all of the sexual assaults on college women are committed by just 3-7% of college men who are repeat offenders. These sexual assaults are planned, and these men tend to prey on first year college women leaving home for the first time (Carle, 2015). Martin (2016) affirmed these perpetrations are highly linked to elitism (fraternities) and veneration (athletes) because of their unique socialization from other college students.

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Taken together, this study illuminates the dire need for educational, policy, and curricular leadership in order to dismantle cultural beliefs that condone sexual violence against women. The contribution that this study makes to the field of education with respect to sexual violence is the utility of two meta-models, one for problematizing the problem (Androcentric Oppression) and the other for problem-posing (Dismantlement of

Androcentric Oppression), each of which will be introduced briefly in the next section.

What makes these models unique is their invitation for researchers to continue theorizing about the problem of sexual violence and to strengthen interventions.

Theoretical Frameworks

The complexity and pervasive nature of a rape culture (androcentric society) requires a multi-dimensional conceptual framework. The two primary frameworks that frame this dissertation include Muted Group Theory and the Five Faces of Oppression, which interact and merge to form a meta-theory, the Androcentric Oppression (Rape

Culture) framework (Pimentel, 2017; as influenced by Young, 1990; Ardener, 1975;

1978). These frameworks will be briefly delineated here, followed by a deeper explanation and analysis in the context of sexual violence in the next chapter.

Muted Group Theory

Muted Group Theory was theorized by Ardener and Ardener (1975; 1978), and posits that “dominant groups solely determine the appropriate communicative systems” resulting in “language not serving all groups equally; in effect, subordinate groups become inarticulate because they are forced to use the language of the dominant groups”

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(figure 23-24; Ardener, 1978; 1975). Women are considered a muted group because they were excluded from the formulation of the English language and consequently, have been muted “in a multitude of ways, including the methods in which they tell stories, through male-controlled media, in ways women’s bodies are portrayed and analyzed, and through censorship of women’s voices” (Burnett, et al., 2009).

Figure 23.Dominant vs. Muted Group Figure 24. Process of Silencing

(Ardener & Ardener, 1978) (West & Turner, 2010)

Consequently, rape on college campuses “can be viewed as a communication phenomenon in which communication about sex (rape, the possibility of rape, the negotiation of consent, the rape itself, the aftermath of rape and the reactions to date rape) are central to defining rape culture (androcentric society) on campus” (Burnett et al.,

2009, p. 465). Since men formulated the language, women are muted before, during, and after a rape, as are the campus administration (Burnett et al., 2009). Hence, muting is a practice that maintain men’s dominant position and women’s subordination, and

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therefore is a salient theme that can be embedded and refracted in all forms of oppression delineated in the next framework

Five Faces of Oppression

When women are muted they are oppressed. Therefore, the phenomenon of oppression can be explained in part through Young’s (1990) Five Faces of Oppression framework which delineates five forms of oppression people experience (1) exploitation,

(2) marginalization, (3) powerlessness, (4) cultural imperialism (dominance), and (5) violence. Young (1990) did not assign a hierarchy to the faces of oppression she delineated, however this dissertation does by ranking cultural dominance as the driving force behind women’s oppression through the other four faces. This transcends Young’s

(1990) framework to the Faces of Women’s Oppression with muting occurring at all four faces (Pimentel, 2017; influenced by Ardener; 1975; 1978; Young, 1990). As indicated in figure 25 by the star, when arranged in this way the face of (sexual) violence becomes a mere symptom of the culture, rather than an isolated problem. This also validates why bringing about social change around violence is such an arduous process, especially given the fact that violent supportive attitudes are so widespread that both men and women go to great lengths to maintain this status quo even if it is to their detriment

(Brookfield, 2014).

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Figure 25.Meta-Model, Faces of Women’s Oppression

(Pimentel, 2017; influenced by Ardener; 1978; Young, 1990)

Meta-Theory of Androcentric Oppression (Rape Culture)

Muted Group Theory and the Five Faces of Oppression (Faces of Women’s

Oppression) serve as the dominant frames for this dissertation. However, because dismantling rape culture (androcentric society) is not possible through stagnant frames, throughout the next chapter relevant theories are presented to contextualize phenomena in the literature to strengthen the understanding of the problem of muting and oppression, and to offer increased opportunities to dismantle harmful ideologies. When relevant theories communicate with the two primary frameworks, they form the meta-theory of

Androcentric Oppression (Rape Culture) (Pimentel, 2017; influenced by Young, 1990;

Ardener, 1975; 1978). As indicated in figure 26, since men created the language and are the dominant group in society, the face of cultural dominance and Muted Group Theory converge to form one structure. The four other faces of oppression (exploitation,

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marginalization, powerlessness, and violence) are situated within the structure to reflect that they are processes by which men maintain their dominance. The black space represents rape culture (androcentric society) which Buchwald, Fletcher, and Roth (2005) describe as being synonymous with the blank space which is indicative of “the avoidance of conversations about sexual violence and the reality that men are rarely confronted or held accountable which allows people to ignore just how acceptable violence against women is” (p. 245). The bi-directional arrows indicate this model is a tool for theorizing about rape, which must be distinguished from theory for this dissertation. According to

Orbe and Roberts (2012) theory denotes a fixed and stagnant perspective to a problem, while theorizing denotes a continuous and evolving understanding based on the growing scholarship on the problem. Since rape culture (androcentric society) is so pervasive, embracing opportunities to theorize about it using a continuum of applicable theories strengthens both understanding of its cause and effects, but also the approaches for its dismantlement. This will be revisited in the next chapter.

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Figure 26. Meta-Model, Androcentric Oppression (Rape Culture)

(Pimentel, 2017; influenced by Young, 1990; Ardener, 1975; 1978)

The implications from the current reseach study have leadership, policy, and curricular implications and informs the meta-model of Androcentric Oppression. In fact, the opportunities presented from this research further transcends the meta-theory to a problem-posing meta-theory I am naming Dismantling Androcentric Oppression

(Pimentel, 2017; influenced by Ardener, 1975; 1978; Young, 1990). As indicated in figure 27, the model still represents the presense of Muted Group Theory and Five Faces of Oppression, and the blank space of rape culture (androcentric society), but in this model the bi-directional arrows offer a continuum of un-muting practices which could begin to penetrate the silence. The bi-directional arrows also represent an invitation for

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researchers to also engage in developing a continumuum of opportunities to dismantle rape culture (androcentric society) with continued research and programmatic and policy efforts. This model will be revisited in chapter five.

Figure 27. Meta-Model, Dismantling Androcentric Oppression (Rape Culture)

(Pimentel, 2017; as influenced by Young, 1990; Ardener, 1975; 1978)

Organization of Dissertation

This dissertation is organized into five chapters. In this chapter, I identified the problem of sexual violence in the United States as pervasive (Burnett, et al., 2009), and that social reproduction of cultural myths (rape myths) that serve to benefit men (Burt,

1980) is responsible for the sexual assaults being classified as a silent epidemic. I also provided an overview of the purpose of this dissertation study, the nature of the research design and scope of the study, as well as delineated the factors which make this study

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significant and timely. Additionally, a brief introduction to the theoretical frameworks that guide this dissertation was provided. In the next chapter, a review of relevant literature regarding sexual violence in a rape culture (androcentric society) is delineated through the theoretical frameworks. In chapter three, an in-depth description of the research design, data collection instruments, and methods for analysis is delineated. In chapter four, themes and assertions that emerged as phenomena from the data findings are presented and analyzed. In chapter five, a summary of the entire study is provided, followed by a discussion of the implications and explanation of the contributions that the findings make to the body of literature and field of education regarding sexual violence and dismantling rape culture (androcentric society), as well as recommendations for future research.

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Chapter Two

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Introduction

This chapter contextualizes the issues related to sexual violence in the 21st century with both current and historical contexts as evidence that violence against women has always been systemically accepted, and therefore calls for a re-evaluation of the country’s values if rape culture (androcentric society) in the U.S. is to be dismantled.

This introduction provides a deeper but linear exploration of the two primary theories that frame this dissertation and an explanation of how they communicate with secondary theories in context with the relevant literature to form the model of Androcentric

Oppression (Rape Culture)(Pimentel, 2017; as influenced by Young, 1990; Ardener,

1975; 1978).

Sexual violence is a physically and psychologically violating behavior that often times the only way to fathom how someone could commit such acts against another person is to blame some biological malfunction in the offender (Thornhill, 1998). One of the most common biological root cause explanation for rape is Self-Control Theory. This theory was conceptualized by Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) and posits that sexual violence is the result of men’s inability to control their sexual urges, and therefore they cannot be held responsible for their behaviors (Polaschek & Ward, 2002). In fact, many women will attribute their sexual assault to their offender’s loss of hormonal control, and blame themselves instead for over-stimulating them, especially when her offender is

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someone she knows and likes (Koss, 2006).While brain functioning certainly can impact impulsivity; it should never absolve one from guilt or evade one from being punished appropriately, yet in the current United States’ justice system it all too often does.

Conversely, the Feminist Theory of Rape posits that rape is not the result of men’s sexual urges gone out of out of control, but rather is a deliberate function of sexism and a form of patriarchal control (Brownmiller, 1975). “Patriarchy, closely associated with hierarchy, is a way of ordering reality whereby one group, in this case the male sex, is understood to be superior to the female sex” (Laffey, 1988, p. 2). America has been a patriarchal society since 1492 when white men, led by Christopher Columbus, colonized stolen land and with slave labor and where the rape of women was commonplace (Desai,

2014). Although current day violence is displayed in different ways, America has remained infected with a patriarchal ideology that justifies violence against women

“when men’s dominant position becomes threatened” (Martinez, 2011, pp. 151-152).This phenomenon is encouraged and grounded in a rape culture (androcentric society).

A rape culture (androcentric society) is the product of cultural myths (rape myths), which are prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about women and sexual activity “that are widely held but mostly false, and have the effect of legitimizing violence against women and minimizing and blaming victims for their experiences”

(Burt, 1980, p.217). Burt (1980) was the first to conduct empirical research viewing rape in a cultural context and to produce the first theoretical framework. Survey data was collected from 598 Minnesota adults and predicted that individual acceptance of rape

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myths could be determined by assessing attitudes towards sex role stereotypes, adversarial sexual beliefs about women, sexual conservatism, and acceptance of interpersonal violence. The findings revealed that all but sexual conservatism was indeed correlated with greater rape myth acceptance (Burt, 1980). Since not all persons score high for rape myth acceptance, attitudes towards rape is a socialized process rather than a biological one.

Developmental Theory posits that one’s childhood and lived experiences across the life cycle are responsible for rape proneness among men (Malamuth & Heilmann,

1998). Research on incarcerated sex offenders revealed that “25- 57% of men reported to have perpetrated sexually aggressive behaviors against a woman since the age of 14”

(Wegner et al., 2015 p. 1018; Abbey, Jacques-Tiura, &LeBreton, 2011; Abbey,

McAuslan, & Ross, 1998; Davis, Kiekel et al., 2012; Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987;

White & Smith, 2004). This supports Miller’s (1983) claim, that “all absurd behavior has its roots in early childhood” (p. 132). Previous empirical research on sex offenders was conducted by Malamuth and Heilmann (1998) and identified 22 interacting pathways that result in the development of sexual aggression in childhood. Evidenced among them, were “men with harsh childhoods where the use of manipulation, coercion, and violence were validated as acceptable behaviors in social relationships, increasing their risks for perpetrating violence as an adult” (Malamuth & Heilmann, 1998). Of particular importance to this dissertation were the impersonal sex pathway, linked to the association with delinquent peers and the early introduction to sexual activity, and the hostile

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masculinity pathway, linked to an insecurity of one’s masculinity, leading to hostility, distrust, and a desire to dominate women (Malamuth & Heilmann, 1996). When these pathways combine, they present a real potential for controlling and violent behavior in relationships, referred to as domestic violence or intimate partner violence. When parents and society excuses boys sexually deviant behaviors as normal male behavior (“boys will be boys”), it reinforces the Self-Control Theory by acting as if they simply cannot help themselves (Ballentayne, 2015). Moreover, doing so may very well be nourishing a generation of predators and encouraging violent behavior as the norm, which can have long-lasting and widespread repercussions for society.

Narcissistic Reactance Theory posits that “men with unrealistic positive self- evaluations, and who blame other sources when confronted about their behaviors” are more likely to commit acts of sexual violence” (Baumeister et al., 2002, p. 3; Snyder

&Higgins, 1988). When perpetrators use excuses they absolve themselves from the guilt, shame, embarrassment, and revulsion that would normally accompany such a violation

(Bandura et al., 1996; Snyder & Higgins, 1988; Ward, Hudson, & Marshall, 1995).

Narcissists are dangerous because they have charming personalities and easily “gain the admiration of others, while at the same time are quite insensitive and indifferent to other people’s feelings and desires” (Baumeister et al., 2002, p. 4). It is their “exaggerated sense of entitlement that can result in their having higher expectations of receiving sexual rewards and the tendency to take a woman’s sexual refusal as a personal rejection”

(Baumeister et al., 2002, p. 6). Narcissism may indeed play a major role in the 3-7% of

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college men that are responsible for committing 90% of the rapes against college women

(RAINN, 2011), and which have been linked to athletics (veneration) and fraternities

(elitism) because of their socialization and status at school, in the home, and in the community (Martin-Storey, 2016).

In their book Transforming Rape Culture, Buchwald et al. (2005) describe a rape culture (androcentric society) as embodying “complex set of beliefs that encourages male sexual aggression and supports violence against women. It is a society where violence is seen as sexy and sexuality as violent” (as cited in, Rentscheler, 2014, p. 66). Horror movies are an excellent example of how violence against women is portrayed in ways intended to be sexy, usually by objectifying the female body and belaboring the rape and killing of women, a phenomenon that seems to be progressing with time. For instance, film critic Roger Ebert provides the following summary and critique of a horror film, and its recent re-make, I Spit On Your Grave. Ebert describes the original 1978 film as, “A woman foolishly thought to go on holiday by herself at a secluded cabin. She attracted the attention of depraved local men, who raped her, one after the other. Then the film ended with her fatal revenge” (see figure 28; Ebert, 2010).

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Figure 28.Original 1978 Horror Film: “I Spit On Your Grave”

Retrieved https://horrormoviesuncut.com/2014/10/10/how-horror-helped-me-grieve-and-made-me- the-tough-broad-i-am-today/

Ebert then goes on to describe the 2010 remake:

In the remake, less time is devoted to the revenge, and more time to verbal,

psychological and physical violence against her. Thus it works even better as

vicarious cruelty against women. They use words and guns. They insinuate.

They toy with her answers. They enjoy her terror. This is rape foreplay, and

they stretch it out as long as they can (see figure 29; Ebert, 2010).

Figure 29. 2010 Horror Remake: “I Spit On Your Grave”

Retrieved https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g4OV53PEI5c

This progression of violence overtime described by Ebert (2010), combined with the saturation of societal exposure to violence against women has resulted in a

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desensitization of society in which the “physical and emotional terrorism of women is condoned as the norm (Buchwald et al. 1993: vii) to the point that both men and women have been conditioned to assume that sexual violence is a fact of life, as inevitable as death or taxes” (Rentscheler, 2014, p. 66).

For young and impressionable children growing up in this environment it is no wonder that the World Health Organization (2015) reported that 20% of women and 10% of men around the globe report being victims of sexual violence as children and that

Quay-Johnson (2015) attributed the silence around this issue as a major contributor to the epidemic. This reinforces Giroux’s (1998) “notion of the disappearing child and the myth of childhood innocence, which often mirror and support each other”:

the myth of childhood innocence is the widespread idea that childhood is a time of

innocence to be filled with wonder and a belief in fairies, while the disappearing

child, especially girls, are really never allowed to have a childhood as they are

“adultified” in both societal and domestic spheres by sexualizing them (p. 31).

While perpetrators have their own psychology and strategies for violating children,

Brownmiller (1993) claimed that “girls are trained to be victims. Long before they learn to read girls are indoctrinated into a victim mentality...through fairy tales” (p. 309). In her book titled, Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape, Brownmiller (1993) used the popular children’s story of Little Red Riding Hood to exemplify how such indoctrination seeps into childhood subconsciously. “There are 58 editions of Little Red Riding Hood, some 1,000 years older than the most familiar” (Alwina, 2013, para. 1). Two of the most

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popular versions are those by Charles Perrault, the first print edition from the 17th century, and the Brothers Grimm from the 19th century (figure 30; Alwina, 2013).The premise of the tale is that Little Red Riding Hood is given a basket of goodies by her mother to take to her sick grandmother deep in the woods. On the way she meets a wolf who she naïvely tells where she is going and why. The Wolf tricks her by telling her to pick some flowers to bring to her granny.

Figure 30. Little Red Riding Hood

Retrieved from http://novatale.com/little-red-riding-hood/

Little Red Riding Hood obliges, and the Wolf makes his way to granny’s house.

Pretending to be Little Red Riding Hood, he knocks on the door and enters, eventually eating granny whole, then quickly dresses in her nightgown and gets in bed to wait for

Little Red Riding Hood. The following excerpt taken from the Brothers Grimm version exemplifies that once Little Red Riding Hood arrives she immediately notices her grandmother looks different, but dismisses her own intuition in order to remain the ever such polite and obedient girl society expects her to be:

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Red Riding Hood: “Granny! “What, very long arms you have got!”

Wolf: “The better to hug you, my child.”

Red Riding Hood:“But, Granny, what very large ears!”

Wolf: “The better to hear you,”

[the voice was still mild, but the little girl hid her fears.]

Red Riding Hood: “Grandmother, you have very large eyes!”

Wolf: “The better to see you, I trow.”

Red Riding Hood: “What great teeth you have got!” and the wicked Wolf cries,

Wolf: “The better to eat you up now!” (Garner, 2000, p. 10).

Feminist scholars argue that this is a parable for rape (Brownmiller, 1993). Their argument is as follows. In the 17th century, Charles Perrault produced the first written tale of Red Riding Hood; in that time period, the wolf was viewed as presenting two dangers (1) a magic werewolf as predator from the woods, and (2) a greedy male as predator in society (Alwina, 2013). According to feminist scholars, Little Red Riding

Hood is about male aggression and female passivity, as “the Wolf is an aggressive and active male preying on a passive heroine and her granny; only with the help of another aggressive and active male (the Huntsman) was Little Red Riding Hood saved (Alwina,

2013). Moreover, since it is impossible to eat two people whole (Granny and Little Red

Riding Hood), feminists interpret this as indicative of two rapes by the Wolf. If this seems implausible to the lay observer, Charles Perrault’s version actually portrays Little

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Red Riding Hood in bed with the Wolf (see figure 31; Alwina, 2013). Brownmiller

(1993) provides her interpretation:

Little Red Riding Hood goes to visit her dear old grandmother, who is equally

defenseless. There are frightening male figures abroad in the woods—we call

them wolves—and females are helpless before them. Better stick close to the path,

better not be adventurous. If at the door stands the Big Bad Wolf, then proper

feminine behavior commands you to stay immobile…in the dark, the wolf

swallows both females with no sign of a struggle…If you are lucky a good,

friendly male (the huntsman) may be able to protect you from certain disaster…

‘Oh, it was so dark in there,’ Red Riding Hood whimpers. ‘I will never again

wander off into the forest as long as I live’ (p.310).

Figure 31. Perrault’s 1697; Illus. By Gustave Doré

Retrieved from http://library.tulane.edu/exhibits/exhibits/show/fairy_tales/gustave_dor--

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The underlying message of the tale is linked to the Just World Hypothesis, which posits “that bad things do not happen to good people and serves as a psychological safety net for many women, as without it the fear and vulnerability to rape would be just unbearable” (Swauger et al., 2013, p. 629). In Charles Perrault’s version Little Red

Riding Hood’s mother told her “Do not talk to strangers!” In Brothers Grimm’s version

Little Red Riding Hood’s mother told her “Do not stray from the path!” While they vary slightly, the underlying lesson is that bad things happened to her and her granny because she failed to do as she had been instructed (Garner, 2000). Therefore, her fate was justified. For victims of sexual assault such lessons can be quite callous. Through patterns and paradigms (Pearson, 2000) women are told that if she is raped she must have done something to deserve it such as drink alcohol or wear provocative clothing (Smith,

2005; Buchwald, Fletcher& Roth, 1993; Lonsway& Fitzgerald, 1994, Sandy, 1998).

Harmful messages such as these that are packaged as seemingly innocent are largely responsible for the deep-seated and widespread rape-supportive attitudes in the U.S. The frameworks Muted Group Theory and the Five Faces of Oppression were selected for their capacities to target the “cultural practices that reproduce and justify the perpetration of sexual violence” (Rentscheler, 2014, p. 67), and will each be delineated first linearly, and then embedded in seven overarching themes.

Muted Group Theory

“Communication is central to all human interactions” (Gibbon, 1999, pp. 13).

Consequently, imagine living life as a mute or otherwise communicatively incompetent

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as a result of being forced to use a communication system that does not name your experiences. For racial and ethnic minorities living in America whose first language is something other than English, or members of the Deaf community, this is a common experience. But imagine being a natural and hearing citizen whose primary language is

English and still being mute/communicatively incompetent. According to Muted Group

Theory, proposed by Ardener (1975; 1978), “language does not serve all groups equally, since not all group members have an equal share in formulating language” (Burnett,

2009, p. 469). Western society from this perspective is structured linguistically and socially into two groups, the dominant group and the muted group; white men are considered the dominant group since they both formulated the language and their meanings and had those meanings validated by other men” (Spender, 1980, p. 76).

Women on the other hand, despite comprising approximately half the United States’ population are, according to Spender (1980), “considered a muted group because they were excluded from this formulation, and therefore are denied the means to express themselves” (p. 76), yet, without questioning “are expected to ‘know’ it and operate within it, and to defer to its definitions” (p. 91).

Language becomes a vehicle for naming objects. Since men created the language, they are represented in the objects they named. For example his in history, he in she and her, and men in women; yet, his and all other male-oriented pronouns always belong to him. Additionally, language has been formulated to denote women’s status in society. For example, while men are always Mr., women can be Miss, Ms., or Mrs. (Gibbon, 1999).

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While these examples may sound trivial, “giving names to people and to things is a kind of power: in hierarchical social arrangements, it is the more powerful who determines the rules of naming” (Gibbon, 1999, p. 60). Hence, the English language is highly unequal and sexist (Spender, 1980) and all those that use the dominant language are by association perpetrators of inequality.

A sexist society is one where “power is disproportionately distributed between women and men” (David, 2014, p. 200), and where the “attitudes towards people are largely based on stereotypes associated with their gender or sexual orientations”(Gibbon,

1999, p. 52). Moreover, in such societies “women lose access to resources, status, economic advantage, self-determination, and safety, while men benefit from the gain of resources that women have lost” (David, 2014, p. 200). Like the seemingly innocent

Little Red Riding Hood, girls are taught very young through popular movies and stories that they must give something up in order to gain social acceptance (Seller, 2010). For example, in Disney’s The Little Mermaid 16 year old mermaid princess Ariel desires a life on land to be with a human prince she has never met (Cruz, 2014). The sea witch

Ursula propositions her with an offer that entails making Ariel a human in return for her beautiful singing voice (Seller, 2010). The lyrics that follow were sung by Ursula and titled “Poor Unfortunate Souls” and exemplifies the lessons girls learn they must give up something, to get something they want, and is an example of muting (figure 32):

Ursula: The only way to get what you want is to become a human yourself.

Ariel: Can you do that?

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Ursula: My dear, sweet child. That's what I do. It's what I live for. To help unfortunate merfolk like yourself.

Ariel: If I become human, I'll never be with my father or sisters again.

Ursula: But you'll have your man, heh heh. Life's full of tough choices, isn't it?

Oh, and there is one more thing. We haven't discussed the subject of payment.

Ariel: But I don't have-

Ursula: I’m not asking much, just a token really, a trifle! What I want from you is your voice.

Ariel: But without my voice, how can I-

Ursula: You’ll have your looks, your pretty face. And don't underestimate the importance of body language, ha! The men up there don't like a lot of blabber

They think a girl who gossips is a bore!

Yes on land it's much preferred for ladies not to say a word

And after all dear, what is idle prattle for?

Come on, they're not all that impressed with conversation

True gentlemen avoid it when they can

But they dote and swoon and fawn

On a lady who's withdrawn

It's she who holds her tongue who gets a man

Come on you poor unfortunate soul!

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Figure 32. Walt Disney’s The Little Mermaid Gives Ursula Her Voice

Retrieved from https://pinkannyeong.wordpress.com/2015/06/15/little-mermaid/

This is another great example of Brownmiller’s (1993) claim that messages seep into children’s subconscious, yet in this story the message is that losing your family and your voice, which comprises a great part of one’s identity, is worth losing for a man. This is an ominous lesson considering that one in four females are victims of intimate partner violence (WHO, 2015). The tendency for women to stay in relationships even if they are being physically or psychologically abused (Heise, 2011) can be in part explained by

Tannen’s (1990) assertion that “girls’ communication registrars center on negotiations for closeness and consequently, they tend to protect themselves from others’ attempt to push them away (Sandhu, 2001, p. 260).

A conceptual model of Muted Group Theory is portrayed in figure 33 and depicts two spheres, one representing the dominant group and the other representing the muted group. The solid line from the dominant group to the perception of reality indicates that since they created the reality and have the power to maintain it, they are strongly

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connected to it (Ardener & Ardener, 1978). Conversely, the dotted lines from the muted group to the perception of reality indicates that since they were excluded from creating the reality and lack the power to change it, they are weakly connected to it (Ardener &

Ardener, 1978). However, Ardener (2005) noted that these spheres are not exclusive, but rather are “mutually affecting spheres of reality” that operate as “simultaneities” (p. 3).

Figure 34 portrays the processes by which the dominant group maintains the muted group in a state of silence and subordination, which is achieved through control, harassment, ridicule, and social rituals (West & Turner, 2010).

Figure 33. Dominant vs. Muted Group Figure 34. Process of Silencing

(Ardener & Ardener, 1978) (West & Turner, 2010)

It is important to note that “muting may entail suppression, or repression of speech, what people say, when they speak, in what mode, and with how much they say”

(Ardener, 2005, p. 2). According to Burnett, et al. (2009) “Women have been muted in a multitude of ways, including the methods in which women tell stories, through male- controlled media, in the ways women’s bodies are portrayed and analyzed, and through

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censorship of women’s voices”(p. 467). This past 2016 election offers an abundance of examples of muting of women by men. For example, in the first presidential debate

Donald Trump interrupted Hillary Clinton “51 times, 25 of which came in rapid fire during the first 26 minutes, compared to Hillary Clinton’s 17 interruptions” (see figure

35; Vox Media, 2016, para. 2).

Figure 35. Donald Trump & Hillary Rodham Clinton

Retrieved from http://www.salon.com/2016/05/24/everythings_on_the_table_donald_trump_steps_up_att ack_ads_on_hillary_clinton/

A more covert form of “learning to be mute” by girls that largely goes unnoticed yet is extremely influential are the ways in which girls and women are portrayed in the media every day. For example, although Ariel was the only princess to actually lose her voice, “in the five Disney princess movies that followed The Little Mermaid, female characters talked even less. On average in those films, men had three times as many lines as women” (Guo, 2016, para. 5). In fact, “men speak 68% of the time in The Little

Mermaid, 71% of the time in Beauty and the Beast, 90% of the time in Aladdin, 76% of the time in Pocahontas, and 77% of the time in Mulan”(Guo, 2016, para. 9). Figure 36-

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40 displays these movies and the percent of the time that female characters spoke. This is evidence that these five movies in particular can be accurately labeled as Disney’s Muted

Women Princess Collection.

Figure 36. Figure 37. Figure 38. Figure 39. Figure 40.

Little Mermaid Beauty & Beast Aladdin Pocahontas Mulan

Figure 36-40. Disney’s Muted Women Princess Collection

Figure36.Retrievedhttps://www.pinterest.com/mylee2/little- mermaid-ariel/n Figure 37. Retrieved https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Belle_(Disney) Figure 38. Retrieved https://www.pinterest.com/marthasalvent/jasmine-scrap/ Figure 39.Retrieved https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pocahontas Figure 40. Retrievedhttp://disney.wikia.com/wiki/Fa_Mulan

Consequently, through such conditioning girls learn the norm is that what males have to say is more important than their own voice. “Norms act as powerful motivators either for or against individual attitudes and behaviors, largely because individuals who deviate from group expectations are subject to shaming, sanctions or disapproval by

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others who are important to them” (Heise, 2011, p. 33). This becomes a key characteristic of girls’ behavior in the classroom. Allen, Cantor, Grady and Hill (1997) conducted classroom observations and found that by the third grade the difference between boys and girls are readily apparent. Whereas boys require a lot of behavior management by the teacher and dominate the classroom conversations, girls have already learned the art of being quiet and well behaved and consequently tend to be ignored (Allen, Cantor, Grady

& Hill, 1997). It is in this instance that ‘the squeaky wheel gets the grease’ appropriately applies. Additionally, Pipher (1994) cited specific school-related differences of girls and boys that included such statistics as “boys are twice as likely to be seen as role models, five times more likely to receive teachers’ attention, and twelve times as likely to speak in class” (p. 62). This exemplifies that muting is a socialized process that is learned very early.

Since muting is learned early and manifests itself in subtle ways, many women are unaware that they are indeed muted. Moreover, “women become accomplices through their silence when it comes to the inadequacies and the distortions of male definitions of the world, thereby protecting males from the false nature of their meaning” (Spender,

1980, p. 91). Advertising is an excellent example of this. For example, according to the

Bloomsbury Revelations edition of The Sexual Politics of Meat:

Fast food burger chains like Carl’s, Burger King, and Hardees’ fall over each

other in their attempt to find new ways of showing barley clad women being

objectified while eating or desiring hamburgers… the disempowerment of women

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is inscribed visually by depicting females in non-dominant positions, in which

large burgers hangover their bodies, loom large besides their bodies or being

stuffed into their mouths. The burgers dominate the visual space over or around a

woman. They reveal (and enact) fantasies about women’s big mouths and what

[they] can swallow. Women are symbolically silenced by having their mouths

stuffed with flesh—that innate and originating patriarchal symbol of power over

violence (see figure 41; Adams, 2016).

Figure 41. Nina Agdal, Carl’s Jr. Hamburger Ad

Retrieved http://www.nydailynews.com/entertainment/nina-agdal-stars-carl-jr-s- super-bowl-ad-article-1.1255619

Patriarchal symbols such as this links Muted Group Theory directly with the Five Faces of Oppression (Faces of Women’s Oppression) framework which will be delineated next, and centers on the sexist psychology of cultural imperialism (androcentric society).

Interestingly, the Electoral College’s president-elect Donald Trump, “nominated CEO of

Hardees and Carl’s Jr., Andrew Puzder, as Secretary of Labor, a man who is making his living selling dead animals as hamburgers by teaching men how to look at women and women to look at men looking at women” (see figure 42; Adams, 2016).

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Figure 42. Andrew Puzder

Retrieved https://www.democracynow.org/2017/2/13/former_carls_jr_worker_recalls_sexual

This raises an important distinction within Muted Group Theory. Muting is not only accomplished through the silencing of women through language, but rather “is refracted through and embedded in many different social spaces: in seating arrangements, prestige and power, and religion” (Ardener, 2005, p. 2). The 2016 presidential election again offers an excellent example of how an educated and competent woman with more than 30 years of service and experience was barred and muted from the highest leadership position in the country, while a white man with merely a bachelor’s degree and no government experience took his seat in the White House. This is directly aligned with the glass ceiling effect in which women may see themselves as capable of filling top leadership positions, yet are blocked from ever filling them (Bass & Avolio, 1994).

Currently, although women comprise “47% of the labor force, they only account for 6% of corporate CEOs and top executives” despite having the education to do so (Matsa &

Miller, 2011). This is sexism.

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On a daily basis, the experience of sexism influences beliefs, behaviors, and identity. “When sexism is part of day-to-day life, women can internalize both the multiple subtle and overt manifestations, subsequently shaping her beliefs, altering how she conducts her relationships, and how she moves through the world” (David, 2014, p.

195). “Internalized sexism helps keep the unequal balance of power in place by insuring that girls and women feel relatively powerless and therefore act relatively powerlessly”

(David, 2014, p. 200; Freire, 1970). Consequently, “girls learn they are to be subservient to men in relationships, families, and other social groups and that they must relinquish their own needs and desires” for those of men such as exemplified in The Little Mermaid

(David, 2014, p. 201-208).

The social conditioning rife in the United States ultimately normalizes sexism.

While the law prohibits overt forms of sexism, covert sexism is still rampant (Buchwald,

2005) which results in “micro-aggressions which are small daily behaviors, gestures, tone of voice, direction of eye contact, and meeting protocols that dictate what women should or should not say or behave” (Brookfield, 2014, p.420). This results in the greatest form of power being the disciplinary power exercised by ourselves, on ourselves to make sure we stay within acceptable modes of thought and conduct” (Brookfield, 2014, p. 420). In this way, one avoids both situations which would bring about stigma, while also being prepared to engage in stigmatizing those that do not behave in acceptable ways

(Goffman, 1983). Moreover, Gramsci (1971) asserted that the “chief function of sexism

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is to convince people that the world is organized the way it is for the best of all reasons and that society works in the best interests of all” (as cited in Brookfield, 2014, p. 421).

In her article, Brookfield (2014) writes about the popular phrase “mustn’t grumble” which she heard growing up in England and used in response to all manner of inconveniences, setbacks, and difficulties and is equivalent to the phrase “that’s life” here in the United States” (p. 421). In either case, these phrases serve as a form of social conditioning to maintain women in a culture of silence (Freire, 1970; 1993), with the core message to women being do not complain or upset the balance. This is muting.

In their article titled, Communicating/Muting Date Rape: A Co-cultural

Theoretical Analysis of Communication Factors Related to Rape Culture on a College

Campus, Burnett et al. (2009) extended the scholarship by Weitz (2002), whose study focused on imprisoned sex offenders and their perceived miscommunication and/or misperception prior to committing a sexual assault, by focusing on college students.

Burnett et al.’s (2009) rationale was that because women are a muted group they have to constantly negotiate their status in a network of male meanings resulting in miscommunication and/or misperceptions around sexual activity. These mishaps are highly connected to Sexual Script Theory, which posits that humans have a socially constructed cognitive map (script) for understanding and navigating sexual activity

(Turchik, et al., 2010). Since these scripts were formulated by men through language, women have been conditioned to allow men to set the pace in sexual activity, resulting in their lack of assertiveness in sexual situations and their communicating non-consent

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(Burnett et al., 2009). Moreover, since these scripts are culturally embedded and deeply engrained, they have been institutionalized resulting in college campus administration and law enforcement being muted when confronted with complaints of sexual assault, resulting in their lack of effective responses (Burnett et al., 2009).

Consequently, “if language is sexist and influences us to think in sexist ways, then language reform can help change sexist social arrangements” (Gibbon, 1999, p. 19).

Language reform then is about examining how “systematic patterns in language serve as a mean to end,” which is to maintain men’s dominant status in society, and “should be a point of interest to anyone seeking to facilitate social change” (Gibbon, 1999, p. 13-21;

Halliday & Hasan, 1989, p. vii). Therefore, this dissertation seeks to ‘grumble’ by breaking the silence around the muting of women and sexual violence, and subsequent oppression of women.

The Five Faces of Oppression

Young’s (1990) Five Faces of Oppression centers on the “ways in which people experience oppressive conditions in their daily lives” (Hinson & Bradley, 2006, p. 1), and extends the understanding of oppression delineated by Freire (1970; 1993) in the

Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Freire (1970; 1993) posited that society is comprised of two groups, the oppressors and the oppressed, and that the oppressors enact a series of processes to keep the oppressed in a state of submersion called the culture of silence, which allows them to maintain their control of them by not “encouraging or equipping them to be able to know and respond to concrete realities of their world, and therefore

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critical awareness and response are practically impossible” (Freire, 1970; 1993, p. 12).

Young (1990) delineated five forms (faces) of limits imposed on the oppressed by their oppressors which includes (1) exploitation (2) cultural imperialism (3) marginalization

(4) powerlessness, and (5) violence (figure 43). Young (1990) ranked these faces equally.

Since this dissertation is about women these five faces will be both defined generally and then applied to women.

Figure 43. Young’s (1990) Five Faces of Oppression

Cultural imperialism. According to Young (1990) cultural imperialism

(dominance) is when the dominant group’s experience, goals, values and accomplishments are established as the norm. Western society has a long history of cultural invasion as a result of Age of Discovery (1400-1750) in which European male explorers sailed the ocean in search of new lands. These conquests in the name of

“colonization imposed poverty, a loss of culture, a loss of language, intergenerational

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historical trauma, lateral oppression, genocide, holocaust, boarding schools, church perpetrated sexual abuse, massacres, diseases, loss of lands, loss of sacred sites” on native people (boarding schools in figure 44; David, 2015, pp. 31-32). This supports the stance that cultural imperialism is directly linked to Muted Group Theory (Faces of

Women’s Oppression).

Figure 44. Christian Boarding Schools

Retrieved from http://wakeup-world.com/2015/11/25/thankful-for-genocide-the- real-story-of-thanksgiving/

The domination that made the interception of this country to be taken from the native peoples has continued to permeate daily life, “as all things are measured against the established norms formulated by men (i.e. women from men) often without people noticing that it does” (Young, 1990, p. 59). This ignorance is the result of the saturation of patriarchy in society and is intended to ensure that “an unequal, racist, and sexist society is able to reproduce itself with minimal opposition” (Brookfield, 2014, p. 418). In turn, subordinate groups “undergo a paradoxical oppression, in that they are both marked by stereotypes that permeate society, at the same time rendered invisible” (Young, 1990,

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p. 59). The paradoxical oppression experienced by women is that they are highly sexualized to entertain and satisfy men’s sexual desires, and yet “find themselves defined and positioned in a network of dominant meanings of men with whom they do not identify with” (Young, 1990, p. 59),which again, makes a direct link to Muted Group

Theory (Faces of Women’s Oppression).

Marginalization. Western societies “is highly unequal, where economic inequity, racism, and class discrimination are empirical realities that are reproduced as seeming to be normal, natural and inevitable” (Brookfield, 2014, p. 418). Young’s (1990) delineation of the face of oppression she identified as marginalization is based on the notion of capitalism in which only those members contributing to labor and production are of value and worth. This naturally creates a hierarchical relationship of superiority and inferiority

(Young, 1990), as “one’s position within the labor market determines the economic and social power distributed to them” (Hinson & Bradley, 2006, p. 4). Consequently, “old people, young people, especially Black or Latino, those who cannot find work, single women with children, involuntary unemployed, mentally or physically disabled people, and American Indians, especially on reservations, are all considered marginal people in this society” (Young, 1990, p. 53). This face of oppression was deemed by Young (1990) as being potentially the most dangerous form because it expels groups of people from being regarded as human which potentially “subjects them to severe material deprivation and even extermination. It is unjust, because it blocks their opportunity to exercise capacities in socially defined and recognized ways” (Young, 1990, p. 53).

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Women have always been regarded as marginal people. According to Borunda

(2011) it was never the “intentions of the Founding Fathers to give women any role or voice in political affairs” when they drafted the “All Men Are Created Equal” doctrine; in fact, all articles promoting women’s equality were removed from The Great Law of

Peace” (Borunda, 2011, p. 192), making a direct link to Muted Group Theory (Faces of

Women’s Oppression). Women’s subordination has resulted in their being constrained by the traditional gender roles formulated by men “assigned women as responsible for taking care of dependent children and for others’ bodies, resulting in their most often having no income, work in low skill, and low wage positions—and patronizing, punitive, demeaning, and arbitrary treatment by policies and people” (see figure 45; Young, 1990, p. 54).

Figure 45.Traditional Gender Roles

Retrieved from https://sophmoet.wordpress.com/2014/01/29/nurturing-sex-and- gender-western-culture-gender-roles-and-stereotypes/

Young children learn these traditional gender roles for females from popular children’s stories and movies. Once again, Disney films offer a great example for this

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claim. In Disney’s classic princess films Snow White, Cinderella, and Sleeping Beauty, women characters were given ample opportunity for have their voice heard, yet they are portrayed as being obsessed with their looks (Snow White), getting married (Cinderella), and laying in wait to be rescued from loves true kiss (Sleeping Beauty). Although indicative of the reality of women in the 1950’s, this collection could be appropriately titled, The Traditional Gender Role Princess Collection (figure 46-47).While parents want to share these classic stories from their own magical aspects of childhood with their children, most are unaware of the profound messages that are embedded within these films, which supports Brownmiller’s (1993) claim that messages seep into our children’s subconscious. In this case, the lesson is that girls should be focused on their physical attractiveness and finding a man to love, and to expect that when trouble strikes a man can save her.

Figure 46. Figure 47. Figure 48.

Snow White Cinderella Sleeping Beauty

Figure 46-48. Traditional Gender Role Princess Collection

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Figure 46. Retrieved https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Snow_White_(Disney) Figure 47. Retrievedhttp://disney.wikia.com/wiki/File:Cinderella_Photo.jpg Figure 48. Retrieved https://www.pinterest.com/explore/sleeping-beauty/

Exploitation. The function of a capitalist society is to systematically transfer power from workers (the inferior) to the superior in order to benefit the latter (Young,

1990) increasing workers’ risks of exploitation. According to Hinson and Bradley (2006) exploitation is when “workers’ energies and capacities are controlled by, and appropriated for the benefit of other people, creating unjust power relations” (p. 3).

According to Young (1990) in such situations it’s oppressive because “the powers of the exploited workers diminish by more than the amount of transfer because workers suffer material deprivation and a loss of control—resulting in the deprivation of their self- respect” (Young, 1990, p. 49).

Women are vulnerable to experiencing gender-based exploitation in the workforce and in the domestic spheres. According to Young (1990)“the labor market has been divided into gender-based labor where women more commonly occupy positions such as waitress, caregivers, clerical workers, and go unnoticed and undercompensated”

(Young, 1990, p. 51). Women are vulnerable to experiencing “gendered-exploitation because their position in this system has been unappreciated and undervalued” (Hinson &

Bradley, 2006, p. 3). Yet, they are expected to provide the “sexual labor, nurturing, caring for others’ bodies, and smoothing over workplace tensions-- it is exploitation because the energies that women’s transfer largely benefit men, who receive most or all of the sexual benefits, status, and income” (Young, 1990, p. 50).

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Moreover, the female persona is exploited for marketing and advertising purposes. In fact, sex is what sells the products that American’s eagerly buy. According to Sandhu (2001), “Sex is used to sell everything from cars to toothpaste. Advertising exploits females, and increasingly males, by dressing them in short, tight clothes, and photographing them in suggestive poses,” thereby pushing adults and teens to be sexual, and in part, promotes sexual harassment (see figure 49; p. 260). The American

Psychological Association Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls (Force) (2007) found these advertisements to increase the risks of girls developing a preoccupation with their appearance and may lead them to “prioritize certain rewards (male attention) over other rewards (academic accomplishment), thus limiting their occupational opportunities” (p.

32).

Figure 49. Submissive and Sexual Ad

Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dolce_%26_Gabbana

Powerlessness. In a capitalist society such as the U.S. “the division of labor is divided into menial (unskilled/nonprofessional) and mental (skilled/professional) work”

(Young, 1990, p. 57). In these two divisions power is inequitably distributed with those

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occupying professional level positions holding greater respectability since it usually requires a college education to acquire specialized knowledge and expertise (Young,

1990), and carries with it economic privilege (Hinson & Bradley, 2006). By contrast, those that occupy nonprofessional level positions are unskilled and rendered largely powerless since they “lack the authority over others and are denied the opportunity to develop and exercise skills or to benefit from the economic privileges, autonomy, and respectability that professional workers are afforded” (Young, 1990, p. 57).

Currently women are largely economically powerless and will remain so until the gender pay gap is closed which at the current rate will not occur until 2059 (JEC, 2016, p. iii). The Equal Pay Act of 1963 (EPA) “prohibits sex-based wage discrimination between men and women in the same establishment who perform jobs that require substantially equal skill, effort, and responsibility under similar working conditions” (Pub. L. 88-38).

Yet in their article, Gender Pay Inequality: Consequences for Women, Families, and the

Economy, the Joint Economic Committee for the U.S. Congress (2016) reported that women earn 21% less than men, which is a rate that equates to “less than $4 for every $5 paid to men. Year-round, a woman working full time earns $10,800 less per year than a man, a disparity that can add up to nearly a half million dollars over a career” (p. iii).

Interestingly, the report also indicated that pay gaps increase with age, with women ages

18 to 24 earning 88% of what their male counterparts earn, a number that drops to 76% for women over age 35 (JEC, 2016). Moreover, pay gaps increase when white men are compared to women of color. For example, “African American women earn just 60 cents,

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and Latinas women earn 55cents, for every dollar a white man earns” (see figure 50; JEC,

2016, p. iii).

Figure 50. Gendered Pay Inequality

Retrieved from http://wyomingpublicmedia.org/term/gender-wage-gap

In addition to a pay gap, as previously mentioned, there is also a glass ceiling effect that maintains women as powerless by impeding their ability to attain employment positions that will close their economic disparity, such as those in the Science,

Technology, Engineering, and Mathematic (STEM) professions. According to Beede et al. (2011), “Women with STEM jobs earned 33% more than comparable women in non-

STEM jobs – considerably higher than the STEM premium for men. As a result, the gender wage gap between men and women is smaller in STEM jobs than in non-STEM jobs” (Beede et al., 2011, p. 1). Yet, and unfortunately, “despite comprising nearly half of the workforce in the U.S. economy, women hold less than 25% of the (STEM) jobs”

(Kilmartin & Pimentel, 2014, p. 52; Dailey & Eugene, 2013, p. 683). This lack of representation has two major effects: the STEM fields are not able to benefit from women’s unique perspectives, hence they are muted, and women are not able to benefit

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from the wages, status, and privileges that accompany such positions, hence their oppression (Faces of Women’s Oppression). This in turn mutes and oppresses young girls, as according to Tolgia (2013), “children as young as ages six to eight years begin to eliminate career choices because they are the wrong gender, [and] by early adolescence, gender role expectations about work are strongly defined” (Kilmartin & Pimentel, 2014, p. 52; p. 15). If young girls do not see women in these professions they may not aspire to pursue these vocations, and subsequently fail to reap the benefits from these careers.

Violence. The last face of oppression in Young’s (1990) framework is violence, which she explained can be expressed as “physical violence, sexual assault, incidences of verbal harassment, intimidation, or ridicule simply for the purpose of degrading, humiliating, or stigmatizing” another person or group (p. 61). This face is considered by

Young (1990) to be a form of systematic oppression because of the social context surrounding the individual acts of violence that makes them possible and even acceptable” (p. 61). For example, “the institution of slavery for the economic gain of white men in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, where Blacks were bought and sold as pieces of property for cheap agricultural labor” was socially acceptable and consequently made possible by a whole society (Mays, 1986, p. 585). When slavery was abolished, many white men were unwilling to relinquish their dominance over Blacks, resulting in their formation of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), a white supremacist organization (Hammond, 2015). Under the guise of white hoods, the Klan continued to torture and kill Blacks as a group (see figure 51; West, 2002). This exemplifies that the

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face of violence directly intersects with the face of cultural dominance because the intention of violence is to cause fear in, humiliate, or harm another person in order to maintain control (Young, 1990).

Figure 51. Ku Klux Klan

Retrieved from http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/ct-kkk-chicago-flashback- 0125-20150123-story.html

Women in western society are aware they are vulnerable to violence and consequently “live with the knowledge that they must fear random, unprovoked attacks on their person or property” (Young, 1990, p. 62). Sexual violence is a form of systematic oppression because her treatment after disclosure by others including law enforcement is met with heartless opposition and left with the societal expectation that she should “tolerate any violence committed against her and her subordinate status in relation to men” (Young, 1990, p. 62).

Theorizing about Women’s Oppression in an Androcentric Society

This dissertation seeks to gain greater insight to the epidemic of violence against women in the U.S. Therefore, I am assigning a hierarchal arrangement to the Five Faces

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of Oppressions and combining it with Muted Group Theory. Based on the literature theorized about rape and societal norms, cultural imperialism (dominance) is placed as the dominant face by which women experience oppression, and which makes the other four faces (exploitation, marginalization, violence and powerlessness) processes by which men mute women in order to maintain their dominant position in society. This creates a meta-theory I am naming, Faces of Women’s Oppression (Pimentel, 2017, influenced by Young, 1990; Ardener, 1975; 1978). Figure 52 displays a visual of this relationship. As indicated by the star, when structured this way (sexual) violence becomes a mere symptom of a male dominated society (androcentric society)

(Brownmiller, 1975) rather than the sole unit of analysis, and affirms that the feminist theory of rape is on point.

Figure 52. Meta-Model, Faces of Women’s Oppression

(Pimentel, 2017; influenced by Young, 1990; Ardener, 1975; 1978)

In recognition that women’s position as an oppressed group is situated within a male dominant culture (androcentric society), figure 53 depicts synonyms of the four

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faces of oppression that maintain women’s oppression and by which serve as hegemonic forms of male culture. Likewise, figure 54 depicts women and men’s symbiotic relationship (co-existence) in western society with a firm gendered hierarchy.

Figure 53. Male Culture Figure 54. Gendered Hierarchy

Yet, as discussed in the introduction of this chapter, this dissertation embraces theorizing about sexual violence, as opposed to a theory (Orbe & Roberts, 2012).

Therefore a meta-theory I am naming Androcentric Oppression (Rape Culture)is depicted in figure 55, and is the convergence of Muted Group Theory, the Five Faces Oppression, and all of the theories presented thus far (Pimentel, 2017; as influenced by Young, 1990;

Ardener, 1975; 1978). The black space represents the rape culture (androcentric society) which Buchwald, Fletcher, and Roth (2005) describe as being synonymous with the blank space and is indicative of the avoidance of conversations about sexual violence and victims experiences in order to prevent uncomfortabilty in non-victims thereby allowing people to ignore just how acceptable violence against women in society is—and that

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rarely are men confronted or held accountable” (p. 245). The bi-directional arrows indicate that there is a continuum of applicable theories that can contribute to the evolving understanding of rape culture (androcentric society) and invites researchers to also contribute to this framework to strengthen the efforts and their effect to facilitate in the dismantlement this pervasive social disease in the U.S. (Pearson, 2000).

Figure 55. Meta-Model, Androcentric Oppression (Rape Culture)

(Pimentel, 2017; as influenced by Young, 1990; Ardener, 1975; 1978). Since rape culture (androcentric society) comprises many influences, this chapter is dense and surveys a wide range of literature relative to seven overarching themes and

20 sub-themes. The first theme Ontogenesis of Male Dominance in America centers on the origination of power and domination that has been inequitably distributed between men and women in the United States. The second theme Socialization Toward Systemic

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Oppression centers on the gendered norms that differentially condition males and females to be aggressive (males) and passive (females) thereby creating a sexual violence problem. The third theme Media and Its Cannibalization of Youth centers on the exposure to violence on the television, in video games, and online and has been shown to increase children’s rape myth acceptance and propensity to commit violence. The fourth theme

The Sexualization & Exploitation of Women and Young Girls centers on the ways in which girls are encouraged to be sexual and maintain an attractive physical appearance at a young age through dolls, magazines, and child beauty pageants. The fifth theme

Cultural Myths that Justify & Legitimize Rape centers on the rape myths that serve to mitigate and legitimize sexual violence by blaming women instead. The sixth theme Rape as Function of Systemic Oppression centers on the lack of justice that sexual assault victims receive as a result of cultural myths that have been institutionalized and therefore contribute to the silent epidemic of sexual assault. The seventh and final theme Sexual

Assault on College Campuses centers on the role of college administration in reducing the prevalence and addressing sexual assault complaints on college campuses, and highlights high risk college students and best practices. Figure 56 displays an organization chart of the seven major themes and 20 sub-themes for the literature review that follows.

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Figure 56. Organization of Literature Review

Ontogenesis of Male Dominance in America

In grappling with the notion of dismantling a rape culture (androcentric society), it is easy to look to current day experiences of violence, and extrapolate origins for their cause based on the facts to inform remediation efforts. While this is necessary, this dissertation stands firm that until western society is willing to be vulnerable and acknowledge that cultural dominance and savage violence were processes by which

America successfully became English land, male aggression and patriarchal controls will continue to fester beneath the surface until violence erupts either between people or groups, and sexual violence reduction efforts will continue to be a fruitless challenge.

Like the processes used to ensure that the blank space in a rape culture (androcentric society) remains secure (e.g. rape myths, just world hypothesis, sexual scripts),

American’s engage in mythologizing about the nation’s beginning to protect themselves

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from the uncomfortabilty that would come with acknowledging the reality. Instead, every

Thanksgiving families around the nation celebrate the romanticized history of the unification of the Pilgrims and the indigenous people which ignores the torture and loss of culture, land, and language that was forced on them (Young, 1990).

The truth is that in 1492, Christopher Columbus was lost at sea during one of his conquests to find new lands and gold for Spain and accidentally landed on the island of

Borinquen, he later renamed Puerto Rico and is in itself evidence of muting. The island was inhabited by the Taino and Caribbean people (Thomas &Dod, 1992). These were kind and generous people who lived mostly on the shores as fishers (Thomas &Dod,

1992). Christopher Columbus saw this community and land as a source for upward mobility and because the indigenous peoples were not Christian, wore no clothes, and had less effective weapons than Europeans (Desai, 2014) it was easy to manipulate the colony in order to create a social system where violence against them would be seen as acceptable means to an end. According to Borunda (2011) “Words have tremendous power as they can transmit generalizations contained within habituated thoughts that can demonize entire groups of people” (p. 187), which Christopher Columbus used to turn the colonizers against the indigenous people and justify violence committed against them as for the greater good of society. This is supported by Christopher Columbus’ journal in which he wrote

The Indians are so naïve and so free with their possessions that no one who

witnessed then would believe it. When you ask for something they have, they

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never say no. To the contrary, they offer to share with anyone…They would

make fine servants…With fifty men we could subjugate them all and make

them do whatever we want (Desai, 2014).

The generous qualities of the indigenous people, “coupled with Christopher

Columbus’ greed made them easier to exploit and enslave for decades after his arrival”

(Ransby, 1992, p. 80). Within 50 years Columbus and those who followed him had reduced the native populations to near extinction through murder, enslavement, and disease, although not before some inter-breeding took place largely through the rape of

Taino women” (Thomas &Dod, 1992, p. 73). In fact, “in 1492 there were some 300,000 native islanders, and by 1548 fewer than 500 remained’’ (Ingber, 1992, p. 243). These numbers continued to dwindle as the indigenous people were forced into slavery, tortured, and dominated, while greed for gold and land were the driving force behind the actions of the invaders (figure 57). As the Taino and Caribbean people went extinct, it did not stop colonization from acquiring new free labor. “To replace the indigenous people, enslaved Africans were brought to the Caribbean islands in the same European-forged chains that dragged other native Africans to the cotton fields of the South of the United

States. Later, “large numbers of Chinese were also brought to the Caribbean as cheap labor, one minuscule step removed from the bonds of human slavery” (Thomas & Dod,

1992, p. 74).

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Figure 57. Indigenous Slaves in the Spanish Conquest of the Americas

Retrieved from http://www.wakingtimes.com/2015/10/12/celebrating-genocide- christopher-columbus-invasion-of-america/

Impact of Mythologizing (Muting) Historical Truth

The most popular image of Christopher Columbus’ “heroic accomplishments” during the Age of Discovery by European nations depicts him kneeling giving thanks to

God for allowing him to find such fruitful land, as the indigenous people are depicted on the outskirts of their native shores (see figure 58). Perhaps the single white male that lies dead is to symbolize that there were lives lost on their journey there, but it certainly understates the vast destruction he caused once he landed there. Yet, as Ransby (1992) proffered mythologizing American history tempers the “the evils of slavery, torture, and imperialism forced upon the indigenous peoples” (Desai, 2014, p. 194).

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Figure 58. Christopher Columbus Claiming Land for Spain

Retrieved from http://famous-explorers.org/the-age-of-discovery/

The violent, painful, and shameful truth of American history is indeed hard to face by too many people and has resulted in the “watering-down” or “cleaning up”

(mythologizing) historical accounts in K-12 textbooks which is muting children and adults from their own heritage and experience, and is among the many processes enacted to maintain (white) men’s dominant position in society. Consequently, this promotes an application of how Muted Group Theory and the face of cultural dominance in the Five

Faces of Oppression (Faces of Women’s Oppression) collaborate to form a single outer structure in the meta-model of Androcentric Oppression and serves as the driving force for marginalizing historical accuracy to instead celebrate “imperial conquest, male supremacy, and the triumph of military as a ‘necessary evil’ to justify their exploits in the name of civilization” (Ransby, 1992, p. 81). This is dangerous. If the country cannot or is unwilling to confront the destruction and devastation that was caused in the name of colonization, and the continued exercised dominance enacted for the interest of individual

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upward mobility, then combating sexual violence will be limiting, and young children will continue to trust that the education they are being given is accurate. The consequence of providing a fairytale history is that like all seemingly innocent stories, there are powerful messages that seep into the subconscious of impressionable youth

(Brownmiller, 1993). In this case, ignorance allows children to believe that white people are not only entitled to “rule over people of color, or to dominate weaker nations,” but also that doing so is justifiable (Thomas &Dod, 1992, p. 182; Bigelow et al., 1992, p.

106; Ransby, 1992). This contributes to the problem of violence against women because these powerful messages become part of one’s habitus.

The raping of Native women continues today, with Amnesty International (2009) reporting that one in three Native women (75%) will be raped over the course of her life, with 86% of rapes and sexual assaults perpetuated by non-Native men (Erdrich, 2013).

This is a rate far higher than for women in general, which is one in five women, according to the World Health Organization (2015). However, as identified in chapter one, sexual assault is a silent epidemic due to the low-rate at which these crimes are reported (Johnson-Quay, 2015), and with very few successful prosecutions (Koss, 2006).

Since the Native people have been marginalized by the dominant society, the rate at which Native women experience such violence may be much higher, since a prerequisite for reporting is trust. The violence experienced by Native people has resulted in their lack of trust, and conveyed to colonial men, and currently conveys to American men, that

Native men are no longer able to protect their women, thereby demonstrating their power

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and dominance (Personal Communication, Borunda, 2016). Moreover, the same process of mythologizing about American history is the same mechanisms enacted in a rape culture (androcentric society), and which will be delineated in a later theme titled, Rape as Function of Systemic Oppression. However, first, a discussion about the influence that monotheistic religion brought over by Christopher Columbus has had on the long- standing oppression of women.

Religion as Mechanism for Women’s Oppression

Western society began and remains highly unequal, stratified by age, ethnicity, class and gender. Each person’s classification in this system carries with it a pre- determined value and privilege, or lack thereof. “Patriarchy, closely associated with hierarchy, is a way of ordering reality whereby one group, in this case the male sex, is understood to be superior to the female sex” (Laffey, 1988, p. 2). Hence, gender in this system becomes not only a dichotomy but a hierarchy as well (David, 2014). When colonial peoples settled in Massachusetts on Native peoples’ land, they brought with them the Puritan religion, which is a patriarchal dogma. The Old Testament was the product of translations from the Geneva Bible, and was brought to Americas on the

Mayflower, and remained popular among Puritans and widely used until after the English

Civil War of 1715(Grey, 1993, p. 22). The purpose of religion “is essentially about controlling and directing the ways in which people think and behave” (Grey, 1993, p. 21), and is one of the most powerful sources for maintaining women’s oppression, as “the

Bible is rife with scripture directed towards “disparaging women as the ‘weaker’ sex—in

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moral as well as in physical terms” (Grey, 1993, p. 22). Feminist argue that

“reinterpretation is necessary because most of the biblical interpreters have been men”

(Laffey, 1988, p. 3), thereby making a direct link to Muted Group Theory.

In the book of Genesis, God proffers to have created all of life and the earth in a matter of just six days. God created Adam out of dust, and asked that he care for the

Garden of Eden, and of the animals which he was charged to name (Genesis 2:19-20;

Bible Bender, 2016). There is great power in naming, again, making a direct link to

Muted Group Theory. Soon after, God created a woman named Eve, after “realizing that it was not good for Adam to be alone. This time, rather than using dirt, he put Adam to sleep and took a rib from his body” and made Eve, and which Adam named woman

(Genesis 2:21-22; Bible Bender, 2016). This places women’s complete existence as serving to meet man’s needs, and because Eve’s existence was made only possible by the rib of Adam, the male gender is denoted as dominant as she cannot live apart from him.

In the garden, there was a tree that God called the Tree of Life and another called the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil. God told Adam (and later) Eve, he could eat fruit from the Tree of Life and live forever, but if he ate from the Tree of Knowledge he would die (Genesis 2:16-17; Bible Bender, 2016). In the garden there was a snake that questioned Eve why she does not eat from the Tree of Knowledge, and tells her that death will not come from eating the fruit. But rather, God does not want their eyes to be opened, or they will understand the difference between good and evil, just like him

(Genesis 3:2-6; Bible Bender, 2016). The snake succeeded in tricking the woman, and

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Eve ate fruit from the forbidden tree, and she then convinced Adam to eat it also (figure

59). After eating the fruit, Adam and Eve’s eyes were opened and they suddenly felt that being naked was uncomfortable and tried to cover themselves up with fig leaves (Genesis

3:7; Bible Bender, 2016). The fact that it was the woman that was able to be tricked to eat the forbidden fruit “made Eve into the first feminine temptress, the sex with the weak character, warranting her as being subordinate to men, as well as robbing sexual pleasure of its innocence” (Grey, 1993, p. 22).

Figure 59. Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden

Retrieved http://bibleblender.com/2011/bible-stories/old-testament/genesis/the-story-of-adam-and- eve

When God saw this, he was angry and asked them, “Who told you that you were naked?

Did you eat from the Tree of Knowledge?” Adam and Eve explained to God how the snake had tricked Eve and that Adam had also eaten some too (Genesis 3:8-13; Bible

Bender, 2016). God told the snake that because he tricked Adam and Eve into eating the

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fruit, the snake would forever crawl around on its belly and that animals and people would forever be afraid of it and try to kill it (Genesis 3:14; Bible Bender, 2016). God then banished Adam and Eve from the Garden, and told them this would forever change the way people act, feel, and behave. Childbirth would now be painful for women and men would now have to work hard for their food and shelter, and rather than people living forever, they would grow old and die (Genesis 2:15-22; Bible Bender, 2016).

This story, which traces the origin of sin to the woman and propagates Puritan ideology, has infiltrated into all facets of American life and has caused great harm to women by maintaining them as an oppressed group, making a strong link to Five Faces of Oppression. Moreover, Muted Group Theory is applicable when considering only some females were named throughout the Bible and those that are anonymous, as well as with what man they are associated (e.g. wife, mother, daughter, or occasionally, sister), and their labor within some domestic realm (e.g. bearers of children for their husbands)

(Laffey, 1988). In her book, An Introduction to the Old Testament: A Feminist

Perspective, Laffey (1988) explains:

In essence, the Bible is a story about men, interpreted by men, and benefits men,

and is evident in the celebratory births of males (e.g. Exod 13), they are the one’s

God promised Canaan (e.g. Exod 13), they are the ones that went to Egypt (e.g.

Num 20), they are the ones to whom God belongs to (e.g. Duet 1; 6, 12, 26, 29),

and the one who receive Israel’s laws 9e.g. Exod 20; Duet 13:6; 21:10-14). Males

are the rightful worshipers (e.g., Exod 23:17; 34:23; 36:2) and the potential priests

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(e.g., Exod 35:19; Lev 21). The male animal, even, was the appropriate offering

(e.g. 1:10; 3:1; 9:3). Men were the sexual initiators (e.g. Lev 18), the warriors

(e.g., Num 1; 26:2; Duet 20), the leaders (e.g., Num 10:14-16; 11:16; 32:1-3; Duet

1). Time itself is reordered in generations: from father to son. Furthermore, when

a census was taken (e.g. Num 1—4; 26; cf. 32) it numbered the men—the heads

of tribes, clans, and families” (p. 12).

The Bible did not improve respect towards women with the addition of the New

Testament. In fact, considering the theoretical frameworks for this dissertation, 1

Timothy (2:11) supports this claim: “Let a woman learn in silence with full submission. I permit no woman to teach or to have authority over a man; she is to keep silent. Hence, the Bible and both Muted Group Theory and Five Faces of Oppression (Faces of

Women’s Oppression) are highly linked. In conclusion, it was patriarchal culture that created a patriarchal God, despite the many female Gods established previously (Laffey,

1988). Therefore, U.S.’s current adherence to the Christian religion is the mechanism by which men maintain women’s oppression, and women follow suit readily surrendering to the very dogma that is at the root of their demise. In the next section, a historical account of the influence that monotheistic patriarchal religion had on the violence against women and resulted in their death as a result of will be delineated.

Women and Witchcraft: Maleficarum

The puritan rituals, symbols, and myths carried over on the Mayflower had a profound influence on how society views women, and in the era of colonization

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“perpetuated the belief that women posed ever present dangers to human society” (Smith,

1998, p. 155). Maleficium means to cause harm to others by supernatural means— women were accused of being witches if someone fell ill or died, particularly if it were their spouses or infants and young children” (Smith, 1998, p. 6). Moreover, “women were blamed for all sorts of conditions, such as storms at sea, fires, crop damage, spoiled beer, and cows that stopped producing milk” (Smith, 1998, p. 6-7). Smith (1998) refers to two famous works that were influential in explaining and justifying the Church’s belief for why women are more likely to be witches during this time: Malleus Maleficarum (1486) by Heinrich Institorius and JakobSprenger of Germany, and Tratado de las Suprsticiones y Hechicherians (1529) by Spraegan’s Fray Martin de Castan, which posited:

More women than men are ministers of the Devil, because women were by nature

more evil than men: in their wickedness, they imitated the first woman, Eve.

Created intellectually, morally, and physically weaker than men. Women were

subject to deeper affections and passions, harbored more uncontrollable appetites,

and were more susceptible to deception. Unwilling to accept their deficiencies and

unable to satisfy their inordinate desires, they are more readily turned to Satan to

fulfill their needs and provide them with power to avenge themselves on those in

more fortunate positions (p. 155).

Hence, “the story of witchcraft is primarily a story of women—and confronts us with ideas about women, with fears of women, with place of women in society, and with women themselves, as well as systematic violence against women” (Smith, 1998, p. xii).

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Consequently, Smith (1998) warns that “only by understanding this part of women’s history can one confront the deeply embedded feelings about women” (p. xiii). This dissertation seeks to acknowledge its influence on current day perceptions of women, if only briefly.

In the 15th and 16th century, a moral panic ensued with fears of women practicing witchcraft (Reed, 2015), with the witch-figure representing a struggle between God and

Satan—Heresy” (Smith, 1998). There was a basis to this fear, as indeed there were many women and even men that practiced witchcraft. Although, for many such practice was not as sinister as feared and as portrayed in common day. For women, according to

Luhramann (1989):

Witches are meant to worship a female deity rather than a male patriarch, and to

worship her as she was worshipped by all people before the monotheistic religions

held sway: as the moon, the earth, the sheaf of wheat. Feminist covens talk about

witchcraft as having a cyclic transformation, of birth, growth and decay, as a

woman’s spirituality and the only spirituality in which woman are proud to

menstruate, to make love compelled by the desire to reclaim the word ‘witch’,

which they see as the male’s fearful rejection of a woman too beautiful, too

sexual, or past the years of fertility (figure 59; p. 52).

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Figure 60. Goddess (Luhramann, 1989)

Plate 9 Silbury Hill, an ancient Wiltshire mound, is often treated as sacred, and as

a place of the Goddess. The artist depicts her conception of this primordial earth

goddess, force emanating from her genitalia, hands and head. The third eye

indicates her connection with intuition and instinct. The strong images of female

power draw many women into magical practice

This of course was against the law. The written law in Massachusetts at the time used the language of the Bible rather than the requirements of English, of which, practicing witchcraft was punishable by death” (Hoffer, 1997, p. 42). The fear associated with woman practicing witchcraft was based on two ultimate sins: it challenges the supremacy of God and challenges prescribed gender arrangements” (Smith, 1998, p. 119). Hence, feminists see these laws solely as a way to dominate and control women that defied societal expectations of women (Langley, 2003). Moreover, women did not have the economic opportunities or the geographic mobility of men, so poverty was always around

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the corner” (Hoffer, 1997, p. 83). A women’s property was governed by her husband in marriage—anyone who widowed, had people coveting their property (Hoffer, 1997).

Consequently, most “witches in New England were middle-aged or old women eligible for inheritances because they had no brothers or sons” (Smith, 1998, p. 117). In the literature, they are “generally portrayed as disagreeable women, at best aggressive and abrasive, at worst ill-tempered, quarrelsome, and spiteful…and almost always described as deviants—disorderly women who failed to, or refused to abide by the behavioral norms of their society” (Smith, 1998, p. 118).Therefore, “a woman’s refusal to accept their place in New England’s social order” was regarded as evidence of Witchcraft

(Smith, 1998, p. 119).

The most notorious case of mass hysteria of witchcraft was the Salem Village

Witch Craft Trials in Massachusetts between February 1692 and May 1693 (Adams,

2009). While movies such as the Crucible veer from the truth, this mythologizing allows us to powerfully ignore just how violent people can become (Frances, 1997). Salem

Village was a small farming community on the outskirts of Boston, Massachusetts

(Labaree, 1979). By 1961, the community had a revolving number of ministers, with the latest being Samuel Parris. In the winter of 1691-92, Samuel Parris’ nine year old daughter Elizabeth (Betty), and eleven year old niece Abigail Williams, fell ill with what could be clinically diagnosed today as hysteria (Labaree, 1979), characterized by loud random crying, joint pain, and fevers (Carlson, 1999) uncontrollable movement, and shrieks (Labaree, 1979). When Mr. Parris asked the girls “Who torments you?” the girls

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admitted to practicing witchcraft (Frances, 1997), with “seventeen year old Tibuta, a

Taino slave from the colonization in Puerto Rica who had been telling the girls and their friends strange tales from her native Caribbean home” (Labaree, 1979, p. 122). Yet, it was Mr. Parris that suggested that they had called upon the Devil, and which prompted the girls to accuse two other women of enticing the Devil (Labaree, 1979).

This confession resulted in a witch hunt in search of all those believed to be veering from puritan religion (Frances, 1997). While both women and men were accused of practicing witchcraft, women were accused at greater numbers by neighbors and family members. Upon their arrest they were placed in unsanitary jails (Hoffer, 1997).

“Within weeks more accusers, almost all of them unmarried girls under age 20, accused others, mostly married or widowed women in the 50 to 60 age range, of being witches”

(Labaree, 1979, p. 121-122). One such woman that was accused, and later arrested, was washer woman Goody Glover after her oldest child was believed to be tempted by the devil and had stolen linen (Collier & Horowitz, 2002). Glover was characterized as a nasty old woman and accused of being a witch by her husband and most likely influenced the accusations she was casting spells on the Goodwin children (see figure 61; Collier &

Horowitz, 2002).

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Figure 61. Goody Glover

Retrievedhttp://www.history.com/topics/salem-witch-trials

To resolve this hysteria a court was order where each person accused could be placed on trial (figure 61). While it was quite common for people to be accused of being witches, this was the first time a court would hear and decide the merit of the claims

(Hoffer, 1997). Since this was the first of its kind, the procedures for maximizing fairness were not in place and therefore both the process and outcomes of the trials were quite flawed. For example, usually pastors expect people to tell the truth and to address untruths where evident. But in the Salem Witchcraft Trials, the pastor Mr. Parris seemed to encourage the lies being told by the girls (Hoffer, 1997), and unlike courts of current times, they did not separate the girls so they were able to merge their stories with their own imaginative stories. Also, in the court the girls were no longer telling these stories to parents, but rather to influential men in their community and consequently the girls wanted to please them by telling them the story they wanted to hear (Hoffer, 1997).

Consequently, the accused beginning admitting they had practiced witchcraft even when

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they had not; resulting in their lives being spared. Conversely, the twenty people that continued to deny the accusations were executed; fourteen of them were women, and all but one by hanging (Rosenthal et al., 2009).

Figure 62. Salem Witch Trials

Retrieved from http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/a-brief-history-of-the-salem-witch-trials- 175162489/

After the executions, the Salem community experienced great dissonance. Many affirmed that a restatement of their moral values was in order (Hoffer, 1997). Since then, many have been fascinated with the case and how humans can cause such harm to other human beings. One explanation for the girls’ fits were caused by ergot poisoning, a delusion-causing fungus in the local grain supply (Spanos & Ergots, 1976). Another explanation was that the girls were victims of child abuse, since such experiences can manifest in their “acting out aggressive fantasies or showing other common symptoms like excessive blaming and humiliation, frightening accusations, and name-calling— which is the behavior the girls adopted the winter in Salem” (Hoffer, 1997, p. 49). For

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feminists, they link the witch hunts to the misogyny of Puritan culture, a backlash against women that veered from gender role expectations, and men’s desire to achieve a higher economic status (Reed, 2015). Moreover, the portrayal of women as inherently evil since it was Eve that first sinned has resulted in the “deeply embedded tendency of society to hold woman ultimately responsible for violence committed against them” (Smith, 1998, p. 263). Consequently, while the Salem Witchcraft Trials received great attention, four- fifths of all women in the 14th and 15th century were murdered for witchcraft (Smith,

1998).This connects to both Muted Group Theory and Five Faces of Oppression (Faces of Women’s Oppression), as this clearly was a time in which men feared women and their independence (Smith, 1998).

The Salem Witch Craft Trials has “been used in political rhetoric and popular literature as a vivid cautionary tale about the dangers of isolationism, religious extremism, false accusations, and lapses in due process” (Rosenthalet al., 2009, p. 53).

They have greatly influenced current day courts by erring on the side that people are innocent until proven guilty and honoring established due process procedures.

Unfortunately, however, these “improvements” have had a devastating impact on current day victims of sexual assault. This will be further delineated in the major section titled,

Rape as Function of Systemic Oppression which focuses on how cultural myths that have been institutionalized serve as mechanisms that absolve perpetrators from guilt and hold women accountable for their own victimization.

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Socialization Toward Systematic Oppression

Gendered roles were largely caricatured in the late 19th century by male psychologists, sociologists, and anthropologists in the era of Enlightenment. This caricaturization served to reinforce not only a dichotomy, but as a hierarchy of power

(Martinez, 2011). The first emphasis on gender found in the literature is in connection with the naturalization of persons through ceremonial marriages; with naturalization, came privileges, particularly for men (Nelson, 1996). Hence, traditional marriages are directly linked to Muted Group Theory, as the woman is the sex that exchanges her family’s last name for her husband’s, among others things, thereby losing part of her identity and is a form of muting. Likewise, traditional marriages and the nuclear family are directly linked to the Five Faces of Oppression as within them the woman is extremely marginalized as this section will exemplify. Brittan and Maynard (1984) believe that understanding women’s oppression in the home “is central to understanding their exclusion from other areas of social life” (p. 113). Figure 63 displays the organization of this section.

Gender Attitudes Dysfunctional Minority Status & Aggression Childhoods

Figure 63. Organization of Section: Gender as Socialized Oppression

In western society, the prevailing notion of identity is that the gender present at birth, based on anatomy, predicts much of the lived experience of individuals across a

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lifespan. This collapses society into not only a dichotomy despite the “diverse talents, sexual preferences, identities, personalities, varied interests and ways of interacting exhibited by individuals” (Budgeon, 2014, p. 317). Since gendered differences carries with it an ideology that centers on difference and power and gendered expectations that

“are deeply embedded in our unconscious sense of identity that results in the tendency to highly esteem men and to marginalize women” (Wegner, 1999, p. 4).

Solely determined by the biological capacities of women as both bearers of children and their natural dependency on their mothers largely dictate that they assume the roles and responsibilities as caretakers of the family, while men, free of this ability, were able to travel away from the family and consequently have long been identified as hunters (Martinez, 2011). Since men were able to leave the house, they also free to do other things that women who were responsible for caring for dependent children and the duties of the household, could not (Tichenor, 2005). Hence, in marriage and through the nuclear family, men’s desire for power was fulfilled. This introduced a “new sort of sexism that had not existed previously” (Nelson, 1996). In marriage and as the primary bread winners, “men have the authority as heads of the household, and earners of the income, to control the allocation of the money, as well as make the decisions in the home, large and small” (Tichenor, 2005). While women are women, they are “basically without person-hood, only existing to serve her man and to bear his children” (Wegner, 1999, p.

4).

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Figure 64. Husbands as Breadwinners

Retrieved http://archive.is/cHokH

Structural inequality within the household and in society has not changed despite the increased rate at which women have become primary breadwinners of the household as women will still strive to maintain her husband’s need for power (Tichenor, 2005).

This is as a result of her internalization of societal sexism that is deeply engrained and serves to benefit men (Brownmiller, 1975). Additionally, even when the woman works outside the home, she is still expected to manage the household, make dinner and care for the children, as well as satisfy her husband sexually. This is exploitation of the housewife, according to Brittan and Maynard (1984), because contrary to popular thought, “she works for the maintenance of capital, not her individual family; [I]f workers had to pay someone to do it for them, a massive redistribution of wealth would be required” (p. 117).

Therefore, “it is the job of doing unpaid domestic service to the benefit of capital which constitutes her oppression (Brittan & Maynard (1984, p. 117). This in turn teaches boys that girls must assume oppressive work, and teaches girls that doing so is a fact of life.

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Gender Attitudes and Aggression

Identity development is shaped by a number of factors, with gender having a strong influencing component and in turn “shapes the way we see ourselves and how we relate to others” (Kuh et al., 2011,p. 189). Johnson (1997) differentiated “sex and gender by defining sex as having to do with biology and gender as having to do with our thoughts and attitudes with regard to a person’s sex” (Ballantyne, 2015, p. 38). In this way, “gender is something one learns in order to fit in to one’s environment, not something with which one is born” (Ballantyne, 2015, p. 38). Through the process of socialization individuals develop a self-concept that either coincides or confers to the gender-based norms of that society. “Norms are an organizing devise in society, an ideologically map, setting out the range of the possible within which we place ourselves and assess others” (Gibbon, 1999, p. 2). Research conducted by Serano (2007) revealed that humans “actively and compulsively assign genders to all people based on usually just a few visual and audio cues” (p. 163, as cited in Ballantyne, 2015, p. 43). Once a person has been gendered, this automatically informs both our regard for them and treatment of them (Ballantyne, 2015). David (2014) proffered that gender roles are “self-sustaining largely because they are passed down through the power of imitation from parents to children, older siblings and peers to younger ones” (p. 195; Hill & Lynch, 1983) and serves to maintain men as breadwinners and in positions of authority, while casting women as the domestic servants and subordinate. According to Amin and Chandra-Mouli

(2014) this “gender socialization starts in early childhood when boys and girls are treated

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differently and given gender specific toys and messages (e.g. boys don’t cry and girls must behave ‘lady-like’)” (see figure 65; p. 2).

Figure 65. Gendered Norms of Boys and Girls

Retrieved from https://www.emaze.com/@AOLIZQWF/ks1-language-achievementsn

Moral development is “highly connected to racial and gender stereotypes and levels of physical aggression” (Tatum & Foubert, 2009, p. 195; Kilen, Margie, & Beck,

2002Tisak, Tisak& Goldstein, 2005). “Children receive direct verbal messages about what is appropriate behavior for boys and girls, in addition to getting unspoken messages by watching how adults model gender roles” (Brinkman et al., 2014, p. 837; West &

Zimmerman, 1987). Therefore, “gender attitudes are shaped by peers, family members, others in the community including community leaders, and societal institutions (e.g. media, sports, religious, military, schools) that validate masculine norms and identities and female subordination” (Amin & Chandra-Mouli, 2014, p. 2; Shannon, Leiter,

Phaladze, Hlanze, Tsai, Heisler& Weiser, 2012).

Adler, Kless, and Adler (1992) posited that “Elementary schools are powerful sites for the construction of culturally patterned gender relations, and where children

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create their own norms, values, and styles within the school setting,” resulting in this learning being called the “second curriculum” (Best 1983) or the “unofficial school”

(Kessler et al. 1985), or what Glassner (1976) called “kid society” (p. 169). Brinkman et al. (2014) reported that research has demonstrated that within these school sub-cultures, children reward and punish other children according to their adherence or non-adherence to gender norms (Kane, 1990; Lytton & Romney, 1991; Risman, 1998). Gibbon (1999) described the sub-culture in which “boys, and later men, are socialized into which values autonomy, hierarchy and competition” (p. 133). Consequently, “males engage the world as individuals in a hierarchical social order in which they are either one-up or one-down” from another male and “conversations in this world are negotiations that either achieve or fail to bring them to a higher status” (Sandhu, 2001, p. 260; Tanner, 1990).When men have the need to always strive to achieve the highest status among other males around them or adhere to extreme masculine stereotypes, they suffer from what is known as hyper-masculinity (Sandhu, 2001). “Men that adhere to this stereotype have been found to be more likely to perpetrate violence” on both other males not emulating masculine traits ascribed by dominant male norms, and against women (Tatum & Foubert, 2009, p.

196; Mosher & Sirkin, 1984).

Huang et al. (2014) found that “youth who perceive that aggressive behavior will make them successful and popular with their peers are more likely to engage in aggressive acts such as fighting and bullying” (p. 497). Slaatten and Gabrys (2014) conducted research on 921 Norwegian ninth graders and found that “40% of boys used

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homosexual-related names “[such as “gay,” “faggot,” and “lezzie”] when other boys veered from gender norms than for any other reason,” suggesting that “gay-related name- calling is closely linked with the endorsement of male gender role norms” (p. 28).This is referred to as bias-motivated aggression, and is a continuing and growing problem in the

United States. A study conducted by the Gay, Lesbian, & Straight Education Network

(GLSEN) (2012) indicated that “56% of students who identified themselves as gender nonconforming reported being teased, called names, or bullied at school” (Brinkman et al., 2014, p. 838). In 2012, according to a report by the FBI, there were nearly 6,000 bias- motivated offenses, of which over 1,100 were driven by sexual orientation bias, constituting a 2.6 % increase in anti-gay hate crimes in comparison to previous reports”

(Sloan, Berke & Zeichner, 2015, p. 140). The risks for sexually assaulting women are significantly higher in boys that use physical aggression against peers and dates early, especially when coupled with a higher rape myth acceptance (Reyes & Foshee, 2012).

Rape myths will be delineated further in a future section titled, Cultural Myths that

Legitimize Rape.

Male dominance and societal encouragement of male aggression can negatively impact intimate relationships (Brownmiller, 1975). In a UNICEF (2012) Annual Report, survey research from “ten countries show that rigid gender attitudes begins early, with

50-83% of boys (15-19 years) reporting that it is justifiable for a man to beat his wife under certain circumstances,” according to Amin and Chandra-Mouli (2014) (p. 2).

According to theWorld Health Organization (2015) one in four women are victims of

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intimate partner violence (domestic violence) in which they are verbally, physically, or psychologically abused. Sadly, too often women in such situation will stay in these abusive relationships, and even justify the violence enacted on them by blaming themselves instead (Amin & Chandra-Mouli, 2014; Abramsky, Watts, Garcia-Moreno,

Devries, Kiss, Ellsberg & Heise, 2011). This indicates that the way both boys and girls are socialized must be critically examined and unapologetically challenged.

Research conducted by Eder and Hallinan (1978) revealed that girls may have a protective factor from aggression and violence as a result of the increased rate at which they have close dyadic friendships, when compared with the friendship patterns of boys,

“which leads to their greater social skills, emotional intimacy, and ease of self- disclosure” (Adler et al., 1992, p. 170). Lakeoff (1975) attributes this directly to the feature of politeness in female speech patterns, which “is developed in girls very early as a result of the female sub-culture based on equality, cooperativeness, and intimacy”

(Gibbon, 1999, p. 133). Consequently, girls’ communication centers on negotiations for closeness and confirmation of support” resulting in their tendency to try to protect themselves from rejection when others attempt to push them away (Sandhu, 2001, p. 260;

Tannen, 1990). This is where the danger lies. Many girls perceive their abuse as rejection or their lack of politeness as being a factor by which could cause them to be rejected, thereby increasing their risks for victimization (Amin & Chandra-Mouli, 2014). This is directly related to Muted Group Theory. Recall, the story of Little Red Riding Hood, in which despite being suspicious of her true predicament, Red Riding Hood remained

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polite and obliged the Wolf‘s requests. Hence, Amin and Chandra-Mouli (2014) affirmed that “there is a critical need to challenge “passive femininities” or norms that perpetuate female subordination and have a devastating impact on girls’ self-esteem, body image, and their ability to assert themselves in their relationships” (p. 3).

However, at the same time if the Wolf represents the aggressive male and subtly conveys to boys and girls that what the male wants is his for the taking, these ideologies must be dismantled. Currently, “popular sayings like ‘boys will be boys’ which are generally applied to excuse socially reprehensible behavior is reinforcing the idea that boys—and men—are unable to control their actions” (Ballantyne, 2015, p.44). Hence, they must be held accountable when they misbehave early. Moreover, as Buchwald et al.

(2005) declared, “Masculinity must be redefined to include caring, nurturance, and empathy along with such traditional masculine attributes as courage, strength, initiative, and adventurousness” (p. 161). According to Hall and Borangan (1997) this can be facilitated by allowing boys to share many of the experiences afforded to girls, and that is the opportunities to care for other things (e.g. dolls) and people (e.g. younger siblings), which may serve as another protective factor resulting the low-rate of violence committed by women in comparison to men, and is associated with the development of empathy and lower levels of aggression (Barrett, Trepper, & Fish, 1990).

Dysfunctional Childhoods

Men’s sexual aggression toward women is a pervasive problem in U.S. society

(Burnett et al., 2009), with research indicating “25- 57% of men reporting that they had

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perpetrated sexually aggressive behaviors against a woman since the age of 14” (Wegner et al., 2015; Abbey, Jacques-Tiura, &LeBreton, 2011; Abbey, McAuslan, & Ross, 1998;

Davis, Kiekel et al., 2012; Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987; White & Smith, 2004) and “7.7% reported committing an act that met the standard legal definition of rape since the age of 14” (Abbey, 2002, p. 119). Hence, “all absurd behavior has its roots in early childhood” (Miller, 1983, p. 132). Developmental Theory posits that one’s childhood and lived experiences across the life cycle are responsible for rape proneness among men

(Malamuth & Heilman, 1998). Lisak (1994) found that sexually aggressive men tend to have poor relationships with their fathers when compared to non-aggressive men, and

Sandhu (2001) found that “most offenders and violent children are raised in dysfunctional and fractured homes where family quarreling, domestic abuse, inadequate parenting, erratic punishment and little parental affection” (p. 46; Flannery, 1997). When children grow up in such environments and experience such trauma, they may fail to reach normative developmental milestones and may struggle with “an array of mental health and behavioral problems in adolescents and adulthood including anxiety and depression, posttraumatic stress, anger and aggressive behavior, and sexual aggression” (Hunter et al., 2004, p. 233-34; Blumenthal et al., 1998; Fantuzzo & Mohr, 1999; Flannery et al.,

1998; McGruder-Johnson et al., 2000; Spaccarelli et al., 1997).

Adolescence is an extremely influential time, and the peers one socializes with can significantly have positive or negative effect on behavior (impersonal sex pathway)

(Malamuth & Heilmann, 1998). In line with Social Learning Theory, “Exposure to

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socially deviant peers, even in treatment environments, has been shown to produce lasting detrimental effects on young males, including long-term increases in aggressive and antisocial behavior” (Hunter et al., 2004, p. 234; Dishion et al., 1999). This is because the “exposure to male modeled antisocial behavior on delinquency is consistent with the belief that young males are vulnerable to internalizing the values and imitating the behavior of socially deviant peers and adults (Hunter et al., 2004, p. 239). These symptoms in males increase their likelihood of “engaging in problematic behaviors such as problem drinking and risky sexual behaviors as a response to stressors and to increase social integration which may increase their risk for dating violence” (Martin-Storey,

2015, p. 211).

Reyes and Foshee’s (2012) study informs of the onset and predictors of sexual dating aggression and perpetration. Their study examined 459 male adolescents (76 %

White, 19 % Black) in grades 8 through 12 in order. The findings indicate that “risk for sexual dating aggression onset increased across early adolescence, peaked in the 10th grade, and desisted thereafter. The associations between early physical aggression towards peers and dates and sexual aggression onset were stronger for teens reporting higher levels of rape myth acceptance. According to Burt (1980) rape myths are

“prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists that are widely and persistently held” (McMahon, 2010, p. 3). According to Burt (1980) men that ascribe to rape myths are more likely to perceive both men and women in relationships as volatile and each “as manipulative, sly, cheating, opaque to the other's understanding, and

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not to be trusted” (Burt, 1980, p. 218), resulting in sexual violence against them as justified. Bandura et al. (2001) proffered that since humans are considered to be moral beings, in order for a person to commit acts of violence on another human being they must consciously or unconsciously morally disengage (Bandura et al. 2001). Likewise,

Hardy, Bean, and Olsen (2015) explain that in order for people to maintain a positive image while justifying their behavior requires that they reconstruct the meaning of their behavior (Hardy, Bean, & Olsen, 2015).

Minority Status

The panic that ensued in the 1990’s when an overrepresentation of African

American’s in sexual assault arrests compared to other races skyrocketed, according to the Uniform crime statistics of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) (1994), and led many to wonder what was it about African American’s that resulted in their propensity to rape (Hall &Borangan, 1997). However, in their research Hall and Borangan (1997) found that strongest predictive factor of violent behavior, including sexual aggression, is not race or ethnicity; its poverty (Sampson, 1993). African Americans have the highest rate of poverty, at 21.4%, according to the U.S. Census Bureau (2016) annual report on income and poverty (www.census.gov). Herek (2009) notes that “it has been well- documented that the stigma associated with sexual minority status influence the psychosocial contexts inhabited by sexual minority youth, and provides important insight into vulnerabilities experienced by sexual minority individuals” (Meyer 2003).

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Stress Theory suggests that the elevated levels of negative psychosocial outcomes among sexual minority youth result from the elevated levels of victimization they encounter as a result of their stigmatized identities, the internalization of this stigma, as well as the fear of the victimization from this stigma (Myers, 2003). Hall and Borangan

(1997) reported that in their research “Some men of color may suppress the expression of anger toward mainstream targets and may displace this anger onto women of color, who may be viewed as less likely to retaliate” (Majors, 1992). This connects to the hostile masculinity pathway (distrust and hostility toward women) and results in need to control or dominant women in interpersonal relationships (Malamuth et al., 1995).

The Media and its Cannibalization of Youth

In the 21st century technology consumes daily life. The plethora of technological mediums by which society uses are not limited to televisions, computers, cell phones and tablets, and the threats that lie within them are outright dangerous for children without supervision, frank discussions about what children are viewing, and when there is unlimited access to them. The Kaiser Family Foundation (2003) reported that 68% of children have a TV in their bedroom, 51% of girls play interactive games on their computers and video game consoles, and that girls, like boys, are on their computers about an hour each day visiting Web sites, listening to music, frequenting chat rooms, playing games, and sending messages to friends” (Force, 2007, p. 9; Roberts et al., 2005).

Much of television and internet content is geared toward reinforcing gender role expectations and sends messages to girls about how they are supposed to look and the

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diets that can make that possible (Anschutz & Engels, 2010, p. 621; Lawrie et al. 2007;

Schur et al. 2000). The net effect, according to the Force (2007) is as follows:

girls' exposure to hyper-sexualized media content can negatively impact their

cognitive and emotional development; is strongly associated with eating

disorders, low self-esteem and depression; leads to fewer girls pursuing careers

in STEM; and causes diminished sexual health…for boys and adult men, it can

lead to increased incidents of sexual harassment and sexual violence, and

increased demand for child pornography.

This is dangerous because these influences are in the home of nearly every American, which means children do not even need to leave the house to be harmed. Moreover, these mediums create a “culture of violence that is manifest at the societal level, where it undermines the status and power of women, and at the individual level, where it reinforces harmful attitudes and beliefs about women and violence towards women”

(Kahlor & Eastin, 2011, p. 215; Yodanis, 2004). Gerbner and Gross (1976) found that the media are rich sources for such transmission of attitudes and that the habitual exposure to these medias shape people’s beliefs about social reality and contributes to a rape-tolerant society (Pearson, 2000). Therefore, television, video games, and the internet will be delineated within the context of sexual violence in this section (see figure 66). It is worth noting, however, that there are other influential sources such as in comic books, fiction books (romance novels), and music lyrics (particularly in rap lyrics) that are rich sources for the transmission of attitudes about women and violence.

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Televsion Video Games Online

Figure 66. Organization of Section: Media

Television

The television is a powerful media. “Diane Levin and Jean Kilbourne (2008), talk about the “remote-control” childhood that removes children from real-world experiences, decreases their agency and causes what the authors call “problem-solving deficit disorder” and “compassion deficit disorder” (Durham, 2009, p. 597). “In an analysis of prime-time programs popular among children and adolescents, Ward (1995) found that

11.5% of the verbal sexual messages coded involved sexually objectifying comments, nearly all of which were about women” (Force, 2007, p. 10). Similarly, Lampman et al.

(2002), examined prime time comedies for sexual behavior and comments and found that

“23% of the sexual behaviors coded were leering, ogling, staring, and catcalling at female characters, and 16.5% of the comments made were about body parts or nudity, of which

85% of them were made by men” (Force, 2007, p. 10). Grauerholz and King (1997) conducted similar research, by analyzing 81 television episodes to determine the frequency at which women alluded to their sexuality or lack of intellect and that objectified their bodies; 84% contained at least one incident of sexual harassment, 33.3% of the incidents were sexist comments with deprecating words for women (e.g., broad,

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bimbo, dumb ass chick, toots, fox, babe, blondie), and 32% of the incidents were sexual comments” (Force, 2007, p. 10).

Women and men are also visually portrayed differently in the media, resulting in unrealistic ideals. Women are often objectified in movies and in order to entertain a male audience and appease their sexual fantasies. Hence, they often wear more provocative clothing and have an attractive appearance (Eaton, 1997). Moreover, Kahlor and

Moorison (2007) found that women who watched a lot of television were more likely to believe that a higher proportion of rape accusations are false when compared to those that view less television. These beliefs can cause significant harm when a woman is victimized, pitting women against women. Research suggests that sex-related crimes account for 10% of all dialogue on television, and most if it (80%) is found in fictional programs, occurring primarily in movies or drama series” (Kahlor & Eastin, 2011, p.

217). Habitual exposure to these portrayals of sex crimes shape beliefs about the authenticity of women that claim rape, with a high proportion of society perceiving rape accusations to be false (Kahlor & Morrison, 2007). Moreover, “habitual exposure to fictional programming not only perpetuates myths about rape” (Kahlor & Eastin, 2011, p.

217; Brinson, 1992; Cuklanz, 2000; Greenberg & Hofschire, 2000), but also “reinforces traditional gender roles for women (e.g. family-oriented, romantically involved, and participating in homemaking activities), resulting in greater sexist beliefs when compared to light television viewers” (Fox &Potocki, 2016, p. 1914). This indicates that not only should parents be concerned with how much their children watch television, but also

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engage in open conversations with them about the content and messages in the shows they are viewing.

Video Games

Since debuting to the public in the 1970s, the game industry is growing four times faster than other sectors of the media and entertainment market (Jiow & Lim, 2012, p.

455; Malliet & Meyer, 2005; Prato et al., 2010). In the United States, video games represent a billion dollar industry, “with “an approximate 300% increase in sales between

1996 and 2008 (Beck, Boys, Rose, & Beck, 2012; Entertainment Software Association,

2010). As the pace at which new games and consoles are created, parents have struggled to maintain adequate supervision and often have no idea what content is in their children’s video (Jiow & Lim, 2012; Nikken &Jansz, 2006). The video game industry has capitalized on the sexual objectification of women in their games by creating features that make women men’s “sexual playthings” (Walsh & Ellis, 2007),where female characters use stripper poles and prostitute themselves, as well as allow gamers to engage in virtual violence against women (Beck et al., 2012). While research indicated that female participants were not affected, an exploratory study found that for male participants a video-game “depicting sexual objectification of women and violence against women resulted in statistically significant increased rape myth acceptance” (Beck et al., 2012, p.

3016). Rape myths are an outgrowth of rape culture (androcentrism) (Burt, 1980) and will be further explored in a future section titled, Cultural Myths that Legitimize Rape.

However in the context of video games, they have the capacity to desensitize players to

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violence and to promote beliefs and values that are conducive to supporting violence, thereby increasing one’s propensity to perpetuate violence (Beck et al., 2012).

According to Social Learning Theory, and in the context of rape, aggressive behavior is promoted through four interrelated processes (1) perpetuation of rape myths,

(2) modeling (imitating rape scenes and other acts of violence toward women), (3) associating sexuality and violence, and (4) desensitization to fear, pain, and humiliation of sexual assault (Beck et al., 2012). Consequently, in 2005, the American Psychological

Association “adopted the policy resolution on Violence in Video Games and Interactive

Media, which documented the negative impact of exposure to violent interactive media on children and youth and called for the reduction of violent content in these media;” however, sexist content was not included in the report (Force, 2007). Fox and Potocki

(2016) and others have since found that such exposure to violence against women desensitizes players to real-life violence and results in greater rape myth acceptance (Dill,

Brown & Collins, 2008; Yao et al., 2010).

Beck et al. (2012) conducted a study to “explore how the objectification of women and violence against women in video games, during game play, influence rape supportive attitudes” (figure 90; p. 3017). Previous research identifies a causal relationship between sexist content and attitudes about sexual harassment and rape. For example, playing video games with sexualized characters increases risks for players to normalize sexual harassment, and men indicate a greater likelihood to harass women after they play (Fox & Potocki, 2016, p. 1915). It was also determined that in addition to high

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rape myth acceptance, “video game consumption throughout the life span is associated with interpersonal aggression and hostile sexism” (Fox & Potocki, 2016, p. 1922).

Among the myths delineated by Burt (1980) the strong association between sex and violence has resulted in many men believing that women like rough sex, and therefore justify their expressions of aggression. Moreover, hooking up is a socially acceptable norm for today’s young generation, and refers to having casual sex without the expectation of a committed relationship (Glenn & Marquardt, 2001; Paul & Hayes,

2002). Much of the perpetuation of this norm may have been influenced by video consumption with high sexual and violent content. For example, in the game Grand Theft

Auto V (GTA V), players can hire a prostitute and hook up with her and then are able to shoot her in the back of the head for their money back (see figure 67-68; Skipper, 2014).

Another popular feature of current day video games is Rapelay, where the rape of female characters is the goal; in terms of Social Learning Theory, this influence engages gamers into imitation of rape of women in a virtual world (Beck et al., 2012; Lah, 2010).

Figure 67. GTA-V Prostitution-hiring Figure 68. GTA-V Killing Prostitutes

Figure 67-68.Retrieved https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u7eipHFsL6w

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According to the National Crime Victimization Survey Violent Crime Trends,

1973-2008, incidents of rape for individuals aged 12 and older increased from 0.4 per

1,000 in 2004 to 0.8 per 1,000 in 2008, with teens and young adults experiencing the highest rate of violent crime, at the same time video game sales experienced growth

(Beck et al., 2012; Ortutay, 2010). And although Grand Theft Auto V (GTA V) is an 18- rated video game, children and teens are often able to convince their parents of purchasing the game, many of whom are oblivious the sexually explicit and violent content in many games (Allen, 2014). When young people are socialized with such sexualization and violence, it increases the risks of their desensitization towards these exposures and may result in their becoming sexual perpetrators of sexual and domestic violence in future relationships. Also, the adherence of strict gender role stereotyping, the objectification of the female body, and the adversarial views of women shape reality in ways that lead to violence-supportive attitudes (Burt, 1980). Consequently, parents must make themselves aware of the content in these games and engage their children in conversations about what they are viewing and their impact when they play these games.

Online Sexual Violence

Life in the 21st century has been revolutionized by the accessibility of the

Internet, and playing a major role in the way people communicate and behave. While the

Internet has been available since 1996, Boyd and Boyer (2013) proffered that “the recent proliferation of online social networking sites reflects a restructured online environment that influences human development” (p. 244). The millennial generation has “been

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surrounded by a world of technological gadgets and social media such as email, Twitter,

Facebook, texting, iPhones, and iPods” (Turner & Thompson, 2014, p. 94). Current college students are considered to be digital natives, having used computers and the internet since an early age (Reid & Boyer, 2013). While this access certainly presents a wealth of opportunities for learning and connecting with others, the negative impacts to impressionable youth’s social identify development are rife, as the images of sexuality serve as models of behavior.

The Internet has become the greatest medium for the perpetuation of sexual violence. In the Age of Information, the sources by which young people can access information and the affects that that information can have on their health and well-being are abundant. Social media networks such as Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook have become major source of communication and information among individuals of all ages, but particularly for the young people who are able to connect with people around the world. To date, Facebook (FB) is the most popular social networking site; with more than

800 million active users, this site is used by one of every nine people in the world (Reid

& Boyer, 2013, p. 244).

A recent Netflix documentary Audrie & Daisy provides three female’s experiences of sexual assault. Two of the most elaborated accounts are the experiences in this film was that of fifteen year old Audrie Pott and fourteen year old Daisy Coleman.

Each of the girls was sexually assaulted around the same time in different cities. In both cases, alcohol and online sexual violence on Facebook played a role in the trajectory of

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their trauma (see figure 69; New York Times, 2016). In both cases, no criminal charges were ever filed against the girls’ perpetrators even though one of the males admitted to participating in the sexual assault (see figure 69; New York Times, 2016).

Figure 69. Daisy and Audrie’s FB Profiles

Retrieved http://www.notey.com/blogs/audrie-and-daisy

This is muting and it is a form of systematic oppression because of the social context that makes it possible and even acceptable (Young, 1990). Moreover, and sadly,

Audrie Pott is missing from her documentary because when photographs of her sexual assault were posted on social media she feared her reputation was ruined forever and committed suicide and is now forever muted. Cyberbullying which has become a label to describe “instances where someone uses technology (social networking sites, e-mails, text messages, and the sharing of images) to bully someone else” (Dodge, 2016, p. 67), is unique because it both redeploys long-existing manifestations of rape culture

(androcentric society) and alters/intensifies them due to the ‘rapid pace at which various forms of expression, including offensive and demeaning photographs and images, can be quickly distributed and anonymously shared (Dodge, 2016, p. 68). Reiterated over and over again, as well as the disturbing victim-blaming, slut-shaming, and refrains of ‘lol’

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often accompanying these images—haunting their victims in a very tangible way (Dodge,

2016, p. 68) thereby making a strong link to Faces of Women’s Oppression (Muted

Group Theory and Five Faces of Oppression). Because of such violence, Dodge (2016) warns that continuing to marginalize the violence that is committed behind a computer screen under the term cyberbullying fails to see the acts for what they really are; not typical school peer behaviors (dominance and aggression), but online sexual violence.

Likewise the term bullying should also be replaced with sexual violence or violence since it too marginalizes the behaviors classified under this term which at its core are intended to establish dominance and release aggression. Hence, parents and educators should regard this type of violence as what it is and use the appropriate terminology (online sexual violence) to describe these violent and suicide-imposing behaviors.

The Sexualization & Exploitation of Women and Young Girls

In the 21st century the sexualization of women and girls saturates western society

(Force, 2007). “Children growing up today are bombarded from a very early age with graphic messages about sex and sexiness in the media in popular culture,” supporting

Giroux (1998) claim of “the disappearing child and the myth of childhood innocence often mirror and support each other” (p. 31). In their book, So Sexy So Soon, Diane Levin and Jean Kilbourne (2008), provided “real-world examples of how childhood is saturated with adult sexuality,” resulting in curiosity about blow jobs by 8-year-olds, and concerns about “sexy” enough by 7-year-olds, and details the barrage of marketing that pushes sexy products at kids, from lingerie Barbie dolls to “pimp squad” T-shirts in toddler

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boys’ sizes” (Durham, 2009, p. 596).The sexualization and exploitation of women are saturated in, but not limited to, “marketing ads, television, movies, and music videos,” resulting in society accepting the degradation of women as an acceptable standard

(Pearson, 2000, p. 12). This section will be framed by three sources for the sexualization of girls which include marketing, child beauty pageants, and toys, as indicated by figure

69.

Child Beauty Toys Marketing Pageants

Figure 70. Organization of Section: Sexualization

Toys

Toy sales are big business, totaling over $21 billion in 2005 (Force, 2007, p. 12;

Ackman, 2006). Cultural model theorists have “argued that marketers present schemas to young people for life events about which they have little experience and which then become cultural models for them” (Force, 2007, p. 12). One of the most popular toys for children, especially of girls, is doll play (Sutton-Smith, 1986). It is therefore of concern when sexualized dolls are marketed to girls (Force, 2007, p. 13). The Barbie doll has been the most “popular and long-standing doll on the market, with research indicating that “99% of 3- to 10-year-olds in the United States own at least one Barbie doll…and

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brings in about $1.5 billion annually” (Dittmar, Halliwell&Ive, 2006, p. 283; Rogers,

1999; Mattel, 2003).

Cofounder of Mattel Creations, Ruth Handler, created the Barbie doll in 1959

(Mattel, 2009-2016). Barbie has “a professional resume thicker than a phonebook, a circle of friends that rival any social network and a community of caring that spans the globe, and continues to find new ways to inspire and encourage the next generation of girls” (Mattel, 2009-2016). However, “Barbie’s body proportions, as a cultural icon of female beauty, have received much criticism (e.g., Brownell, 1991), and empirical studies confirm that her body proportions are unrealistic, unattainable, and unhealthy” and consequently is “contributing to girls struggling to attain an unrealistic body shape resulting in their development of low self-esteem” (Dittmar et al., 2006, p. 284). This is because, according to Social Learning Theory,“children learn through observing and imitating behaviors they see in their environment” (Anschutz &Engles, 2010, p. 621;

Villani 2001). Hence, Barbie’s thin figure is contributing to “the extraordinary prevalence of negative body image which in turn is contributing to unhealthy eating patterns among girls and women” (see figure 285; Dittmar et al., 2006, p. 284;

Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999, particularly when “the media teaches children that obese children have fewer friends, are less liked by their parents, are lazier, and less happy than normal weight children” (Hebl & Heatherton 1998; Hebl &

Turchin 2005; Hill &Silver 1995).

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This attention to body image was found to have effects on very young children. In a study conducted by Dittmar, Halliwell, and Ive (2006) focused on 162 girls between the aged of five years old to eight years old, in order assess if playtime with the Barbie dolls influenced girls’ body image. The girls were exposed to images of either Barbie dolls or the Emme doll, which was created and is equivalent to a size 16 and has been “endorsed by the American Dietetic Association as a healthy role model for young girls” (see figure

71-72; Anschutz &Engels, 2010, p. 622). The control measure was no dolls

Figure 71. Barbie Doll Figure 72.Emme Doll

Figure 71. Retrieved http://www.barbiemedia.com/about-barbie/history.html Figure 72.Retrievedhttp://barbie-negative-effect.blogspot.com/2013/04/barbies- negative-influences-on-young.html

Results from Dittmar et al.’s (2006) study indicated that “girls exposed to Barbie reported lower body esteem and greater desire for a thinner body shape than girls in the other exposure conditions” among the youngest girls (p. 238). In fact, the negative effect of this exposure was evident in girls as young as five and a half, and much more pronounced at

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age six and a half to years old (Dittmar et al., 2006). A study conducted by Anschutz and

Engels (2010), on Dutch girls ages 6-10 years old extends on Dittmar et al.’s (2010) study by aiming to assess if food intake after 10 minutes of play with the thin doll, average-sized doll, or Legos by examining 117 Dutch girls between the ages of 6- to 10- year-old The findings revealed that that “girls who played with the average-sized doll

(Emme doll) ate significantly more food than girls in other exposure conditions (thin doll)” (p. 62). They did not find a correlation between doll play and body image.

Considering the findings from these studies, it is not surprising that for some girls such influences are extremely harmful and result in their developing anorexia. According to Hoek (2006), anorexia nervosa affects about eight per 100, 000 persons per year; however this also remains a silent epidemic as most girls and women with an eating disorder never receive treatment. Surprisingly, and absolutely unnecessary, if “Barbie was a flesh-and-blood woman, her waist would be 39% smaller than that of anorexic patients, and her body weight would be so low that she would not be able to menstruate”

(Dittmar et al., 2006, p. 284; Halliwell&Ive, 2006; Rintala & Mustajoki, 1992). Norton et al. (1996) showed that the probability for such a body shape is less than 1 in 100,000 women” (Anschutz & Engels, 2010, p. 622).

Barbie has influenced some women so much that they are obsessed with looking like a real life Barbie doll. Known for her doll-like appearance, Valeria Lukyanova is a

28-year-old model from the Ukraine, and referred to as Real-Life Barbie (see figure 73).

Valarie “made news when she claimed to have converted to Breatharianism—someone

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who never eats of drinks, saying, “In the recent weeks I have not been hungry at all; I’m hoping it’s the final stage before I can subsist on air and light alone” (viralscope.com).

Figure 73.Valeria Lukyanova: “Real-Life Barbie”

Retrieved http://www.answers.com/article/31024379/remember-the-human-barbie-you- wont-believe-how-she-looks-today?page=2

Not only is inadequate dietary intake a concern, but so are the risks associated cosmetic surgeries; although Valeria claims that she has only had breast augmentation. Others, such as Olga Oleynick and Blondie Bennett have also strived to look like a living doll

(viralscope.com). Cosmetic surgeries are steadily increasing. In 2014, the American

Society of Plastic Surgeons (ASPS) (2014) reported that 15.6 million cosmetic procedures were performed in the U.S., and named the top five procedures as including

(1) breast augmentation (2) nose reshaping (3) liposuction (4) eyelid surgery, and (5) facelift. The fastest growing procedures are buttock implants and lifts (ASPS, 2014).

In 2016, Mattel’ launched a new line of Barbie dolls, the Fashionistas Dolls which features “4 body types- (Curvy, Tall, Petite, Original Barbie)” (see figure 74;

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Barbie.com) which does potentiate a positive change towards socializing girls to adopt a more healthy body image and body weight as an ideal.

Figure 74.Barbie® Fashionistas™ Dolls: Realistic Barbie

Retrieved from https://michelleleighwrites.wordpress.com/2016/02/07/barbie-evolves- mattel-bringing-its-a-game/

Yet, using the lens of Muted Group Theory immediately calls attention to the name Fashionistas and their advertisement which informs consumers that in addition to the doll also coming in “seven skin tones, 22 eye colors, and 24 hairstyles, there are countless on-trend fashions and accessories” for purchase (Barbie.com). This disguises old messages in new packages, which signifies the continuance of the harmful messages and is hallmark strategy of rape culture (androcentric society). The emphasis on accessorizing mirrors the Bratz doll from 2001, which was marketed as The Girls with a

Passion for Fashion. Quickly becoming popular among girls as young as four years old, the Bratz girls are marketed in bikinis, sitting in a hot tub, mixing drinks, and standing around, while the “Boyz” play guitar and stand with their surf boards, poised for action

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(Brown & Lamb, 2005; Lamb & Brown, 2006). Moreover, they “come dressed in sexualized clothing such as miniskirts, fishnet stockings, and feather boas” (see figure 75;

Force, 2007, p. 13).

Figure 75.Bratz Dolls

Retrieved http://www.msn.com/en-us/news/other/are-bratz-dolls-too-sexy/ar-AAcwm6

Critics of the doll “claim that the message that is given to girls through the Bratz dolls is that image is everything…and encourages girls to think about themselves as sexualized objects whose power is equated with dressing provocatively” (Wadyka, 2014).

Isaac Larian, CEO of MGA Entertainment, which manufactures the dolls, argues that only parent see sex in everything, children do not (Wadyka, 2014). However, Susan

Linn, co-founder of the Campaign for a Commercial-Free Childhood (CCFC) strongly believes these dolls are “encouraging little girls to immerse themselves in the preoccupations of adolescence and to go straight from preschool to teenager and skipping over the important development stages that should take place during middle childhood”

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(Wadyka, 2014). Hence, parents must be educated about the harmful messages that can seep into the subconscious of children when they play with these types of toys.

Marketing Ads

Advertisements inform society on a broad scale of western gender role expectations. The female persona is sexually objectified resulting in women being unable to age gracefully in marketing ads as men are (Holland et al., 2005) and acts as a

“distorted mirror’’ for what constitutes beauty, which Baumann (2008) explained includes having a “low body fat, an ample breast size for women, tallness, and a fair complexion for women” (Schubert, 2012, p. 217). The effect on teen girls, according to

Tolman (2002) is that they are “encouraged to look sexy before they even know what it means to be sexual, to have sexual desires, and to make rational and responsible decisions about pleasure” (Force, 2007, p. 2). In magazines marketed to girls the articles, text, cover lines, ads, and photographs are focused on “attracting the attention of boys by looking “hot” and “sexy” (figure 76). Repeated attempts are made, in the form of advice about gaining the attention of men by learning of the perfect hairstyles, cosmetics, clothing, diet, and exercises (McMahon, 1990). As indicated in figure 76, the cover of

Cosmo girl magazine depicts celebrity Mary Kate Olson and promises to provide readers with 476 ways for young girls to be irresistible. This results in girls developing a hyper awareness of society’s expectations for them to be sexual. Moreover, “when males constantly see women in this way, they may wrongly assume that they are interested in sex when they see them objectified as they do” (Sandhu, 2001, p. 260).

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Figure 76. Cosmo Girl Mary Kate Olson

Retrieved http://thatsebpana.blogspot.com/2013/10/teenage-girls-media-here-we-go.html

In 2009 a readership survey that was conducted on four of the most popular magazines: Vogue, Glamour, Cosmopolitan and Maxim, it was determined that young girls comprised a large part of the readership audience (Hearst Corporation, 2011).

Moreover, in the Force’s (2007) analysis of the magazines, they found that almost all of the content was focused on “encouraging self-improvement in order to gain the attention of men” (p. 9). In line with Social Learning Theory, the role of modeling is a critical role in developmental process (Bandura, 1986, 1994). The American Association’s Task

Force for the Sexualization of Girls (2007) proffered that “Girls develop their identities as teenagers and as women, and they learn the socially acceptable ways to engage in intimate relationships by modeling what they see older girls and young women doing

(Bussey & Bandura, 1984, 1992; Lips, 1989) and by imitating the ways in which women are represented in the media (Force, 2007, p. 3; Huston & Wright, 1998).

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The strategies of marketing are to use a framework in which little girls are adultified (trickle up) and where grown women are youthified (trickle down) (Cook &

Kaiser, 2004; Force, 2007, p. 12). Consequently, the distinction between women and girls may become blurred placing young girls at risk for “child molesters, pedophiles, abductors, and others who prey on children in the most obscene ways imaginable”

(Giroux, 1998, p. 33). Figure 77 is an example of the adultification of a six year old girl

(trickle up). “Younger girls imbued with adult sexuality may seem sexually appealing, and this may suggest their sexual availability and status as appropriate sexual objects”

(Force, 2007, p. 2). This also may result “in adults projecting adult motives and an adult level of responsibility and agency on girls” (Force, 2007, p. 34).

Figure 77. Trickle Up: Adultification

Retrieved https://www.pinterest.com/debcoe/sexuality-course/

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The other side of the framework, the trickle-down effect (youthification of women), according to Kilbourne (1999), is achieved by portraying an adult women popular among young teens and preteens in “highly sexualized poses and explicit playing up innocence as sexy” (Force, 2007, p. 12). The Force (2007) provided the example of a

“Sketchers ad featuring Christina Aguilera dressed as a schoolgirl in pigtails, with her shirt unbuttoned, licking a lollipop” as an example of a trickle up advertisement (see figure 77; Force, 2007, p. 12).

Figure 78. Trickle Down: Youthification

Retrieved from http://www.mtv.com/artists/christina-aguilera/

The consequence of these ads is that it reinforces male definitions of femininity which propagates the notion that women are ‘hairless;’ no facial hair, no hair on arms or legs, or under arm”…And, although women “are aware that the male definition is not accurate, they tend to contribute towards preserving the male illusion” (Spender, 1980, p. 92). This

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is evident by and has contributes to the high rate at which women purchase “cosmetics, weight reduction procedures, and other beauty-aid industries” such as plastic surgery, laser hair removal in order to “youthify” themselves to maintain male defined norms

(Giroux, 1989). Hence, “the sexualization of girls may not only reflect sexist attitudes, a societal tolerance of sexual violence, and the exploitation of girls and women, but may also contribute to these phenomena” (Force, 2007, p. 2).

The American Psychological Association Task Force on the Sexualization of

Girls (2007) posited that many girls internalize the objectification of women resulting in their developing a preoccupation with the way they look, and may “prioritize certain rewards (male attention) over other rewards (academic accomplishment), thus limiting their occupational opportunities” (p. 32). This in turn, was proffered by David (2014) to be contributing to the prevalence of “depression, low-self-esteem, body shame, eating disorders, chronic stress, diminished academic and job performance, and more” (p. 195;

Szymanski, Carr, & Moffitt, 2011). This internalization was found by Slater and

Tiggemann (2016) to begin in girls as young as six years old (figure 79). Moreover, “girls police each other to ensure conformance with ideals of thinness and sexiness (Nitcher,

2000; Eder, 1995), and teenage girls will seek revenge by negatively sexualizing girls whom they perceive as a threat (e.g., by labeling them as sluts)” (p. 16; Brown, 2003).

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Figure 79. Anorexia Nervosa

Retrieved http://www.psych2go.net/mental-illness-recovery-series-story-69/

At the same time, women are caught in a double-bind due to society’s sexualization of women and the limits it places on their career aspirations and the respect they receive from others in the workforce as a result. According to the Force (2007), many women seek to pursue careers in modeling and fashion as a result of the sexualization that women have been socialized to view as normal; in turn, for women that want to pursue male-identified careers will have to give up a sexy image which women have become accustomed to upholding, and consequently, may be perceived as less competent in their positions because of their gender (Glick et al., 2005). Therefore, women are powerless in either case, making a direct link to the face of powerless in the

Five Faces of Oppression framework (Faces of Women’s Oppression).

Child Beauty Pageants

Eder (1982) and Eder and Parker (1987) explored children and gendered norms and found that among the many differences, with girls' activities (e.g., cheerleading)

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fostering emotional management, glamour, and a concern with appearance” (Adler et al.,

1992, p. 170). Consequently, “the pageantry industry represents a billion-dollar-a-year industry, with sponsors such as Proctor and Gamble, Black Velvet, and Hawaiian

Tropics, and with more than 3,000 pageants held in the United States each year” (Giroux,

1998, p. 39) and three million of the U.S. children participating in pageants in 2011

(Wolfe, 2012). Hence, “pageants are a lucrative business, with promoters able to rake in as much $100,000 on each event…and for supporting industries such as costume designers, grooming consultants, interview coaches, photographers, and publishers”

(Giroux, 1998, p. 40).

Many fear, including feminists, that “child beauty pageants are teaching children at a young age that fake beauty is more important than natural beauty” (Hartford, Pettit,

& King, 2012; CNN, Henson, 2011). Yet, viewers of all ages have been captivated to watch as a variety of colorful pageant parents (mostly moms) try to transform their young children (mostly girls) into pageant princesses, teaching them to dance on stage in tiny sequined outfits, pumping them full of sugar and energy drinks, and adorning them with spray tans, fake hairpieces, and plenty of makeup (see figure 80; Wolfe, 2012). V.J.

LaCour, publisher of Pageant Life, stated that “many parents have resorted to makeup and other “extreme” measures because they are trying to get a competitive edge” (Giroux,

1989, p. 42).

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Figure 80. Fake Beauty in Child Beauty Pageants

Retrieved fromhttp://childbeautypageantscons.blogspot.com/

Moreover, the costumes that very young children are dressed in are not age appropriate

(Hartford, Pettit, & King, 2012). For example, in 2009, the television network The

Learning Channel (TLC) first aired the television show, Toddlers and Tiaras. The television show has been very controversial due to the sexualization of young girls, as even girls as young as three are dressed in full glitz makeup, expensive dresses, and bikinis. In 2011, TLC received extreme backlash when one parent dressed her three year old daughter, Paisley as the prostitute that actress Julia Roberts played in the movie,

Pretty Woman (see figure 81; CNN, Henson, 2011). The Parents defended their decisions by believing the child is too young to know what the costume symbolizes (CNN, Henson,

2011). While the outfit caused an outrage, mother of three-year-old Paisley told People magazine she believed her daughter's look was tasteful and funny (Hartford, Pettit, &

King, 2012).

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Figure 81. Toddlers and Tiaras’ Paisley as Pretty Woman

Retrieved from https://papundits.files.wordpress.com/2011/09/pretty-woman-hooker- toddlers-tiaras.jpg

This is the adultification of a child described previously. Yet, the adultification of children is not a new phenomenon. Shirley Temple was perhaps the most highly sexualized and exploited child actresses in the 1930s; entertainment geared for adult men.

Consider Charles Lamont's “War Babies (1932), which is one of a series of eight short films referred to as the Baby Burlesks, where “children in diapers acting out creepily grown-up plots” (Alter, 2014), This was a film spoofing the film, World War I film, What

Price Glory? but the cast are all toddlers; on a platoon of U.S soldiers who visit a

French tavern called Buttermilk Pete's Café, that serves milk in place of alcohol

(Warmoth, 2009). The film stars three year old Shirley Temple playing a prostitute.

Shirley says things like “I’m expensive” and the tot-soldiers call her “baby” (Warmoth,

2009). She totes a purse full of suckers, “that the men have paid her for her affections”

(see figure 82-83; Paghat the Ratgirl, 2016). She has a main tot-soldier with whom she calls “mon cher Capitan,” but provides affections to other customers (Warmoth, 2009). In

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one scene, two tot-soldiers vie for her French affection as they gulp down milk pints and offer her lollipops; the winner is taken to the VIP room, and returns shortly after with a safety pin pulled from Temple's diaper (Warmoth, 2009) symbolizing the soldier received her affections. Shirley Temple also performs burlesque-dancing for the tot- soldiers, where she gyrates and the film producers have sped up to enhance her sexy dancing (see figures84; Warmoth, 2009).

Figure 82. Figure 83.

Figure 84.

Figure 82-84. 1932 Film: War Babies, in Baby Burlesk Series

Retrieved from http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0023669/

The only difference from her experience and current times is the amount of exposure and mediums by which allow the exploitation of girls and women. The

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sexualization and exploitation of young girls in beauty pageants begins at age three, the same age that Shirley Temple was in the Baby Burlesk series. In her book, Shirley

Temple Black (2011) says that the series was indeed exploitation. Yet, many pageants parents defend them by saying that pageants help build their children’s confidence and self-esteem. However, feminists argue that “self-esteem in this context is being defined in a very narrow standard of autonomy… and embraces a gender code that rewards little girls for their looks, submissiveness, and sex appeal” (Giroux, 1989, p. 41). Giroux

(1989) proffered that what a child is really learning from child beauty pageants is “how to see herself and mediate her relationship to society when her sense of worth is defined largely through a notion of beauty that is one-dimensional and demeaning” (p. 42). In fact, while parents defend their decisions, what follow are some just some of the lessons the little girls on the show Toddlers and Tiaras are learning

Mother: It doesn’t matter if you can breathe or not. It only matters if you look

beautiful.

Girl 1: My mom tells me if I eat too much.

Girl 2: I’ll be fat I don't see the problem with that.

Girl 3: When I get older I want a cat that's pretty.

Girl 4: When I take off my glasses I turn into a beauty queen.

Girl 5: Facial beauty is the most important thing in the world.

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(Retrieved from http://english102culturalcritique.blogspot.com/2015/04/toddlers-and- tiaras-takes-toll-on.html).

The American Psychological Association Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls

(2007) was charged with examining the psychological theory, research, and clinical experience addressing the sexualization of girls via media and other cultural messages, including the impact of these messages on girls. The report states that sexualization occurs when anyone of four conditions is present:

(1) a person’s value comes only from his or her sexual appeal or behavior, to the

exclusion of other characteristics;

(2) a person is held to a standard that equates physical attractiveness (narrowly

defined) with being sexy;

(3) a person is sexually objectified — that is, made into a thing for others’ sexual

use, rather than seen as a person with the capacity for independent action and

decision making; and/or

(4) sexuality is inappropriately imposed upon a person, which children fall in.

They clarify that while anyone can be sexualized, when children are imbued with adult sexuality, it is often imposed upon them rather than chosen by them,” hence making the fourth condition extremely applicable to children (Force, 2007). Parents should take heed that while pageants may be attractive as a result of the sparkle and glamour that comes with them, the early and overemphasized attention is possibly causing irreparable harm.

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Cultural Myths that Justify and Legitimize Rape

Mythologizing is a timeless practice that strongly influences human behavior today. Cultural myths about rape are prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victim-survivors, and rapists that are widely and persistently held (McMahon, 2010, p. 3). This is the result of categorization, which is the human tendency to classify and organize constructs of daily life (Gibbon, 1999, p.170). Burt (1980) was the first to suggest that rape myths are an outgrowth of a rape culture (androcentric society).

Consequently, rape myths have been the main focus of research by scholars examining a rape culture (androcentric society) (Armstrong et al., 2006; Koss et al., 1985; Malamuth,

1983; McMahon, 2007; Mulliken, 2004). These attitudes blame women for their assaults, a phenomenon known as ‘victim-blaming’ and excuses perpetrators behavior by absolving them from the guilt, shame, embarrassment, and revulsion that would normally accompany a moral transgression” (Wegner et al., 2015; Bandura et al., 1996; Snyder &

Higgins, 1998; Ward, Hudson & Marshall, 1995). Rape myths have “been institutionalized in law and deeply engrained in lay people and professionals, and serve to deny or to minimize perceived injury” (Burt, 1980, p. 217). Rape myths allow for the switching of the meanings of victim and perpetrator (Swauger, Witham & Shinberg,

2013), resulting in victims being blamed for their own victimization” (Burt, 1980, p. 217) while legitimizing, and even justifying men’s sexual aggression (Brownmiller, 1975).

Rape supportive attitudes embedded in their socialization, normalizes both the sexualization and sexual harassment of women as acceptable standards of behavior

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(Burnett, et al., 2009). Rape myth endorsement has been consistently associated with sexually aggressive behaviors in community and college student populations (Lonsway&

Fitzgerald, 1995; Tatum & Foubert, 2009, p. 196). Moreover, males pledging fraternities/sororities, athletes, those without previous rape education, and those that did not know a person who had been sexually assaulted were more likely to ascribe to rape myths (McMahon, 2010).

Although myths are widely held but mostly false (Burt, 1980), they do not change beliefs entirely, but rather serve to layer meanings which can convolute values all together (Reed, 2015). Myths about sexual activity and assault have a long standing role in justifying violence against women, resulting in there being great stigma associated with being a victim of sexual violence (Herek, Gillis, & Cogan, 2015), which inhibits

95% college women from reporting their assault to the police (Burnett, 2009). An example of a rape myth that serves to justify violence is in Donald Trump’s tweet on May

2013 about the prevalence of sexual assault in the military and as displayed in figure 85.

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Figure 85. Donald Trump on Military Sexual Assaults

Retrieved http://cracked.tumblr.com/post/83245107681/in-which-we-salute-a-man-whose-every- tweet-feels

This is an outrageous statement, let alone made by someone that was elected president of the United States. Donald Trump’s thinking embodies Gottfredson and Hirschi’s (1990)

Self-Control Theory discussed in the introduction of this chapter, and which posits that sexual violence occurs when men’s sexual urges cannot be controlled, and therefore, they are not responsible for their behaviors which then places the women as responsible or to be blamed when a sexual assault occurs (Polaschek & Ward, 2002). This means that women should expect to be sexually assaulted if they join the military, since men cannot control themselves. Not surprising, a loss of self-control was one of the most common excuses made by sex offenders in a study conducted by Wegner et al. (2009), in addition to others. In this context, and hearing Donald Trump himself admitting to sexual assaulting women, it is even less surprising that he would tweet such an ignorant statement, as in his own words he said, “I can’t help himself. I am instantly attracted to beautiful women. I just start kissing them” And although he argued that he has

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tremendous respect for women, time and time again his behavior towards women contradicts that statement.

This section on rape myths will be framed by three myths that will be delineated and include the purity myth, the blitz scenario of rape, and alcohol consumption that legitimize rape. These themes and the order, in which they are discussed, are depicted in figure 85. However first, the federal law definition of consent, sexual assault, and rape are presented in table 1.

Alcohol: The The Blitz Ulitmimate The Purity Myth Scenario of Rape Legitimizing Agent

Figure 86. Organization: Cultural Myths

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Table 1. Federal Law Definitions

Consent

A freely given agreement to the conduct at issue by a competent person. An expression of lack of consent through words or conduct means there is no consent.

Sexual Assault

Touching, or causing another person to touch, directly or through the clothing, the genitalia, anus, groin, breast, inner thigh, or buttocks of any person, with an intent to abuse, humiliate, or degrade any person without consent

Rape

1) uses unlawful force against that other person; (2) uses force causing/likely to cause death or grievous bodily; (3) threatens/places another in fear a person will be subjected to death; (4) first rendering that other person unconscious; (5) administering by force/threat of force, or substance without consent

(10 U.S. Code § 920 - Art. 120).

The Purity Myth

A girl’s virginity is a major concern of people as the “loss of virginity has been almost universally recognized as an important rite of passage, comprising part of the transition from childhood to adult” (Carpenter, 2001, p. 127). Consequently, the range of attitudes about a girl’s virginity can span from extremely strict regard for virginity until marriage as a result of Puritan based religion, to an erotic obsession for sexual predators.

It is these extremes that will be discussed. First the former will be examined, followed by examination of the latter. For Christianity, morality has so often been identified almost

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exclusively with sexual behavior, while the consequences of other Deadly Sins (pride, covetousness, anger, gluttony, envy, sloth) have often been viewed comparatively light”

(Grey, 1993, p. 21). Within the U.S., notions about the meaning of virginity loss—rooted in Christina tradition venerating virginity (Aries, 1995), implied purity and innocence from sexual experience and desire, and was seen as a natural and necessary state for unmarried women (Carpenter, 2001, p. 128; Nathanson, 1991; Welter, 1983). “In the

Hebrew social order, virgin maidens were bought and sold in marriage for fifty pieces of silver. Hence, “a daughter’s uninterrupted hymen was a piece of property the father wholly owned and controlled” (Brownmiller, 1993, p. 19-20). This means a girl either lived at home with her father, or was living with her lawful husband. Rape myths are evident by the following account by Brownmiller (1993). “If a girl was raped within the walls of the city, she was stoned to death with the man that raped her, for she surely could have screamed. If she was raped in the fields, the elders conceded no one could hear her; if she lost her virginity to rape, the man was ordered to pay fifty pieces of silver and to marry the girl” (Brownmiller, 1993, 20).

This calls into question the most famous rape story involving the mother of Jesus.

If rape would ensure death for the women, of course Mary would claim to bear the son of

God through an Immaculate Conception or she be stoned to death. It is my belief that this is a religious myth that is intended to oppress women. Yet, I am not alone. In her book titled, Alone of All Her Sex. The Myth and the Cult of the Virgin Mary, Marina Warner

(1976) “explores the Marian cult through myth, art and literature, theological debate,

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Jungian psychoanalytical thought, and feminist theory” (Collard, 1977, p. 920). The

Virgin emerges as a social force of immense complexity which determines assumptions and attitudes just as she is determined by them. The symbolism of ancient fertility cults was assimilated into the various images of Mary, but underwent a process of spiritualization to accommodate the Christian doctrine of life hereafter (Collard, 1977):

Mary's virginity, Immaculate Conception, and Assumption interlock with older

versions of parthenogenesis but became dogma only after the Church found a way

of identifying Mary with its concept of wholeness. Mary as the "purified" face of

Eve embodies the stereotype of the eternal feminine in her subservient role to

man. …as a symbol of the ideal woman, Mary has been used as an instrument of

oppression (Marina Warner, 1976).

Collard (1977) explains that the “Immaculate Conception is a hoax made possible by the political genius of Rome. The Church endorsed the Virgin Birth to achieve religious unification and save itself, in the fourth century, from the impending disaster of heretical invasions. The strength and popularity of coexisting goddess-worship cults facilitated its assimilation” (p. 920). The story of the Virgin Mary was solely used to benefit men and

“oppress women, e.g., the down-trodden wives and mothers of Spain, Italy, and Ireland, and its very concept is harmful to healthy sexuality” (Carroll, 1978, p. 102). I would contest, as others have, that if a woman’s virginity and abstinence of sex outside of marriage was such as concern of God, then how come he made little effort to protect girls’ hymens or the honor of women? In Exodus 20:2-17, God gives Moses stone tablets

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etched with Ten Commandments for man to follow (Brownmiller, 1993, p. 19), with the following commands:

2 “I am the LORD your God, who brought you out of Egypt, out of the land of slavery.

3 “You shall have no other gods before me.

4 “You shall not make for yourself an image in the form of anything in heaven

above or on the earth beneath or in the waters below57 “You shall not

misuse the name of the LORD your God…

8 “Remember the Sabbath day by keeping it holy. 9 Six days you shall labor and

10 do all your work, but the seventh day is a Sabbath to the LORD your

God. …

12 “Honor your father and your mother…

13 “You shall not murder.

14 “You shall not commit adultery.

15 “You shall not steal.

16 “You shall not give false testimony against your neighbor.

17 “You shall not covet your neighbor’s house. You shall not covet your

neighbor’s wife, or his male or female servant, his ox or donkey, or

anything that belongs to your neighbor” (New International Version).

None of these prohibit rape (Brownmiller, 1993). Without such mentions or protections from God, girls and women are left to fend for themselves and risk the shame associated with both the loss of their virginity to rape, and the loss of their virginity willingly.

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Consequently, women are burdened with the construct of their purity in the eyes of God, but men’s role within either of these scenarios is faded into the background.

Male obsession and conquest. The fascination and obsession with virginity has been the muse of romance literature and film, as well as is a feature of pornographic films

(i.e. Barely Legal), that maintain patriarchal interest (The wrath of blog). For example, in

Louis Malle’s 1978 film Pretty Baby, a partly fictionalized drama “set during the final weeks of legal prostitution in Storyville, New Orleans (The wrath of blog). The film stars

Susan Sarandon who plays Hattie, and eleven year old Brooke Shields, who plays Violet,

Hattie’s twelve year old “virgin” daughter who was raised in a brothel and groomed to be the star attraction (The wrath of blog). When Brooke Shields turns twelve and is barely prepubescent, she is filmed and photographed completely nude (Artt, 2000). In the beginning of the film, Violet is dressed in “her nightgown or frilly dress” and then slowly, by shadowing her mother (with whom she referred to Violet as her sister) learns the art of seducing a man, and then is transformed into “bloomers, camisole and stockings, an ensemble worn by many of the other prostitutes” (see figure 87-88; Artt,

2000, p. 38).

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Figure 87. Grooming Phase Figure 88. Transformation Process

Retrieved http://rarevintage.blogspot.com/2011/06/weekend-reading-14-pretty- babybrooke.html

After the grooming phase is deemed complete, the brothel Madam Nell Livingston decides it’s time that Violet’s virginity is auctioned off to the highest bidder. “As if it were her first communion, Violet is dressed in white, and brought out on a platter with sparklers, as the final course of a dinner for the brothel’s preferred clients” (figure 89); the bidding started at $150 and she is sold “to the man with $400 in cash” (figure 90;

Artt, 2000, p. 37).

Figure 89.A Virgin Auction Figure 90. Sold To Highest Bidder

Figure 89-90. Retrieved http://cinemademerde.com/Pretty_Baby.shtml

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They go upstairs, and true to her training she pours them both a drink and says, “I hope you’ll be real gentle with me, being my first time and all.” The man needs no drink, with sexual hunger in his eyes, the camera goes to outside the door where it depicts two little girls listening, curious of how Violet’s first time will be, as they know they are next in line next to be the star attraction. A scream is heard at the moment the man takes the girl’s virginity. After the man is satisfied, he goes down the stairs and leaves. The brothel women run upstairs to check on Violet. When they reach the room, they find Violet naked and laying face down, and appearing to have been murdered; the women debate about whether they should call the police or not (figure 91; Artt, 2000). However, within moments Violet stops faking, and begins crying and laughing all at the same time. They hold her and tell her she is now a woman, one of them now, as she went through the transformational experience and pain that all of the women raised in the brothel had experienced before (see figure 92).

Figure 91. After Losing Her Virginity Figure 92. Violet is Now a Woman

Figure 90-91. Retrieved https://uk.pinterest.com/pin/336995984599105313/ http://60s-70s-little-queenies.blogspot.com/2015/01/far-west-girls.html

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While this example is a movie, it captures society’s fascination with young girls and taking their virginity. Likewise, it exemplified how despite her being a very young girl, once she was no longer a virgin she immediately was seen differently by the women.

Effects in a rape culture (androcentric society). Although society is fascinated with both the preservation of a girl’s virginity and the conquest of being the one with whom a girl loses her virginity to, once a girl’s virginity is lost society views them differently. In fact, there is a divide between the conquest to get a girl’s virginity, and how she is defined during and after due to stereotypes of how women should behave sexually. Women are stereotyped as naturally passive and lacking sexual agency, while at the same time constructing their bodies as inherently sexual and tempting (Dodge, 2016, p. 74; Friedman & Valenti, 2008). Social Script Theory posits that these stereotypes become deeply engrained and form what is referred to as “sexual scripts,” which are cognitive models that people use to guide and evaluate social and sexual interactions

(Turchik, et al., 2010). In patriarchal society, the dominant sexual script is one that accepts that males are dominant, aggressive, and entitled, while women are to be subordinate and passive and lead to the normalization of men setting the pace for sexual activity and the use of coercion when a woman is not eagerly compliant (Turchik, et al.,

2010).

At the same time, women are expected to determine how far sexual relations will go (Simon & Gagnon 1984, p. 53), and must assume the moral and social responsibility of taming men’s “naturally aggressive” behavior of men in interpersonal relations and by

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restricting their own movements and behavior” (Swauger et al., 2013, p. 629). “Women that do assert sexuality and agency, or wear revealing clothing, are often regarded as

“rape material” (Dodge, 2016, p. 74; Burt, 1980). In fact, Littleton (2014) found that these factors, as well as “having consensual sexual relationships with one or more partners outside of a committed relationship, and having had previous consensual encounter with an individual, make these women acceptable targets for sexual advances and regard any sexual refusal from them as not genuine” (p. 298). Turchik, et al. (2010) conducted a study focusing on 339 undergraduate women’s experience of sexual assault over the course of eight weeks to evaluate if they could predict sexual assault based on rape scripts. The results revealed that non-forceful resistance, women with less control over the situation, the assault happening outdoors, knowing the perpetrator a short time, and a past assault occurring in adolescence was were predictive of victimization

(Turchik, et al., 2010). Past victimization has been found to be the strongest predictor of subsequent assaults because they have delayed risk recognition and/or respond less assertively (Turchik, et al., 2010).

The most vulnerable age group for sexual assault among college women are those aged 18-24 (Polsluszny, 2015, p. 50) because they are “living in an environment that juxtaposes the abuse of alcohol, casual sex, the objectification of women, and a culture that celebrates hegemonic masculinity” (Branch & Richards, 2013, p. 659; Armstrong et al., 2006; Cass 2007; DeKeseredy& Kelly, 1993; Fisher et al., 2000; Koss et al., 1987).

Moreover, it is a generational norm to hookup, which is casual sex without expectation of

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a committed relationship (Glenn & Marquardt, 2001; Paul & Hayes, 2002). This can blur the lines between consensual sexual activity and sexual assault (Wegner et al., 2015), as well as result in the woman being labeled a “whore” and the male as a “stud.” Again, this is directly linked with Muted Group Theory, which maintains women’s oppression and therefore linked to Faces of Women’s Oppression.

The Blitz Scenario of Rape

Returning to theorizing about rape, Social Script Theory posits that “sexual scripts are a metaphor for conceptualizing behavior within social life,” and therefore, are “social rules for sexual conduct that are learned and deeply engrained” (Simon & Gagnon 1984, p. 53). Many women do not label their sexual assault experiences as “rape” because they hold a blitz notion of rape (Branch & Richards, 2013). This is rape culture’s disguise, and is the stereotype of how society at large has conceptualizes a rape as when a woman is attacked by a stranger, who threatens her with physical violence outdoors and at night

(Burnett et al., 2009). When in reality, nine out of ten rapes that are reported are perpetrated by someone the victim knew (Branch & Richards, 2013); “the most common locations are the woman’s or man’s home (this includes dormitory rooms, apartments, fraternities, sororities and parents’ homes) in the context of a date or party (Abbey, 2001, p. 119); and the sexual assault that occur most often involve “no weapons, low-levels of physical force and injury, and occur under the influence of substances” (Turchick et al.,

2009, pp. 76-77). Brownmiller (1975) was the first to coin this type of rape as dating rape, but has since also been labeled acquaintance rape.

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Research by “Koss and her colleagues (Koss, 1988; Koss et al., 1987) suggested that college men report rates lower than college women do because many men view the woman’s non-consent as vague, ambiguous or insincere and convince themselves that their forcefulness was normal seduction not rape” (Abbey, 2001, p. 119). This is reminiscent of a male-specific sexual script. Individuals often develop post hoc excuses or justifications to explain morally reprehensible behaviors, making them highly prone to recommitting acts of violence or rape (Wegner et al., 2015; Snyder & Higgins, 1988).

Yet, male perpetrators fare better than victims in the legal system.

In the legal system, cases involving sexual assault by a stranger were more likely to be believed and charges filed by prosecution (Du Mont &Parnis, 2006). “Even among cases documenting the presence of ano-genital injury or biological evidence such as semen matching the accused, less than one-third were retained in the system to proceed to trial” (Koss, 2006, p. 214). The ideal case for prosecutors was delineated by Dignan

(2005) as: when the victim-survivor has little-to-no-relationship with the offender, behaved in no way suggestive of mal-intent, and the sexual encounter only occurred once and the offender was clearly of poor character, and there are visible signs of bodily harm

(as cited in Koss, 2006, p. 212). In contrast, Estrich (1987) asserted that “prosecution rarely occurred if the victim-survivor and offender were intimates, even if they had just met that evening” (as cite in Koss, 2006, p. 212). Moreover, “moderate-to-severe documented physical injuries to the head, neck, or face, attempted strangulation, and fractures were the strongest predictors of positive prosecutorial outcomes” (Koss, 2006,

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p.212). This is indicative of law enforcement and the legal system has ascribed to the

‘blitz rape’ scenario.

Alcohol: The Ultimate Legitimizing Rape Agent

One of the most common rape myths surrounds the use of alcohol, which has been found as legitimizing rape-agents for men (Littleton, 2014). On average, at least

50% of college students’ sexual assaults are associated with alcohol use, and among college students who know each other only casually and who spent time together at a party or bar (Abbey, 2001, p. 119; Abbey et al., 1996a, 1998; Copenhaver and

Grauerholz, 1991; Harrington & Leitenberg, 1994; Presley et al., 1997). Conservative scholars such as Meyer (2010) argue that rape occurring while under the influence of alcohol is indicative of a “female drinking problem, and not a problem of male sexual violence” (p. 19). Yet, no one scrutinizes male drinking in sexual assault complaints.

Abbey (2002) found that “many college men perceive women who drink in bars as being sexually promiscuous and results in their justifying their regard for them as appropriate targets for sexual aggression” (p. 121; Kanin, 1985; Martin & Hummer,

1989). Moreover, George et al. (1995) found that when women are drinking men often infer greater levels of sexual intent compared to when they are not drinking. In fact, “a recent study of college students revealed that 63% of students believed it was acceptable for a guy to persuade a woman to have sex with them, and 41% agreed that if a women was drunk when she was raped she was partially responsible” (Wegner et al., 2015, p.

1020; Aronowitz, Lambert, & Davidoff, 2012). Some “perpetrators purposefully get

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someone so drunk that they pass out and can easily be assaulted. This is using alcohol with the intent to harm, and is sometimes called “target rape,” rather than the more common term “date rape” because of the way alcohol is used with sole purpose of sexually assaulting someone” (Rosenfeld, 2015).

Conversely, alcohol use by men actually benefits them as perpetrators of sexual violence or socially inappropriate behaviors as more likely to “blame it on the alcohol” afterward and largely get away with it (Abbey et al., 2001; Dermen & Cooper, 1994; Seto

& Barbaree, 1995). One of the most recent cases involving alcohol that caught the nation’s attention was that of Brock Turner, a freshman student and athlete at Stanford

University and who sexually assaulted freshman water polo player, Lauren Samantha

Norheim at a Kappa Alpha fraternity party on January 17, 2015 (Truesdell et al., 2016).

The assault was discovered by two graduate students who witnessed Brock in the act, while Lauren was unconscious behind a dumpster outside the fraternity house, (see figures 93; Truesdell et al., 2016).

Figure 93. Stanford Swimmer, Brock Turner

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Retrieved fromhttps://bonnierussell.wordpress.com/2016/04/10/good-news-raped- college-ladies-two-men-stopped-an-in-progress-rape/brock-turner-stanford/

In court, Brock Turner pled not guilty, but was found guilty of three felony counts of sexual assault. Brock Turner himself blamed Stanford’s party culture of “binge drinking and sexual promiscuity as responsible for his actions and sought leniency

(Truesdell et al., 2016). Brock Turner also showed narcissism, as he said he thought

Lauren was into him at the party. Lauren responded that she did like him, but did not want to be assaulted by him. To add fuel to outrage, Brock Turner’s father became the center of attention when he tweeted on Twitter that “the punishment hardly seemed fair for 20 minutes of action” (Truesdell et al., 2016). In the end, Brock Turner served just three months for these charges while his victim received a life-time sentence as a result of the trauma. Stanford expelled him, and enacted a new policy banning hard liquor at fraternity parties. However, it does not mean that college students will not consume hard alcohol prior to attending a part. When athletes and or fraternity members are not held accountable for their behaviors, Sandhu (2001) proffered he learns this to be acceptable behavior, which is even promoted and praises within the boundaries of the sport (p. 97).

The myths delineated here are only three of the many that serve to institutionalize sexual assault. Unfortunately, as the next section on institutionalization of sexual assault will exemplify, myths harm women who have been sexually assaulted, and the legal inaction of the courts makes sexual violence a silent systemic epidemic indeed.

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Rape as Function of Systemic Oppression

The law and the legal processes serve as both “a means of social control and a vehicle for social transformation” (Tong, 1984, p. 3). When punishments for violating the law are severe and the public is strongly against a sanctioned behavior, they serve to deter others from violating the law (Nevarez & Woods, 2014). Rape laws have had a customary preoccupation with penetration, and are a reflection of a man’s persistent desire to maintain exclusive control over women’s vagina so that his need to be the “sole physical instrument governing impregnation, progeny and inheritance rights” is met

(Tong, 1989, p. 92). This results in a huge gray area with respect to the wide range of unwanted sexual encounters that subsequently leave the women with no recognized recourse. “Women who reported their sexual assaults to authorities often labeled their treatment by the system as “a second rape” (Abbey, 2001, p. 119).

According to Koss (2006), laws are only potentially effective if a sexual assault complaint is taken seriously by law enforcement, the prosecution, and the jury (Koss,

2006). As mentioned previously, the Salem Witchcraft Trial had a lot to do with modern

American courts, in a justice system that operates on the motto: “it is better for a hundred guilty people to escape conviction than for one person to be wrongly found guilty”

(Hoffer, 1997, p. ix). This contributes to the silent epidemic of sexual assault. This will be discussed in the next section. Consequently, “the law has not been corrected effectively and the protection against rape is virtually as weak and restricted as it was in

1950” (Smith, 2005). Hence, “women are at risk of sexual assault in all areas of life

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without genuine recourse to legal protection of their basic interest in bodily integrity”

(Koss, 2006, p. 95). Perhaps this is a great example of where Brookfield’s (2014)

English phrase “mustn’t grumble” or America’s “that’s life” comes into play and is a gravely honest depiction of women as a Muted Group. Figure 93 displays the organization of the remainder of this section.

The Silent Reframing The Marginalization Systemic Victim and of Trauma Epidemic Offender

Figure 94. Organization: Rape as Function of Systemic Oppression

The Silent Systemic Epidemic

The mythologizing and stigmatizing of women and sexual assault victims, as previously delineated, are responsible for the low rate at which these crimes are reported to the police (Johnson-Quay, 2015), making this a silent epidemic. Consequently, the rate if reporting by women in the general population is 16% (Koss, 2006), while the rate for college women is just 5% (Burnett, et al., 2009). Also, “being embarrassed, fearing they would not be believed, questioning whether the police could or would do something, or considered the assault too minor to report” are contributors for this silence (Koss, 2006, p. 210). “Reporting was significantly less common if the victim-survivor and offender knew each other in any way or were drinking, even when the sexual assault was observed by a third party” (Koss, 2006, p. 210).

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When victim-survivors do disclose their assaults and interact with the social world, they are given both explicit and implicit messages about how they should make sense of their assaults and apportion of blame” (Campbell et al., 2009, p. 227). Post- sexual assault victims are “shamed, blamed and stigmatized for not responding to sexual violence in ways society believes someone that has been raped should respond” (Koss,

2006, p. 210). According to Van Der Kolk (2014), this is not uncommon; in fact, victim- survivors’ responses actually present on a continuum. Under extreme conditions people may scream or they may sit mute and frozen. This is because, according to Van Der Kolk

(2014), “trauma by nature drives humans to the edge of comprehension, cutting us off from languages based on common experience or an imaginable past” (p. 43).

Conversely, when sexual assaults are reported, victims are not guaranteed justice, as police officer’s perceptions about the believability of victims’ report of rape significantly influence subsequent steps. According to studies conducted in Australia,

New Zealand, and the United States indicated that as many as “70% of police officers conducting investigations believed the claims made were false" (Koss, 2006, p. 210;

Campbell & Johnson, 1997; Jordon, 2004). In cases that do proceed to trial, it is a common practice of defense attorneys to portray the victims in a negative light, in order to “establish a motive to lie and bring about false charges such as “litigating his/her character, conduct, and mental health” and highlighting inconsistencies between the actual experience of the victims and the “fixed set of behaviors that are believed to be consistent with rape trauma including hysteria, torn clothes, and other indicators of

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resistance” (Koss, 2006, p. 213; Bublick, 2006). Consequently, it is in large part due to the common use of these tactics that deter prosecutors from moving forward with the case, particularly when they deem the alleged victims to either have a less than clean past, or believe they will crumble under the pressure and verbal assaults from the defense

(Koss, 2006). As a result, “rape convictions have declined steadily in virtually every country over the past 30 years” (Koss, 2006, p. 213). Some misdemeanor sexual assaults,

“are resolved by a field arrest, which is the equivalent process to receiving a traffic ticket” (Koss, 2006, p. 211). According to California Law, depending upon the severity of the assaults, the perpetrator may be charged with either misdemeanor sexual battery or felony sexual battery with the possible ramifications:

For misdemeanor convictions, the defendant may receive up to six months in

county jail, a fine up to the amount of $2,000 (or $3,000 if the defendant was the

victim’s employer), or both. For felony convictions, the defendant may receive a

range of consequences which may include: up to a year of imprisonment in

county jail, a fine up to $ 2,000, or both. Other conviction possibilities include

imprisonment in state prison for two, three, or four years, as well as a fine up to

$10,000 (California Law).

This, combined with the data which reveal few cases are convicted, is an indication that the law is currently written to serve the interest in men and offenders; with property laws often stricter than rape laws (Smith, 2005). It is the vague definitions and range of

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possible penalties that serve to protect offenders like Stanford swimmer, Brock Turner, and exemplifies this injustice clearly.

The nation was outraged in June of 2016, when Santa Clara County Superior

Court Judge, Aaron Persky only sentenced Brock Turner to six months in the county jail and three years of probation for crimes that carried a 14 year potential prison sentence

(see figure 95-96). The judge, who received immense backlash for such a sentence, defended the sentence by saying that Brock Turner had no prior criminal charges

(Truesdell et al., 2016). His public defender also defended the sentence by saying “it will literally last for the rest of his life, referring to his sex offender registry requirements

(Truesdell et al., 2016). Because of the half-sentences that are embedded in these sentences, Brock Turner served just three months for these assaults, while his victim received a potential life sentence as a result of the trauma.

Figure 95. Brock Turner Arrest Photo Figure 96. Judge Aaron Persky

Figure 94. Retrieved http://www.cnn.com/2016/09/01/us/brock-turner-release/ Figure 95. Retrievedhttp://www.sfgate.com/news/article/Brock-Turner-judge- speaks-out-for-first-time-9197586.php

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This makes a connection to Muted Group Theory, since the laws were largely written by men and ways that mute women and benefit the offender. For example,

Proposition 57 was proposed by Governor Jerry Brown in the 2016 election and passed, which presents a new opportunity for those found guilty of sexual assault to evade completing their full sentence, which is extremely unjust for sexual assault victims. This is because although sexual violence encompasses a range of unwanted behaviors of a sexual nature (rape, trafficking or exploitation, incest, child sexual abuse, stalking, harassment, intimate partner violence, and unwanted contact) (Heise, 2011), not all sexually violent behaviors that fall within these categories of violence are regarded as violent crimes. Instead, many behaviors that lead to misdemeanor or felony convictions are labeled as non-violent according to this policy. Consequently, this language weakens justice for victims as Proposition 57 allows for early release only of those inmates who have committed “non-violent offenses” (Sac Bee, 2016). Hence, it will only prevent early release for those who committed 23 specific violent crimes for “any felony not specifically listed in Penal Code Section 667.5” (Sac Bee, 2016). Some crimes that are not covered under the Penal Code include rape by intoxication, rape of an unconscious person, human trafficking involving sex act with minors, domestic violence involving trauma, a hate crime causing physical injury, and corporal injury to a child (Breitbart,

2016). This is unjust and should coincide by definitions of sexual violence adopted by the

World Health Organization (2015) and scholars such as Heise (2011), and be unapologetically labeled as “violent crimes” both in misdemeanor and felony assaults.

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Otherwise, the elite and revered with quality representation juxtaposed a court system that marginalizes victims of rape and sexual assaults will likely continue to favor and subsequently condone sexual violence against women. The governor claims the specifics of the law will be refined. While we wait for this proposition to be refined, let us turn to a discussion of the marginalization of trauma.

Marginalization of Trauma

Western society has a long history of marginalizing victims of sexual assault. For example, in the period of 1765-1815 discussions of rape were reserved as platforms for men in politics and used as wartime propaganda, as the threat of rape against women were a way to dehumanize the British as savages and warrant the creation of a New

America (see figure 97; Nelson, 1996).

Figure 97. 1775 British Wartime Propaganda

Retrieved from http://boston1775.blogspot.com/2012/09/rape-as-cause-of-american- revolution.html

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Additionally, stories of rape were available in print for male readers and allowed men to discuss issues of rape with other men, and to assume the role of protector of the family.

Missing from these forums were the voices of women as victims of rape (Nelson, 1996), thereby muting their experience as victims, making a direct link to Muted Group Theory.

When men’s own wives were raped, they were free to express emotions of grief for the violation. Yet, it was deemed unacceptable for women who had been raped to speak publically about it (Nelson, 1996). In the few stories of rape that did center on the narratives of women, they were situations in which an attempted rape occurred and which portrayed women as having a desire to die rather than be raped, which preserved men’s desire for a pure and faithful woman, leaving the woman free of social stigma (Nelson,

1996). When a rape had occurred and women’s voices entered the public arena, the women’s compliant was largely dismissed as an excuse to be unfaithful to her husband

(Nelson, 1996). Hence, there has always been great public stigma associated with being a victim of sexual violence, and inhibits 95% of college victims from reporting their sexual assaults to the police (Burnett, et al., 2009). Moreover, the marginalization of women and victims of rape is also longstanding.

Sexual assault and the subsequent public stigma and self-blame are known to have harmful psychological and physical health consequences (Koss, 2006; Golding, 1999;

1996; Yuan, Koss & Stone, 2006). While post traumatic experiences are widely perceived as involving vivid flashbacks of the sexual assault resulting in re-living the traumatic event, more common are the experience of physical, behavioral and

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psychological symptoms, self-destructive behaviors, eating disorders and decreased concentration (Brenner & Marmer, 1988; see figure 98). Consequently, many women blame themselves following a rape by reflecting on all of the things they could have done in hindsight, to have avoided or controlled the assault. Moreover, both children and adults of sexual assault commonly experience somatic symptoms such as “chronic back and neck pain, fibromyalgia, migraines, digestive problems, spastic colon/irritable bowel syndrome, chronic fatigue, and some forms of asthma” (Van Der Kolk, 2014, p. 97).

Figure 98. Symptoms of Trauma (Brenner & Marmer, 1988)

According to the 2006 American College Health Association Survey, 45% of college women and 36% of college men showed symptoms of depression that made functioning as a student very difficult. In addition, almost one-third (31%) of survivors of assault develop Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) sometime during their lifetime. Van Der Kolk (2014) posited that “trauma compromises the brain area that

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communicates the physical embodied feeling of being alive” and causes actual changes in the brain that explains “why traumatized people keep repeating the same problems and have such trouble learning from experience” (p. 3). “The way we were treated as small children is the way we treat ourselves the rest of our life” (Miller, 1983, p. 133).

Consequently, victims may engage in risky sexual activity that has led to sexual assaults in the past, or continue to consume alcohol or illicit drugs that increase their likelihood of harm. For college aged students, many mental illnesses may not surface until the age 24

(Hunt &Eisenberg, 2010) which can decrease victim-survivors coping ability when compounded with a sexual assault. Likewise, many victim-survivors do not know they have problems until they enter into a committed relationship (Bartollas & Wormer,

2011).

Unresolved mental or emotional turmoil can serve as Jungian archetypes, which serve as reservoirs of pain, and which can surface and negatively impact both health and well-being (Borunda, 2011). Left untreated, students experiencing mental illness have been shown to negatively impact their academic performance (Moreno et. al, 2011) and increase the risk of becoming suicidal (Czyz et al., 2013). This is because although the victim-survivor may desperately want to move beyond the experience of rape and attempt to disconnect from the memory, the body keeps the score (Van Der Kolk, 2014, p. 86) in which there is literally a disembodiment where the traumatized victim-survivor lives in a state of psychological, physiological, and spiritual disassociation that is expressed as depression, anxiety, alcohol and substance abuse, and suicidal ideations. Campbell et al.

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(2009) reported that a lifetime history of sexual assault is associated with between as many as “65% of victim-survivors suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder, 51% met the diagnostic criteria for depression, 40% experienced generalized anxiety, 49% become dependent on alcohol, 61% use other illicit substances, and 19% are prone to attempt to commit suicide” post-sexual violence trauma (p. 318). These post-traumatic experiences are largely removed from public’s eye, thereby contributing to the silent epidemic of sexual assault.

Reframing Victim and Offender

Rape culture (androcentric society) maintains victims in a state of silence and oppression. According to Buchwald, Fletcher, and Roth (2005) rape culture is like a blank space that protects non-victims from having to be uncomfortable hearing about victims’ horrific experience of rape and the reality that there is very little justice for rape victims. It also allows people to ignore just how acceptable violence against women in society is—and that rarely are men confronted or held accountable” for their perpetration of sexual violence (p. 245). Moreover, “the silencing of women allows us to avoid a fundamental reassessment of the relative power of women and men in society”

(Buchwald et al., 2005, p. 245). Feminist jurisprudence grew out of the women’s liberation movement of the late 1960s and 1970s, and focused on the legal structures that retarded justice for women instead of promoting it, as male dominance has penetrated all social life resulting in deep-seated preconceptions about the nature of human life and the relative hierarchal positions of men and women. These attitudes result in the

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minimization of rape as a problem (Smith, 2005). Currently, feminist legal scholars are focusing on three distinct ways to improve this problem, these include (1) identifying sources of bias and injustice within it (2) finding ways to use it as a means to promote justice for women in other institutions and social practices, and (3) to identify and overcome devices of denial, subversion, and containment that pose barriers to reform

(Smith, 2005).

Koss (2006) identifies victim-survivors’ needs and existing community responses to them. In terms of justice needs, victim-survivors desire to tell their story, be heard, have input on how to resolve the violation, observe offender remorse, and experience a justice process that counteracts isolation in the after in the aftermath of the crime. Koss

(2006) suggests that restorative justice is a transformative justice model that can address the ways in which racism and economic subordination and childhood experiences of abuse relate to the offenders’ use of violence in intimate relationships while stressing personal responsibility for their decision to use violence. Overall, Koss (2006) asserts restorative justice focuses on healing over punishment, and therefore is a approach that provides an alternative to the low rates of justice and healing in the current criminal system or are complementary to them. My critique of this suggested approach is that it has the tendency to be only an empty apology by the offender in order to avoid criminal charges or to reduce the sentence length or severity.

Alas, Muted Group Theory offers an interesting feminist perspective about the marginalization of trauma which connects with Five Faces of Oppression (Faces of

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Women’s Oppression), and serves to institutionalize rape. While this perspective may seem trivial among laymen, the first basic premise calls for an open mind. If Bakthin

(1980) is correct that ideologies are embedded in discourses (Norris, 2014), then all those unwilling to allow the systematic oppression of women continue without resistance must seek to understand the power of language. Although nearly all humans use language to communicate with others about everything that consumes us, too many of us fail to realize the significance of how we talk about rape (framing) which contributes to the misplacement of blame and consequently, serves to institutionalize rape in subtle but powerful ways. Now let us engage in a brief introduction to this interesting perspective.

In Penelope’s (1990) book titled, “Speaking Freely: Unlearning the Lies of the

Fathers’ Tongues,” she distinguishes the impact between active and passive sentence constructions, and are different ways to make the same sentence” (p. 146). Penelope’s

(1990) attributes much of the injustices of women to culturally embedded registers of passive voice when it comes to women and sexual assault. Penelope (1990) provides an example of how changing any passive statement to active through: Agent—Verb—

Object, instead of the norm: Object—Verb—Agent can change the meaning of the message. An example of their difference is as follows in table 1 and 2.

Table 2. Active Sentence Construction

Agent Verb Object

Five men raped the housewife

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Table 3. Passive Sentence Construction

Object Verb Agent

The housewife was raped by five men

Penelope (1990) goes on to explain that “Passives without foreground of the object

(victims) in our minds results in the tendency to forget that some human agent is responsible for performing the action” (p. 146). Active voice, according to Gibbon

(1999), “describes the verb form in sentences where agent (or doer) of the verb is the suggest” (p. 170). Hence, moving forward, attention to making active statements and efforts to ask “by whom,” is key as such framing of language is critical to how people perceive the victim in a sexual assault. “Practice,” she asserts, “is all it takes” (Penelope,

1990, p. 146).

Sexual Assault on College Campuses

Sexual assaults on college campuses are extremely prevalent, with studies indicating that “between three and five percent of college women experience rape and/or attempted rape every academic year” (Tatum &Foubert, 2009, p. 195), and that approximately 20% of all women in college will be victims-survivors of sexual assault

(Ricketts, 2015). The “most vulnerable age group is women aged 18-24” (Polsluszny,

2015, p. 50), since they are “living in an environment that juxtaposes the abuse of alcohol, casual sex, the objectification of women, and a culture that celebrates hegemonic masculinity” (Armstrong et al., 2006; Cass 2007; DeKeseredy& Kelly, 1993; Fisher et

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al., 2000; Koss et al., 1987; Branch & Richards, 2013, p. 659). While “90% of college aged males do not, or are unlikely to rape” (Carle, 2005), the Rape Abuse and Incest

National Network (RAINN) (2011) reported that “90% of college rapes of college women are committed by just 3-7% of college men who are repeat offenders” (p. 2). These sexual assaults are planned, and these individuals “tend to prey on young, first-year new students leaving home for the first time” (Carle, 2015, p. 20). Moreover, these assaults are linked to elitism (fraternities) and veneration (athletics), and are the result of the unique way in which they are socialized and rewarded for competitive and aggressive behaviors (Martin, 2016).

Born with the gift of physical talent enables the young athlete to privileges and the attention from coaches and other authority figures who dote time and money to help them excel—treatment that communicates to the maturing athlete they are different, superior, and entitled to preferential treatment” (Sandhu, 2001; p. 97). Moreover, as

Buchwald et al. (2005) explained, most children are taught that it is unacceptable to hurt other people, so to get athletes (or soldiers) to inflict harm on others, the opponent must be made into an enemy, and the situation defined in such a way that it’s either the athlete or the enemy itself (p. 36). Such on the field violence may also enhance the potential for off-the-field violence and aggression (Sipes, 1973). As they go off to college—fame and fortune increase, while the amount of responsibility and accountability toward their life as a student/person decrease (Sandhu, 2001, p. 97). In college, athletics and fraternity groups tend to be homogenous, and spend a great amount of time together; homogeneous

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groups tend to lack diversity in thought, values, and patterns of acceptable behavior, and can lose an individual identity and instead take on a group identity (Martin-Storey, 2016).

According to Sandhu (2001), “once indoctrinated into the subculture, these males will behave within the context of the group; despite how corrupt the behavior is seen by the general society” (p. 98). This can include facilitating or ignoring a sexual assault.

The group identity of athlete/fraternity organizations is often profoundly shaped by the stories and myths that are passed from generation to generation in these

(McMahon, 2010). Much of these stories, include the sexual exploitation of women

(Martin-Storey, 2016). Women, in fact, are used as pawns in the game of enticements among fellow athletes—the focus on sexuality and power distorts the athletes’ perceptions of women. Benedict (1998) proffers that the boundaries of consensual sex becomes pushed, making it difficult for athletes to discern consent from rape (Sandhu,

2001; p. 97). Referring back to Narcissistic Reactance Theory discussed in the introduction, narcissists often have a higher expectation that they will be rewarded with sexual activity whenever they want (Cohen & Shotland, 1996; Willan & Pollard, 2003;

Wegner et al., 2015) and sometimes misperceive women’s sexual intentions as a result of the projection of their own sexual desires onto others (Lenton, Bryan, Hastie, & Fischer,

2007; Perilloux, 2011). In a “A meta-analysis of research, Boswell and Spade (1994) found that men in rape-prone fraternities use loud music (too loud for talking), low lighting (one cannot see across the room), and the plying of alcohol to women to enhance their odds of sexual compliance” (Martin-Storey, 2016, p. 33).

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The problem of sexual assault on college campuses has been so great, that has required all public universities and colleges receiving federal funding to respond in a number of ways. Under Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, discrimination of students based on gender or gender identity in all education programs and activities operated by the university (both on and off campus) is prohibited, and protection from discrimination, harassment and violence must be granted to all students” (CSUS, 2015).

Consequently, all universities and colleges are obligated to respond to sexual assault complaints in a sensitive matter, providing protections to all students, and mandates rape prevention programs be provided on campus” (McMahon, 2010, p. 3).

Under Title IV of the Education Amendments of 1972, colleges are required to report crime statistics, to disclose campus safety policy statements and to disseminate information to current and prospective students and employees in order to receive student financial aid assistance per The Jeanne Clery Disclosure of Campus Security Policy and

Campus Crime Statistics Act (Clery Act) (20 U.S.C. §1092 (f) Public Law 105-244). This act was prompted by Jeanne Clery’s sexual assault, after thinking that the school she was to attend was safe. However, as a result of the power of language and framing, the institution is more likely to frame sexual assault complaints in ways that minimize the severity and their liability. The Campus SaVE Act (S.834) updated the Clery Act,

“expanding the scope of this legislation in terms of reporting, response, and prevention education requirements around sexual violence by requiring crimes that occur on and off to be included in the annual security report” (Campus SaVE Act).

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In 2014, two major changes were enacted in an effort to reduce the number of sexual assaults and to improve college administration’s handling of sexual assault complaints. The first is the creation of a White House Task Force to Protect Students from Sexual Assault (Ricketts, 2015) by President Obama. The function of this task force is to (a) develop best practices (b) ensure federal obligations are met (c) increase public awareness about sexual assault and prevention programming (d) meet with key stakeholders, and (e) make recommendation for elementary/secondary programming

(Campus SaVE Act, S.834 ). The second policy, passed in California, SB 967, made

California the “first state in the nation to require all public colleges receiving state funds to provide a detailed protocol for assisting victims of sexual violence” (California State

Senate Majority Caucus, 2015). This policy also requires an affirmative as consent, and prohibiting silence, sleeping or intoxication from constituting consent to require verbal consent to precede sexual intimacy and where silence or intoxication cannot affirm consent, which was ambiguous under the previous policy requiring a verbal negative

(NPR, 2014). It is this aspect of the policy responsible for it being coined as the Yes

Means Yes Policy.

The University of Minnesota case offers an example how the policies have pushed for more accountability than in the law, although they too are imperfect. On September 2,

2016, a University of Minnesota female college student claimed she was raped by between 10 and 20 of the college’s football players (Orrick, 2016). The woman claims that she was at one of the players’ apartment, where she began to talking to two players

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she had not met before (Horner, 2016). While in the apartment the students consumed some alcohol, and flirted some, prior to the two players asking if they could give her a tour of the facility. During the tour they blocked her into another apartment where they proceeded to have her undress and they began to rape her (Horner, 2016). At some point, she said men were lined up outside the bedroom door “chanting, laughing, cheering and jostling for a position in the line to have sex,” some of them very roughly (Horner, 2016).

To get through it, she said she at times “focused on the ceiling and on the television,” which was off. She said she often felt “confused,” “dazed” and “unaware” of what was happening. When she finally left the apartment at 4:20 a.m., she broke down crying, and disclosed the assault to her friends (Horner, 2016).

On September 24, 2016, the female filed a report with the EOAA, which prompted a Title IX investigation. The report also stated

based on the woman’s testimony, as well as that of men accused, other witnesses,

and video footage captured of portions of the night, that her alcohol intake earlier

that evening did not “significantly impair her…and considered the fact that at

times the woman’s behavior did not mirror what would be expected from a sexual

assault victim, for instance “she did not consistently scream, fight or try to

escape…Video footage also reportedly shows her at times having “casual

conversations with the men” in between sexual encounters (Horner, 2016).

The investigation also noted that the woman’s account of what happened sometimes included different names, or parts of her testimony she wither recanted or said she had

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been mistaken (Horner, 2016). However, “based on its weighing of the evidence, the

EOAA concluded that the woman’s testimony was credible and attributed the gradual return of parts of her memory of the night to her having gone through a “very traumatic experience, rather than to a lack of care or truthfulness” per the report (Horner, 2016).

Recall, from the section on society’s marginalization of trauma, Van Der Kolk (2014) posited that “trauma compromises the brain area that communicates the physical, embodied feeling of being alive, known as the Broca center, which is a form of physiological silencing. Moreover, it is not uncommon for sexual assault victims to disassociate from what is happening to them.

Consequently, the Title IX investigation by the University of Minnesota found ten of the players to be in violation of the policy; they were subsequently suspended, with five of them recommended for expulsion (Horner, 2016). The university also provided

Mike Freeman, the Hennepin County Attorney, with their 80 page investigation report, who later responded that despite finding “deplorable behavior,” the university’s investigation provided “no new significant evidence” that would warrant criminal charges” (Orrick, 2016). While this is a victory for the victim and the safety of other students at the university, the failure to result in criminal charges in the county validates

Burt ‘s (1980) findings, that rape myths are institutionalized and absolve perpetrators from being held accountable for their actions, which is violence against women resulting in systemic oppression, making a direct link to Faces of Women’s Oppression. Figure 99 depicts the ten Gopher players accused of sexually assaulting their fellow University of

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Minnesota student (Pictured: Top Left: Ray Buford, Carlton Djam, KiAnte Hardin, Dior

Johnson; Bottom Left: Antonio Shenault, Kobe McCrary, Mark Williams, Seth Green, and Antoine Winfield Jr.).

.

Figure 99. University of Minnesota Gophers Suspended

Retrieved http://www.twincities.com/2016/12/16/gophers-football-sexual-incident-suspensions- boycott-what-we-know/

Recall from the section on “Minority Status” in the major theme Socialization

Toward Systematic Oppression, African American’s are overrepresented among those arrested for rape or other sex offenses, according to the FBI Uniform crime statistics

(Hall & Borangan, 1997), as well as have the highest rate of poverty, at 21.4%, according to the U.S. Census Bureau (2016), and as a group have experienced extreme racism and violence in American History. It could very well be that the combination of being African

American males with the veneration and the rape prone norms of the group increased their propensity to rape. In this case, as Freire (1978; 1993) posited, the oppressed

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becomes the oppressors, making a strong link to the Muted Group Theory and Five Faces of Oppression.

Best Practice on College Campuses

The federal government has mandated that all higher education institutions receiving federal funds must provider rape prevention programs (McMahon, 2010). The

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention been invested nearly 30 years of research towards reducing its prevalence, yet it remains an epidemic. Consequently, they are treating sexual violence as Pearson (2002) described rape culture (androcentric society), as a social disease with a contagion like the common cold, spread through contact with others. The CDCP has shifted efforts towards primary prevention, and among their best practices is their recommendation that a paradigm shift be made in rape prevention programming to focus on primary prevention (McMahon, 2010). Among their primary prevention strategies is bystander education, which has shown to be a promising approach that focuses on building agency in regards to empowering individuals.

Bystanders are third party witnesses to the problem of sexual violence, and those that intervene are called responsive bystanders (Katz & Moore, 2013, p. 1055). Bystander

Education has the capacity to transform attitudes from those that blame victims and views men as perpetrators and women as victims as in traditional programming that blames victims and approaches men as perpetrators and women as victims, according to

Banyard, Moynihan, and Plante (2007). Aimed at providing students with the tools to know what to look for in terms of sexual assault, and how they can safely intervene if

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they see someone in a compromising position with someone unable to give consent

(McMahon, 2010), to allow “everyone to play a role in reducing sexual assault” (Branch

& Richards, 2013, p. 659).

In their study, McMahon (2010) administered the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance

Scale and the Bystander Attitude Scale to 2,338 incoming undergraduate students. The

Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) consists of a general rape myth construct and five subscales: (1) She Asked for It (2) He Didn’t Mean To (4) It Wasn’t

Really Rape, and (5) She Lied (McMahon & Farmer, 2011). This scale has been the most reliable and psychometrically demonstrated rape myth scale to date, according to

McMahon and Farmer (2011), “with a reliability of .93, with subscale alphas ranging from .74 to .84” (McMahon & Farmer, 2011, p. 72). The Bystander Attitude Scale,

Revised (BAS-R) instrument is a modified version of the Banyard’s Bystander Scale

(Banyard et al., 2005), and consists of 16 statements about the degree at which students can engage and intervene before, during, and after a sexual assault using a five-point

Likert scale for responses (McMahon, 2010). The survey was administered to

951undergraduate students. The results from the surveys revealed that those pledging in a fraternity/sorority, athletes, and those without previous rape prevention education had higher rape myth acceptance (McMahon, 2010). Conversely, those who knew someone who had been raped, females and those that had received rape prevention education were more willing to intervene as a bystander (McMahon, 2010). Hence, educational

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leadership and bystander programming must be a priority, with particular focus on high risk student populations such as those pledging in a fraternity/sorority and male athletes.

Summary

This chapter centered on theorizing about sexual violence in a rape culture

(androcentric society) by framing the relevant literature by the primary theories, Muted

Group Theory and Five Faces of Oppression (Faces of Women’s Oppression), and the complimentary secondary theories to form the meta-theory named, Androcentric

Oppression (Rape Culture) (Pimentel, 2017; as influenced by Ardener, 1975; 1978;

Young, 1990). The major themes delineated included (1) Ontogenesis of Male

Dominance in America (2) Socialization Toward Systemic Oppression (3) The

Sexualization& Exploitation of Women and Young Girls, (4) Cultural Myths that

Justify& Legitimize Rape (5) Rape as Function of Systemic Oppression, and (6) Sexual

Assault on College Campuses. The goal of this review was to delineate the factors in society that serve to silence and oppress women and victim-survivors of sexual assault in the hopes of bringing about conscientização (raising critical consciousness) (Freire,

1993) in order dismantle the dominant ideology which has normalized sexual violence against women and creates rape culture (androcentric society). In the next chapter, an extensive explanation of the methodological approach for the current study is provided.

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Chapter Three

METHODOLOGY

Introduction

In this chapter the methodological aims, navigation, and parameters used in this study are delineated. The interviews and survey participants will provide a more social picture of the sexual violence in a cultural sense and increase the richness problems and resolutions. The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the perceptions and experience of college students in the 21st century in the context of societal norms and sexual violence in the hopes of informing educational leadership, curriculum, and or policy improvements. This chapter is organized in the following arrangement (1) research design, (2) setting, participant population, and selection criterion (3) instrumentation and data collection (3) data analysis (4) validity and reliability, and (5) protection of participants.

Research Design

This dissertation is framed by a feminist perspective using Muted Group Theory and Five Faces of Oppression, and consequently informs the research design. This study used a phenomenological research design, by using both qualitative and quantitative data collection methods simultaneously. Qualitative research methods recognize that people socially construct reality with others and allows for intimate information to be collected that cannot be collected quantitatively (Creswell, 2003). Due to the sensitive nature of this topic, interviews were the mode for collecting participants’ perceptions of reality and

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given the critical theories of this dissertation, a critical inquiry was imperative to allow for the examination of “who has power, how it is negotiated, and what structures in society reinforce the current distribution of power” (Merriam, 2009, p. 35).Therefore, the qualitative design was carefully crafted using both personal, social, and political centered interview questions that allowed for a holistic data collection instrument to captured how participants “interpret their experience, construct their worlds, and what meaning they attribute to their experiences” (Merriam, 2009, p. 5). The quantitative method implemented was the administration of a survey. Survey research allows participants to assign a numeric value to a closed-ended question that best describes their attitudes to the question using a Likert scale (Creswell, 2003). This allowed for an examination of “how variables are distributed across the survey a population and phenomenon” (Merriam,

2009, p. 5). Together, this design allowed for triangulation of the data findings and the research literature in order to strengthen the understanding of college students’ attitudes, and perceptions, and behaviors as it relates to sexual violence.

Role of the Researcher

As a third year doctoral student my role as a researcher in this study was to recruit and engage in interviewing and administering the surveys. According to Merriam (2009) in qualitative research “the researcher is the primary instrument in qualitative data collection and analysis; having a human as the instrument poses “both limitations and biases that can influence the study” (p. 5). However, “rather than trying to eliminate these biases or “subjectivities,” Merriam (2009) asserted “it is important to identify them and

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monitor them as to how they may be shaping the collection and interpretation of data” (p.

15). Given that society is structured by power relations that regard men as dominant, privileged, and a centered group, and women as a subordinate, disadvantaged, or marginalized group (Wood, 2005), as a female researcher I take a feminist stance on the issue of sexual violence against woman. Feminists view the problem of rape not as a sexual act committed by individuals onto other individuals (Dodge, 2016) but rather as one symptom of the larger problem of a male dominated society” (Lowell, 2010, p. 12;

Cahill, 2001). The representation of women and the social construction of femininity and masculinity in western society all can explain rape, according to feminists (Lowell,

2010). Therefore, by recognizing this as a bias and focusing on developing a sound research design and instruments resulted in my ability to render a strong analysis of the findings in the context of the literature to facilitate in making a major contribution to the area of research in education with regards to sexual violence (Merriam, 2009).

Research Questions

There is an overarching research question, and four supporting questions that guide this dissertation. The overarching research question includes: What are the lived experiences of college students positioned within a male-dominated society that celebrates male aggression and normalizes sexual violence? The four supporting research question includes:

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1. How do male college students (athletes & fraternity members) enact gender

identities? And what are the relationships among these identity processes and

rape culture (androcentric society)?

2. In what ways has the unwanted sexual contact experienced by college women

influenced their identity and college experience?

3. In what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by gender

identity, sexism/internalized sexism, consent, rape myths, bystander attitudes,

sexual experiences, in the media and online? And what are the relationships

among these factors and rape culture (androcentric society)?

4. In what ways are college students muted (i.e. as women, consent, sexual

assault policy, and historical and current events)?

Setting, Population and Sample

This research was conducted with college students in Northern California which was critically important with respect to in informing educational leadership, curriculum, and policy, particularly since in 2014, California was the first state in the nation to pass

SB 967, the Yes Means Yes policy which requires an affirmative to be expressed in all phases of sexual contact (CSSC, 2015). If college students are unaware of the policy or are not competent in attaining consent, then the policy is not likely to be effective, so this policy was helpful in assessing consent literacy among both interview and survey participants.

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Despite sharing generational norms, college students are not a homogeneous species; they have unique experiences that have shaped their reality, and if given the opportunity to be heard can provide a diverse perspective that can inform change in society’s culture of rape. Krueger and Casey (2015) recommended that participants be

“information-rich cases,” (i.e., the characteristics of the people) who can provide the information from the perspective in which you are interested. Hence, a criterion-based selection was used as the sampling procedure for this study. According to Merriam

(2009) a “list of attributed essential to the study is created, and selection is based on those participants meeting that criterion” (p. 77). Since the risk for college students aged 18-24 is the most vulnerable population to experiencing or perpetrating sexual violence (Branch

& Richards, 2013; Armstrong et al., 2006; Cass 2007; DeKeseredy& Kelly, 1993; Fisher et al., 2000; Koss et al., 1987), four-year college students between the ages of 18 and 24 comprised the study’s college population in both the interview and survey components.

The focal participants for the interviews were four-year college women who experienced unwanted sexual contact since their enrollment in college and male and female college students seeking to contribute to the conversation on sexual violence.

The recruitment phase consisted of (1) emailing approximately one hundred

(N=100) student associations and organizations (e.g. sororities, fraternities, athletic associations, and general clubs), (2) visiting college classrooms, and (3) posting on

Facebook and other online social networking sites. In the end, the participants for

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interview study were attained through a snow-ball sampling in which participants identified other participants that met the criterion of the study.

Data Collection and Instrumentation

Qualitative Method

The qualitative data collection procedures are framed by five major categories

(figure 100) and comprise the following themes (1) Gendered Identities (2) Socialization

Towards Sexual Assault (3) Reducing Sexual Assault in College (4) Socio-Political

Debate: “Locker Room Talk” or “Sexual Assault”? (5) Historical Connections, and (6)

Being Agents of Change. Each of these will be delineated to provide context to the data findings that follow in the next chapter.

Figure 100. Qualitative Framework

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Gendered Identities

1. Male/Female:What does being male/female mean to you?

a. Please give me one word adjectives to convey how you believe

men/women are expected to be.

a. Please give me one word adjectives that conveys how you would like to

be seen instead.

b. How do you navigate your desire to uphold your identity, on one hand,

with the expectations of being male/female in our society today, on the

other hand?”

Socialization

2. Male/Female: The World Health Organization (WHO), statistics indicate that 1

in 5 women will be victims of sexually assault, and 1 in 4 women will be victims

of domestic violence.Can you think of a link between the way women and men

are socialized in the U.S. that contributes to the high rates of violence against

women?

3. Female: What kinds of sexual content/pressures do you experience person/online

as a female?

4. Female: Have you ever felt that you did not have a voice, or the words to

describe what you were feeling, or that you were not heard because you are a

female?

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5. Male/Female: It is often said that there is a double-standard when it comes to

gender and sexual activity, where guys can engage in sexual activity and be called

a “stud,” but when girls do it, they are called a “slut.” What is your take on this?

6. Male: What does the “Bro-Code” mean to you? Have you ever encountered a

situation when a friend’s actions have caused you to consider breaking the “Bro-

Code?” And how far can a “brother” go before the Bro-Code can be crossed?

Socio-Political

As a result of the dbeate about sexism, mysogyny, and sexual assault in the 2016

presidential election, the participants were shown the video that was released on October

8, 2016 from 2005 and which captures Donald Trump openly admitted to sexually

assaulting women while talking with Billy Bush, former Access Hollywood television

show host (Washington Post, 2016). On the tape, Donald Trump is captured saying:

“I moved on her like a bitch, but I couldn’t get there. And she was married…I’ve

got to use some Tic Tacs, just in case I start kissing her…You know I’m

automatically attracted to beautiful — I just start kissing them. It’s like a magnet.

Just kiss. I don’t even wait…And when you’re a star, they let you do it…You can

do anything…Grab them by the pussy…You can do anything” (figure 10;

Washington Post, 2016).

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2768Gnbk7tw

The participants were then shown the video of Donald Trump apologizing for what he

referred to as “locker room talk.”https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eA597Kn5iPk

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The participants were then asked the questions:

a. Male/Female: Many people considered it “Locker Room Talk” and others

considered it “Sexual Assault.” What is your take on this?

b. Male: During this whole election period the behaviors of men have been

scrutizined. Aside from any political party affiliation, how this affected

you? (for males).

c. Female: How has the post-election talk and result affected you as a

survivor of sexual assault?

d. Male/Female: Are you familiar with the twelve women that claim to be

sexually assaulted by DT? What are your takes on why they chose to come

forward now? Why do you think a lot of people do not believe them?

Figure 101. Donald Trumps’ Alleged Victims

Retrieved https://www.yahoo.com/news/trump-accusers-sexual-assault-153559631.html

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Sexual Assault Experience

1. Female: Please share, what you are comfortable sharing, about your experience

with unwanted sexual contact during college.

2. Female: Did you choose to diclose this incident to someone? Why or why not?

3. Female: Did you choose to report it?If so, what influenced your decision to do

so? What was the outcome of the reporting?

4. Female: In what ways has the traumatic experience changed your identity or

perspective about attending college (i.e. self-esteem, academic performance,

engagement, depression)?

5. Female: How do you navigate the tensions between wanting to be independent

and having that “full college experience” and the risks associated with alcohol and

pressures to engage in casual sex (hooking-up) and the real threat of sexual

assault?

Sexual Assault Risk-Reduction

Male/Female: Consent Scenarios

In her article, Discussing and Defining Sexual Assault: A Classroom Activity

Franiuk (2007) provides six scenarios to gauge students’ literacy on consent. For this study, four scenarios (2; 3; 4; & 5) were provided to the interview participants.

Scenario 2. Jacob and Kylie have been dating for two years. They have been

physically intimate but have not had sex. They have fought several times over

Kylie’s reluctance to have sex. One night, while having a very heated argument

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about this topic, Jacob punches the wall. Kylie is scared of what Jacob might do if

she does not agree to have sex with him, so she has sex with him. (Does Kylie

consent? indicate.)

Scenario 3. Michael and Melissa have been dating seriously for a year. They have

been physically intimate but they have not had sex. One night at Melissa’s house,

Melissa tells Michael that she does not believe he loves her. He insists he does,

but she says that if he loved her, he would want to have sex with her. She begins

to cry and says she has considered breaking up with him. Michael does not want

to hurt her feelings and does not want their relationship to end, so he has sex with

her (Does Michael consent? indicate).

Scenario 4. Christina and Jeff are studying for their chemistry final on Jeff’s bed.

They are friends and seem to be attracted to each other. Jeff kisses Christina, and

she kisses him back. As they start to take off each other’s clothing and get more

intimate, Jeff asks Christina if she wants to have sex. Christina responds, “I don’t

know.” Jeff starts to have sex with Christina, and she begins to cry. Jeff continues

to have sex with Christina (Does Christina consent? Indicate.)

Scenario 5. Amy and Ryan meet at a party and seem to hit it off. Amy has had a lot

of alcohol to drink and is not capable of driving home. Ryan offers to drive her

home because he has had very little to drink. Upon arriving, Amy invites Ryan up

to her apartment. Amy is clearly intoxicated. Ryan has sex with Amy (Does Amy

consent? Indicate).

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a. show “Cup of Tea” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oQbei5JGiT8 (2

min. 51 sec)

5. What do you know about SB967 (yes-means-yes act)? How likely do you think

partners will ask partners before engaging in sexual activity? Is it a good thing?

Impactical? Unromantic? (show video clip that shows “consent is sexy) How

likely do you think the policy will help clarify issues of consent?

a. The participants were then shown the video “Consent is Sexy,” then

asked, Could you make consent sexy?

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bVHYvUpeqKI&oref=https%3A%2F%2Fwww. youtube.com%2Fwatch%3Fv%3DbVHYvUpeqKI&has_verified=1 (1 min 51 seconds)

6. What would you tell/recommend to female college students to reduce her risks of

sexual assualt?

Historical Understanding

1. If you consider the history of our nation’s beginnings and all that has transpired

since, what historical event(s) do you think has made sexual assault/violence more

prevalent in our society today?

Allies for Change

1. How can you be an advocate for those that hold less power in society?

2. How can we be an advocate and watch out for others to reduce sexual assault?

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Quantitative Method

The quantitative data method for data collection is a composite survey derived from three previously developed survey instruments and original questions and comprised of 27 primary questions and four demographic questions. The previously developed surveys for which select questions were derived from include the (1)

Internalized Sexism Inventory, (2) Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale

(IRMA), and (3) Bystander Attitude Scale, Revised (BAS-R)(see figure 101).

Figure 102. Quantitative Framework

The Internalized Sexism Inventory was developed by jona olson (1999-2011) and consists of 40 inventory statements that derived from her organization, cultural bridges to justice (cbtj). The organization was founded in 1986 to provide anti-oppression and social justice workshops, keynotes, and consulting for not-for-profit organizations and communities. The instrument was designed to assess the level at which women doubt

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themselves, and other women. In this study, the three selected questions were assigned a five-point Likert scale (1=Strongly Agree; 2=Agree; 3=Neutral; 4=Disagree; 5=Strongly

Disagree), and administered to assess sexist attitudes by both males (sexism) and females

(internalized sexism). The four selected inventory questions included

1. When selecting providers of critical services for myself or a loved one (e.g.

surgeon, legal counsel, etc.), I feel more confident of men’s skills.

2. I believe women are too hormonal to be in top leadership positions, such as CEO

or President of a University.

3. I give more credibility to men’s respect, approval, praise or criticism than

women’s.

4. Women are not to be trusted because they are manipulative, weak or back-

stabbing?

The Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA)has been the most reliable and psychometrically demonstrated rape myth scale to date, according to McMahon and

Farmer (2011), “with a reliability of .93, with subscale alphas ranging from .74 to .84”

(McMahon & Farmer, 2011, p. 72). This scale consists of a general rape myth construct and five subscales: (1) She Asked for It; (2) He Didn’t Mean To; (4) It Wasn’t Really

Rape; (5) She Lied (McMahon & Farmer, 2011). The instrument uses a five-point Likert scale for responses (1=Strongly Agree; 2=Agree; 3=Neutral; 4=Disagree; 5=Strongly

Disagree) and was administered to assess the level of rape myth acceptance among college students. The selected IRMA questions included:

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Subscale: she asked for it:

1. When girls go to parties wearing slutty clothes, they are asking for trouble.

2. If a girl is raped while she is drunk, she is at least somewhat responsible for

letting things get out of hand.

3. If a girl goes to a room alone with a guy at a party, it is her own fault if she is

raped.

Subscale: he didn’t mean to

4. Rape happens when guy’s sex drive goes out of control.

5. If a guy is drunk/under the influence, he might rape someone unintentionally.

Subscale: it wasn’t really rape

6. A rape probably doesn’t happen if a girl doesn’t have any bruises or marks.

7. If a girl doesn’t say “no” she can’t claim rape.

Subscale: she lied

8. A lot of times, girls who say they were raped agreed to have sex and then regret.

The Bystander Attitude Scale, Revised (BAS-R) instrument is a modified version of the Banyard’s Bystander Scale (Banyard et al., 2005), and in full, consists of 16 statements about the degree at which students can engage and intervene before, during, and after a sexual assault using a five-point Likert scale for responses (1= Extremely

Likely; 2=Likely; 3=Neutral; 4=Unlikely; 5; Extremely Unlikely) (McMahon, 2010).

Asking select questions from this instrument is critical, as according to Branch and

Richards (2013), everyone has a role to play in reducing sexual assault, and “the scope of

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sexual assault radiates far beyond the primary victim; the person that the victim disclosed their assault to, also significant harm by the information, making the “secondary victims”

(p. 659), as rape and sexual assault have a devastating effect on survivors’ physical, emotional, and psychological well-being (Branch & Richards, 2013). The selected IRMA questions included:

1. I ask for verbal consent when I am intimate with my partner, even if we are in a long-term relationship.

2. I stop sexual activity when asked to, even if I am already sexually aroused.

3. I check in with my friend who looks drunk when s/he goes to a room with someone else at a party.

4. I say something to a friend who is taking a drunk/intoxicated person back to his/her room at a party.

5. I confront a friend who plans to give someone alcohol to get sex.

6. I confront a friend who is hooking up with someone who was passed out.

7. I report a friend if they committed a rape.

Original Questions

1. Guys rape because they think they can get away with it.

Scale: (1=Strongly Agree; 2=Agree; 3=Neutral; 4=Disagree; 5=Strongly Disagree)

2. I have been harassed (cyberbullied) online.

Scale: Yes; No; N/A

3. I have been touched in a sexual way without consent since entering college.

Scale: Yes; No; N/A

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4. I have been raped since entering college.

Scale: Yes; No; N/A

5. I did not report it because I was afraid or ashamed.

Scale: Yes; No; N/A

a. I reported it. If yes, what was the outcome?

6. Please share your understanding of the campus policy on sexual assault (i.e. yes-

means-yes act), and how likely you think this policy will be clarifying issues of

consent/sexual assault?

Response: open-ended

7. Is there anything else you would like to share?

Data Analysis

The data collected from this study was analyzed using phenomenological analysis approaches. The interviews were transcribed verbatim. Although this was time- consuming, it was the best way to get intimately familiar with the participants responses and significantly impacted the analysis in determining the implications the findings have to the field of education in the context if sexual assault (Merriam, 2009). Following the transcription, the data was analyzed using HyperResearch 3.73 computer software. This program allowed me to engage in a process of open coding in which labels were assigned to the narratives (Creswell, 2013) to generate themes by the frequency at which participants pointed to a particular issue or term and that was either sentimentally shared by the participants or supported or contrasted the literature on sexual violence (Merriam,

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2009). Conversely, the survey data was analyzed using frequencies at which participants responded to questions and their relation to both the qualitative emergent themes and the themes embedded in the questions themselves.

Validity and Reliability

Given the sensitive nature of this research, validity and reliability of the data collected procedures was of key importance. Validity is “a goal rather than the product and has to be assessed in relationship to the purposes and circumstances of the research”

(Merriam 2009, p. 214). A measure that was taken to increase the validity of this study is to transcribe verbatim responses, as previously mentioned and used rich-thick descriptions to transport readers to the setting of the study and to embody the participants’ experiences (Creswell, 2007). Reliability is concerned with replication

(Merriam, 2009, p. 220). While qualitative research is participant-specific in that if the participants change the narratives would change. Yet, much attention was given to this study’s design and collection and analysis procedures making reliability of the findings quite strong (Merriam, 2009). Quantitative data from the survey was calculated and administered through the online server Campus Labs (Merriam, 2009) and most of the questions on the survey instrument were comprised of established and deemed to have high reliability scales.

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Protection of Participants

Due to the sensitive nature of this study the protection of the participants was profoundly important. To mitigate potential harm five measures were taken and or emphasized to uphold this value. First, Dr. Rose Borunda, a counselor trained in sexual trauma was secured to support this research as a committee member. With her expertise, I was able to ensure that the language for all communications with the participants was appropriate and respectful, and that the resources provided to them should they experience distress during or after participation was effective. The second measure was also of much importance and entailed ensuring the participants were fully informed and consenting. This was achieved by providing both potential and actual participants with a description of the study and what their participation would entail. The third measure was rapport-building with the participants prior to beginning the interviews in order to create a sense of trust (Creswell, 2003). The fourth measure entailed the protection of identity and security of the data. No identifying information (i.e. name) were collected in this study; the participants self-selected the name they wanted to represent the data, which in a sense promoted a sense of empowerment before beginning the interview. All survey participants were assigned a number. The fifth measure entailed storing all data on a password protected computer, and administering the surveys through a secure server through CampusLabs. The data collected will be stored securely for three years following the completion of this study, at which time the data will be deleted.

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Summary

This chapter provided information regarding the methodological process that was used to collect the data for this study. The qualitative data included interviews with college students, which were audio recorded and transcribed. Using the qualitative computer software program HyperResearch, the transcripts were analyzed for emerging themes as it relates to sexual violence in the 21st century. The quantitative data was derived via a survey administered through the secured server Campus Labs. The next chapter provides an analysis and presentation of the data findings based on this methodological approach.

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Chapter Four

ANALYSIS OF THE DATA

This chapter delineates the study findings and analysis derived from the qualitative (interviews and open-ended survey questions) and the quantitative (closed- ended survey questions) research methods. The findings that will be presented form five major themes and 22 assertions. The first major theme is Gender Identity and Social

Positioning. Within this theme, four assertions emerged. The first assertion Being

“Female” Means You Are Persistently Critiqued centers on the female interview participants’ experience of always feeling judged on their appearance and their mannerisms. The second assertion Women Are Muted Because This Is a Man’s World centers on women’s subordinate position within a male dominated society, which was introduced to them at a very young age. The third assertion Non-Aggressive Males Are

Muted Because This is a Manly Man’s World centers on the male participants’ perspectives on their identity and navigation as non-hyper masculine men. The fourth assertion The Double Standard Is a Sad Reality but Socialization is Everything focuses on the male interview participants’ perspectives regarding the inequitable regard when it comes to sexual activity and gender.

The second major theme includes Socialization and Sexual Violence and centers on the influences that condition individuals towards violence and the ideological outgrowth that shapes perceptions about men and women and sexual assault. This theme resulted in the emergence of four assertions, the first being themed The Bro-Code and

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Locker Room Talk Excludes Sexual Assault and explores both male culture in the context of sexual assault and both the male and female interview participants’ summation of whether Donald Trump was bragging about committing sexual assaults, or if it were simply locker room talk which resulted in national contention. The second assertion

Men& Women Experienced Muting and Oppression Post-Election captures the dissonance both male and female interview participants expressed as a result of society’s marginalization of Donald Trump’s predatory behaviors. The third assertion The Media is

Responsible for Society’s Desensitization to Violence and centers on the participants’ beliefs that the prevalence of violence is strongly influenced by the media.

The third major theme Experience of Sexual Violence centers on the participant’s sexual assault and post sexual assault experiences and resulted in the emergence of four assertions. The first assertion Sexual Violence is a Common &

Inevitable Experience of Women and exemplifies that sexual harassment and coercion is so frequently experienced by the female participants that they have come to expect it. The second assertion Sexual Assault Is a Silent Epidemic Indeed centers on the silent nature of the participants’ sexual assault experiences that resulted in no police report, a perfunctory investigation, and no formal punishment for their perpetrators. The third assertion

College Women Must Be Armed and Not Stray from the Path emerged from the interview participants’ recommendations they would give to college women to reduce their risks of sexual assault, which were influenced by the manifestations of hyper-vigilant behaviors as a result of experiencing a sexual assault. The fourth and final assertion in this major

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theme includes Sexual Assault Changes You and embodies the ramifications that being sexually assaulted either prior to attending college or after enrollment in college has on their identity, physical or psychological health and academic performance and college experience.

The fourth major theme Consent and Policy Literacy focuses on how the participants in this study define consent and understand the California campus sexual assault policy SB 967, the Yes-Means-Yes policy. By inquiring about their understanding of consent and by presenting the interview participants with videos on consent eight assertions emerged from the findings. They include (1) Consent Should Be Given Freely

& Can Be Retracted Anytime (2) Some Guys Will Rape Regardless of Policy;

Enforcement is Needed (3) Alcohol Does Not Excuse Rape; Girls Can Be Raped Even

When They Don’t Say ‘No’ (4) Girls Often Say Yes To Make Him Happy (5) Guys Don’t

Get a Free Pass to Rape, and (6) Guys Can “Not Consent” Too.

The fifth and final major theme Transforming a College Rape Culture embodies two assertions that emerged from both the interview and the survey participants and center on opportunities to improve campus safety and reduce the prevalence of sexual assault. The first assertion Those Willing to Use Their Voice Potentiate a Change centers on the participants’ bystander responsiveness and perceptions about why Donald

Trump’s alleged victims chose to come forward when they did, with some being decades later. The second and final assertion Consent and Rape Education is Needed and Needed

Early delineates the participants’ demands for sexual assault education to be provided to

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all students, with explicit instruction focused on developing consent literacy. A graphic organizer of these major theme and assertions are provided in figure 103, and depict the organization in which the findings will be presented.

Figure 103. Findings Organization Chart

Profile of Participants

The participants of this study were selected based on a criteria that that the most vulnerable age group is college women aged 18-24 (Polsluszny, 2015, p. 50) because of the environment in which she is likely to encounter “living in an environment that

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juxtaposes the abuse of alcohol, casual sex, the objectification of women, and a culture that celebrates hegemonic masculinity” (Branch & Richards, 2013, p. 659; Armstrong et al., 2006; Cass 2007; DeKeseredy& Kelly, 1993; Fisher et al., 2000; Koss et al., 1987).

Therefore, all of the participants in this study were between the ages of 18 and 24 years old.

Gender of Participants

The interview participants was a small sample comprised of eight (N=8) participants. As indicated in figure 104, When asked to indicate your gender, 50% (n=4) identified a male (Jake, Daryl, Jeffrey, and Adam) and classified themselves as currently enrolled college students between the ages of 18 to 24 years of old. Conversely, 50%

(n=4) of interview participants were female (Selena, Carrie, Jessica and Amy); three of these females (Selena, Carrie, and Amy) classified themselves as being victims of sexual assault since entering college, and one of the females (Jessica) classified themselves as being a victim of sexual assault several times prior to attending college. Additionally, all four females also classified themselves as currently enrolled college students and between the ages of 18 to 24 years of old. Also indicated in figure 104, when the survey participants, which included one hundred and eight (N=108) currently enrolled college students, were asked the same question, 38% (n=41) responded male, and 62% (n=67) responded female. Participants had the option to select a gender of “other;” none (n=0) of the study’s participants selected this option.

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100% Gender 80% 60% 4 67 Females 40% Males 20% 4 41 0% Interview Survey

Figure 104. Gender of Participants

Ethnicity of Participants

The interview participants were asked to indicate your ethnicity (check all that apply), and as indicated in figure 105, 100% (N=8) of participants indicated they were

White/Caucasian; 25% (n=2) indicated they were Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, and

13% (n=1) indicated they were African American/Black, and 13% (n=1) indicated they were Mexican/Chicano. Also indicated in figure 105, when the survey participants were asked the same question,64% (n=69) of participants were White/Caucasian; 23% (n=25) were Mexican American/Chicano, 13% (n=14) Asian American/Asian, 6% (n=7) were

Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, 8% (n=9) were Latin American/Other Latino, 7%

(n=8) were African American/Black, 5% (n=5) were Native Indian/Alaskan Native, 2%

(n=2) were other, and 2% (n=2) declined to answer.

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Survey Ethnicity (N=108) 80 69 70 Interview 60 50 (N=8) 40 25 30 14 20 8 5 7 9 10 8 1 0 1 2 1 0 2 0 2 0 0

Figure 105. Ethnicity of Participants

Year in College of Participants

The interview participants were currently enrolled college students between the ages of 18 to 24 years old. As indicated in figure 106, when asked to indicate your status in college, 63% (n=5) of participants indicated they were freshman, and 38%

(n=3) of participants indicated they were sophomores. Also indicated in figure 106, when the survey participants were asked the same question, 50% (n=54) indicated senior, 17%

(n=18) indicated freshman, 13% (n=14) indicated sophomore. The fact that so many of the survey participants were seniors may have been a strong influence on the overall positive results.

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Year In College 60 50 40 Survey (N=104) 30 Interview (N=8) 20 10 18 5 14 3 18 54 0 Freshman Sophmore Junior Senior

Figure 106. Year in College of Participants

Activities Partaken By Participants

Based on research by the Rape Abuse and Incest National Network (RAINN)

(2011) reported that “90% of college rapes are committed by just 3-7% of college men who are repeat offenders” (p. 2) and tend to be linked to elitism (fraternities) and veneration (athletics) (Martin, 2015), and among students that attend parties where alcohol is consumed (Branch & Richards, 2013). Likewise, those college students pledging in a fraternity/sorority and male athletes had higher rape myth acceptance

(McMahon, 2010). Hence, the interview participants were asked to indicate all activities you participate in as college students (fraternities, sororities, athletics, parties with alcohol or drugs are consumed, or none of these apply). As indicated in figure 107, in red, 62% (N=5) of the interviews participants responded they attend parties where alcohol and/or drugs are consumed and 38% (n=3) responded they engage in none of these activities. Also indicated in figure 107, when the survey participants were asked to

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the same question, 43% (n=45) of participants responded that none of these applied, 37%

(n=39) of participants responded they attend parties where alcohol or drugs are consumed, 29% (n=30) participate in athletics/sports; 5% (n=5) belong to a sorority, and

4% (n=4) participants belong to a fraternity.

Activities 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 4 5 30 39 5 45 3 0

Interview (N=8) Survey (N=105)

Figure 107.Activities Partaken By Participants

Since the interview component in this study lacked the perspective of college students identified by RAINN (2011) and Martin-Storey (2015) as “high risk college students,” (fraternities/athletes), and McMahon (2011) (sororities), disaggregation of the survey responses by these participants helped to contextualize the close-ended responses and to mitigate for some of these limitations. As indicated in figure 108, once disaggregated, the high risk sample became comprised of 12% (n=13) athletes, 5% (n=5) sororities, and 4% (n=4) fraternities.

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High-Risk Participants (n=22) /(N=107) 14 4% 5% 12% 7% 0% 12 10 8 6 4 2 4 5 13 7 0 0 Fraternities Sororities Men's Athletics Parties with None of the alcohol/drugs Above

Figure 108.High Risk Participants

Gender Identity and Social Positioning

Through the exploration into how the participants socially construct their identities in the context of their gender and are subsequently positioned within society, the findings in this major section address research question one how do college students enact gender identities? And its sub-question, what are the relationships among these identity processes and rape culture (androcentric society)? Through the process of coding and analysis, both the frequency that key words/themes were referenced by the participants

(see table 3) and the content of their responses to interview and or survey questions, resulted in the emergence of four thematic assertions that include (1) Being “Female”

Means You Are Persistently Critiqued, (2) Women Are Muted Because This Is a Man’s

World, (3) Non-Aggressive Males Are Muted Because This is a Manly Man’s World, and

(4) The Double Standard is a Sad Reality But Socialization is Everything. Each of these themes will be delineated, however it is important to note that some of these frequencies are also presented in other sections (i.e. media influences).

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Table 4. Frequencies of Themes in Gender and Social Positioning

Gender-Females Gender - Males

10 Feminine Expectations 13 Socialization Anti-Women

Female Muting/Passivity 7 Socialization Pro-Women 7

Non-Feminine Traits 6 Non-Masculine Male Responses 7

Historical Female Muting 4 Male Dominance 6

Socialized Femininity 2 Masculine Expectations 5

Male Privilege 2

Sexism 2

Being “Female” Means You Are Persistently Critiqued

Childhood is often a tumultuous time. While nearly all children experience judgment by peers at some point in their childhood, what became clearly evident from the findings was that femaleness meant having a learned to have a hyper-awareness to the omnipresence of superficial expectations of them as females. This assertion is based on both the frequency at which societal expectations for females were referenced, which was

13 times (see table 3), and the context of their responses to five questions that centered on understanding how female participants construct their reality in western society as women. The first question was what does being female mean to you? To which Selena,

Carrie, and Amy responded similarly:

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Selena: It means you are supposed to be pretty, like makeup, be feminine all the

time…to like a lady or just be a lady.

Carrie: To me…being female means you are always being judged. How much

you smile, how pretty you are…or are not…and what kind of clothes you have on.

It’s I guess…like you are always “on”…you know what I mean? Like guys can

leave the house looking like crap but if we do it, people would think about you

differently. So yeah…you always have to look presentable.

Amy: It means you have to keep up your appearance…because of course people

see the outer you before they see the inner you…but you can’t be too tall or too

fat…I don’t know…my grandma lived with us when I was kid and she was like a

head person in the church and was always concerned with how everything looked

…and of course what I looked like. She’s dead now...but..

Selena, Carrie, and Amy’s responses centered on the judgments they received from others about their appearance and behavior. The expectations that these women have learned to be a tune to are gender-role expectations which Amin and Chandra-Mouli (2014) affirmed are introduced to children early in life by the way parents differentially socialize their male and female children and have different expectations for their behavior (e.g.

“boys don’t cry” and girls must “act like a lady,” which is the expectation Selena mentioned. Their unanimous use of the word always juxtapose their definitions of

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femininity and the societal expectations of them as females was interesting and indicates that navigating the tensions is nearly constant. Carrie attributed her hyper-awareness to the socialization she received from her grandmother, who instilled in her a sense of pressure to meet these expectations even when she does not feel like it to soften the judgments she receives by others. Based on the women’s responses, it is not surprising that when asked to provide one word adjectives to convey how you believe women are expected to be, they responded with the following adjectives:

Selena: Pretty; Beautiful; Perfect

Carrie: Attractive; Polite; Proper

Amy: Hot; Skinny; Pretty

While “perfect” can be ambiguous, all of the five other words are clearly attributes that are externally observable. Conversely, when asked to provide one word adjectives that conveys how you as a female would like to be seen, the female interview participant provided the following responses:

Selena: Smart; Confident; Organized; Together.

Carrie: Genuine; Intelligent; Caring

Amy: Balanced, Generous; Honest

As indicated in Selena, Carrie, and Amy’s responses, although society expects its females to be attractive and proper mannered, none of the adjectives they provided included external beauty. Instead, they focused on internal character traits. In this way, it is clear to see that even if they have conformed to many of society’s expectations if given

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the choice they would rather society value their internal traits instead. This is directly linked with Muted Group Theory since it was the dominant group (men) that created the standards that do not coincide with their own desires, yet, since women are expected to operate within male defined reality and to defer to their definitions they become mute

(Ardener, 2005; Spender, 1980).

When asked the question how do you navigate your desire to uphold your identity on one hand, with the expectations of being female in our society today on the other hand? Selena responded:

Selena: When you get older it does get easier but when you are growing up

everything you do is criticized like at the playground at recess. If you do anything

like a boy, like wearing a certain color or kind of shirt you're just a boy. If you

play ball then you are just a boys. I mean everything is marked by your gender.

As you get older I think it gets easier because you don't care as much what other

people think. You can just be yourself, but it's still not easy to be a female in

society because of the way people see us. You want to feel like people are not

looking down on you just because you’re a girl. But when you are a girl, it’s

something you have to worry about.

Selena expressed the pressure to appear and behave according to society’s gendered norms. According to Heise (2011) norms are powerful motivators that shape how people think and behave because deviation from the expectations subjects them to disapproval.

For Selena, the norms for gender affected her on the playground where she received

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much criticism for her clothes or the activities she engaged in at recess when they veered from narrowly defined definitions of gender norms for females. This is aligned with

Adler et al. (1992)whose research found that elementary schools are powerful sites where gender norms are created and reinforced by children; the learning that takes place beyond the academics is so influential that Best (1983) described it as the “second curriculum”

(Adler et al., 1992, p. 169). In terms of dismantling a rape culture (androcentric society), this indicates that what occurs between children in and out of the classroom is critical and school’s must create a culture that values the inclusion of all students regardless of gender, race, socio-economic status, and ability.

Carrie: For me…I find myself trying to do all the things were supposed to be as

girls…like I feel totally naked when I don’t have makeup on (laughter)…or stuff

like that…but there are those days where I am like ‘I do not want to clean myself

up today’ (laughter) but for the most part, I like to focus on the things I know

matter more in life, like being a good friend and getting my degree…but it doesn’t

mean you just forget what society expects from you. It’s just like the judgment is

always there.

Amy: Honestly…I mean I volunteer a lot…I guess. I got that from my grandma

too (laughter)…but yeah, I mean helping other people out helps me feel more

secure as a person…but as far as looks and stuff…yeah it is important and I

maintain myself…I mean I think all girls feel pressure to live up to society’s

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expectations…I mean and guys are like ‘oh her butts too big,’ then you lose the

weight, then its she too skinny…it’s hard to keep up (laughter)

Carrie and Amy also shared how they navigate the tensions between their own identity desires and society’s expectations of them by maintaining a physically attractive appearance even when they do not want to. This parallels Brookfield (2014) who posited that the greatest force by which ensures that people stay within acceptable modes of thought and conduct is the power exercised “by ourselves, on ourselves” (Brookfield,

2014, p. 420), to avoid public stigma (Goffman, 1983).Moreover, this is aligned with

Spender’s (1980) assertion that although women “are aware that the male definitions are not accurate, they will strive to preserving the male illusion” (p. 92). This is a common effort made by many women and is evidenced by the high rate at which women purchase

“cosmetics, weight reduction procedures, and other beauty-aid industries” (Giroux,

1989).This phenomenon makes a direct link to Muted Group Theory, and subsequently a link to Five Faces of Oppression (Faces of Women’s Oppression) because merely being a female carries with it judgment. More insight to women’s experience of muting is provided in the next section.

Women Are Muted Because This Is a Man’s World

The findings from this study indicated that women have experienced muting throughout their lives and have come to believe as adults that male dominance in western society is to blame. This assertion is based on the narratives from five questions and help to address research question four, in what ways are college students muted? Muting

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extends on gender-role expectations, since norms for feminine behaviors are not compatible with reality; they are the source for the muteness of women. The first question from which forms this assertion was what kinds of sexual content or pressures do you experience in person or online as a female? to which Jessica responded:

Jessica: To dress a certain way. To not have any bodily functions whatsoever.

You know you have to sip your drink in a certain way. You have to sit properly

You have to try to dress proper….that's not right. It’s not something that should

be allowed. It's not okay. Like if you eat something and you burp they are like

‘Oh my gosh! How dare you! How gross!’

When females are expected to refrain from displaying bodily functions, or drinking and eating in a narrowly defined feminine mannerisms they are denied the means to be humans, and therefore are muted from reality. When asked directly, have you ever felt that you did not have a voice, or know the words to describe what you were feeling, or felt that you were not heard because you are a female? Carrie responded:

Carrie: Yes! All growing up in fact, and today even. It’s like you have a

voice…I mean I use it all of the time (laughter)…I tend to be a loud person

anyway...I mean that’s what everyone says, but being heard talking is different

than having your words be heard are totally different. Like I grew up in a house

with three brothers; I am the only girl. Some people would think that would mean

I would get special treatment or something, but that’s not how it would be. If

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something happened…like we get in a sibling fight at school, in the back yard or

neighborhood, my brothers would get more “talk-time” with my parents about the

situation. I mean yeah, there were three of them and one of me, but when it was

my turn it was like they would rush me to “get to the point” rather than let me

explain something. That kind of still happens in a way…I mean we are all in our

20’s now but when we are at family gatherings or something, they still seem to

get more talk time with them…it’s weird. But that is just the way it’s been. As a

result, I think it caused me to second guess myself or to ask people’s opinions

before making my mind up about something.

Carrie noted she understands the difference between talking and actually being heard, and shared her experience growing up in a sexist household where her brothers were able to speak and be heard freely, while she felt her opportunities to talk were rushed and that she was not heard. This makes a strong link to Muted Group Theory as according to

Ardener (2005) muting can be achieved through suppression, or repression of speech, in what they were allowed to say, when they were allowed to speak, in what mode, and with how much they say” (p. 2). Unfortunately, because of her childhood experiences, Carrie has learned that what males have to say is more important than her own. Consequently, as an adult, Carrie admits she has developed insecurities when expected to make a decisions, and mitigates her indecisiveness by asking others for advice. The phenomena

Carrie experienced is known as internalized sexism which is when women “learn to silence their voices, mistrust their own judgments, and yield their thinking to that of men

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and other women” (David, 2014, p. 212; Brown & Gilligan, 1993; Jack, 1991; Jack &

Jill, 1992).

Selena: Yeah I think every female has been treated badly and don’t have the

words to explain it at some time in their life. They know they should have not

been treated like that just because they're female…but when you are here it's a

man's world so…when you're younger you think ‘No it's not! You can do

anything you want!’ And then you grow up, and you learn you can do anything

you want but it's going to be very much harder and you're not taking it seriously.

Selena recalls scoffing at the rhetoric she heard about it being a man’s world, only to come to the realization in adulthood that attaining her desired goals in life is still possible but definitely will be more challenging because of her gender. Selena is not only talking about sexism, she is talking about muting since they have a causal relationship. Recall, muting is not only accomplished by the silencing women’s voices, but rather “is refracted through and embedded in many different social spaces: in seating arrangements, prestige and power” (Ardener, 2005, p. 2). Selena’s reflection on her childhood perceptions of what girls could grow-up and become and her revelation as an adult is the sad reality that women experience, where they may see themselves as capable of filling a say a leadership positions, but are blocked from ever filling them which is the glass ceiling effect (Bass & Avolio, 1994).

In order to elicit college students’ level of sexism (men) and internalized sexism

(women) about women in leadership, the survey participants were asked to indicate their

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level of agreement with the statement I believe women are too hormonal to be in top leadership positions, such as CEO or President of a University. As indicated in figure

109, 89% (n=84) of participants responded they strongly disagree to disagree, compared to just 5% (n=5) of participants that responded neutral, and 5% (n=5) of participants that responded they strongly agree to agree.

Too Hormonal For Leadership (N=94)

70 2% 3% 5% 20% 69% 60 50 40 30 20 10 2 3 5 19 65 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 109.Women Are Too Hormonal For Leadership

The findings for this question are positive, as the bell-curve skewed to the right indicates that the majority of the survey participants strongly disagree to disagree that women are too hormonal for top leadership positions. It would be helpful to have included an open- ended follow-up question to allow participants to explain their responses in order to understand the mitigating factors for those that responded neutral. However, in many ways ambivalence can represent muting, since muting is when the language (which in this case is about women in leadership positions) does not name your experiences

(understanding). Hence, in this dissertation neutrality is treated as a form of muting,

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thereby directly related to Muted Group Theory. For the small number of participants that responded they strongly agree to agree that women are too hormonal for leadership, it was important to disaggregate the data to see if a link could be made to students that participate in a high-risk activity. In doing so, the data is contextualized some. As indicated in figure 110, 100% (n=2) of the participants that responded they strongly agree women are too hormonal for top leadership positions were males that also responded they participate in athletics.

Male Athletes- Too Hormonal (n=13)/(N=94) 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 2 2 3 0 5 2 19 3 65 6 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 110. Male Athletes on Women in Leadership

Although it was only a small number male athletes, this indicates that some focused gender equity education be provided to male athletes since not only does sexism have a negative effect on college campuses, upon attaining their degrees, they will become the men that are likely to present continued barriers for women in the workforce. This makes a direct link to the Five Faces of Oppression (Faces of Women’s Oppression) and in particular the face of powerlessness in terms of both of women’s occupational position

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and economic status. Not only is sexism embedded and refracted in roles within the public sphere (workforce), as Jessica’s responses will exemplify, women are muted and oppressed within the private sphere (household). When asked the question what does being female mean to you? Jessica responded:

Jessica: To me it means being strong. I know they say that the man is the head of

the household but really without a woman there the house is going to fall apart. It

means being there for everyone.

Strength was a defining characteristic of what being a female means to Jessica. She discounted the societal gender norms that revere men as heads of the household. Yet, when asked to provide one word adjectives that convey how society expects you to be, Jessica responded with the following conflicting adjectives:

Jessica: Sexy; Weak; Submissive...Very submissive

As indicative of her adjectives, although she believes women are strong she knows that this is against the acceptable norms of society which presents a tension between male defined notions of femininity and her own self-understanding resulting in her muteness.

When asked the question if you consider the history of our nation’s beginnings and all that has transpired since, what historical event(s) do you think has made sexual assault/violence more prevalent in our society today? Adam, Selena and Jessica responded:

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Adam: Probably just the way women have always been seen as the weaker sex.

They aren’t as big or strong as men, generally and so it is just easier for guys to control them.

Selena: I just think as a whole America doesn't protect us as women…it was made by men…it wasn't made for women…or anyone else. It was made by men for men. We never had the same rights as men. There's no reason for this to not be surprising...since it has is always been this way. It’s hard to change it because we are still…it's a cycle...a vicious cycle.

Jessica: I really don't know is my opinion is that male dominance thing it's always been there; they need to conquer. I don't know any historical events but I do know that the men are supposed to be the dominant ones, the leaders, the heads of the household, the breadwinners...the ones that are so strong that women naturally over the years have felt ‘I need to obey this man.” And for 50 years women... they stayed home. They took care of the kids. They were dainty. They were proper. They were the women. And even if they didn’t consent to their husbands they had to give her husband sex every night. So it’s just something that we have always been brought up with. It’s just something we have always seen. If you go back to...like I , grew up watching I Love Lucy and those older shows, you see how proper and perfect...and motherly and how kind the women

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were in their households...and they couldn’t stand up for themselves...that just

made our society what it is today when it comes to women.

Selena believes that it was never society’s intention to protect women from violence since they were not granted the same rights as men, and therefore concludes it is difficult to change the endemic ideology because the country is stuck in a vicious cycle. While

Selena did not define vicious cycle, in the context of this dissertation research this could be an equivalent reference to a rape culture (androcentric society). Jessica attributes the prevalence of current day violence to male dominance and women’s subordinate role within the home. This makes a direct link to Five Faces of Oppression particularly the faces of marginalization, exploitation and violence. Recall from chapter two, the housewife is exploited because “she works for the maintenance of capital, not her individual family; [I]f workers had to pay someone to do it for them, a massive redistribution of wealth would be required” (Brittan & Maynard, 1984, p. 117). At the same time, the housewife is marginalized because only those contributing to labor and production are valued and respected (Young, 1990). Moreover, the women is exploited since she is expected to engage in sexual activity with her husband even if she does not want to, as Jessica pointed out, yet it is the man that benefits from much of the pleasure, according to Young (1990). This connects to the face of violence, since the wife must oblige her husband even if she does not consent, also as Jessica described. When women are subjected to the faces of oppression they are muted.

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The participants were informed that the World Health Organization (2015) indicates that one in five women will be victims of sexually assault, and one in four women will be victims of domestic violence, then asked the question Can you think of a link between the way women and men are socialized in the U.S. that contributes to the high rates of violence against women? Jessica responded:

Jessica: The standard they hold women to...the way they have to dress. The way

they have to act. The way they have to look. They have to be so submissive that I

honestly believe it gives men that thought that they're just able to take over

women. Like they see something they want they say ‘I have to conquer this!’

They have that man….that manly idea that they have to conquer something...If

they see something they want and they don't get it, they're going to take it

anyway!...that's how I feel about it.

Jessica attributes the high rates of violence against women in the United States to the standards by which society holds women to, and to man’s innate need to conquer. Jessica is alluding to “cultural imperialism (dominance) which is projected into the fabric of our day to day reality, often without people noticing that it does”…and maintains women’s subordinate position in society, since all things in western society are measured against the norms of men” (Young, 1990, p. 59). Moreover, as Martinez (2011) proffered

“violence becomes justified when men’s dominant position is threatened” (Martinez,

2011, pp. 151-152), which may explain Jessica’s summation that men must conquer or lose their dominance.

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The narratives presented in this section exemplify that women are perceived as inferior to men and consequently have experienced muting. According to Burnett et al.

(2009), “women have been muted in a multitude of ways, including the methods in which women tell stories, through male-controlled media, in the ways women’s bodies are portrayed and analyzed, and through censorship of women’s voices” (Burnett, et al.,

2009, p. 12). For Carrie, the males in her household dominated the conversations, resulting in her deferring to the opinions of others when she needs to make decisions.

Moreover, Jessica expressed disdain for the standard that they hold women to; they way they look, the way they have to dress, and the way they are supposed to submissively behave. All of these examples are forms of muting and are the outgrowth of an androcentric society (rape culture). Interestingly, although only the female interview participants were asked about their experience of muting, the male interview participants also experience muting in their daily life, as will be exemplified in the next section.

Non-Aggressive Males Are Muted Because This is a Manly Man’s World

The male interview participants shared a similar tension between societal expectations and the definitions they have for themselves and what society expects from them as males. In fact, they found themselves positioned in a network of meanings as a male that they did not identify with, and informed the assertion Non-Aggressive Males

Are Muted Because This is a Manly Man’s World. When the male interview participants were asked to: provide one word adjectives to convey how you believe men are expected to be, they responded with the following adjectives:

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Jake: Manly; Brave; Strong

Daryl: Strong; Manly; Brave

Jeffrey: Masculinity; Stronger; Tough

Adam: Tough; Brave; Strong

All twelve words the men combined provided were similar, with strong mentioned three times, and tough and brave each mentioned twice; masculinity and manly were the only adjectives each mentioned once but in a sense carry the same meaning. In fact, the adjectives for the societal expectations of men that were provided can be collapsed into two adjectives: strength and bravery, which together define manly men. Conversely, when asked to provide one word adjectives that conveys how you would like to be, the four male interview participants responded:

Jake: Myself. [He did not expand].

Daryl: Intelligent.

Adam: Honest; Smart; Nice.

Jeffrey: I don't think really too much about this kind of stuff...it doesn't really

matter to me that much. I just of my life...go to work….do the right thing...just

being... I just do my best I just don't think too much about this stuff… honestly.

Jake, Daryl, Adam, and Jeffrey all provided manly attributes that society expects them to be, but if given the choice they would rather be seen differently by society and none of them included having manly traits. This indicates that hyper-masculinity is not a problem for these participants which decrease their risks to commit rape since Tatum and Foubert

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(2009) proffered that rape proneness among men is significantly influenced by the views they have about gender, with those adhering to strict gender roles having a higher propensity to commit acts of violence against women (Mosher & Sirkin, 1984).As Young

(1990) described, “paradoxical oppression is when one is both marked by stereotypes that permeate society, at the same time rendered invisible” (Young, 1990, p. 59). In this case, like for women, the English language does not always provide them with the means to express themselves. This in turn subjects them to the disapproval and stigma similarly to when females veer from socially defined gendered norms (Heise, 2011; Goffman, 1983).

When the male participants were asked the question what does being male mean to you? Daryl provided the following response:

Daryl: Well on the broad aspect being male means that males do have some

privileges within society which is an unfortunate thing and I don't agree with that

but it is the fact I know that males get paid more for the same professions and as

being a male more times than less males are seen as more correct when women

who give the same answer are seen differently.

Daryl’s response indicates that he is aware that as a male he is afforded with some privileges that are not granted to his female counterparts. Specifically, he stated that although he does not agree with this norm, men are paid for the same professions.

According to the Joint Economic Committee for the U.S. Congress (2016), women earn

21% less than men and indicate that women will continue to be oppressed until the economic power is evenly distributed among men and women for the same job. When

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asked the question how do you navigate your desire to uphold your identity on one hand, with the expectations of being male in our society today on the other hand?

All four (n=4) males indicated that not adhering to strict gendered roles were they ways they navigated the presenting tension.

Jake: Being myself, playing my music and putting my feelings into it to get away

from the whole stereotype.

Adam: Well I mean…I guess I just try to just be me and do me. Hmmm…I mean

I am from a big family. I am one of five kids, and I am the only boy…the baby

too. So growing up with four sisters probably made me…I guess some would say

soft, but I say just a nice person. I mean there is pressure and competition that

guys have…and I do a lot of guy things but my sisters practically raised me

because my parents worked a lot…so I respect women and I am not afraid to not

live up to all the expectations…some of them seem ridiculous anyway. So yeah, I

would just say I am aware of the expectations but I don’t want to be all those

things.

Daryl: So to navigate my desire to uphold my identity with the expectations of

society…I always live my life the way more or less the way I was raised. Because

I was raised to always respect the thoughts and opinions of women in family my

family, the women are just as important as the men…compared to many other

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different families that my friends grew up in with different power plays at hand.

So I always make sure that I always treat the women with the same respect that I

have had.

Jake navigates the tension of male stereotypes and his own desires through his passion for music, which may serve as a protective factor. Adam and Daryl both cited their upbringing as having a positive influence on their developing positive views of women.

Brinkman et al. (2014) noted that children are provided with both “direct verbal and unspoken messages about appropriate behavioral norms for boys and girls “by watching how adults model gender roles (Brinkman et al., 2014, p. 837; West & Zimmerman,

1987).Moreover, they are self-sustaining because they are modeled by siblings. For

Adam, his four older sisters were influential in his development, and for Daryl unlike many of the households his friends grew up where power was differentially distributed,

Daryl was raised to treat all women with respect. In this way, Adam and Daryl were provided with a counter-narrative to sexist upbringings that others had.

Sexism “invalidates women’s thoughts, opinions, beliefs, values, feelings, preferences, and choices in favor of men’s” (David, 2014, p. 212; Brown & Gilligan,

1993; Jack, 1991; Jack & Jill, 1992). In order to address the research question in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by sexism/internalized sexism? the survey participants were administered three questions from the Internalized

Sexism Inventory developed by jona olson (1999-2011). The overall positive results from these three questions may be positively correlated with the survey participant’s

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upbringing resulting in low sexist/internalized sexist attitudes. As indicated in figure 111, when asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement I give more credibility to men's respect, approval, praise or criticism than women's, 83% (n=75) of survey participants strongly disagreed to disagreed, while 9% (n=4) responded with neutrality, and 6% (n=6) responded they strongly agree to agree.

More Credibility to Men (N=91) 50 2% 4% 9% 31% 52% 40 30 20 10 2 4 10 28 47 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 111.More Credibility to Men's Respect

The findings for this question are positive in that most of the participants of the survey do not give more credibility to men’s respect, approval, praise or criticism than to women’s.

For those that responded with neutrality, it would have been helpful to have included an open-ended follow-up question to each close-ended question of the survey to know the mitigating factors for their ambivalence (muting). Conversely although the finding represents a small sample, the survey participants that responded strongly agree to agree indicate having higher levels of sexist attitudes and consequently, are more likely to contribute to a rape culture. When the findings are disaggregated by high-risk activity participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 112, 100%

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(n=2) of participants that responded they strongly agree that they give more credibility to men’s respect, approval, praise or criticism than to women’s were males that responded they participate in athletics.

Male Athletes-Respect for Men (N=13)/(N=91) 50 40 30 20 6 10 3 2 2 4 0 10 2 28 47 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 112.Male Athletes on More Credibility to Men's Respect

When asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement when selecting providers of critical services for myself or a loved one (e.g. surgeon, legal counsel, etc.), I feel more confident in men's skills than women’s skills, as indicated in figure 113, 50% (n=49) of survey participants responded they strongly disagree to disagree, while 35% (n=32) of responded neutral, and 15% (n=13) of participants responded they strongly agree to agree they do.

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More Confident of Men's Skills (N=94) 40 4% 11% 35% 24% 26% 30 20 10 4 9 32 25 24 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 113. More Confident of Men’s Skills than Women’s

The findings for this question are positive, as half of the survey participants for this question do not feel more confident in men’s skills for critical care services than women’s. However, it is worth noting that this question rendered greater level of neutrality by participants (muting), in comparison to the last question. It would be helpful to have included an open-ended follow-up question inquiring reasons for their responses, but in its absence one theory could be the vulnerability of the context of the question which is selecting a provider of a critical service, which may result a greater level of efficacy in male providers since they are historically overrepresented in medical and legal fields. When disaggregated by high-risk activity participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 114, 75% (n=3) of the participants that responded they strongly agree that when selecting providers of critical services for themselves or a loved one (e.g. surgeon, legal counsel, etc.), they feel more confident in men's skills than women’s skill were males that responded they participate in fraternities and or athletics.

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Fraternity /Athletes' Confidence-Men's Skills (n=17)/(N=94) 40

30

20

10 4 3 9 1 32 6 25 4 24 3 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 114. Fraternity & Athletes’ Confidence in Men’s Skills than Women’s

When the interview participants were asked the question if you consider the history of our nation’s beginnings and all that has transpired since, what historical event(s) do you think has made sexual assault/violence more prevalent in our society today?

Jake and Jeffrey provided responses which were extremely applicable to this theme:

Jake: It's not just one event though. It's like a lot throughout history….men have

been put to the very top...pushed forward in jobs and in life. It shows by looking

at the Declaration of Independence…it was made for by white males for white

males.

Jake does not provide a specific historical event which has made violence against women more prevalent. However, he notes that men have always been dominant over women, and that it manifests itself in both the workforce and socially. Additionally, he alludes to the historical muting of women as evident in the Declaration of Independence, a doctrine drafted by our Founding Fathers, and which was never intended to give voice to or

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represent women when they stated “All Men Are Created Equal” (Borunda, 2011, p.

192).

Jeffrey: Well...just most guys just don't care for the most part ...I guess ...like

guys joke around like at work, to share a personal my friend John was like man

you know like dang I could do that like a girl at work and they are like ‘0h she is

so hot! Would you do that?’ and I'm like no, I have a girlfriend and then they're

like ‘that's stupid you're lame’ they're like ‘what is wrong with you? She is so

hot!’...for like 30 minutes...like shaming me for like trying to be faithful to my

girlfriend and it's like I tell them ‘it's not a big deal man! I don't care that about

that kind of thing’...but if you have that kind of thinking than I guess you know

she'll do anything and that treat women across the board like that and not like

human beings..well, I mean you see them as a human but not as an equal...I mean

if you don't see someone as a human that is equal to you and instead see them as

things like that...then I guess it is easier to do and live with yourself.

Jeffrey’s response includes a personal work experience in which he shared being shamed for not wanting to have sex with a girl or admitting she is, as he stated, “hot” According to Tanner (1990) “males engage the world as individuals in a hierarchical social order in which they are either one-up or one-down” from another male and consequently,

“conversations in this world are negotiations that either achieve or fail to bring them to a higher status” (as cited in Sandhu, 200, p. 260). In this case, the conversation Jeffrey described between he and his co-worker was intended to allow John to achieve a higher

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sexual status by ridiculing and shaming Jeffery, who by binary default, was brought to a lower sexual status. Yet Jeffrey is not moved by this ridicule and affirms he sees people as human unlike the mind-set like his co-worker John, who see all women as sexual objects are perhaps more likely to be contributors to the high rates of violence against women in the U.S.

Adversarial views against women were found to be highly correlated to rape myth acceptance, according to Burt (1980), with men that perceive both men and women in relationships as volatile and each “as manipulative, sly, cheating, opaque to the other's understanding, and not to be trusted” (p. 218), found to be more likely to perceive violence against them as justified. In order to gauge their level if adversarial views against women, a fourth question from the Internalized Sexism Inventory was administered to participants asking them to indicate their level of agreement with the statement women are not to be trusted because they are manipulative, weak or back- stabbing. As indicated in figure 115, 89% (n=41) of survey participants strongly disagreed to disagreed, 4% (n=4) of participants responded they strongly agreed to agreed, and 6% (n=6) of participants responded with nuetrality.

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Women Are Not To Be Trusted (N=94) 80 1% 3% 6 % 18% 71% 60 40 20 1 3 6 17 67 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 115.Women Are Not Trustworthy

The findings for this question are positive in that most of the participants strongly disagree to disagree that women are not to be trusted because they manipulative, weak, or back-stabbing. For those that responded with neutrality, it would have been helpful to have included an open-ended follow-up question to each close-ended question of the survey to know the mitigating factors for their ambivalence (muting). In regards to the small number of participants that responded they strongly agree to agree that women are not to be trusted, these are the participants that are more likely to commit violence against women or contribute to a rape culture. When disaggregated by those by high-risk activity participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 116,100% (n=1) of the participants that responded they strongly agreethat women are not to be trusted because they are manipulative, weak or back-stabbing were males that responded they participate in athletics.

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Male Athletes-Women Not Trusted (n=13)/(N=94) 80 60 40 20 1 1 3 1 6 1 17 4 67 6 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 116. Male Athletes-Women Are Not Trustworthy

While it was just a single participate that held this belief about women, the fact that it was found to be linked to male athletics indicates that focused education efforts to these groups of students is needed. However, overall, the findings indicate that for the participants in this study held positive attitudes towards women. In fact, when asked the question is there anything else you would like to share? a survey participant responded:

S1: Even when being the white cis male that I am, male power trips and treating

women like sexual objects is completely unacceptable.

The findings presented in this section exemplify that overall the males in this study did not identify with the gendered roles expectations that society has for them. Consequently, they “find themselves defined, positioned, and placed in a network of dominant meanings of men with whom they do not identify with” (Young, 1990, p. 59), making a direct link to the use of Muted Group Theory. Collectively, the male participants in this study represent a counter-narrative to the prevailing ideology that views women in a negative

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light, as well as signify that providing males with the space to be empowered within a male dominated society may in fact be a viable opportunity to combat sexual violence.

The Double Standard Is a Sad Reality but Socialization is Everything

Hooking up is a 21st century generational norm and is defined as engaging in casual sex without an expectation of a committed relationship (Glenn & Marquardt,

2001; Paul &Hayes, 2002) yet gender norms result in different societal regard for males and females, where women tend to be labeled “whores” and men labeled “studs.” Hence to extend on the ensuing understanding of how these male participants position themselves as males in society, an exploration into how they regard people based on sexual behavior and gender became a point of focus. What became clear from the narratives was that although the men in this study acknowledged that the double- standard for sexual conduct by society for males and females exists, they do not ascribe to this standard and for at least two of the men their socialization was influential in their developing positive attitudes towards women. This assertion emerged in response to one question it is often said that there is a double-standard when it comes to gender and sexual activity where guys can engage in sexual activity and be called a “stud,” but when girls do it they are called a “slut.” What is your take on this? to which the male participants responded:

Jake: That’s true…but I don't do that. I don’t like to put girls and guys into

categories based on how many sexual partners they had; if they want 100 partners

that's on them. I don't see thing bad about it, though.

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Daryl: I think this is something that's called also by the new social norms of

society. The way we have been talked to ever since we were little children and it's

something that I personally see is something that's an improper way to ever do in

life because every person has their own will…they can do whatever they want

but…like labeling is something that's always been a big part of life in general and

unfortunately…I think this is something that's a true thing that it does exist. Like

there's things like I will hear some guy say something then their friends will be

like ‘oh yeah go for it’ but if a girl says it they shame her...when realistically,

that's not right.

Daryl attributed it to society’s fondness to label people. In this case, since the labeling benefits males and harms women it is directly linked to both Muted Group Theory and in turn to the Five Faces of Oppression (Faces of Women’s Oppression).

Jeffrey: Shoot that’s a difficult question...right…I guess I'll just drive right in.

Most men think it's cool…they think it's awesome. But it's awful that we think

when girls do it they're sluts...it's kind of really a generalization that really

shouldn't even exist but somehow it does. I don't get that…baffles me. I was

raised by my grandparents, unlike my brother who is five years older than me and

was raised by my dad who thinks like that about women too. But my grandparents

taught me to respect people and not to see them like that so my brother is totally

different than me and I think it's because of our different upbringing. I love that I

was raised differently and think more like him than my dad.

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Jeffrey acknowledges that there is indeed a double standard when it comes to sexual activity and gender, but explained he does not ascribe to the standard himself and attributes it to his positive upbringing. Developmental Theory posits that one’s childhood and lived experiences across the life cycle are responsible for rape proneness among men

(Malamuth & Heilman, 1998), with “most offenders and violent children being found to have been raised in dysfunctional homes” (Sandhu, 2001). Jeffery mentioned that he went to live with his grandparents when he was quite young, while his brother stayed with his father in an aggressive household. He on the other hand, benefited from the positive influence of his grandfather and consequently has resulted in his brother sharing a perspective more like his father, while Jeffrey reflecting a perspective like his grandfather. Hence, socialization has a major influence, and was also cited by Adam:

Adam: Yes. It is a double standard…I don’t follow that but…then again, I am not

one of those guys that have had a lot of sexual partners. I mean, I have had

enough. But probably again because my sisters have strong personalities, they

probably made it to where I don’t think like that.

Adam also acknowledged that the double standard is a reality, but that he too does not ascribe to it, and attributes his positive attitudes towards women to the pivotal role his four older sisters played in his upbringing.

The findings presented in this section exemplify that the male interview participants recognize that society holds women and men to a different standard when it comes to sexual activity, but expressed that they do not ascribe to such standards. They

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attribute their aversion to the double standard to their upbringing where men and women were regarded as equals. These findings helps to address research question three, in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by sexual experiences/situations? While this finding indicates the promoting a positive childhood can significantly reduce sexual violence, it is also true that this poses problems that are complex and multilayered. Yet, as exemplified by these participants, in a society that that falsely assumes that men come fully equipped to assume their dominant position in society, this potentiates an opportunity for critical consciousness for men through policy and educational programming focused on the nurturing and empowerment of males.

Socialization and Sexual Violence

Within the second major theme Socialization and Sexual Violence, four assertions have been categorized as emerging from the frequency at which the participants referenced critical words/themes (see table 5) and the context of their narratives and include (1) The Bro-Code and Locker Room Talk Excludes Sexual Assault (2) Men &

Women Experienced Muting and Oppression Post-Election, and (3) The Media is

Responsible for Society’s Desensitization to Violence. Each of these will be delineated.

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Table 5. Frequencies of Themes in Socialization and Sexual Violence

Socialization

Muted Politically 10

Sexual Assault - Not Locker Room Talk 10

Socialization Anti-Women 10

Socialization Pro-Women 7

Media 4

Bro-Code Excludes Sexual Assault 4

Socialized Femininity 2

The “Bro-Code” and “Locker Room Talk” Excludes Sexual Assault

This section is a two-prong finding. The first prong focuses on the male

participants perspective on the male defined cultural norm referred to as the “bro-code”

and the parameters within the code. The second prong focuses on the male and female

interview participants’ perspective about the Hollywood Access video tape Donald

Trump. What became clear from these findings was that the male participants were

unwilling to entertain the idea that the “bro-code” could grant protections to a brother if

he had committed a sexual assault. Moreover, both the female and male participants were

adamant that boasting about grabbing women without attaining consent is a sexual

assault, as the narratives will exemplify. These assertions were based on two questions

and help to findings from these inquiries will both be delineated and to help address

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research question three in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed? The male interview participants asked for their working definition of the bro- code and what behaviors were exempt from this code of secrecy by asking them the question What does the “Bro-Code” mean to you? Have you ever encountered a situation when a friend’s actions have caused you to consider breaking the “Bro-

Code?” And how far can a “brother” go before the Bro-Code can be crossed? The four male interview participants provided the following responses:

Jake: the bro code to me means being there for a friend you know a guy being

there for one another just being not turn your back on each other Not too far oh

well kind of actually…it depends on what it is…sexual assault that's breaking it. I

would break it.

Daryl: I'm for me the bro code is just a silly more than anything else like growing

up I had a lot of friends male friends and stupid stuff like the bro code may have

been something people mentioned but in the end I make sure to find myself

around people that didn't act like that that were more like me that the same kind of

morals values and any sense of a bro code like bending together banding together

as brothers rather than over somebody else rights, which in this case would be a

woman’s rights to her body, didn't exist for me because in my circle of friends if

someone ever said something that was like crossing the line or that wasn't really

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cool we would say ‘Hey man, that's not cool. You better make sure that you

apologize and think before you for say something like that again.’

Daryl’s response indicated that he is aware that this code exists, but was not something valued or practiced among his circle of friends. This in turn, most likely served as a protective factor, as Adler, Kless, and Adler (1992) posited that children’s moral development is influenced by peers; with those that associate with deviant peers being more likely to commit acts of sexual violence against women. Additionally, a norm within Daryl’s group of friends was to police each other’s behavior when a friend crossed one of the group’s core values. Daryl’s positioning both with the group of friends he associated with, a line within the group and refraining from hanging around other kids that did not share the group’s values, which in the context of this question, was a women’s right to self-govern her body.

Jeffrey: (laughter) Um...It's a joke! The bro code is probably just a made up term

to do things just like this because just make things justifiable and make it okay to

do things but really it's not just put waiting on something just like it’s the Bro

code when really you're just trying to do something wrong and get away with it. It

is wrong.

Adam: From my perspective the bro-code is reserved for like when you were in

middle or high school and someone cheated on their girlfriend…or something like

that. I mean, cheating is bad but I mean when you’re younger it’s kind of

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expected. As adults…is there a bro-code? I mean, there’s like guy’s night out..like

to the bar, but the code can’t make it so you go rape a girl and get protected…or it

shouldn’t anyway.

Jeffrey and Adam perceive the bro-code to be a completely made up code that people use for the sole purpose of doing something wrong and to avoid blame or guilt. In many ways, he is alluding to ad hoc excuses that Wegner et al. (2015) proffered is used among sex offenders and in turn absolve themselves from the guilt, shame, embarrassment, and revulsion that would normally accompany such a violation (Bandura et al., 1996; Snyder

& Higgins, 1988; Ward, Hudson, & Marshall, 1995) and to cover up wrong doings and consequently, promotes the notion that some code of honor that trumps another person’s bodily right. Just like Ballantyne (2015) said “Popular sayings like ‘Boys will be boys’ generally applied to socially reprehensible behavior, reinforce the idea that boys—and men—are somehow less able to control their actions or are less refined than girls or women, and grants them reprieve from accountability” (p.44). The same is said to be true with what has been named the bro-code.

The second prong to this section emerged from the attempt to gauge the perceptions and attitudes about sexual assault when applied to a recent point of contention in the 2016 presidential election. The eight (N=8) interview participants, were shown a clip from the 2005 that surfaced on October 8, 2016, and which captures Donald

Trump openly bragging about grabbing women while talking with former Access

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Hollywood television show host Billy Bush (Washington Post, 2016). On the tape,

Donald Trump is captured saying:

“I moved on her like a bitch, but I couldn’t get there. And she was married…I’ve

got to use some Tic Tacs, just in case I start kissing her…You know I’m

automatically attracted to beautiful — I just start kissing them. It’s like a magnet.

Just kiss. I don’t even wait…And when you’re a star, they let you do it…You can

do anything…Grab them by the pussy…You can do anything” (figure 10;

Washington Post, 2016).

The interview participants were then showed the video Donald Trump issued as a response to the resurfaced tape apologizing for what he called “locker room talk” and not a “sexual assault.” Following the two video clips, the interview participants were asked the question many people considered it “locker room talk” and others considered it

“sexual assault.” What is your take on this? to which the eight (N=8) interview participants provided the following responses:

Jake: Sexual assault you just can't grab the girl by the koochy like that…without

consent. So many people were very biased…they were defending him…like

always…just a guy…it's okay if I talk like this…but I never talk like that. My

friends never talk like that.

Jake clearly recognized when that Donald Trump boasted about grabbing women in the genitals, consent was not been obtained. Recall from chapter one, federal law defines consent as “a freely given agreement to the conduct at issue by a competent person. An

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expression of lack of consent through words or conduct means there is no consent” (10

U.S. Code § 920 - Art. 120). Additionally, Jake’s response was similar to many athletes that came forward following the release of this video that said that all of the time they have been in the locker room, no men talk like that. This sentiment was also held by

Maria who was a female wrestler among a cast of mostly men.

Daryl: I would take this more as a sexual assault then locker room talk the things

that he said we're very offensive highly inappropriate. Also, in regards to his

apology he flipped everything back around to her and others once again to get his

anger out towards a woman and trying to all of the attention from himself that was

negative and putting off on her.

Daryl alluded to Donald Trump’s anger towards women and deflection from his behavior in his apology video. This response, while also a political maneuver, is indicative of

Narcissistic Reactance Theory described in chapter two. Men with this disposition “tend to have unrealistic positive self-evaluations, and who blame other sources when confronted about their behaviors” and subsequently, are more likely to commit acts of sexual violence” (Baumeister et al., 2002, p. 3; Snyder & Higgins, 1988). Moreover, when perpetrators use excuses, such as the one Donald Trump alluded to, they absolve themselves from the guilt, shame, embarrassment, and revulsion that would normally accompany such a violation (Bandura et al., 1996; Snyder& Higgins, 1988; Ward,

Hudson, & Marshall, 1995).

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Adam: It’s a no brainer. It was sexual assault. I mean when they were saying stuff like ‘oh, your girl is hot as hell’ that is locker room talk. But that wasn’t all that was said on this video. He was bragging that because he is a star he does whatever he wants and doesn’t wait…that’s sexual assault.

Jeffrey: A total sexual assault! When he tried to apologize...it was a total joke I don't even believe him. It shouldn't be allowed at all. Maybe I'll start with the fact that he's able to even be run for president at all or that there have not been any actions caused and he became president is wrong. I just can't believe we haven't taken more action on it. I think…how could this happen and everyone acts like it doesn’t exist...or minimize what they are willing to agree happened that it was just

‘locker room talk’ and not someone bragging about grabbing women.

The female interview participants also responded to this question:

Selena: Sexual assault. [She did not expand].

Carrie: Sexual assault. This was a big debate in my house and with my friends. It is frustrating because it seems so obvious and should upset everyone, but instead people are laughing it off as “locker room talk” because when I think of locker room talk between guys I thing they talk more like about how hot a girl is or what they may like to do to do with her…but he said he doesn’t even wait and that

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when you are a star they let you do it. So the way I see it, he was bragging about

committing a crime.

Jessica: Sexual assault. It's wrong. It's rude to talk like that…No one that I

associate with talks like that. Like my brothers…none of them talk about women

like that. And for this monster to become president is teaching other women that

they could be talked to like that. It's teaching our children that it's okay to be

talking like that. It’s teaching guys out there that it's okay to talk like that ‘I need

some tic tacs in case I start kissing her...I'm just attracted to beautiful women...I

just can't help myself’ no, keep it in your pants. It’s not okay to say those things.

You need to ask before you just start kissing them.

The findings presented in this section exemplify two constructs. The first is that although the male participants in this study acknowledge they have heard of the bro-code, they do not believe that the code should protect men that commit a sexual assault. In fact, some of them believe that it was a made up concept men use to do something like a sexual assault and evade punishment. The other construct that was exemplified in this section is that locker room talk excludes sexual assault. The fact that all eight (N=8) interview participants responded that perceive Donald Trump’s words to be definitive of a sexual assault and indicates they understand that consent requires that an agreement between two people be exchanged, which Donald Trump clearly does not attain. These findings are promising as it indicates that these participants understand that the well-

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being and bodily integrity of others comes before frivolous code of secrecy or some protected male talk.

Men & Women Experienced Muting and Oppression Post-Election

This section illuminates how the participants navigated the political tensions in relation to their gender and experience as a result of Donald Trump being elected president of the United States despite the interview participants’ overwhelmingly belief that he bragged about committing sexual assault. The findings indicate that both the male and female participants experienced dissonance in the aftermath of the election and have concern for the impact this result will have on subsequent generation. This assertion is based on the participants’ responses to two interview questions, and help to address research question four, in what ways are college students muted (i.e. as women, consent, sexual assault current events)? When the males were asked the question:

During this whole election period the behaviors of men have been scrutinized. Aside from any political party affiliation, how this affected you? The three male interview participants provided the following responses:

Jake: Well now all girls are looking at guys like a sex beast you know…or they're

looking at us like we all are always sexist and going to treat us wrong blah

blahblah it's really brought down the whole views about men stuff you know

Daryl: I'm partially would say I have just because of my workplace I have a lot of

people that I work with that have different views than me who I would say are my

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opposers in a sense because they have the mindset that I would say is very similar

to Trump which I don't clash with that kind of thinking.

Jeffrey: Well I think of us as a whole. I don't really think of myself as a “man”

but I just think myself as a “human being” so...I just live. But as far as this

event…I try not to pay attention to all that stuff…I just feel terrible that this guy is

now our President because I don’t think he fits the idea of that role. In fact, it

makes me question what is that the role now…I don’t know…his values don’t

reflect any of mine.

Adam: It’s awful. I mean most people know that I am not that way after meeting

me, but sure it has caused a divide as far as if that behavior by all men.

Jake dislikes the ramifications that have come from the sexual assault contention about

Donald Trump, locker room talk and sexual assault. Because he is a male, he feels that all women are not looking at him as a potential sexual predator or as chauvinistic that will treat women with disrespect. Daryl expressed having a contentious work environment since the election, since many of his co-workers share views on this issue that favor

Donald Trump and his words as merely locker room talk. Jeffrey was taken aback by the question, as he does not think about gender, or the impact that such events have on societal generalizations of males. Instead, he prefers to see people as simply human-

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beings. It is this role of being human that he associates his disappointment from Donald

Trump being elected President. He shares none of Donald Trump’s values and now questions society’s expectation of the role and standards for such an important and powerful role which consequently mutes him from his own experience as a citizen.

The men in this study appeared to be negatively affected by the tension in society that was heightened by the socio-political debate of whether a sexual assault had occurred or that it was locker room talk. For Daryl, the experience affected his work relations and in a sense dividing employees by those that believed a sexual assault occurred and others that...that believe it was simply locker room talk, with Jeffery now questioning the role and standards for the president of the country. These incongruence’s, and resulting dissonance is a form of muting they experienced as citizens. The women and survivors of sexual assault also experienced muting. In the following narrative, Selena describes her experience of oppression as a woman and sexual assault survivor in response to the question how has the post-election talk and result affected you as a survivor of sexual assault?

Selena: It made me really upset because I had school the next day after the

election and I am in an sociology class where we talk about different oppressive

issues...I mean hearing what people were saying and then really upset me because

it made me feel like no one respected me or women and women like me make me

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feel like the country doesn't care about how the women are treated or respected I

think it's wrong.

Selena’s response is indicates that she was deeply affected by the reactions she received and observed from others. When Selena used the words “oppressive issues” to describe the content covered in her sociology class, it indicates that she perceives the events of the election and post-election reactions from others to be an oppressive time for women, thereby linked to the Faces of Women’s Oppression (Five Faces of Oppression and

Muted Group Theory).

Jessica: Absolutely it bothered me...What about the young girls growing up with

him as president...at ages 10 and 15 they are going to grow up to think that if this

is how the president of the United States talks, why can't I. Or at my college?

They are going to take that with them and they are going to hurt the women and

think it’s ok. They are with. Or in high school. It's a trickle-down situation. The

only thing that's going to happen is more women are going to get hurt.

Jessica expressed her disdain for the post-election as a sexual assault survivor. She states her concern for the young, impressionable girls throughout the country that will now be growing up with Donald Trump as their president. Jessica also expresses

The findings presented in this section exemplify that the interview participants experienced dissonance after the 2016 Presidential election. The males describe the scrutiny they have received as males from other women since the surfacing of the video of him bragging about grabbing and kissing women, leading to their being generalized as

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sex beasts that are out to hurt women. Additionally, the expectations that they have of presidential behavior were disregarded and resulted in their now questioning what is the role and acceptable behavior of a president of the country. Moreover, they fear the impact of having a person that has behaved as Donald Trump has govern the country will have on the impressionable youth, many of whom now believe it is acceptable to talk and behave as he was captured on video. Muted Group Theory, applies to these participants since they are forced to become inarticulate because they are forced to use the language does not name some of their experiences” (Ardener, 2005, p. 2).

The Media is Responsible for Society’s Desensitization to Violence

The interview participants pointed to the media as having an influential role in the prevalence of violence in the United States. They contend that it is the many sources by which society is exposed to violence that has resulted in a desensitization of society to violence. This assertion was based on the media being referenced four times by the participants (see table 5), and on the context of their responses. Together, the findings presented here helped to address research question three in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by online sexual violence and in the media? and were formed by first informing the interview participants that according to the World

Health Organization (2015), one in five women will be victims of sexually assault, and one in four women will be victims of domestic violence (WHO, 2015), then asking the question Can you think of a link between the way women and men are

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socialized in the U.S. that contributes to the high rates of violence against women?

The participants provided the following responses:

Jeffrey: Good question...more prevalent...Well I mean we definitely could talk

about it I mean I don't know what the time…could be in the 1900s...and they

created the newspapers...to get the public…the mass society thinking about issues.

But now, we get information from so many different media outlets that it can turn

a regular guy to think like this is okay to be violent. So when you bring it up in

the news...it's the only way to get people to acknowledge that there is a problem.

So it's like a double edge sword….because the more people that talk about it the

more people that are going to do it. So it is hard to stop it all at once.

Daryl: Well I think one thing that is socialized in the United States is the media

and the media highly influences the way men and women interact with each other.

Most times the movies, films, everything like that…even song lyrics treat like

women improperly. They're like referred to by bad names throughout; the

derogatory terms that make women seen as less than representative….less than.

And then all these influences a child gets watching Disney movies…you see that

how all the female characters are treated in a much different way than the male

characters are treated and was treated transparent.

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Adam: The media. Violence is everywhere and it’s made to look like the way it’s supposed to be…the cool way to act. It’s online, in rap lyrics, on TV.

Selena: Yeah the media that we're seeing on TV shows is that like men is just to act a certain way and like women are just act another way towards men and everything…and everything you see you pick up on and you think that's what you're supposed to act but it's not everything you do is kind of learned so if you learn that's what you're supposed to act the way you act.

Carrie: Definitely the media. It consumes us. We have televisions in every room; we have computers, telephones that are like a computer, tablets, and game systems. So we kind of have been conditioned to be so connected to everyone— like two of my brothers play X-Box with people in like New Zealand—and with the headsets you can talk to them too—but even though we are so connected, we really aren’t all that connected. Do you know what I mean? It’s like we get to hear or to know each other’s personalities or interests…like on Facebook…but we don’t have the same connection like you would if you met up downtown. And when my brothers get into the game…because we still live with my parents while we go to college…you can hear them cussing…calling each other “little bitches” and stuff like…it’s like they are aggressive…but behind the screen..and they are having fun doing it…so yes, the media plays a big role in violence.

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Adam, Selena, and Carrie strongly believe that the media is responsible for creating a society that regards violence as normal and for the prevalent rate at which women experience violence. Beck, Boys, Rose, and Beck (2012) delineated four interrelated processes by which male aggression is promoted within the context of Social Learning

Theory and include (1) perpetuation of rape myths, (2) modeling (imitating rape scenes and other acts of violence toward women), (3) associating sexuality and violence, and (4) desensitization to fear, pain, and humiliation of sexual assault. Video game simulations of violence and game features such as rapeplay are a form of modeling. When players engage in these games, and in Carrie’s example, communicate aggression with other players in a virtual world, increases the risks for players to normalize and consequently express aggression in their daily lives (Fox & Potocki, 2016).

Yet as Daryl mentioned, even Disney movies transmit powerful messages about gender role expectations, thereby making a strong connection to Young’s (1990) Five

Fives of Oppression (Women’s Faces of Oppression) and Muted Group Theory and reinforcing Brownmiller’s (1993) claim that messages seep into children’s minds subconsciously. This indicates that merely restricting explicitly violent media from children is insufficient, as messages come disguised in seemingly innocent media as well.

Hence, the empowerment of parents is critically needed to engage in conversations about with children about all media to deconstruct the viewed content and to challenge gender role portrayals in order to build agency.

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The Experience of Sexual Violence

The third category The Experience of Sexual Violence highlights the participants’ experiences of sexual violence, and their struggles in life as a result of the trauma. Within this theme are four assertions that emerged from the frequency of the references made by the narratives (table 6) and the closed-ended survey findings. These include(1) Sexual

Assault Is A Silent Epidemic Indeed (2) Sexual Violence is a Common & Inevitable

Experience of Women (3) College Women Must Be Armed and Not Stray from the Path, and (4) Sexual Assault Changes You.

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Table 6. Frequencies of Themes in the Experience of Sexual Violence

Assault, Reporting, Outcome

Sexual Violence & Pressures 14

Child Molestation 4

Sexually Assaulted Under Influence Alcohol 3

Didn’t Know They Were Victims Until Older 2

Reported 10

No Justice 11

Alcohol Mitigates Rape 3

Unreported 2

Light Sentence 1

Recommendations - Be Safe-Don’t Go Alone 8

Restricted Behavior to Prevent Rape 7

Academic-Mental Health 6

Recommendations – Weapons 2

Sexual Violence is a Common & Inevitable Experience of Women

The findings presented in this section will support the assertion that for these

participants the harassment, coercion, and experiences of everyday sexual violence is

something that they were introduced to early in their development and has persisted into

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adulthood, leading the women to believe that such behaviors by men are inevitable. In fact, per table 5, sexual violence and pressures were referenced by female participants 10 times. The shared their personal experiences as females in society and how they navigate their own desires with the omnipresence of sexual violence. The findings will also help to address research question two, in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by sexual experiences/situations? When asked the female interview participants were asked the question what kinds of sexual pressures do you experience as a female in person or online? The female participants responded:

Amy: Pressure to always be sexual…I guess. I mean, you can’t go anywhere

without having some guy stare at you…you know, like they are undressing you

with their eyes? Or if you go out with your friends it’s like inevitable that one of

you are going to have to blow some creep off that won’t stop talking to you, or

telling you how hot you look. I mean I appreciate that people think I am pretty,

but it doesn’t mean I want to be harassed all night. But I think some guys think we

should be flattered that they act or say stuff like that…

Selena: Well I mean like sometimes you'll be walking on the street you'll get cat

called by guys or like online someone guys will try to get to send them naked

pictures both online and through text or messenger…or if you want to have sex

and I don't think that happens all that often to men so those are going to pressures

that I face as a girl. It just seems like you're just treated differently just because

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you are female or they just see you in a sexual way...they can't see you as

anything else.

Carrie: Oh gosh…tons...like I have big boobs…so I always got that ‘Let me see

those huge tits’. It was all going through school too because I had to wear like a

size C cup in 5th grade, so I always had boys snap my bra straps when they were

behind me in line…or even spreading rumors that that I stuff my bra…I would

just laugh it off in front of everyone…but it bothered me. I would wear big baggy

shirts and sweaters…even when it was hot out. It made me really self-conscious.

By the time I got to middle school and high school I kind of grew into them, but

guys still would like gawk at you and ask ‘send me a nudie pic!’ I am like ‘Hey!

Dude! My eyes are up here!” (laughter) but it is just life I guess.

As indicated in their responses these women have experienced pressure with regards to their sexuality by males. In fact, it happens so frequent they have come to expect it when they go out at night or walk down the street. It is their perceptions that that males think they should be flattered by this attention, and have come to believe that men just can’t help but see women in a sexual way. This parallels the saying, ‘boys will be boys’ which excuses often vulgar male behavior (Ballentyne, 2015). It is these summations that have become a reality of so many women, and connects to Carrie’s experience in which she described being extremely developed at a young age, and despite her attempts to hide it, subjected her to harassment in line at school figure, and eventually also being asked to

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send sexy pictures to her male peers. Amy, Selena and Carrie’s common summation that sexual violence is inevitable is the outgrowth from a rape culture (androcentric society), where “physical and emotional terrorism against women is condoned as the norm

(Buchwald et al. 1993: vii) by socially conditioning both men and women to assume that sexual violence is a fact of life, as inevitable as death or taxes” (Rentscheler, 2014, p.

66).This ideology must be dismantled with efforts implemented made early since as described by Carrie victimization is in full force by the fifth grade.

Unfortunately, questions about pressures for explicit photographs were eliminated from the survey instrument in an effort to prevent survey fatigue. This is signifies a focus for future research. However, the survey participants were asked to indicate their level if agreement with the statement I have been sexually harassed online. As indicated in figure 117, while 61% (n=57) of participants responded they had not, 38% (n=36) of participants responded they had. For 2% (n=1) of participants, this question was not applicable.

Sexually Harrassed Online (N=94) 60 38% 61% 1% 50 40 30 20 10 36 57 1 0 Yes No Not Applicable

Figure 117. Online Sexual Harassment

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The findings from this question indicate that almost half of the survey participants had been sexually harassed online. In hindsight, it would have been helpful to have provided an open-ended follow-up question to allow the participants to explain the forms and extent of their disclosed online sexual harassment. Yet, the fact that these participants have to experience this harassment at all is significance in itself. Cyberbullying is a 21st century bullying term to describe “instances where someone uses technology to bully someone else” (Dodge, 2016, p. 67). Yet, because the harassment often goes beyond typical bullying, in some cases to the point where youth are committing suicide, we must unapologetically challenge the use of the word cyberbullying which serves to minimize the harm caused on another person (muting). If a rape culture (androcentric society) is to be transformed, both young people and adults alike [must be empowered] with the appropriate terminology for such behavior which is online sexual violence (Dodge, 2016, p. 67).

S12: I wouldn't call myself a victim of sexual assault, because that would give the

person more power... But I am a survivor of assault and harassment, physically,

verbally, online, and more.

Jessica responded about the harassment that permeates college life:

Jessica: And when you go to school you have men in all your classes. You have

older men on campus and are a lot of older creepy men. You know, like when you

walk by they are like whistling at you ‘Hey sexy!’ Like in class I had this older

man in my class probably in his 50s...and every time I walk in there he would be

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like ‘hey Jessica! And I'm like I don't know who you are And I would

immediately get terrified because I don't know it What he wanted and I told him I

married I wear my wedding ring everything all day I told him I'm not interested

Every single day he would like wink at me and flirt with me We're try to engage

in a conversation with me And I obviously did not want to talk to

him…creepy…and it's like that throughout the whole entire campus. There are

some people out there that advocate for women the other things like that but what

they don't understand is that around the next corner are guys sitting there staring

at girls as they walk by...staring at their butts. You get in the car and it's

nighttime and there are still men that was hang out by the parking garage staring

at you And I'm always scared because it's like what are you waiting for? If I am

not the right one, then who is?I had so many problems in that class…I ended up

dropping it because I could not concentrate. I was terrified he was going to be

there. I did not want to talk to him. I just did not want to deal with him.

Jessica describes her experience as a sexual assault survivor and trying to attend college and having to struggle with sexual harassment, with one man causing her so much distress that she dropped the course because she could not concentrate. A survey participant illuminates that sexual harassment in the workplace continues to be a dismal reality for many women:

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S4: I was working at McDonalds and this guy was telling another guy that he bets

I suck a mean dick. I told on him and he was fired. He went to sonic where my

husband worked and my husband confronted him and he left with no job.

Beyond sexual harassment, the four female interview participants were each victims of sexual assault and/or rape. They were brave enough to share their experiences in the hopes of making a difference in the trajectory of other students’ lives. Three of the women (Selena, Carrie, and Amy) experienced unwanted sexual contact since entering college, while Jessica experienced unwanted sexual contact by three separate men throughout her childhood. Amy’s experience will be delineated here, because it portrays the often unassuming predicament that runs in contrast to the typical scenario one may have of a sexual assault in college. When the female interview participants were asked to please share (what you are comfortable with) your experience of unwanted sexual contact during college, Amy responded:

Amy: Well…it was at the end of my first year. Everything had been ok until

then…as far as settling down at college. The newness of leaving home was

wearing off. I have to say that in the beginning…when I first moved into the

dorms I did go to a lot of parties. But it’s one of those things that you know stuff

is going to happen...like pressure to hookup and stuff. But I feel I had gotten

through the hard part. I was settling down to where I didn’t have to go to every

party that I heard about. And I started liking this guy. He seemed nice. Anyway,

when we heard about a party he was like ‘you going to go to the party?’ and I was

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like ‘I don’t know are you?’ and then we decided to hang out at his place instead.

We rented movies and we just had a good time. We started making out and it was

all good…but then he wanted to go further…you know…have sex…and I didn’t

want to. I was telling him to stop, that I wasn’t ready…but he wouldn’t listen to

me. Basically, he ended up having sex with me…and then when he was done he

got up to go to the bathroom, and when he came back I was crying. He got

irritated with me and was like ‘I thought you liked me?’ and I did…but it didn’t

mean that I was obligated to sleep with him…

To gauge the prevalence of sexual assault among the survey participants, they were asked to indicate their agreement with the statement I was touched sexually and/or raped prior to starting college. As indicated in figure 118, when32% (n=30) of participants responded they had; likewise, when the participants were also asked to indicate their agreement with the statement: I have been touched in a sexual way without consent since entering college, 20% (n=19) of participants responded they had. Figure 116 also displays these results.

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Experienced A Sexual Assault (N=94)

35 32 % 20% 30 25 20 15 10 5 30 19 0 Sexually Assaulted Prior to College Sexually Assaulted in College

Figure 118. Experienced a Sexual Assault

Sexual violence is a pervasive problem in the United States (Burnett, et al., 2009).

However, as indicated in figure 118 the problem of sexual assault begins long before students set foot on a college campus. In fact, the World Health Organization (2015) reported that “by the time a child goes to college, as many as 21% of students report a lifetime incidence or rape or attempted rape” (Tatum & Foubert, 2009, p. 195). When someone has been sexual assaulted during childhood and or adolescence, they are “67% more likely to be assaulted again as a result of a delay in recognizing risks and/or because they respond less assertively during sexual assaults” (p.76). Sexual violence is extremely prevalent on its college campuses, with 20% of college women victims of unwanted sexual encounters (Lawyer et al., 2010). Interestingly, the (n=19; 20%) participants that responded they have been sexually assaulted since entering college, a rate which mimics the national statistics in this study. When disaggregated by high risk participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 119, 6% (n=2) of participants

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that responded they were touched sexually prior to starting college, also responded they participate in sororities. None of them have been sexually assaulted since entering college.

Sororities-Experienced A Sexual Assault (n=5) (N=94) 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 30 2 19 0 0 Sexually Assaulted Prior to College Sexually Assaulted in College

Figure 119.Sororities on Experienced a Sexual Assault

In attempt to gain insight into how the interview participants attribute the prevalence of violence with the way they were socialized, and to address research question four In what ways are students muted (i.e. historically)? they were informed that the World Health Organization (2015) indicates that one in five women will be victims of sexually assault, and one in four women will be victims of domestic violence, then asked the question Can you think of a link between the way women and men are socialized in the U.S. that contributes to the high rates of violence against women? Daryl’s response is most applicable in regards to sexual assault:

Daryl: Well historically speaking...In the slave trade women sexually assaulted

and I think that's something that's always just been. They were built that way.

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That's the social norms…think you can force yourself on a woman…that's what

they were there for. In their eyes they were baby makers. That was their purpose.

It didn’t matter if they wanted you to or not. As men you just had the right back

then. And that’s the way it's historically played out, the way they teach you in

books...well not the ones you read at school but the ones you could read outside of

school…you can see what's happening in history throughout time it has there are

always cases like this that pop up make it specially among politics and mean it

always goes back to politics because that's how the kings were.

Daryl traces the prevalence of current day violence to the institution of slavery, where white men bought and sold Blacks as pieces of property for cheap agricultural labor”

(Mays, 1986, p. 585), and where women slaves were used for breeding with white men

(Desai, 2014). Daryl also noted that although the history books in our schools are sanitized, he has read books outside of school which has informed him of the extreme and abundant violence that marks America history, which makes a direct link to Muted Group

Theory and fosters cultural imperialism (Ransby, 1992). This indicates that accurate history must be included in school textbooks, since cultural imperialism is the driving force by which the other four other faces of oppression (marginalization, powerlessness exploitation and violence) are enacted, thereby linked to the Five Faces of Oppression

(Faces of Women’s Oppression).

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Sexual Assault Is A Silent Epidemic Indeed

The findings presented in this section illuminates that for too many sexual assault victims their victimization either remains a secret because they felt afraid and or ashamed, or they might as well remained silent because they were met with unsympathetic law enforcement or a perfunctory justice system. Moreover, this section exemplifies that sexual assault does not discriminate as it affects both children and adults are targets for these heinous crimes, yet the system does for an array of mitigating factors designed to fail them. This assertion emerged from the frequency at which key words/themes were referenced which was 20 times (see table 7), the content of the participants’ responses, and their responses to survey questions.

The first of the narratives to frames this theme centers on Jessica’s childhood experiences of sexual assault and the silencing she subsequently experienced after disclosing the offenses to her mother and law enforcement. When Jessica was asked the question have you ever felt that you did not have a voice, or the words to describe what you were feeling, or that you were not heard because you are a female? she responded:

Jessica: Oh absolutely! Yes! Absolutely. Every time I was molested I would say

something and the first thing they would say is ‘why? what did you do?’ Why?

Why should I even be a thing I asked that question? Just because I'm a woman

does not mean I asked for it. It does not mean I wanted it. I didn't have a voice at

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all. They even told me I'm too young. I'm too naive. I don't know what I'm talking

about. I can't press these charges and have them hold up in court.

Jessica’s was then asked to please share (what you are comfortable with) your experience of unwanted sexual contact, to which she responded:

Jessica: I was sexually assaulted three times before I went to college. Do you want to

hear all three situations? [Whatever you feel comfortable sharing.] So when I was

seven I went camping with my mom and her boyfriend, my brother's father and

his brother, my uncle, and a friend and his wife. We were camping...we shared a

huge seven person tent. Apparently the night before all the men went out drinking

and when they came back I woke up to somebody’s hands down my pants. And I

look up and it’s my uncle…and I'm only seven... I don't know what's happening…

I didn’t want to yell because I always got in trouble if I woke up my step dad…He

picked me up and put me on his shoulders. He kept putting his hands down my

pants. He told me ‘we're going to go up this mountain.’ He didn't actually put me

down and go back to camp until I was crying and screaming...

When asked the question did you disclose the sexual assault? If so what was the outcome of reporting? Jessica’s response is evidence of further trauma she was forced to endure.

Jessica: When I got back to camp and my mom saw that I was crying and asked

me what happened, I told her everything. The first thing that my stepdad said was

“You're lying!” He wouldn't do that!” A seven year old can't make up something

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like that. If you would have looked at me with a saw that I had scratches on my

legs from his hands holding me. They didn’t even look. My mom and step dad

invited him back to the house two years later to stay with us for a weekend...That

was fun.

Jessica then shared her next experience of unwanted sexual contact:

Jessica: The second time I was twelve and in the sixth grade. It was the longest

and most continuous of all situations. He was my grandmother's roommate. He

lived downstairs. He was extremely obese. He was huge and he had [mobility

issues]. He would call my mom and say ‘hey can Jessica come and help me?’ I

knew that it was wrong, but I was scared and I didn't know how to deal with it. He

would put his hands on my shoulder, then down my shirt, or grab my butt when I

would be walking by. I would be sitting on the couch and he would be kissing my

on my lips and trying to stick his tongue in my mouth. I would keep my lips real

tight so he couldn’t do that...but it was still awful....[One day] he called my mom

and said ‘I have some papers for you. Can you send Jessica over to get them?’... I

told my mom I don't want to go…[but] my mom said ‘yeah go pick up those

papers for me. He has 40 bucks for me anyway’...because he used to pay me to do

chores. When I got there he immediately told me to go in the hallway and take

off my [clothes]. I was terrified…there was no way out. So I did what he told me

to do, and he just stood there staring. Then I put my [clothes] back on and I went

to the kitchen. I said oh let's just hope this is it. It wasn't. He put his hands down

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my body and my pants...touching me. I shifted and closed my legs so he couldn't

do that anymore. But then he stuck his hands down the back so he can get his way

anyway...and then I went back into the living room to go sit on the couch waiting

for the papers...hoping it will just go away soon, he tried getting on top of me and

kissing me. I told him no! I did not want this...I finally said no. Because it

happened probably two to three months... he said ‘Here!’ and threw the papers at

me.

When asked the question did you disclose the sexual assault? If so what was the outcome of reporting? Jessica’s response is evidence of further trauma she was forced to endure.

Jessica: I ran out the door and cried all the way home. When I got home I saw my

mom and she told my grandma who came home immediately. We called the

police. I sat in a police car out in front of the house with him on the phone. They

were like basically saying ‘make sure he knows what he did. Make sure he says

he won't ever do it again’ you know ‘try to get him to admit to it. And he did. He

admitted it. He said “Sorry I did that. I won't do it again. Please don't tell your

mom.’ He said it on camera in the police car. Finally in the courts...well my mom

told me what the court said, ‘I'm too young’ [At twelve?] That's what she said. I

don't believe her because I was there when they said ‘okay here id your court

date.’ I put that on my calendar because I was waiting for that date. But when I

went to wake her up morning She said no just go to school So she told me

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recently Couple of weeks ago When I confronted her about everything She said

no they told me you couldn't test that you were too young They said that was

impossible I don't know what to believe I know what I heard I know that I was

waiting for it Then again it was so long ago.

Jessica then shared her last experience of unwanted sexual contact:

Jessica: The third time was when I was 15. It was my mom's boyfriend. And they

have been together for probably a year. She was pregnant by him. They broke

up…but he kept coming over. My mom would ask him all the time for

money…So this time he said ‘yeah I'll give you $35 for shampoo and laundry

detergent if you have Jessica come over and help me clean my house.’ The last

time I saw him, he whispered in my ear. He put his lips on my ear. And I was like

no I don't want to go. But she said ‘If you don't go I can't get my laundry

detergent or I can't get this soap you can't do the dishes I can't do laundry.’ So I

went over there helped him with [household chores]. Then he was like ‘oh come

here!’ I followed him into his bedroom...I thought maybe to clean his closets at

that time… no creepy vibe then, he said “Come here. Lay down on the bed.” [He

wanted to show her a trick with his puppy] Pressing up against my body, with his

erect penis up against my lower back and my butt, and rubbing his hands all over

my body and the dogs not paying attention at all... so I am like okay...I know this

routine. I know what happens. I have a voice and I'm not going to let this happen.

So I set up on the bed I said I'm going to go watch TV In the living room. I think

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he caught on that I wasn't having it. I [asked] can we leave now? and he said

‘sure. Here's the money for your mom And then he puts his hand on my bra and

starts rubbing my chest and said ‘here's $5 for you.’ And I was like ‘you know

what? I'm tired of feeling to like a prostitute for my mother.’ This is not okay.

When asked the question did you disclose the sexual assault? If so what was the outcome of reporting? Jessica’s response is evidence of further trauma she was forced to endure.

Jessica: I got back and told my mom and I was crying. My grandma is rubbing

my back tell me it’s okay we're going to get this. We're going to do this. My mom

doesn't care at all. She doesn't care. The only thing she cared about was the

money. She said ‘did you at least get the money?’ I told her everything, and she

didn't care. She said what do you want me to do about it She was angry at me

‘What do you want me to do about it? I don't ever want to see you again can we

do that? I never want to see him again I never want to talk to me again. She said

okay fine I won't I didn't hear it on the phone but he kept saying no it didn't

happen didn't happen...she wasn’t going to take the money so I just pushed it in

her bra’ And I am outside her door crying I know my mom can hear me. She just

stayed on the phone with him…then she comes out and gives me a dirty look and

walked away. And I'm 15. I'm not stupid. I know I have had this happen to me

twice before, I don't understand why she doesn't believe me.

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Although Jessica did the right thing each time by disclosing to her what had happened to her, she was not protected nor met with the reactions that a young child who had just been sexually assaulted should receive. None of the three men that assaulted her were ever brought to justice in a court of law. Jessica’s heartbreaking story echoes Giroux

(1998) notion of the myth of childhood innocence and the disappearing child that often mirror each other. In many ways the violation she experienced at seven, twelve, and fifteen indicate that her childhood was not filled with wonder and a belief in fairies; instead she barely had a childhood as she was sexualized and taken advantaged of sexually by these grown men with whom she trusted. Jessica’s experience is the sad reality of 20% of women and 10% of men around the globe report being victims of sexual violence as children, according to the World Health Organization (2015). In the United

States, “by the time a child goes to college, as many as 21% of students report a lifetime incidence or rape or attempted (Tatum & Foubert, 2009, p. 195). Moreover, Jessica’s experience alludes to child sex trafficking; although “pimps often target children outside of their family, a family member may also prostitute a child (Innocence Lost Working

Group, 2010). In this case her mother was her pimp, and because she had developed a loving and caring relationship with each of her perpetrators, she complied with their demands. Moreover, Jessica’s narrative illuminates that child sexual molestation perpetration often goes unreported and under criminalized, thereby contributing to the silent epidemic of sexual assault.

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Selena and Carrie’s narratives illuminate how the consumption of alcohol prior to rape relinquishes a victim’s bodily rights and protections from the law, and serves as another contributing factor to the silent epidemic. When asked the question please share

(what you are comfortable with) your experience of unwanted sexual contact during college, Selena and Carrie responded:

Selena: Yeah well I had experience when I went out on a date with a guy that I

went to high school with, but we're both in college now, and we were drinking

alcohol together when he started to try to put penis in my…(gestured to her

genital area). I kept telling him to stop and I was crying, but he continued. It

ended up with me pushing him off and him taking me home.

Carrie: Last year I started seeing this guy that was in one of my classes. We had

went to a lot of on-campus events. Then one day I went to his house to work on a

class project. We were sipping on a drink while we were working, but I only had

two. I wasn’t drunk. We started making it out. And I was like okay…let’s get this

project done first.’ But then he was like being persistent…saying ‘come on, babe’

I am so turned on’ and I was like what is happening…like this is happening…then

it did. After, we did finish it because it was due, but left I left afterwards.

Selena and Carrie were then asked the question Did you choose to disclose this incident to someone? Why or why not? to which they responded:

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Selena: It was a few weeks later that I told him that we couldn't be friends

anymore. Through text. All of a sudden my social media accounts kept getting

hacked. So I deactivated them. He then sent a guy to my house with a baseball bat

to threaten me. I was scared it was going to affect my family so I so I had to come

forward and tell them what happened. So we called the cops.

Carrie: Basically, I went home after it was over and I called my best friend and

told her everything and she was like ‘oh my god, that’s rape! We are going to

make a report now.’ She was at my house in 20 minutes and she insisted we go to

the police. I didn’t want to at first…I knew I hadn’t consented but until she said

that, it hadn’t sunk in as a rape...but I realized yeah, it was. So I agreed to go.

Selena and Carrie then asked a final question what was the outcome of the reporting? to which they responded:

Selena: I made a report but then when they heard I was drinking they couldn't do

anything because I was drinking alcohol. So charges were never pressed. They

couldn't prove anything had happened…in fact the cop “well we can’t determine

at what point you were consenting and at what point you didn’t want to do it

anymore.” So the only thing I could do was get a restraining order if I feared

violence.

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Carrie: We got there and it did not take long before I knew nothing was going to

happen because we were drinking. I told him all I had was two wine coolers and

they were just like ‘well it impairs you judgment nonetheless and he could have

got mixed signals.’ By then, I was angry but also embarrassed in a way that I went

and then he (the guy that raped her) was the one that was given the benefit of the

doubt and I was looked down on in a way…it sucked. So nothing happened. In

fact, he probably never even knew that I went to file charges for rape against him.

Selena and Carrie’s response capture the experience of many women, and directly connects to rape myths surrounding alcohol. Many people believe that alcohol convolutes the issues so much that it is difficult to discern if a rape or sexual assault occurred. This is evidence that a rape culture (androcentric society) exists because at the ideological level, they are as Swauger et al. (2013) described, are switching the meanings of perpetrator and victim which legitimizes violence by caricaturing the victim as in the wrong, while sympathizing with the perpetrator and softening their punishment.

Since alcohol becomes such a prominent role in sexual assault cases among college sexual assault allegations, the survey participants were asked to indicate their agreement with the statement I was touched sexually/raped while under the influence of alcohol/drugs. As indicated in figure 120, when asked about72% (n=68) of participants responded they had not, 21% (n=20) of participants responded they had, and

2% (n=2) of participantsresponded this question was not applicable.

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Sexually Assaulted Under Influence (N=94) 80 21% 72% 2% 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 20 68 2 0 Yes No Not Applicable

Figure 120. Sexually Assaulted Under the Influence

The findings from this question are not favorable. The findings indicate that 21% of survey participants were sexually assaulted while under the influence of alcohol/drugs.

When asked the question is there anything else you would like to share? Survey participant 26 provided the following response

S26: I think the attitude towards victims should change even if they had been

drinking prior to the assault. I think the fact that victims are shamed for drinking

encourages people to be ashamed and blame themselves instead of reporting the

incident.

Unfortunately, this participant’s response was all too ominous, as the survey findings also illuminate the low-rates at which sexual assaults are reported because of shame and blame. As indicated in figure 121, only 12% (n=6) reported their sexual assaults to law enforcement, while 29% (n=14) of victims responded that they were either too afraid or ashamed to do so.

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Prevalance of Reporting (N=49) 15 12% 29%

10

5 6 14 0 Reported the Incident Too Afraid/Ashamed to Report the Incident

Figure 121. Prevalence of Reporting

The findings for the question on reporting are grim. The findings indicate compared to the number of survey participants that disclosed that they were sexually assaulted, either prior to attending college or since entering college (n=49), only a very small number

(n=6) of participants responded they had reported their sexual assault to law enforcement.

This supports the assertion that sexual assault is a silent epidemic. An open-ended follow-up question was administered to the participants to explore outcomes for those participants that reported their sexual assaults to law enforcement; when asked the question what was the outcome from reporting the incident? The survey participants responded:

S1: It took me nearly 3 years to report it because I was ashamed and scared. By

the time I filed, it was pretty much too late and nothing happened. No further

investigation.

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S2: My rapist received a sentence of community service even though I was 13 and he was 18.

S3 (male): The police interviewed me at the age ten but he was never incarcerated.

S4: The police found him. [They did not expand].

S10: The police just placed a report due to the fact that my parents got told by a friend of mine’s parent and then called them. They interviewed me and the men but nothing went further than that because I didn’t want to keep this going since it went for 4 weeks. I didn’t want them to report it in the first place because it was just a toxic situation from both of us. My best friend and I were going to sleep and they were in my brother’s room but then came into my room and so on. I just didn’t want to have this memory and wanted to have it all over with.

S13: They suggested I get a restraining order, but since I was drinking there was not enough evidence to bring charges against him.

S3: Sadly I don't trust the school to protect its female students. They protect the rich and the students that make their school look good. I also think that men rape

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because they feel women owe them something. I have been molested/raped

multiple times during my life and each time I trusted the man and they felt like I

owed them something. No legal action has ever come from this.

As the findings presented in this section exemplify that sexual assault is indeed a silent epidemic with many mitigating factors that contribute to this phenomenon

(Johnson-Quay, 2015). In order to report a sexual assault the victim must both acknowledge she has been assaulted (Burnett, 2009), and trust that she will be both believed and absolved of blame. Unfortunately, the mythologizing and stigmatizing of women and sexual assault victims has resulted in their being given explicit and implicit messages about how they should make sense of their assaults and apportion of blame”

(Campbell et al., 2009, p. 227), resulting in only 16% of the general population (Koss,

2006) and just 5% of college women ever reporting their crimes to the police (Burnett, et al., 2009). Sadly, studies indicate that even when women do report their assaults to the polices, as many as 70% of investigating police officers do not believe the claims made to be true. In cases where police officers do believe a crime had been committed, only 10% of sexual assault cases are pursued by prosecutors (Koss, 2006). This indicates that a paradigm shift not only among the general society is needed, but rather also among law enforcement and the justice system. The findings presented in this section exemplify that alcohol serves as a mitigating and legitimizing factor to victims of sexual assault receiving justice for a gross violation to their personhood. The women describe their experience of coming to terms that what they had experienced was indeed a sexual

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assault and found the courage to report it to law enforcement out of fear for their family’s safety or with the support of a close and trusted friend, only to be turned away on the grounds that alcohol was consumed just prior to their sexual assault. The men that sexually assaulted them never were questioned by the police or the judge. Moreover, these findings indicate that until attitudes about alcohol consumption and sexual assault change from an agent that legitimates rape to reprimanding rape regardless of mitigating factors, rape culture (androcentric society) will be steadfast as a silent and endemic social disease with a contagion like the common cold spread through social interaction with others, as described by Pearson (2000).

College Women Must Be Armed and Not Stray From the Path

Life is unsafe if you are a college woman. For the participants in this study there are a number of perils that await females in the college environment. The participants provided a number of strategies for young women to protect themselves and to mitigate the perils that await her. This assertion emerged from the frequency at which the participants referenced 18 times (see table 6), and the context of their narratives and experiences, and helped to address in part research question three, in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by sexual experiences/situations?

When the female interview participants were asked the question how do you navigate the tensions between wanting to be independent and having that “full college experience” and the risks associated with alcohol and pressures to engage in

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casual sex (hooking-up) and the real threat of sexual assault? Jessica provided the following response:

Jessica: Basically I have had to restrict what I do...and I mean a lot of women do

that. Like at least two or three my friends, we don't go to parties anymore. I

recently had a bachelorette party set up by the best friend, and my friends are all

how many men are going to be there? They wanted to know because they didn’t

want to have to look out all night…they just want to be able to have some drinks

and not have to worry there being a whole bunch of guys…‘I don't want a sausage

fest’…that’s what she called it...I said it's a bachelorette party. She just wanted to

drink and have fun but you didn't have to worry about men and their intentions.

It's sad for other men who are good. Like my husband. Why should he have to

deal with the trauma the other men have caused me? He's like trying to prove to

me that not all men are like that...he said men are dogs...but not all of them.

Carrie: Honestly, just don’t go anywhere alone with anyone, especially a guy.

Because remember I was saying that I was at that point where I felt like more

settled, like I didn’t think I was missing something if I didn’t go to every party.

And I knew this guy since my first semester…I mean so about a year. He always

seemed like really genuine. I could tell he liked me, but he never came on strong

so I felt comfortable with him. But now I feel like ‘what nice guy will it be next?’

And actually it has only been about eight or nine months ago…so I am just not

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into hanging out with anyone like that again so…I guess just being more cautious

and even then...

When asked the question what would you tell/recommend to female college students to reduce her risks of sexual assault? Jake provided the following response:

Jake: You can't you can't just tell women that…. (Clarified question)...go hold a

taser, pepper spray weapon, mace. Also, watch out who she's drinking with and

because a guy could just come in and she's been drinking ...but even if she has

been drinking and a guy comes in the room or wherever it doesn't make her open

to be sexually assaulted... just be safe... know who you are with.

Jake was reluctant to answer the question at first. In fact, he seemed to be shocked that I would ask such a question, as he took it as I was placing the girl as being responsible for ensuring she is not sexually assaulted. What was interesting however was that as soon as

I clarified the question, Jake wasted no time coming up with recommendations for females to reduce their risks of sexual assault; these ranged on a continuum from using a weapon to not drinking. Jake was quick to add however that even if a female is drinking, it does not warrant her sexual assault. In this way, Jake does not ascribe to the rape myth surrounding alcohol.

Selena: Well if you're going to drink I think it's important to drink with other

people around not just as you and one more person I don't think it's a good idea to

go off alone. I mean you should never be with somebody that you know don't

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know that well or even someone you know too...be careful who you go alone with...make sure it is someone who you trust.

Jessica: Always go with friends. Never go alone. Ever. Don’t ever go alone.

Especially if you feel uncomfortable please, please, please say something. If you don't say something...sometimes they don't care. If you say something, at least you know for yourself you said no. If you are walking to your car and you have to be by yourself, hold your keys in your hand. Make sure you have that panic button on your car alarm. Make sure you have something on you in case something happens because the world is unpredictable. What can you do? The only thing you can do is try to protect yourself. And just remember...even though you trust this person right now, you trust this man and this man trusts this woman, it doesn't always mean that their intentions are correct…that their intentions are innocent. Trust to an extent. Please, just trust to an extent. Because I've had friends that trusted there You know they want to date somebody, and they tell them ‘no, I want to go out right now’ and the next thing that happens is that they get angry….that male-dominance...that caveman comes out …’I must conquer her!’ comes out. Be concerned about always carry something with you and go as a group of friends.

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Amy: Always do couple’s dates so it just looks like you are social so you have a

chance to see how they act before you are alone with a guy. I mean the guy that

raped me I had him in two of my classes and we ate on campus together prior to

me going to his house alone but I realize now I should have gotten together with

him with my friends and their boyfriends before going to his house.

Adam: Honestly, just don’t trust everyone because if they see a girl away from

home for the first time, some guys are going to look at it like an opportunity to

take advantage of her.

Carrie: Go places in a group until you get to know someone. Try and just stretch

your drink out so that you don’t get so drunk you don’t know what’s happening,

and keep your eyes open.

When asked the question in what ways has the traumatic experience changed your identity or perspective about attending college (i.e. self-esteem, academic performance, engagement, depression)? Jessica responded again with hyper-vigilance:

Jessica: So I keep my keys around my hand tight...even in the daytime even with

other women. You have to use a buddy system at school. No woman that has ever

walked to classes alone...Because of the situation Because of how men are.

Sexualize we are…if we wear something that's wrong we have a higher chance of

getting raped. If I'm wearing something that's just the top of my breast then I

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deserve to be raped? I am asking for it because I'm wearing something breezy and

comfortable. Yes college life is definitely hard and it's harder because the

situations I have been through. And I'm sure it's hard for other women in the same

situation.

Jessica shared how the trauma she experienced as a child changed her identity or perspective about attending college. She explains how she keeps her key tight in her hand when she goes out to the care; even in the middle of the day. Jessica mentions that as a woman she always has to be on alert, because if she is wearing something that she finds comfortable, if at all revealing others may perceive it as a sign she is asking to be raped.

Jessica concludes that college life is indeed harder because of the situations she has been through.

Given Jessica Jake’s hyper-vigilant recommendations involving carrying a weapon of some sort, this is indicative of the ‘blitz rape’ scenario (rape myth), in which rape is believed to occur by stranger and with force, when in actuality, most rapes occur between acquaintances, with no weapons and no force (Burnett, et al., 2009). What makes this particularly interesting is that all the college women in the interview study were assaulted by someone they knew. Yet their recommendations still center on protecting oneself from a stranger and suddenly. Consequently, it seems fitting to present the survey participants levels of rape myths about bruising here, and helps to address in part research question three, in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by rape myths?

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When the participants were asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement A rape probably doesn't happen if a girl doesn't have any bruises or marks, as indicated in figure 122, 97% (n=90) of participants responded they strongly disagree to disagree, while just 2% (n=2) of participants responded neutral and 1% (n=1) of participants responded they strongly agree.

Rape Happens Only With Bruises (N=93) 100 1% 0% 2% 13% 84% 80

60

40

20 1 0 2 12 78 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 122. Rape Only Happens With Bruises

The findings for this question are favorable. The majority of participants strongly disagree to disagree that if a girl does not have bruises she could not have been sexually assaulted. For those small numbers of participants that responded with neutrality, it would have been helpful to have included an open-ended follow-up question to each close-ended question of the survey to know the mitigating factors for their ambivalence.

In regards to the single participants that responded they strongly agree that rape only happens with bruises indicates they ascribe to rape myths that center on It Wasn’t Really

Rape and are more likely to commit violence against women or to contribute to a rape

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culture. When the findings are disaggregated by those males that participate in fraternities and athletics, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 123, 100%

(n=1) of the participants that responded they strongly agree that rape only happens with bruises also responded they participate in athletics.

Male Athletes-Rape Only Happens With Bruises (N=13)/(N=93) 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 1 1 0 0 2 2 22 3 78 9 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 123. Male Athletes on Rape Only Happens With Bruises

Rape myths about bruising have been institutionalized into law. The ideal case for prosecutors are when the victim has “little-to-no-relationship with the offender, behaved in no way suggestive of mal-intent, and the sexual encounter only occurred once and the offender was clearly of poor character, and there are visible signs of bodily harm,” according to Dignan (2005) (as cited in Koss, 2006, p. 212). Yet 90% of sexual assaults are committed by someone known to the woman (Ricketts, 2009). The fact that athletes commit sexual assault more often than general college students (RAINN, 2011),

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it is concerning that a male athlete ascribes to this myth; even if it is just one person, that is all it takes for a college female to be sexually assaulted.

The findings presented in this section exemplify that college women mitigate their vulnerability to sexual violence by restricting their behaviors, limiting or refraining from alcohol, and by taking extreme precautions. Moreover, although each of the women that participated in interviews and experienced a sexual assault by someone they knew and trusted, not going anywhere alone with someone you do not trust was a repeated recommendation they had for other women. Likewise, even though they trusted their perpetrators weapons or being armed with one’s keys and car alarm were among the recommendations as well. And although the majority of survey participants do not ascribe to the rape myth that rape only occurs with bruises, the male college student participating in sports/athletics strongly believed this to be true. Collectively, the findings support the assertion that to be safe College Women Must Be Armed and Not Stray from the Path.

Sexual Assault Changes You

The participants that were brave enough to share their experience of sexual assault in order to help others resulted in the emergence of the assertion that being a victim of sexual assault changed everything about the way they view life and navigate their reality.

This assertion is based on the frequency of reference made by the female participants, which according to table 6 was 10 times, and the context of their powerful narratives.

Collectively, these findings helped to address research question two in what ways has

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the unwanted sexual contact experienced by college females influenced their identity and college experience? The first question asked of the female participant that helps form this theme was in what ways has the traumatic experience changed your identity or perspective about attending college (i.e. self-esteem, academic performance, engagement, depression)? To which Selena, Carrie, and Jessica responded:

Selena: Well it affected my academic performance because I was really depressed

about it. I was upset. I was angry. And because I had kept it a secret from my

family until he sent that guy to my house, I didn’t have anyone to talk to about it.

It also changed my perspective about people around me. It did make it harder for

me to talk to male peers because I don't trust people in the same way. I don't know

what people are capable of because this is someone I went to high school with so I

assumed that I knew him. So it affected me socially and academically.

Carrie: I struggle with depression and anxiety…I mean I take medicine but it

only helps so much. I mean you can change the way the brain functions but you

can’t wipe someone’s memories away…so yes, I just get depressed because I

know the memory is always there. As far as how it has affected me going to

school….academics…I guess you could say I don’t sleep soundly anymore so at

school I feel distracted a lot of times. I mean not as much now, but like right after

it (the sexual assault) I was in class and must have spaced off because at the end

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of class I realized I missed like the last 15 minutes of lecture notes...and that is not like me at all. I had to take a picture of classmate’s notes.

Jessica: Absolutely I still fight depression. I still have issues with men. Whenever

I meet a new man I immediately think what are his intentions? Make me a new person That's my first thought Man is single so she's dating Whenever she goes somewhere Brings a friend that she's interested in stays the night at her house I'm immediately get concerned for my cousin...she has four girls. So get worried, I get anxiety. I text my little cousin all night long. I tell her make sure all the doors are locked She understands my aunt gets somewhat upset End uptight about it but it's

Hard for me and I just want to protect them….I want to protect my cousins. And all the girls that I can Because it's not okay.. And it's hard...It’s really really hard.

It changes everything about you. I don't walk anywhere at night anymore...as a kid I used to love going for walks with my friends at night. They can't do it anymore I can't walk alone. Being with my husband still Even though I have a man with me My husband I could still So hard for me I'm walking or getting into a car. When I leave my house in the morning and I see the street I merely get terrified until I get into my car because I don't know what's going to happen. I trusted 3 different men. And each time I was taken advantage of. My trust issues they are through they're gone... I've no trust for any guy. I can't especially men and it's sad because it shouldn't be that way I spell to make friends with men and

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not be like ‘What are your intentions? What your intentions for this little girl?’

For this person for this woman for this child ‘What do you want?’ I shouldn't have

to think that I shouldn't have to worry about it but I do. It changed everything

about me.

The women illuminated another reason sexual assaults are a silent epidemic, which is because of the physical, psychological, and emotional ailments that manifest from trauma from the sexual assault have often impairing and life-long effects yet goes largely unnoticed by society (Van Der Kolk, 2014). In fact, according to Campbell et al.’s

(2009) study on sexual assault victims, “65% suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder; 51% met the diagnostic criteria for depression; 40% experienced generalized anxiety; 49% become dependent on alcohol; 61% use other illicit substances; and 19% are prone to attempt to commit suicide post-sexual violence trauma” (p. 318). Moreover, post traumatic experiences can also manifest in somatic symptoms such as “chronic back and neck pain, fibromyalgia, migraines, digestive problems, spastic colon/irritable bowel syndrome, chronic fatigue, and some forms of asthma” (Van Der Kolk, 2014, p. 97).

When asked the question how do you navigate the tensions between wanting to be independent and having that “full college experience” and the risks associated with alcohol and pressures to engage in casual sex (hooking-up) and the real threat of sexual assault? Selena responded:

Selena: Well now I think I can look out for myself better and I know better now. I

know what it looks like…what it can look like. Before I didn't have any idea of

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what to do or how dangerous it could be. I always thought that if I was in the

situation I would know what to do. I would know better. I always thought that

people that were in that situation didn't try to put themselves in a bad situation.

But now that it happened in the way it did …I realize now that you could be

aware and you can be with someone you trust and just…it could still happen you

because you don't know their intentions. So now I don't drink and if I go out with

friends and I do drink I only have like one drink…but usually I don't drink

anymore now. It doesn't feel as fun anymore.

Carrie: I don’t go to parties anymore. I kind of became one of those students that

just goes to school and comes home. I mean I still have a social life but I would

rather have friends come to my house and hang out…like if I want to drink.

Amy: Well, currently I am in a committed relationship. But for the longest time

afterwards, I just made sure to not go to places where I was going to be the only

girl there. Always bring a friend. In fact when I got with my current boyfriend I

always would have like a double date with another couple until I got to know him.

The survey participants were asked the questions there anything else you would like to share? Survey participant 11 and 12 responded with the following:

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S11: My innocence won't be brought back from this situation sadly. However

having a good support system and understanding friends makes the recovery

easier.

S12:The amount of horror stories we hear about these assaults are horrible, and I

hope that this survey can help people truly understand the concept of consent, the

fact that the victims' attire is not to be blamed, that men can be and have been

sexually assaulted as well, and we should end all the stigmas that surround rape,

sexual assault, what is and isn't considered assault and rape, no means no, yes

means yes, and being able to respect our partners wishes at all times during the

process.

The findings presented in this section exemplify the powerful impact that trauma as a result of experiencing a sexual assault has had in their lives. Not only did these women change their own behaviors to reduce their risks of experiencing future assaults, such as refraining from or limiting their alcohol consumption when they are around others. Additionally, the depression, anxiety and manifestations of PTSD like hyper- vigilance is something they struggle with daily has negatively impacted their identities, their academic performance, and college experience. Yet, as one woman said, she does not want to be seen as a victim because that would give their assailant more power, but it is without question that the experience of sexual assault really has, as another woman said, changed everything about her.

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Consent and the Campus Policy Literacy

The findings that have been presented this far have centered on gender identify, the societal climate in the context of gender attitudes and sexual assault, and on both the desensitization towards violence and the silencing of women that experienced a sexual assault. The findings that are yet to be delineated center on defining and exploring mitigating factors that can result in the negotiation of consent. Understanding how the participants define consensual and nonconsensual sex is critically important, as college students not only find themselves extremely vulnerable to either rape-proneness and or sexual assault. Moreover, California became the first state in the nation to pass a policy requiring that all college students attain a verbal affirmative at each level of sexual activity. Hence, the within fourth theme Consent and Policy Literacy, eight assertions emerged from both the survey findings and narratives derived from one of four consent scenarios, consent videos and the responses to the question what do you know about SB

967 (Yes-Means-Yes Act)? How likely do you think partners will ask partners before engaging in sexual activity? How likely do you think the policy will help clarify issues of consent? Table 7 displays the frequency that key words/themes were referenced by the participants in response to this question.

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Table. 7. Frequencies of Themes in Consent and the Campus Policy Literacy

Consent

Both Give Verbal Consent 38

Consent – Not Drunk 21

SB 967 May Help 15

Consent Does Not Require Verbal ‘No’ 10

Alcohol is Not an Excuse 10

Not Aware of SB 967 7

Consent is Simple and Clear 7

Consent Can Be Retracted Anytime 7

Policies Need Enforcement 6

Consent is Hard 5

Consent Requires Verbal ‘No’ 3

SB 967 is Not Promising 2

Some guy rape regardless of policy 2

Consent is Not Sexy 2

Consent Requires Felicitous Body Language 2

Taken together, these finding help to address the research question in what ways are college students muted (i.e. as women, consent, sexual assault policy)? and in part

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the research question in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by sexual experience/situations? The seven emergent assertions include (1)

Consent is a Fluid Agreement, Not a Binding Contract (2) Some Guys Will Rape

Regardless of Policy; Enforcement is Needed (3) Alcohol Does Not Legitimize Rape (4)

Girls Can Be Raped Even When They Don’t Say ‘No’ (5) Girls Often Say Yes To Make

Him Happy (6) Guys Can “Not Consent” Too, and (7) Guys Don’t Get a Free Pass to

Rape. Each of these themes will now be delineated.

Consent is a Mutual and Fluid Agreement, Not a Binding Contract

The majority of the participants in this study seemed to be aware that consent is requires that two (or more) are will participants prior to engaging in sexual activity with some. Moreover, they understand that just because a person consents to engage in sexual activity, it does not mean that they are bound by their original decision, as consent can be retracted at anytime. This assertion is based on the frequency at which the participants referenced key words/themes, which in this case was 38 times (see table 7) and the context of their responses in both the interview and survey components of this study.

The participants were showed a short video called Consent Is Sexy, which depicts a couple, each asking for consent at each level of intimacy using consent in an erotic way and as a form of foreplay. At the end of the video, the interview participants were asked the question Can you make consent sexy? What is your take on that?

Interestingly, before Jake had responded offered the following rejoinder:

Jake: He didn't ask for consent at the most important part when he went down.

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Jake was referring to the last phase of intimate foreplay right before the male partner was going to engage in oral sex with the female partner. Jake was absolutely right in his assessment and is something that I myself overlooked when selecting this video. This was an indication that Jake is both observant and understands what constitutes consent and when consent was not constituted.

Jake: I think consent should just be the normal standard. Without it, how's that

even sexy? It's better to have better to have consent with your partner... so that

way she's into it too. If someone is not consenting and you're just pushing it on

her…how is that sexy? Now that's going to go towards rape. That's not sexy.

Adam: You could make it like that. I think they are just saying you have to make

sure your partner is into it as much as you are.

S19: I think sex should always be between two consenting adults. It's pretty

straight forward.

S26: It's simple. Yes means yes. No means no.

To gauge the survey participants likelihood of gaining consent prior to engaging in sexual activity, they were asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement I ask for verbal consent when I am intimate with my partner, even if we are in a long- term relationship. As indicated in figure 124, when 60% (n=57) of participants

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responded it is extremely likely to likely, while 26% (n=24) of participants responded nuetral, and 13% (n=13) of particpants responded it is extremely ulikely to unlikely.

I Ask For Verbal Consent (N=94) 40 40% 20% 26 % 7% 6% 30 20 10 38 19 24 7 6 0 Extremely Likely Likely Neutral Not Likely Extremely Unlikely

Figure 124. Asking for Consent

The findings for this question are overall favorable. The findings indicate that for a little more than half of the survey participants it is extremely likely to likely that they would ask for verbal consent each time they want to have sexual activity with someone even if in a long-term relationship. For those that responded with neutrality, it would have been helpful to have included an open-ended follow-up question to each close-ended question of the survey to know the mitigating factors for their ambivalence. In regards to the small number of participants that responded it is extremely ulikely to unlikely that they will ask their sexual partners for verbal consent even in a long-term relationship there is some concern, although it may have been the long-term relationship phrase that served as the mitigating factor but nonetheless raise some concerns. When disaggregated by high risk participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 122, in red, 17%

(n=1) of the participants that responded it is extremely unlikelythat they will ask their

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sexual partners for verbal consent even in a long-term relationship, also responded they particpate in athletics. Also indicated in figure 125, in green, 14% (n=1) of the participants that responded it is not likely they would ask for verbal consent each time, also responded they participate in sororities.

Fraternities/Athletes/Sororities-Verbal Consent (n=22)/(N=94) 40 30 20 10 38 8 2 19 2 2 24 6 0 7 0 1 6 1 0 0 Extremely Likely Likely Neutral Not Likely Extremely Unlikely

Figure 125.High Risk on Ask for Verbal Consent

The findings overall indicate that for most of the college males participating in athletics and or fraternities, it is extremely likely to likely that they would ask for verbal consent.

For those that responded with neutrality, it would have been helpful to have included an open-ended follow-up question to each close-ended question of the survey to know the mitigating factors for their ambivalence. However, it is the finding of the 6% (n=6) of college athletes/fraternities that responded it is extremely unlikely that they would ask for consent that are of some concern. A male survey participant that participates in athletics provided the following response to the question Please share your understanding of consent and the campus sexual assault policy? How likely do you think it will be in clarifying issues of sexual assault? To which he (survey participant six) responded:

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S6: Consent is asking a girl numerous times if she is okay and comfortable with

having sexual interactions before making any sort of move that may be offensive

to the woman. I think the yes-means-yes act means that if a girl consents to sexual

interaction, then it is okay for a male and female to have sexual interactions in

which nothing illegal can come about. I think this policy is likely to clarifying

issues of consent/sexual assault because most individuals do ask for consent, it

just needs to be hammered down that consent is most important.

S31: She must say yes to have sex with her or problems.

For survey participant six, consent entails asking a partner many times if they are comfortable with participating in sexual activity before doing so in order to prevent offending a woman and for avoiding legal troubles; a perspective also understood by participant 31.

Also within this emergent theme was the sentiment that that participants understood that not only is consent a freely given agreement, but also once given does not mean that it cannot be retracted. In fact the contrary was found to be true, as participants affirmed that it could be revoked at anytime for any reason, and was referenced at a frequency of seven times (see table 7), in survey responses, and by interview participants in response to their viewing of the video Consent is Sexy followed by the question Can you make consent sexy? To which Daryl and Jeffrey responded:

Daryl: I mean yeah…. I think it’s possible (laughter)...I mean that's how it should

be. I mean when you’re having sexual contact I mean you should be making sure

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that your partner wants to be involved and if a woman ever feels uncomfortable I mean you should stop immediately. That is just having common sense thing I mean. But people don't have common-sense either so...

Jeffrey: It's respectful. That’s how it should be. I could totally do that. Yes.

S14: I am aware of consent and what it entails. However, it is tough to check for consent when things escalate quickly. I have found to remain impartial or allow the woman I am hooking up with to dictate the way the night plays out. If she wants to continue, we continue. If she wants to stop, I have no problem ending things right there. It seems as though there is a lot of red tape when clarifying issues of consent/sexual assault, therefore, it is important to become educated about how to respond to these situations as well as how to avoid them.

S16: The amount of debates on rape, sexual assault, and sexual harassment is ridiculous. There is nothing to argue. Verbal and physical consent need to be present and accounted for at the same time. And at ANY given time someone changes their mind and decides they want to stop, that wish should be respected, and everything should be stopped.

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S22: I'm not very familiar with the campus policy but I understand that lack of no

does not constitute a yes. Consent is only given by a clear and emphatic yes, and

can be revoked at any time for any reason.

S9: Consent is the willingness of intimacy. It can change at any time during sex.

This sentiment was also found to be held by the survey participants when asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement I stop sexual activity when asked to, even if I am already sexually aroused. As indicated in figure 126, 75% (n=88) of participants strongly agree to agree they do, while 3% (n=3) responded with neutrality, and 2% (n=2) reponded they strongly disagree or disagree.

I Stop Sexual Activity If Asked (N=93)

80 75% 19% 3% 1% 1% 60 40 20 70 18 3 1 1 0 Extremely Likely Neutral Not Likely Extremely Likely Unlikely

Figure 126. Stop Sexual Activity If Asked

The findings for this question are most favorable, as the majority of participants strongly agree to agree that they stop sexual activity when asked even when sexually aroused. For those participants that responded neutral, it would have been helpful to gain additional information as to what mitigating factors caused reluctance to respond with agree. A

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major concern centers on those participants that responded they strongly disagree to disagree they would stop sexual activity if already aroused but asked to stop. Although the number is small, comprised of two participants, the fact that they disagree does raise concerns for rape-proneness and perpetration. When disaggregated by high risk participants, the findings were not further contextualized.

Some Guys Will Rape Regardless of Policy; Enforcement is Needed

Policies are not the ‘be-all-end-all’ solution to sexual assault. They can clarify when someone has done wrong doing, but they are meaningless if the process for enforcing the law are not in place or are perfunctory. This assertion was based on the frequency at which key words/themes were referenced, which was seven times (see table

7), and the context of their narratives. When asked the question what do you know about SB 967 (yes-means-yes act)? How likely do you think partners will ask partners before engaging in sexual activity? How likely do you think the policy will help clarify issues of consent? Daryl, Jessica, Amy, and five survey participants provided the following responses:

Daryl: Well I think that if it went through and it was passed it would be very

good thing because you're saying yesterday if they only not saying no and if

they're silent then that's never know I mean it could be a way to avoid that spot

where she's a consent aren't clear up the gray space as some people would see it or

loophole as I picture it…because people just seem kind of evil ...but I think it

would be a good thing if it was passed.. (it is passed) Oh, it is? Well I think it is a

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good thing…I mean it should be enforced because that's the other thing, laws are only one measure. If laws are passed but not enforced, then people are just going to do what they want regardless of consent or non-consent. If there's no punishment they are going to get away with it and know it.

Jessica: Yeah... yeah I've read it. I think it's stupid. It makes no sense because you don't have to say yes to have sex, but you also don't see no. You don't want to either get up and you verbally have to say.. You going to take my word for that is going to be a he versus she...You said yes no I didn't yes you did no I didn't...what are they going to do? Throw it in the garbage like all the other cases. My husband and I never said hey when I have sex and I never said oh yes I do but yes I want this it's more like married for year, together for 6 years. You know if someone wants to have sex. The words don't mean anything.

Amy: I think the effort is something…but policies only do so much. If people claim rape and no one does anything about it because of some minor detail…then it’s no different than it is now…or before. They need to stop being so lenient when there actually is a complaint of sexual assault.

S12: The campus policy on sexual assault needs to be more strongly enforced across all campuses throughout the nation. A new policy would need to make it

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VERY clear so that the idiots who think it’s okay to rape will have no form of

excuse what so ever to try and avoid any charges brought to them.

S21:I understand that the campus policy on sexual assault is that both parties must

verbally consent before continuing a sexual act. This “yes means yes” replaced

“no means no” because that phrase continued to be manipulated in favor of the

rapist if a victim did not verbally say no. I think the policy should clarify issues of

consent; however there will unfortunately always be bad things that will happen.

S33: Yes mean Yes and both parties have to be sober. Not under the influence of

drugs or alcohol. To be honest, rapist needs a harsher punishment; most of the

punishment is too light on rapist.

S35: Yes means yes! No matter what is implemented people will always do what

they want to do.

S37: Some people just don't care.

Interestingly, when the survey participants were asked to indicate their level of agreement with the statement Guys rape because they can get away with it. As indicated in figure

127, 36% (n=33) of participants strongly disagree to disagree they do, 33% (n=29) of participants strongly agree to agree, and 32% (n=29) responded with nuetrality.

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Guys Rape Because They Can (N=92) 35 12% 21% 32% 20% 16% 30 25 20 15 10 5 11 19 29 18 15 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 127. Guys Rape Because They Think They Can

This finding rendered almost a perfect normal bell-curve distribution of the the responses. Unlike the distribution for questions from the IRMA sclae (rape myths), which skewed most findings to the right in that particpants strongly disagreed to disagreed with most of the questions asked, the differences between the responses are much smaller, yet nuetrality (muting) was the most frequent response, indicating that this question in particular is loaded. An open-ended follow-up question would have allowed the reasoning behind this dsitribution to be contextualized. When disaggregated by high risk participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 128, 33%

(n=12) of responded they agree that guys rape because they that think they can get away with it, also responded they particpate in athletics and sororities, while 11% (n=2) of the

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same high risk particpants responded they agree.

Male Athletes-Guys Can Rape (n=22)/(N=92) 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 11 0 0 19 1 1 29 5 0 18 6 2 15 1 2 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 128. Athletes-Guys Get Away With It

The findings presented in this section exemplify that SB 967, otherwise known as the yes-means-yes policy, is not the silver bullet to reducing the prevalence of sexual violence. In fact, the participants point to legal laws that also require an affirmative consent yet, are useless if the policies are not enforced. As the participants perceive it,

Some Guys Will Rape Regardless of Policy; Enforcement is Needed. With an inadequate justice system and mitigating factors marginalizing victims’ experience will continue to under-investigate and under-punish men that sexual assault and rape women.

Girls Can Be Raped Even When They Don’t Say ‘No’

The interview participants were adamant in their understanding of consent, which they believe could still not be given even if a woman did not say no to the sexual contact.

This assertion emerged from the frequency that key word/themes were referenced, which

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in this case was 10 times (see table 7), survey findings, and the content of their response to the following consent scenario:

Christina and Jeff are studying for their chemistry final on Jeff’s bed. They are

friends and seem to be attracted to each other. Jeff kisses Christina, and she kisses

him back. As they start to take off each other’s clothing and get more intimate,

Jeff asks Christina if she wants to have sex. Christina responds, “I don’t know.”

Jeff starts to have sex with Christina and she begins to cry. Jeff continues to have

sex with Christina.

After reading them the consent scenario, the participants were asked to indicate if

Christina consented, and to explain their rationale for their response. The six of the interview participants provided the following responses:

Daryl: No she does not. [He did not expand].

Jake: No she's crying…she not saying something like ‘oh yes, I want to!’It's like

‘I don't know,’ it's not saying yes. It's happening but she don't want to but she's

just going to want it to happen. It's kind of the thing I was telling you about earlier

about body language…you know…has to be not just yes…they also have to be

into it to it…one person can say yes but still.

Jeffrey: No she does not. Not at all. Begins to cry it says I don't know. So if yes

is consent, anything else is not consent and its rape...and so it's just not okay.

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Adam: No. How could he have sex with her if she is crying?

Selena: No, she’s crying.

Carrie: No she does not. Crying is not consent. Neither is saying ‘I don’t know.’

Jessica: Not at all. She said ‘I don't know.’ I know she didn't say the words No

but she's crying. He should be able to take that to understand that. She doesn’t

want this right now…that's rape...No.

Amy: No, he should of asked her why she wasn’t sure, not just start having sex

with her. And she is crying on top of that.

Jake also resounds the point he made earlier in response to another question, which is that even if Christina had said yes consent would also have to include a felicitous body language. This is consistent with a survey finding assessing rape myth acceptance surrounding a girl’s lack of verbally saying ‘no’ and helps to address the research question In what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by rape myths? The survey participants were asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement If a girl doesn't say "no" she can't claim rape, in which 80% (n=37) of participants strongly disagreed to disagreed it does, 9% (n=4) of participants

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responded with nuetrality, and 8% (n=4) of participants strongly agree to agree it did, as indicated in figure 129.

Rape Doesn't Occur Unless Said "No" (N=93)

80 2% 3% 12% 19% 63% 60

40 20 2 3 11 18 59 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 129. Rape Requires Verbal ‘No’

The findings for this question are positive. As the bell-curve is skewed to the right indicates, most of the survey participants in this study strongly disagree to disagree that a girl has to say the words no in order to constitute non-consent. Although it would be insightful to have included an open-ended follow-up response to learn the mitigating factors for the small percentage of participants that responded with neutrality (muting).

For those that responded they strongly agree to agree, the findings are of concern; while only a small number of participants responded in this way, people that belief this have higher rape myth acceptance, making them more likely to commit rape or contribute to a rape culture. When disaggregated by high risk participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 130, and in red, 60% (n=3) of the participants that responded they strongly agree to agree that if a girl doesn't say "no" she can't claim rape, also responded they particpate in athletics.

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Male Athletes-Must Say 'No'(n=13)/(N=93)

70 60 50 40 30 20 10 2 1 3 2 11 2 18 5 59 3 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 130. Male Athletes-Rape Requires Verbal ‘No’

The findings for this question are favorable, as the majority of participants strongly disagree to disagree that a verbal no is required in order for rape to occur. For those participants that responded neutral, it would have been helpful to gain additional information as to what mitigating factors caused reluctance to respond with disagree. A major concern centers on those participants that responded they strongly agree to agree that rape does not occur in the absence of ‘no’ as it indicates they ascribe to rape myths classified in this scale as It Wasn’t Really raise concerns for rape-proneness and contributing to a rape culture. This myth was also referenced three times by survey participants (see table 7). Survey participant 14 provided the following response:

S14: I believe a girl should make it clear if she doesn’t want to have sex.

Girls have been conditioned to allow men to set the pace for sexual activity, and therefore in an effort to please the man she likes, she becomes muted when intimate. This is highly connected to Sexual Scripts; that and was found to be the source of misunderstandings of level of consent between males and females, as was indicated in

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Burnett et al. (2009) study of college students. Research by “Koss and her colleagues

(Koss, 1988; Koss et al., 1987) suggested that college men report rates lower than college women do because many men view the woman’s non-consent as vague, ambiguous or insincere and convince themselves that their forcefulness was normal seduction not rape”

(Abbey, 2001, p. 119). This is reminiscent of male-specific sexual script.Hence, this finding indicates that men are muted in sexual activity, and therefore early and specific education focusing on consent is highly warranted.

Alcohol Does Not Legitimize Rape

In a previous section, the participants expressed how alcohol mitigated their ability to charge their perpetrators with a crime. However, what became clear from the participants in this study was that het refuse to accept the consumption of alcohol as an excuse for rape. This assertion is based on the frequency at which key words/themes were referenced, which was 10 time (see table7), findings from two survey questions, and the following consent scenario:

Amy and Ryan meet at a party and seem to hit it off. Amy has had a lot of alcohol

to drink and is not capable of driving home. Ryan offers to drive her home

because he has had very little to drink. Upon arriving, Amy invites Ryan up to her

apartment. Amy is clearly intoxicated. Ryan has sex with Amy (Does Amy

consent? Indicate why/why not).

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After reading the scenario, the participants were asked the question Does Amy consent?

Indicate why/why not; to which five of the interview participants responded:

Jake: No because she’s intoxicated. But Ryan on the other hand is not…you

know he only drank a little bit…almost it was like the Brock Turner case.

Daryl: No she does not.

Jeffrey: No. Amy does not consent because she's not herself. She is not in her

right mind. So she can’t consent.

Adam: No she does not. When you’re too drunk to drive you’re too drunk to

consent. That’s probably why he offered to drive her home so he could take

advantage of her.

Amy: She absolutely did not consent. He probably planned that…or saw he could

get with her if he went home with her.

Selena: No she's intoxicated.

Carrie: No she does not. If she wasn’t capable of driving home she isn’t capable

of consenting.

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Jake, Daryl, Jeffrey, Selena, and Carrie unanimously agree that Amy did not consent to have sex with Ryan. They conclude that since Amy was clearly intoxicated, to the point that if she could not drive, she could not consent. Additionally, Jake referred to the Brock Turner case, the Stanford athlete who was found guilty of three felony counts of sexual assault he committed against an unconscious woman behind a campus dumpster, and who blamed the college’s party culture.

In order to answer the research question in part in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by rape myths? The survey participants were administered select questions from the IRMA instrument. To assess the survey participants’ rape myth acceptance level surrounding women and alcohol consumption, the participants were asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement

If a girl is raped while she is drunk, she is at least somewhat responsible for letting things get out of hand, as indicated in figure 131, n=64 (69%), responded they strongly disagree to disagree he would be, 7% (n=7) of participants responded they agree, and 5%

(n=) of participants responded with nuetrality.

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Girl Is Responsible If Drinking (N=93) 80 1% 6% 5% 18 % 69% 60

40 20 1 6 5 17 64 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 131. Girls are Responsible If Drinking

The findings from this question are favorable. They indicate that the majority of the survey participants strongly disagree to disagree that if a girl is raped while she is drunk, she is at least somewhat responsible for letting things get out of hand. For those that responded with neutrality, it would have been helpful to have included an open-ended follow-up question to each close-ended question of the survey to know the mitigating factors for their ambivalence. In regards to the small number of participants that responded they strongly agree to agree that women that are drinking are at least in part responsible, this indicates they ascribe to rape myths that are categorized in the IRMA as

She Asked For It and consequently are more likely to commit violence against women and or contribute to a rape culture. When disaggregated by high risk participation, the findings are contextualized some. Of the 35% (n=5) of participant that responded they strongly agree that girls that drink are at least in part responsible if they are raped, they responded they were males participating in fraternities and athletics (figure 132).

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70 Athletes/Frat-Girl Responsible-Drinking (n=17) (N=93) 60 50 40 30 20 10 1 1 6 5 5 1 17 3 64 7 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 132.Fraternity/Athletes on Girl Responsible If Drinking

This is a positive trend away from one of the most prevailing rape myths-- that women’s consumption of alcohol legitimizes sexual contact by men (Littleton, 2014), as discussed in the rape myth sub-section titled, Alcohol: The Ultimate Legitimizing Rape-Agent. On average, at least 50% of college students’ sexual assaults are associated with alcohol use, and among college students who know each other only casually and who spent time together at a party or bar (Abbey, 2001, p. 119; Abbey et al., 1996a, 1998; Copenhaver and Grauerholz, 1991; Harrington & Leitenberg, 1994; Presley et al., 1997). “Many college men perceive women who drink in bars as being sexually promiscuous and, therefore, appropriate targets for sexual aggression” (Abbey, 2002, p. 121; Kanin, 1985;

Martin & Hummer, 1989). Moreover, “A recent study of college students revealed that

63% of students believed it was acceptable for a guy to persuade a woman to have sex with them, and 41% agreed that if a women was drunk when she was raped she was

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partially responsible” (Wegner et al., 2015, p. 1020; Aronowitz, Lambert, & Davidoff,

2012).

Alcohol was also found to not be grounds for consent by the interview participants. When asked please share your understanding of consent and SB 967

(Yes-Means-Yes) policy, and to share if they believe it will clarify issues of consent, to which Adam, Carrie, and three of the survey participants responded:

Adam: Consent must be given before having sex and neither person can be so

drunk that would override their consent. As far as the effectiveness, I think it’s

good to have policies but they are only half way effective if people know about

them and if they are enforced.

Carrie: It means someone has to say yes before sexual activity and can’t be given

if drunk or sleeping. Do I think it will help? Somewhat, in one way the slogan is

spreading awareness about it, but policies can also just act like a band aid.

S10: Consent is when two people give one another a definitive yes without the

effects of alcohol, drugs or peer pressure plays a role in which influences the

decision.

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S11: Consent must be given in order to engage in sexual activity. An intoxicated

person cannot give consent therefore doing anything with that person is

considered rape.

S23: If the person is too drunk to consent they cannot consent or agree to do

anything. If at any time a person says no or stop you must stop.

The findings presented in this section exemplify that overall the participants do not perceive alcohol to be a mitigating factor in sexual assault cases. They understand that alcohol changes ones perception but also know that a women that is intoxicated cannot give consent. In particular these participants recognized that if someone is too drunk to drive home, then they are too drunk to give consent.

Girls Often Say Yes To Make Him Happy

The interview participants were aware that oftentimes girls do not want to engage in sexual activity with boys, but also do not want to disappoint them by saying ‘no.’ This assertion was based on the participants responses to four questions. The interview participants were provided with the statistics by the World Health Organization (2015), which indicates that one in five women will be victims of sexually assault, and one in four women will be victims of domestic violence, then asked the question can you think of a link between the way women and men are socialized in the U.S. that contributes to the high rates of violence against women? To which Jake responded:

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Jake: The whole stereotype that men are allowed to do whatever they want…it's

the mindset you know. Women just want to be passive to get it over with. I think

they think if they pay too much attention to it that it’ll just it'll just change…but it

is still there.

Jake is alluding to “passive femininities” that Amin and Chandra- Mouli(2014) described as societal norms that “perpetuate female subordination and have devastating impacts on girls’ self-esteem, body image, and their ability to assert themselves in their relationships” and affirmed are in critical need of challenging (p. 3).When asked the question Please share your understanding of consent and the campus sexual assault policy? Jake responded:

Jake: I think it has to also go along with not just saying ‘yes’...I mean that’s good

and everything but the girl could be saying ‘yes’ the because you could just be

saying yes but her whole body shutting down because girls just want to go and do

what I want to do with it I down so she went anyway just to make him happy.

Jake’s response indicates that he is cognizant that just because an affirmative consent has been given, there are other factors that must be also considered to ensure that a female actually does consent to have sex. Jake offers the explanation that a woman may say yes, but only because she wants to make the man she is with happy; but inside physiologically she could be shutting down. Jake is alluding to the phenomena described by Van Der

Kolk (2014), in which it is not uncommon for victim-survivors’ to under extreme conditions sit mute and frozen as “trauma by nature drives humans to the edge of

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comprehension, cutting us off from languages based on common experience or an imaginable past” (p. 43). Therefore, it is his belief that body language and verbal consent should be felicitous.

Passivity seemed to be a common theme that emerged from the interview participants in response to the consent scenario:

Jacob and Kylie have been dating for two years. They have been physically

intimate but have not had sex. They have fought several times over Kylie’s

reluctance to have sex. One night, while having a very heated argument about this

topic, Jacob punches the wall. Kylie is scared of what Jacob might do if she does

not agree to have sex with him, so she has sex with him.

Then the participants were asked the question Does Kylie consent? Indicate why/why not; to which four of the interview participants responded:

Jake: No he was out of fear was it out of actually like yes I want to it was more

like oh well let him I guess because she's doesn’t want her to get beat up for

anything.

Daryl: I would say no and that's because she is only doing it out of fear…which

is still in my opinion a sexual assault. If you're making someone scared in order to

have make them have sex with you that's not okay.

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Jeffrey: No she does not 100%. They are obviously upset...they're mad and she

totally showed the first sign of it dislike into it. I mean a man should be able to

pick that up and if you really like her to be able to cherish that and respect that

and you know until she is ready to do it. It's unfortunate but she was not giving

consent in this case.

Adam: No she does not consent because she didn’t want to until he punched the

wall. She didn’t want him to be mad at her.

Selena: No because he's only doing it because he's scared of what he might do

and when you are upset that's not really consenting.

Carrie: No. She is afraid that he may hurt her or leave her. She doesn’t want

either to happen, so she agrees to have sex with him.

Jake, Daryl, Jeffrey, Selena and Carrie unanimously believe that Kylie only decided to have sex with her long-time boyfriend Jacob. They recognize that fear of either being punched or losing the relationship was the only reason Kylie decided to have sex with Jacob. In this way, the interview participants understand that Kylie is trying to please Jacob rather than uphold her own desires resulting non-consent. A survey participant also alluded to this sentiment in response to the request Please share your understanding of consent and SB 967 (Yes-Means-Yes) policy, and to share if they

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believe it will clarify issues of consent, by providing the following explanation:

S16: Hungry and they say no, you wouldn't force a sandwich down their throat;

you would say "okay" and leave it at that. It should be that simple. Consent is

combined verbal and physical consent. If someone, man or woman, says "yes" but

acts otherwise, it's more than likely because they felt obligated to, or that they felt

like they had no choice, or even they were afraid to just say no. These signs

should be clear to understand.

Participant 16 compared consent to a sandwich and someone that is not hungry to show they know that it is not okay to force a sandwich down someone’s throat that is not hungry. Participant 16 also stated that even if someone, man or woman said yes, but act otherwise it may be because they felt obligated to or felt they did not have a choice, adding that these signs should be clear to understand.

The findings presenting in this section exemplify that the participants understand that attaining an affirmative consent does not guarantee that a woman really consented.

They understand that there are mitigating factors that must also be considered, such as body language being felicitous with the verbal consent. Moreover, they recognize that the socialization in the United States results in some males internalizing the male stereotype in which allow men to do whatever they want. Likewise, women’s internalization of female stereotypes which encourage women to be passive is also responsible to the high rates of violence against women, as women will agree to have sex to make the man she is

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with happy, or out of fear of losing the relationship. Hence the narratives support the assertion Girls Often Say Yes to Make Him Happy.

Guys Can “Not Consent” Too

Just as there are myths surrounding sexual assault and women, there are many myths about men. Many people assume that if a man’s penis is erect than he cannot be raped. However, like rape myths about women this was determined to be regarded as a myth by the interview participants which recognize that the physiology of the male anatomy operates in such as way that a man can be erect and still be sexually assaulted.

This assertion emerged response to a survey question and the following consent scenario:

Michael and Melissa have been dating seriously for a year. They have been

physically intimate but they have not had sex. One night at Melissa’s house,

Melissa tells Michael that she does not believe he loves her. He insists he does,

but she says that if he loved her, he would want to have sex with her. She begins

to cry and says she has considered breaking up with him. Michael does not want

to hurt her feelings and does not want their relationship to end, so he has sex with

her.

After reading the consent scenario, the participants were asked the question Does

Michael consent? Indicate why/why not; to which six of the interview participants responded:

Jake: No it's out of pity or out of fear of losing her.

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Daryl: I cannot believe that Michael consents in this the situation. Because he already made sure that she knows that he didn't want to that comes with it and he's just doing it out of fear of losing her...I don’t know much about the whole situation here but in my eyes no he did not give consent.

Jeffrey: No he doesn't consent. No he doesn't he clearly doesn't even though we try to make her feel better in the end, but at first he didn't want to do it...she should have picked up on that and understand that and he shouldn’t have to do it if he didn’t want to. Maybe later you know down the road when they're both together and ready you know, they will can be able to you know and consent to have sex.

Adam: No. He only did it to save the relationship. That’s not right. The same thing if it was a guy.

Selena: No he's only doing it because he does want to lose her...He's not doing that because he really wants to.

Jessica: No. No. That's abuse to me. That’s scare tactics. She's only giving in because she…and I can understand that…that's what happened to me. I was scared I need to make sure the family had shampoo and conditioner, and laundry

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soap. I needed to make sure that those papers that he had for my mom got to

her…you're scared what might happen if she didn't…if it didn't…so I didn't I

didn't tell her until later because I knew that the money would stop.

Carrie: Michael does not give consent. He only had sex with her so he doesn’t

hurt her feelings or break up with her…guys can also not consent.

Jake, Daryl, Jeffrey, Selena, Jessica and Carrie unanimously agree that Michael did not consent to sexual activity with Melissa. They all agree that Michael only agreed to have sex with him out of fear of losing the relationship or hurting Melissa’s feelings.

They agree that consent requires that both partners to want to have sex. This also shows, as Carrie pointed out, that guys can also not consent. In fact, on the survey in response to the question do you have any additional thoughts you would like to share? A male participant provided the following response:

S2 (male): While women raping men is extremely uncommon compared to the

epidemic of men raping/sexually assaulting women, it does happen. I have been

too embarrassed by potential responses to talk about it with anyone; even to the

point that the girl doesn't know she raped me. I hate the patriarchy.

The findings presented in the section exemplify that contrary to popular belief, and as the assertion that females are not the only victims to sexual violence. According to the World

Health Organization (2015), 10% of boys are sexually sexual assaulted. Yet, since sexual

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assault is a silent epidemic and male victimization carries with it the stigma, this statistic may be underestimated. In Michael’s case, the participants recognized that he did not want to have sex with Melissa but did so only out of fear of losing the relationship. They also recognize that Melissa should be patient and wait to have sex until both of them are ready, rather than through coercion.

Guys Don’t Get a Free Pass to Rape

The findings from survey support the assertion that Guys Don’t Get a Free Pass to Rape which emerged from participants’ largely rejecting common though in which many people think that a girl’s behavior strongly influences whether a sexual assault will occur, such as wear revealing clothing or going into a room alone with a guy. Likewise, sometimes people rationalize a assault by attributing it to hormones that went out of control, which they also largely rejected. Consequently, the participants’ responses to four survey questions taken from the IRMA instrument and help to address the research question in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by rape myths? The first question centers on revealing clothing as an instigator of rape. When asked to indicate their level of agreement with the statement When girls go to parties wearing slutty clothes, they are asking for trouble, the majority of participants, as indicated in figure 133, 84% (n=76), responded they strongly disagree to disagree, 11%

(n=10) of participants responded with neutrality, and 7% (n=4) of participants responded the strongly agree or agree they are.

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Girls Wearing Slutty Clothes (N=93) 2% 5% 11% 23% 74% 60 50 40 30 20 10 2 5 10 21 55 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 133. Girls Wearing Slutty Clothes Ask For Trouble

The findings for this question are favorable. Although a small number of participants responded neutral, without an open-ended follow-up question the mitigating factors for this response will remain unknown. For the small number of participants (n=7) that responded they strongly agree to agree, however, this does raise some concern. By them responding in this way is indicative they ascribe to this rape myth which increases their contribution to a rape culture. Most of the survey participants however responded they strongly disagree to disagree that when girls go to parties wearing slutty clothes, they are asking for trouble, thereby supporting the assertion that Guys Don’t Get a Free Pass to

Rape. However, when disaggregated by high risk participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 134, when disaggregated by high risk participants, in red, 50% (n=2) of theparticipants that responded they strongly agree and

20% of particpants that responded agree were male and also responded they participate in athletics. Also indicated in figure131, in green, 50% (n=1) of the participants that

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responded they strongly agree were female and also responded they particpate in sororities.

60 Athletes/Sororities-Girls Clothing (n=18)/(N=22) 50

40

30

20

10 2 1 1 5 1 0 10 7 0 21 3 1 55 5 3 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 134. Athletes/Sororities on Girls Wearing Slutty Clothes

The participants that responded they strongly disagreed to disagreed with this statement is a positive shift away from the rape myth that, as Burt (1980) and more recently Dodge

(2016) found, women that wear revealing clothing are often regarded as “rape material”

(p. 74). Unfortunately however, for a small percentage of participants continue to accept this myth, as 8% (n=4) of participants strongly agreed or agreed that women wearing such clothing to parties ask for trouble. Collectively, this disaggregated findings indicate that college students participating in sports/athletics and sororities ascribe to rape myths categorized in the IRMA instrument as She Asked For It, and consequently have an increased rape-proneness and contribution to a rape culture. Fortunately, in light of the total number of participants that responded to this survey question (N=93), the majority of participants do not hold this rape myth. Survey participant 29 provides a personal

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example of evidence that rape can occur regardless of clothes or other mitigating factors in response to the question is there anything else you would like to share? To which participant 29 responded:

S29: Last year my best friend was raped. She wasn't drunk, she wasn't in slutty

clothes. She was in her own apartment asleep in her OWN room, as a roommates

guest trespasses into my best friends room and starts to rape her while she was

asleep. People always say that woman deserve rape because of the clothes they

wear or the fact that there too drunk. It doesn't matter if a girl wants to have sex

while she is drunk, as a man you should still be respectful enough to say no and

help her home.

Another IRMA question centers on girls that go into guys rooms alone. As indicated in figure 135, when asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement If a girl goes to a room alone with a guy at a party, it is her own fault if she is raped, the majority of participants, 95% (n=82) responded strongly disagree to disagree it was, 5% (n=5), of participants responded with neutrality, and 4% (n=4) responded they strongly agree to agree.

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Girl At Fault If In Room With Guy (N=91)

70 1% 3 % 5% 19% 76% 60 50 40 30 20 10 1 3 5 17 65 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 135.Girl at Fault If She Goes to Room with Guy

The findings for this question are favorable. Although a small number of participants responded with neutral, without an open-ended follow-up question the mitigating factors for this response will remain unknown. For the small number of participants (n=4) that responded they strongly agree to agree that women that go into a room with a guy are at fault if they are raped, this does raise some concern. By them responding in this way is indicative they ascribe to this rape myth (she asked for it) which increases their contribution to a rape culture. The majority of survey participants however strongly disagree to disagree that if a girl goes to a room alone with a guy at a party, it is her own fault if she is raped. This is a positive trend away from the prevailing ideology that results in many women being blamed for a sexual assault if they assert any sexual agency. This supports the assertion that Guys Don’t Get a Free Pass to Rape. When the findings are disaggregated by those males that participate in fraternities and athletics, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 136, 50% (n=2) of particpate responded they

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strongly agree to agree thatif a girl goes to a room alone with a guy at a party, it is her own fault if she is raped, also responded they participate in sports/athletics.

Male Athletes-Girl in Room(n=13)/(N=91) 20

15

10

5 1 1 3 1 5 2 17 6 3 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 136.Athletes on Girl at Fault If She Goes to Room with Guy

The disaggregated findings indicate that college students participating in sports/athletics ascribe to rape myths categorized in the IRMA instrument as She Asked For It, and consequently have an increased rape-proneness and contribution to a rape culture. This rape myth was held however by a small percentage of participants, 4% (n=2), which responded they strongly agreed to agreed they were at fault if they went into a room alone with guy and were raped. These participants are more likely to believe in the ideology that “women must assume the moral and social responsibility of taming men’s “naturally aggressive” behavior of men in interpersonal relations and by restricting their own movements and behavior” (Swauger et al., 2013, p. 629). In this case, they are expected to refrain from any intimacy in private that would encourage men’s sexual aggression, and subsequently are blamed instead of the perpetrator if he enacts any form of sexual

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violence. In fact, according to Littleton (2014) women “having consensual sexual relationships with one or more partners outside of a committed relationship, and having had previous consensual encounter with an individual, to make these women acceptable targets for sexual advances and regard any sexual refusal from them as not genuine (p.

298).

Another IRMA question centers on the loss of the male’s self-control. As indicated in figure 137, when asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement Rape happens when guy's sex drive goes out of control, the majority of participants, 70% (n=66), responded they strongly disagree to disagree it does.

Conversely, 16% (n=15) of participants strongly agree or agree it does, and 14% (n=13) of participants responded with nuetrality.

Rape Happens Because Sex Drive (N=94)

40 5% 11% 14% 30% 40% 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 5 10 13 28 38 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 137. Out of Control Sex Drive

Although the bell-curve for this question is not as sharply skewed to the right as for the last two questions, the findings for this question are favorable. For the participants (n=4)

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that responded they strongly agree to agree, this finding raises some concern. By them responding in this way is indicative they ascribe to this rape myth (he didn’t mean to), which increases their contribution to a rape culture. While this question did render results with a greater number of participants responding neutral, without an open-ended follow- up question the mitigating factors for this response will remain unknown. Nevertheless, the majority of participants responded they strongly disagree to disagree that rape happens when guy's sex drive goes out of control, which reinforces the assertion that

Guys Don’t Get a Free Pass to Rape. When disaggregated by high risk participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated figure 138, in red, 27% (n=4) of the participants that responded they strongly agree to agree that rape happens as the result of an out of control sex drive were male and also responded they participate in fraternities and or athletics. Also indicated in figure 138, in green, 13% (n=2) of the particpants that responded that rape happens as the result of an out of control sex drive also responded they participate in sororities.

Frat/Athletes/Sororites-Out of Control (n=22)/(N=94) 40

30

20

10 5 1 1 10 3 1 13 1 0 28 6 2 38 6 1 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 138. High Risk- Out of Control Sex Drive

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Collectively, this disaggregated findings indicate that male college students participating in fraternities and athletics and female college students participating in sororities ascribe to rape myths categorized in the IRMA instrument as He Didn’t Mean To Rape, and consequently are both at a higher risk for committing rape and or contributing to a rape culture (androcentric society).As mentioned in chapter two, Self Control Theory, conceptualized by Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990), is one of the most common biological root cause used to explain reasons for rape. This explanation posits that rape occurs when men’s sexual urges cannot be controlled, and therefore, they are not responsible for their behaviors, therefore the blame is apportioned to women (Polaschek & Ward, 2002).

When blame is misappropriated, women’s experience of violence is marginalized (Faces of Women’s Oppression) and men who perpetrate such violence is absolved from guilt and their behaviors are legitimized.

Another IRMA question centers on the influence of alcohol on male’s propensity to commit rape. As indicated in figure 139, when asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement If a guy is drunk/under the influence, he might rape someone unintentionally, a little more than half, 60% (n=57), of participants responded they strongly disagree to disagree, while 20% (n=19) of participants responded they strongly agree to agree, and 19% (n=18) of participantsresponded nuetral.

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Guys Under Influence Might Rape (N=94) 40 4% 16% 19% 36% 24% 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 4 15 18 34 23 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 139. Guys Drunk Might Rape Someone

The findings for this question are favorable. Like the findings in the last question, a less sharply skewed bell-curve to the right continues to be a trend when the male is the focus of the inquiry. For the 20% (n=19) of participants that responded they strongly agree to agree that if a guy is drunk/under the influence he might rape someone unintentionally, does raise some concern. By them responding in this way is indicative they ascribe to this rape myth categorized in the IRMA instrument as He Didn’t Mean To Rape, which increases their rape proneness and contribution to a rape culture. While this question did render results with a greater number (n=18) of participants that responded with neutral, without an open-ended follow-up question the mitigating factors for this response will remain unknown. Nevertheless, the majority of participants responded they strongly disagree to disagree that guys under the influence might unintentionally rape someone, thereby reinforcing the assertion that Guys Don’t Get a Free Pass to Rape. When the findings are disaggregated by those males that participate in fraternities and athletics, the

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findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 140, 21% (n=4) of the the participants that responded they strongly agree to agree that a guy is drunk/under the influence he might rape someone unintentionally, also responded they participate in fraternities and or sports/athletics. Also indicated in figure 140, 16% (n=3) participants that responded they strongly agree to agree that if a guy is drunk/under the influence he might rape someone unintentionally, also responded they participate in a sorority.

Guys Under Influence Might Rape (n=22) (N=94) 40

30

20

10 4 1 1 15 3 2 18 4 0 34 8 1 23 1 1 0 Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly Disagree

Figure 140. High Risk- Guys Drunk Might Rape Someone

The findings for both the male participants that responded they participate in fraternities and or athletics and female participants that responded they participate in a sorority indicate that they ascribe to the rape myths categorized in this scale as He Didn’t

Mean to Rape. Unlike rape myths surrounding women and alcohol, for men the use of alcohol actually benefits them as perpetrators of sexual violence or socially inappropriate behaviors as they are more likely to “blame it on the alcohol” afterward (Abbey et al.,

2001; Dermen& Cooper, 1994; Seto & Barbaree, 1995) and more likely to be absolved

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by society (Wegenr et al., 2015). In chapter two, Brock Turner was used to exemplify the rape myth surrounding alcohol as he blamed alcohol for why he sexually assaulted a woman behind the dumpster at a fraternity party. Yet, again overall most participants do not ascribe this myth surrounding male consumption of alcohol and sexual assault.

Survey participant 12 provided the following response to the question is there anything else you would like to share?

S12: Even if a woman is under the influence it doesn't give a man the right to take

advantage of her. More men need to understand this and shouldn't get away with

their wrong doings like Brock Turner. Consent is very important and even though

in some instances girls may not be able to say yes, it should be clear that they

want it.

S29: While sex is still till enjoyable it should be memorable, why have sex drunk

when you can sober up and have more fun then you planned too while you were

drunk? Yes does not always mean yes.

An original survey question was administered to the participants to explore the prevalence of this behavior. As indicated in figure 141, when asked about to indicate their agreement with the statement I have had sex with someone too drunk/under the influence to consent, 96% (n=88) of participants responded they had not, 2% (n=2) of participants responded they had, and 2% (n=1) of participantsresponded this question was not applicable.

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Had Sex With Someone Too Drunk (N=92) 100 2% 96% 2%

80 60

40

20 2 88 2 0 Yes No Not Applicable

Figure 141. Sex with Someone Intoxicated

The findings for this question are favorable. Unfortunately, a very small number of participants (n=2) responded that they had had sex with someone too drunk/under the influence to consent. In many ways, their honesty on a question that is asking if they had committed a crime of rape is commendable, although their behavior is inexcusable. It is possible that more participants had had sex with someone too intoxicated to consent but did not disclose that. Nonetheless based on the responses they provided, the majority of participants responded they had not had sex with someone too drunk/under the influence to consent thereby strengthening the assertion that Guys Don’t Get a Free Pass to Rape.

When the findings are disaggregated by those males that participate in fraternities and athletics, the findings were not contextualized further as none of them responded they had sex with someone too drunk/intoxicated to consent. Survey participant 15 responded:

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S15: I don't think it will always work because rapes can happen when someone is

passed out or too drunk and in that case they can't say no or yes, but it is still

considered a rape.

The findings presented in this section exemplify that the participants understand that there are no mitigating factors when it comes to rape and sexual assault, thereby supporting the assertion that Guys Don’t Get a Free Pass to Rape. That means regardless of whether the woman was wearing revealing clothing, or if she went into a bedroom alone with a guy there is no justification for rape. Likewise, the participants do not accept a man’s out of control sex drive or his intoxication as excuses as well.

Transforming a College Rape Culture

Continuing from the same instrumentation as those findings presented in the previous section of consent and the campus policy literacy, the fifth and final theme:

Transforming a College Rape Culture became readily apparent from their narratives and survey responses to the select Bystander Attitudes scale. Consequently, two assertions emerged and were categorized within this theme (1) Those Willing to Use Their Voice

Potentiate A Change Consent, and (2) Rape Education is Needed and Needed Early. The will now be delineated.

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Table 8. Frequencies of Theme in Transforming Rape Culture Transforming A Rape Culture

Stand Up-Speak Up 16

Education For Everyone 10

Power in Numbers –Trump’s Victims 5

Early Education 4

Safe Spot Needed 1

Those Willing to Use Their Voice Potentiate A Change

The participants in this study provided much insight to the problem of violence.

Among them, is that their affirmation that that dismantling a rape culture requires unification of people wanting to make a difference and willing to speak up. This assertion was made based on the frequency at which the participant’s referenced key words/themes, which collectively were 21 times (see table 8) and their bystander attitudes derived from the survey. To address research question four, in what ways are college students muted (i.e. as women, consent, sexual assault current events)?The participants were shown the picture of the twelve women that accused Donald Trump of sexual assault, then asked the question: Are you familiar with the twelve women that claim to have been sexually assaulted by Donald Trump? What is your take on why they chose to come forward now? Why do you do you think many people do not believe them? The three male interview participants provided the following responses:

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Jake: Not all of them. But I know the general idea.

Daryl: I am aware of them I don't know all of their names...Or all the information about it but I am aware. Well I think it just has to do with because a lot of people don't believe them because the timing with the election…probably just trying to get the upper hand you know…that kind of thing the debate. But on the other hand, you know that's all irrelevant that's what claim do happen and I should be taken seriously. I think they came chased came forward now because like especially the ones from a long time ago because when one person emerges then others feel more powerful to be able to come forward in a group more than they would alone it's hard to come forward and something that stand alone on your own rather than to do in a group that someone that you can relate to and go with the process together through it together

Jeffrey: Sadly no I'm not... I wasn't. The reason they came out now is the same reason why those women came forward with Bill Cosby victims. When one person says coming out people start realizing though…’that happened to me too!

Like ‘oh my gosh! I thought it was just me there's actually someone there that can share and voice their experience. And with the internet with those people they're able to find each other so all of those assaults are a 100% true that case and a lot of people that don't believe them I want to face the truth they don't accept the

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change that's needed insert knowledge the truth move forward to hold it back give it back act like it didn't happen not a problem.

Adam: No. I heard that one by one women were coming forward but discounted it because of the election. I tend to believe them because he is a rich and powerful man so they couldn’t come forward before. Who would believe them. But unfortunately they came forward and no one believed them.

Carrie: I don’t know all their stories…I wasn’t sure of the number…I knew it was a lot. I know a lot of people said they were just coming forward to hurt

Trump’s campaign…but I don’t think that’s true. I think they came forward now because they realized they were no longer alone…you know some of them kept that secret for a long time…but also they knew that if they didn’t speak up and he was elected president they would feel partially at fault. Unfortunately, he became president anyway.

Jessica: Yes, I am aware. People do not believe them because they think they're just looking for a paycheck. The women are coming forward now because they didn't think they had any support. They didn't have any power before. But there's power in numbers. Together, side by side. That's why when you walk home from school side by side...because there is more power in numbers. As you can see, I

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brought my sister-in-law here, not because I thought something was going to

happen, but because I don't want to be alone…and be vulnerable. So women

know there's power in numbers. One person strong enough to go forward...then

another would...I wouldn’t be surprised if there is more of them. But now if they

something else happened they are going to be like ‘why come forward? no one

believed us.’

The participants in this study have exemplified that not all men and women hold sexist attitudes about women or ascribe to rape myths. Moreover, they overall have an understanding of what constitutes consent and in which instances consent cannot be given. Hence, these college students potentiate a new generation with more equitable regard for men and women. Moreover, the narratives and the findings from the select

Bystander Attitudes Scale questions, which are intended to gauge participants’ likelihood of checking on, confronting, intervening, and reporting a friend they saw or heard was engaging in an unsafe sexual behaviors and sexual assault, unequivocally informed the assertion Those Willing to Use Their Voice Potentiate A Change. As the findings will exemplify, they also serve to address the research question in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by bystander attitudes? When asked the question how can you be an advocate for those that hold less power in society? the four interview participants provided the following responses:

Jake: Stand with them that's all you can really do nothing is going to change

unless you fight for what you believe in right now the conservatives in the office.

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They are being very hateful. They are doing a lot of things that I do not agree with and that is going to hurt a lot of people. The only way to help is to march and stand up for what is right.

Daryl: Just make sure you always speak up always you know that's so easy to participate in your community like I participate in my community very regularly and I make my steps towards make a difference... one step at a time they're little steps but they all make a difference they add up and sometimes that's all that matter.

Jeffrey: Shoot...I wish I could just tell them you definitely are equal...You're no different than me. We are on the same Earth together and we can live in peace and harmony. And I am just hoping that one day that truly can happen...but we would have to say that this is a problem...and in America too...in the land of the free…but it's also around the world so...It's sad.

Selena: Well I can be a support person like by keeping my mind open. I mean it is easy to exclude certain types of women and to think like I mean because we have to think like us we are all equal and we should all the same rights. We should just see everyone is equal and we that would make us a better Society all so pretty and

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things like up to this group that I'm in protest those are making little move

towards making things better those things that works.

Adam: If you see something that isn’t right, don’t stay quiet about it. If you see

someone doing something they shouldn’t be doing, or someone else’s safety is at

risk say something, or else you are just as guilty.

Jake believes the best way to advocate for those with less power than he is to stand with them. Jake points to the current disempowerment of people as a result of the policy changes occurring as a result of Donald Trump’s agenda and republican controlled- administration. He believes that participating in demonstrations and standing up for what is ethically right is the only way to counteract the negative impact people with less power in society hold. Daryl mentioned that it is important that he always speak up for what is right. He also noted that it is easy to get involved in your community, and explains that he is an active participant in his. Daryl feels that such participation presents opportunities to make steps towards making a positive difference one step at a time, and adds that collectively little steps make a big difference. Jeffrey expressed a desire for those with less power to know that in his eyes they are equal to him. He wishes that all people that inhabit the earth could live in peace and harmony. He is unsure if that day will ever come, but he hopes so; especially in America where it is assumed to be the ‘land of the free.’ Jeffrey concludes that the inequities span the world which is a reality that he finds sad. Selena also responded: Selena believes the best way to advocate for those that hold

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less power than her in society is for her to maintain an open mind. She explains that although all people should have the same rights, it is easy to exclude people for this reason or for that. Selena mitigates for those inequities experienced by others by participating in advocacy groups and protests to make progress towards equality.

When asked the question how can we be advocate to watch out for others to reduce sexual assault? the four interview participants provided the following responses:

Selena: Well….being…keeping my eye out for others and myself when I'm at a

party...watching out for others and speak up when I see or feel something isn’t

right.

Jake: For the drinks make sure they're ok make sure who they're going with it

okay if they see a girl with that's looks drunk check on her 50 guy messing with a

girl is drunk say something or if he's acting weird while she's drunk or you know

then make sure to keep your eyes on that speak up.

Daryl: well I think ways to reduce it or just make sure you spread awareness

that's the biggest thing that you can do try to do your best to write to the Senators

right to the people in power so that they enforce the laws that help prevent sexual

so and he'll protect sexual assault victims

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Jeffrey: Everyone should watch those videos to open up someone's minds...that

doesn’t know about that or that there is a problem and to reduce that

situation...because the learn from their parents and from whatever kids talk about

it school...and then people think that that's the way things are or should be.

Sometimes they just copy what other people do...And if you are talking about

what consent is and what consent is not then more people will catch on ...like ‘oh

you're right, that's not consent’ ...and then hopefully it will reduce the number of

people sexually assaulted. And I hope it does.

Selena: Wellbeing looking at my eye out for others and myself when I'm at a

party just for them if I can keep an eye out for other people

For Selena, the best way to advocate for the reduction of sexual assault is to watch out for others at a party and to speak up if she sees something that isn’t right. Jake believes the best way to advocate to reduce sexual assault is by watching out for woman that are drinking, and if she looks drunk, or a guy that she is with is acting weird, it is important that he say something or intervene. Daryl believes that he can be an advocate to reduce sexual assault by spreading awareness about the issue. He suggests writing one’s senators as being one of the best ways to empower people and enforce laws that are intended to protect victims of sexual assault. Jeffrey believes that everyone should watch consent education videos to ensure that everyone is aware of what constitutes consent as many people are either never taught from their parents or are never instructed how they could

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reduce the problem, as without such explicit instruction, many people just copy what they see other people do. Jeffery believes that if we could get more people watching these videos and talking about consent, there is hope of reducing the prevalence of sexual assault. Selena’s comment about keeping an eye out for others is very important, as it alludes to her attitude as a bystander, and her renewed decision to look out for the well- being of others.

The survey participants were administered select questions from the Bystander

Attitude Scale, Revised (BAR-S). These questions are intended to gauge a persons’ likelihood of intervening if they saw a person in an unsafe situation at a party. What follows, are relevant questions related to the use of alcohol at parties. As indicated in figure 142, when asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement I check in with my friend who looks drunk when s/he goes to a room with someone else at a party, 83% (n=75) of participants responded extremely likely to likely, 8%

(n=8) of participants responded not likely, while 7% (n=7) of participants responded with nuetrality.

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Check On Friend That Looks Drunk (N=90)

50 50% 33% 7% 8% 0% 40

30 20 10 45 30 7 8 0 0 Extremely Likely Likely Neutral Not Likely Extremely Unlikely

Figure 142. Checking On Friend That Looks Drunk

The findings for this question are favorable. The majority of participants responded that they are extremely likely to likely to check on a friend that goes into the room with someone that looks drunk. A small percentage of participants responded that it is not likely that they would intervene if they saw this, which does raise some concerns.

Additionally, a slightly smaller percentage of participants ambivalent about intervening; again, without an open-ended follow-up question, what mitigating factors for this response remain unknown. When disaggregated by high risk participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 143, in red, 50% (n=4) of theparticipants that responded is not likely that they will check on a friend that goes into the room with someone that looks drunk, were males that also responded they participate in fraternities and athletics. Also indicated in figure 143 in green, 13% (n=1) of the participants that provided the same response were female that also responded they participate in sororities.

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Frat/Athletes/Sororities-Friend Drunk (n=22)/(N=90) 50 40 30 20 10 45 5 4 30 7 0 7 1 0 8 4 1 0 0 0 Extremely Likely Likely Neutral Not Likely Extremely Unlikely

Figure 143.High Risk Check on Friend That Looks Drunk

As indicated in figure 144, when asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement I would say something to a friend who is taking a drunk/intoxicated person back to his/her room at a party, 84% (n=38) of participants extremely likely to likely they would, 11% (n=5) of participants responded with nuetrality, and 4% (n=2) of participants responded it was extremly unlikely to not likely that they would.

Confront Friend With Drunk Person (N=91) 40 42% 38% 12% 7% 1% 30 20 10 38 35 11 6 1 0 Extremely Likely Likely Neutral Not Likely Extremely Unlikely

Figure 144. Confront Friend with Drunk Person

The findings for this question are also favorable. The majority of participants are extremely likely to likely to say something if they saw a friend taking an intoxicated

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person to his/her room. A small number of participant responded neutral indicating that there were mitigating factors influencing their response. An even smaller number of students responded they are extremely unlikely to unlikely to say something if they saw this, which raises concerns for these participants. When disaggregated by high risk participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 145, in red, 50%

(n=3) of theparticipants that responded is not likely that they would say something if they saw a friend taking an intoxicated person to his/her room were male, and also responded they participate in athletics.

Male Athletes-Friend/Drunk Person (n=13)/(N=91) 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 38 2 35 6 11 2 6 3 1 0 0 Extremely Likely Likely Neutral Not Likely Extremely Unlikely

Figure 145. Athletes-Confront Friend with Drunk Person

As indicated in figure 146, when asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement I confront a friend who plans to give someone alcohol to get sex, 83%

(n=74) of participants extremely likely to likely they would, 5% (n=2) of participants responded with nuetrality, and 2% (n=1) of participants responded it was unlikely they would.

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Confront Friend-Alcohol For Sex (N=89)

60 56% 27% 10% 6% 0% 50 40 30 20 10 50 24 9 6 0 0 Extremely Likely Likely Neutral Not Likely Extremely Unlikely

Figure 146. Confront Friend Giving Alcohol for Sex

The findings for this question are positive. The majority of participants responded that it was extremely likely to likely that they would confront a friend if planning to give someone alcohol in order to get sex. A small number of participants responded neutral, indicating that there were mitigating factors influencing their response (muting). An even smaller number of participants said it was unlikely that they would confront someone in this situation, indicating a concern. When disaggregated by high risk participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 147, in red, 50%

(n=3) of the participants that responded it was not likely they would confront a friend if who was planning to give someone alcohol in order to get sex were males and also responded they participate in athletics.

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Male Athletes-Alcohol for Sex (n=13)/(N=89) 60 50 40 30 20 10 50 3 24 4 9 3 6 3 0 0 0 Extremely Likely Likely Neutral Not Likely Extremely Unlikely

Figure 147. Athletes-Confront Friend Giving Alcohol for Sex

The findings indicate that while most participants affirm they would confront a friend planning to gives someone alcohol for sex, athletes have less bystander responsive attitudes than general college students. It is important to note as Rosenfeld (2015) did that some perpetrators purposefully get someone so drunk that they pass out and can easily be assaulted. Hence, colleges must build agency in college students to safely intervene in these instances.

As indicated in figure 148, when asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement I confront a friend who is hooking up with someone who was passed out, 90% (n=82) of participants extremely likely to likely they would, while 4%

(n=2) of participants disagreed they would.

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Confront Friend With Girl Passed Out (N=91) 80 70 79% 11% 4% 4% 11% 60 50 40 30 20 10 72 10 4 4 1 0 Extremely Likely Likely Neutral Not Likely

Figure 148. Confront Friend Hooking Up With Girl Passed Out

The findings for this question also were favorable. The majority of participants responded it was extremely likely to likely that they would confront a friend hooking up with someone passed out. A small number of participants responded neutral, indicating that there were mitigating factors influencing their response (muting). An equally small number of participants said it was extremely unlikely to unlikely that they would confront someone in this situation, indicating a concern. When disaggregated by high risk participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 149, in red, 50%

(n=2) of the participants that it isnotlikely that they would confront someone hooking up with someone who was passed out were male and also responded they participate in athletics.

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Male Athletes-Friend with Drunk Girl (n=13)/(N=91) 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 72 9 10 1 4 1 4 2 1 0 0 Extremely Likely Likely Neutral Not Likely Extremely Unlikely

Figure 149. Athletes-Confront Friend Hooking Up With Girl Passed Out

As indicated in figure 150, when asked about to indicate their level of agreement with the statement report a friend if they committed a rape, 44% (n=39) of participants responded extremely likely to likely they would, 2% (n=2) of participants responded it is unlikely that they would, and 2% (n=1) of participantsresponded with nuetrality.

Report Friend-Committed A Rape (N=90) 35 37% 7% 1% 2% 0% 30 25 20 15 10 5 33 6 1 2 0 0 Extremely likely likely Neutral Not likely Extremly unlikely

Figure 150. Report A Friend That Committed A Rape

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The findings for this question also were favorable. The majority of participants responded it was extremely likely to likely that they would report a friend if they committed a rape.

For the small number of participants (n=2) that responded it was not likely that they would report a friend if they committed a rape, there is grounds for concern. Allowing a rape to go unpunished because they are friends increases their contribution to a rape culture and the silent epidemic of sexual assault. A slightly smaller number of participants (n=1) responded neutral (muting). Again, in this situation, an open-ended up follow-up question would have been helpful in understanding the mitigating factors for this response. When disaggregated by high risk participants, the findings are contextualized some. As indicated in figure 151, in red, 50% (n=1) of the participants that responded it is not likely that they would report a friend if they committed a rape were female and responded that they particpate in sororities.

Sororities-Committed A Rape (n=5)/N=90) 40

30

20

10 33 2 6 2 1 0 2 1 0 0 Extremely likely likely Neutral Not likely Extremly unlikely

Figure 151. Sororities-Report A Friend That Committed A Rape

In response to the question how can you be an advocate for those that hold less power in society? Jessica responded:

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Jessica: I think everyone has power I just don't think everyone see if they have

power though. For me, I know I can use my voice because I feel stronger…now

that I've overcome what I have through. You know I feel powerful. And I think

everybody has power. So for me, if I use my voice and I let anybody know about

my situation Which I feel better when I do talk about it If I feel like if I tell

anyone about my situation I can give them that power to…that knowledge to

others of what to do If they're in a situation if they aren't comfortable with…if

they don't consent, if they've been victims themselves…everyone has

power…your voice. I feel like if I use my voice I can give other people power as

well…so that’s what I plan to do.

Jessica believes that everyone has power. For her, she found that she has power when she uses her voice. Although she did not always know this, since finding her voice she feels empowered. This new found empowerment has made her realize that if she can share her story with others, she can share her power to empower others. This is the reason participation in this study was so important to her.

The findings presented in this section indicate that the participants realize that they can help reduce the prevalence of sexual violence by voicing their concerns when they see or hear of questionable behavior from a friend. In this way, Branch and Richards

(2013) are on point that through bystander education “everyone has a role to play in reducing sexual assault”(p. 659). This also signifies, as the research indicates, bystander education programming is a potentially effective approach to rape prevention. Bystander

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education is one approach that shows promise based on an empirical study that focuses on teaching individuals what to look for, and how they can safely intervene if they see that someone is coercing or engaging in sexual activity with someone who is not able to give consent (McMahon, 2010). This education in particular must be targeted and provided to those students identified in the literature as high risk and which contextualized the finding in this study some.

Consent and Rape Education is Needed and Needed Early

The best defense against sexual assault and building the agency in others so that they can intervene is to provide comprehensive rape prevention education to all students and for this education to begin young. This assertion was based on the frequency at which key words/themes were referenced, which according to table 8 was 14 times, the interview participant’s responses to watching videos on consent, the lack of understanding of consent and the campus sexual assault policy. When the participants were asked to please share your understanding of consent and SB 967 (Yes-Means-

Yes) policy, and if you believe it will clarify issues of consent, it was clear that some students were muted:

Jeffrey: So during intercourse you have to say yes to consent? What like in the

very beginning? Or at each phase? She has the right to change her mind at

anytime? Is that with the bills saying? [Briefly described bill] Sorry, I had not

heard of it….but I think it could have its practical and its impractical cases. But I

think it could be a really good thing.

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S7:?

S12: …

S13: Honestly have no idea.

The interview participants were shown Consent is Tea, which is an animated video that compares consent to having a cup of tea. Following the video, the participants were asked have you seen this video before? What is your take on this? To which the participants responded:

Daryl: Yeah, I mean seems clear. Not sure why some people don’t get it.

Carrie: I have seen it before. Consent is simple to understand if you aren’t trying

to get over on anyone.

Selena: No I hadn't seen that before. Makes it really clear... but then again I mean

when you bring in alcohol...consent gets kind of murky...

Jessica: Yeah after I seen it yeah I remember watching it before….it makes it

extremely straightforward no gray area.

Jeffrey: Great video to represent the sad struggles women have to face. I wish It

wasn't a struggle. I feel really sad about it. I wish it wasn't a struggle. I wish I

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could help change that. It is not right. So yes. That is a great video to show what it

really is…makes it really clear. Everyone should have to watch these videos.

Amy: Everyone should have to watch these videos, or take a course on it so that

people will understand consent.

The participants found the video to be informative and believed they could be effective in clarifying consent. While the survey participants were not asked to view any videos or trainings prior to taking the survey, those that had previously for work or school also found them to potentiate increased consent literacy among students. When the survey participants were asked the question please share your understanding of consent and

SB 967 (Yes-Means-Yes) policy, and if you believe it will clarify issues of consent, the survey participants responded:

S3: All students are required to watch a video and consent to the policy on yes-

means-yes act. I think it's a great that it's a requirement for all students to watch

and it is very clear on the rules. However, I think it should be required more than

once to be viewed or the policy be reviewed each semester or school year so that

way it is always on student's minds to be careful when at parties.

S17: know that yes means yes and no means no. I know that consent is important

to get from someone before and that alcohol has nothing to do with sex. Rape is

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rape. I think the policy is clear but it needs to be brought out to students more. I

am aware because I work at the [Some School]. Well and must know this.

S20: I understand it and I do like the fact that we have to watch a video and get

certifications about it.

S33: As far as communicating it with others, there should be a class that ever

takes that's mandatory and have people be put in a situation where they're asked

how'd they felt if their (fe)male acquaintances were to be raped, date raped, or

forced under an abuse relationship.

S14: I am aware of consent and what it entails. However, it is tough to check for

consent when things escalate quickly. I have found to remain impartial or allow

the woman I am hooking up with to dictate the way the night plays out. If she

wants to continue, we continue. If she wants to stop, I have no problem ending

things right there. It seems as though there is a lot of red tape when clarifying

issues of consent/sexual assault, therefore, it is important to become educated

about how to respond to these situations as well as how to avoid them.

The participants’ responses signify that these students both want more education on consent and rape prevention and strongly believe everyone will benefit from such

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programming. Two of the participants, Jake and Adam, recommended that this education begin early:

Adam: I like it. I think when they break it down like that it makes consent really

clear. I just think this kind of information should be given early. This video could

be shown to kids in middle school before they are sexually active.

Jake: I'm saying that we should…I mean not really…but maybe around third

grade learn a better understanding about like consent and what that means

…through such things like tea…so you learn you don't pour tea (alcohol) down

someone’s throat when they're sleeping, or if they don't want it (sex) they don’t

have to do it. They never talked about consent to us…we talked about other

stuff….like here is what happens or could happen if you have sex but never about

consent. In middle school or Elementary they should teach what consent is but

that they don’t. They don’t even talk about consent in high school…I mean that I

remember. And when you hear that they removed sex-education programs you

know it takes away the learning from the students…especially because there are a

lot of parents that aren't supportive…they want to shield their kids but it's going to

happen. The best thing they could do is prepare them…but they do education and

fourth grade all those friends you know they're going to sports not going towards

actual people learning students teachers went to sports over 70% was the sports to

male sports not just to female sports football teams so their privileged my friend

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gets trouble with little weed he gets expelled ….But the football team have the

football team at [Some] High School got in trouble for smoking weed and they

didn't get in trouble they got a warning so they can go and keep playing sports for

smoking...See that's what I mean you got to teach kids young. Maybe not about

the sexual parts but about consent and body parts…that's why people like Brock

Turner able to walk free in less than 3 months because he was white, rich, and

played sports….we don't know if it does that would deny but he rape somebody

and that's going to give them PTSD.

Both Adam and Jake expressed a need for early and comprehensive rape education. For

Adam, the videos offered a great way to break down consent and believed that such education should be provided before the age at which children become sexually active and recommended middle school. Jake on the other hand believed the education to be provided must begin in the third grade and learn about their body parts and respect long before even the idea of sex begins. What is most definitely clear from participant 15, in response to the question is there anything else you would like to share? Is that this education must be given:

S15: I was sexually assaulted in high school and I did not know that the act was

assault at the time due to a lack of sexual education in and out of school. It wasn't

until later in my life that I learned the act that had been committed was sexual

assault, because I only thought rape had to require a penis in a vagina. It was

terrifying looking back and realizing that I had been assaulted and unaware

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because of the lack of education. I felt bad about the incident, but I thought it was

my fault because I didn't want to engage in the sexual activity, when in reality it

was assault.

Since survey participant 15 did not know she had been the victim of sexual assault until adulthood, her experience resonates with the previous finding that sexual assault is a silent epidemic since so many women are muted to their own experience. This makes a strong link to Muted Group Theory and the Five Faces of Oppression (Faces of Women’s

Oppression). This must be changed. Our young people must be empowered with the language they need to describe their body parts, to understand what constitutes consent, and how they can use their voice when they see someone in an unsafe sexual situation.

Survey participant five also made a recommendation:

S5: I think also something that should be added to school campuses, if funding

allowed it, (which I know it doesn't) would be a designated safe spot. A place

where if anything ever did happen it would be a safe haven and a place where

someone would have no need to feel scared or insecure about anything that could

have happened, with employed workers who know all of the correct procedures

and are trained on how to properly handle any kind of sexual assault including

rape.

The findings presented in this section exemplify that the participants perceive there to be a dire need for all students to receive comprehensive sexual assault/rape education. Many of them mentioned that consent education is often neglected from

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traditional programs, if provided at all. It is the many situations and mitigating factors that surround consent that make this focus warranted. Moreover, since many college campuses are increasingly creating such e designated safe places for women and LBGTQ students to get support, and all public colleges are required to have trained staff for students to make sexual assault complaints; this signifies that students must be made aware of these resources if they are to become useful resources.

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Chapter Five

SUMMARY AND CONTRIBUTIONS

This dissertation is grounded by a feminist perspective and was intended to facilitate in the dismantlement of the rape culture (androcentric society) in western society using Muted Group Theory and Five Faces of Oppression as a primary framework. Muted Group Theory was theorized by Ardener and Ardener (1975; 1978), and posits that language was created by white men and therefore the English Language is highly unequal rendering non-dominant (muted) groups inarticulate. Women are one group among the muted, and the processes by which they are muted were the central focus of the review of literature provided in chapter two. A conceptual model of Muted

Group Theory is portrayed in figure 152 and depicts two spheres, one represents the dominant group with a solid line to reality since they created the language and reality, while the other represents the muted group with a dotted line to reality since they were excluded from its creation and do not have the power to change it. However, as proffered by Ardener (2005) these spheres are not exclusive, but rather “mutually affecting spheres of reality” that operate as “simultaneities” (Ardener, 2005, p. 3). Figure 153 portrays the processes of silencing that the dominant group enacts to maintain the muted group in a state of silence and subordination (Ardener & Ardener, 1978).

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Figure 152.Dominant vs. Muted Group Figure 153. Process of Silencing

(Ardener & Ardener, 1978) (West & Turner, 2010)

The Five Faces of Oppression theorized by Young (1990), served as a second primary framework and was instrumental in illuminating the processes by which women are muted, since to be muted is to be oppressed. Young (1990) did not assign a hierarchy to the faces of oppression people experience, because she generalized the forms for the greater society. However, in this dissertation cultural dominance (imperialism) was ranked as the driving force for the maintenance of women’s oppression, and the (muting) processes by which men maintain their dominant position in society is achieved through the four other faces which include exploitation, marginalization, powerlessness, and violence (Young, 1990). As depicted in figure 154, in this way, the problem of (sexual) violence is no longer the primary unit of analysis, but rather is a mere symptom of the culture, and transcends Young’s (1990) framework to the Faces of Women’s Oppression

(Pimentel, 2017; influenced by Ardener, 1975; 1978; Young, 1990).

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Figure 154. Meta-Model, Faces of Women’s Oppression

(Pimentel, 2017; influenced by Ardener, 1975; 1978; Young, 1990)

While Muted Group Theory and Faces of Women’s Oppression (Five Faces of

Oppression served as my primary frameworks, a distinction was between in chapter two between the terms theorize and theory and their use in this dissertation are important.

Theory denotes a fixed and stagnant perspective to a problem, while theorizing denotes a continuous and evolving understanding based on the growing scholarship on the problem

(Orbe & Roberts, 2012). Since rape culture (androcentric society) is a pervasive problem that has failed to be remedied by previous scholarship. Hence, rather than using two stagnant frames, this dissertations theorizes by illuminating secondary theories in order to extend the understanding of the primary frameworks and to strengthen the dismantlement capacities. When taken together, conceptually this formed the meta-theory of

Androcentric Oppression (see figure 155; Pimentel, 2017; influenced by Ardener, 1975;

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1978; Young, 1990). The black space represents the rape culture (androcentric society) which Buchwald, Fletcher, and Roth (2005) describe as being synonymous with the blank space, which is the avoidance of conversations about victims experiences in order to prevent uncomfortabilty in non-victims, thereby allowing people to ignore just how acceptable violence against women in society is—and that rarely are men confronted or held accountable” (p. 245). The bi-directional arrows indicate that there is a continuum of applicable theories that can contribute to the evolving understanding of rape culture

(androcentric society) in America in order to continue to dismantle this endemic social disease (Pearson, 2000).

Figure 155. Meta-Model of Androcentric Oppression

(Pimentel, 2017; inspired by Ardener, 1975; 1978; Young, 1990)

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Since rape culture (androcentric society) comprises many influences, chapter two was dense in that is surveyed six overarching major themes. The first theme Ontogenesis of Male Dominance in America centered on the inception of power and domination in the

United States, beginning with the conquest and destruction of Christopher Columbus in the name of colonization, and permeating colonial life by inequitably distributing power between men and women, with men by far superior. The second theme Socialization

Toward Systemic Oppression centered on the socialized gendered norms that tend to encourage male aggression and female passivity. The third theme Media and its

Cannibalization of Youth centered on the exposure to violence on the television, in video games, and online which has been shown to increase children’s rape myth acceptance and propensity to commit violence. The fourth theme The Sexualization& Exploitation of

Women and Young Girls centered on the ways in which young girls are “adultified” and adult women are “youthified” (e.g. marketing & beauty pageants) and are conditioned

(e.g. dolls) to develop an preoccupation with their external appearance resulting in their developing internal problems (e.g. low self-esteem, body image disorders, academic problems).The fourth theme Cultural Myths that Justify& Legitimize Rape centered on the rape myths that serve to mitigate and even legitimize any wrong doing by sexual offenders and blame women instead. The fifth theme Rape as Function of Systemic

Oppression delineates how the outgrowths of rape myths serve to institutionalization sexual violence in the justice and by society. The sixth and final theme delineated Sexual

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Assault on College Campuses centered on the high risk college students and the role of college administration in reducing sexual.

Given the literature delineated, the current study used qualitative and quantitative data collection methods and phenomenological research analysis research approaches to produce thematic assertions. All of this study’s participants were between the ages of 18 and 24 years old and were currently enrolled college students. Eight (N=8) participants comprised the interview sample, and consisted of four (n=4) females and four (n=4) males. An online survey was administered to (N=108) currently enrolled college students, of which 62% (n=67) were female and 38% (n=41) were male. Since previous empirical research using this study’s instrumentation revealed that those pledging in a fraternity/sorority, and athletes have higher rape myth acceptance and lower bystander attitudes (McMahon, 2010) these participants were highly sought, yet were unsuccessfully able to be secured in the interview sample. To mitigate for this limitation some, male participants that responded they participate in fraternities and or athletics and female participants that responded they participate in sororities were flagged as a high risk participant, and where possible the data findings are contextualized some by disaggregating their responses. Once disaggregated, of the college males 29% (n=13) were athletes and 4% (n=4) were pledging a fraternity, and for college women 5% (n=5) were pledging a sorority. What follows is a summary of the assertions that emerged from the study findings that coalesce into five major themes, and their applicability in addressing the four research questions that framed this study.

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Theme One: Gender Identity & Social Positioning

Gender identity and social positioning are highly related. Therefore, in order to address research question one, how do college students enact gender identities? and what are the relationships among these identity processes and rape culture

(androcentric society)? the interview participants were asked to both define from their perspective what being either male or female (as applicable) meant to them and to provide one word adjectives of society’s expectations of them, followed by one word adjectives of how they would like to be seen instead. From this inquiry, two assertions emerged. The first is themed Being “Female” Means You Are Persistently Critiqued exemplified that college women are constantly navigating the tensions between their own identity and the judgmental society that expects them to be, as they described, always on.

The second is themed Women Are Muted Because This Is a Man’s World emerged from their experience of sexism which they recalled originated when they were very young and has persisted as women and helped address research question four in what ways are college students muted? The inquiry with the males also resulted in a theme Non-

Aggressive Males Are Muted Because This is a Manly Man’s World since the males too expressed a sense of muting as a result of the tension they experienced from being a male in society yet not identifying with or ascribing to sexist attitudes.

The final theme of gendered positionality centered on eliciting the male participants’ perspectives on the different societal expectations for sexual activity of males that regarded as studs and females as sluts. The male participant’s attributed their

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non-adversarial views towards women to the way in which they were raised, with women being pillars of strength and regarded as equal to men. Sexism permeates all spheres of western life. Not only is it perpetuated for the benefit of men, women also internalize these attitudes and therefore become accomplices in their own oppression. Therefore, it was important to answer the research question in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by sexism/internalized sexism? The female and male interview participants were cognizant of the inequities that result in women’s oppression. However, it was the male interview participants’ narratives that were influential in forming the assertion The Double Standard Is a Sad Reality but

Socialization is Everything, as for these participants, their socialization mitigated their ascription to such inequitable standards. They were aware of the reality that a double standard between male and females when it comes to sexual activity exists.

Theme Two: Socialization and Sexual Violence

In light of the many influences that shape the human perspective, it was important to at least a glimpse into the minds of the participating college students. Consequently, the narratives that form this theme center on the influence of the media, sexism as displayed, mitigated, legitimized, or internalized in the context of societal standards, male culture, and political contentions surrounding sexual assault allegations in the 2016 presidential election. Given the contention surrounding whether Donald Trump was using locker room talk or openly bragged about committing sexual assaults, this current event became a useful tool in gauging the interview participant’s perspectives and to provide a

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lead in to talking about the female interview participants’ own experience with a sexual assault. By showing the participants the Access Hollywood video under debate and

Donald Trump’s apology, research question three was answered in part in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed? The participants unanimously affirmed that Donald Trump was talking about a sexual assault. Likewise, the male participants were asked about their definition of the Bro-Code and how far the code of secrecy could go before being breeched. All four of the male interview participants were aware that the Bro-Code exists but that they believed it was a made up term men use to evade the guilt associated with doing something they know is wrong. For them, sexual assault would certainly warrant breaking such a code. Hence, taken together resulted in the assertion themed The Bro-Code and Locker Room Talk Excludes Sexual Assault emerged. In regards to research question four in what ways are college students muted

(i.e. as women, consent, sexual assault current events)? by using the contentious current event of Donald Trump, it was determined and the assertion themed Men &

Women Experienced Muting and Oppression Post-Election was made and exemplified that although they were unaware of all of their names and stories, the interview participants believed that all twelve women were sexually assaulted, and in turn, felt they were muted when a sexual predator was elected President of the United States.

In regards to the media, a medium of sexual violence that permeates life in the

21st century, research question three in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by sexual violence online and in the media? became critically

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important to answer. The female interview participants shared the ways in which they experience pressure online because of their gender. This centered on their sexuality and the coercion by males to send them a provocative photo of themselves. Likewise, the survey participants also responded that online sexual harassment is a major problem online. Moreover, the interview participants strongly attributed to the prevalence of violence as being highly correlated with the mass media, resulting in the emergent assertion themed The Media is Responsible for Society’s Desensitization to Violence.

Theme Three: Experience of Sexual Violence

The four females that participated in an interview were all sexually assaulted or raped. The violations occurred since enrolling in college for three of these women, and at the ages of seven, twelve, and fifteen by three different men for the one woman. The women shared their life-time experience of sexual harassment that they experienced early in grade school and continue to affect them currently. These experiences ranged from comments about their developing breasts at a young age, long before they understood their significance, and evolved into sexual pressures to either send or post provocative photos to men or to hook-up. The survey participants disclosed that online sexual harassment, sexual assault prior to college, and sexual assault since entering college were commonly experienced; collectively resulting in the assertion themed Sexual Violence is a Common & Inevitable Experience of Women. The female interview participants shared their painful experiences of being violated sexually by people that they knew and trusted.

While their experiences range from child sexual assault to rape in college, the lack of

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justice they received united them. For some participants the mitigating factors to justice were parental inadequacies, and for others, alcohol consumption served to marginalize their experience and justify their assault in the eyes of the law resulting in the assertion themed Sexual Assault Is a Silent Epidemic Indeed. In this way, research question three in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by sexual experiences? is also answered in part.

The participants recommended that in order to be safe, college women must restrict their behaviors and arm themselves with mace, a taser, or maintain a tight grip on one’s keys and be ready to activate the panic button on the car alarm as actions are all hyper-vigilant precautions they use and recommended to other college women reduce their risks of sexual assault. These were recommended by a male participant as well. It was for these reasons that assertion themed College Women Must Be Armed and Not

Stray from the Path emerged. Interestingly, although all of these women were sexual assaulted by someone they knew, they unanimously recommended that college women never go off alone with anyone they did not know as effective strategies for reducing their risks of sexual assault. The narratives shared by these women about their sexual assault experiences helped to answer research question two In what ways has the unwanted sexual contact experienced by college females influenced their identity and college experience? The various manifestations they developed in the aftermath of their violation and as they continue to navigate college life helped in part to form the assertion themed Sexual Assault Changes You. For each of women, the sexual assault

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significantly impacted their development and their experiences as college students. In addition to experiencing a range of emotions such as anger and sadness, these women identified a restriction of their own behaviors as being the dominant change as a result of the sexual assault and serves to mitigate the tensions and risks of sexual assault as college women.

Theme Four: Consent &Campus Policy Literacy

Sexual assault has been a major problem on colleges across the country. In response to this epidemic, in 2015, California passed SB 967 which requires an affirmative consent be given prior to engaging in sexual activity, thereby prohibiting silence, sleeping or intoxication from this constitution, situations which resulted in ambiguity (NPR, 2014). It is this aspect of the policy responsible for it being coined the

Yes Means Yes Policy. However, a policy is only potentially helpful in clarifying issues of consent if college students are aware of the policy and what constitutes consent.

Therefore, in order answer both the research question four in what ways are college students muted (i.e. as women, consent, sexual assault policy)? and in part, research question three in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by sexual experiences/situations? The interview participants were provided with four consent scenarios and shown two videos Consent is Tea and Consent is Sexy, and both the interview and survey participants were asked to share their understanding of consent and the college sexual assault policy, and their opinion as to the efficacy of clarifying issues of sexual assault. Additionally, select questions from each of the five subscales (1)

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She Asked for It; (2) He Didn’t Mean To (4) It Wasn’t Really Rape and (5) She Lied, from the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale were administered to participants in order to answer research question three, in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by rape myths? Although there was a small number of participants that consistently strongly agree to agree with the rape myths questioned, the majority of the survey participants responded they strongly disagree to disagree that these mitigating factors in regards to a sexual assault.

Collectively, from these mediums eight assertions of consent emerged from the findings. These included (1) Consent is a Mutual Agreement & Not a Binding Contract which is a theme based on an assertion that many participants believe consent to be a simple concept consisting of an agreement to engage prior to every sexual encounter, that everyone should respect and understand yet it is not definitive once given. As they see it, consent can be retracted at anytime and for any reason; (2) Some Guys Will Rape

Regardless of Policy; Enforcement is Needed which is a theme based on an assertion that centers on the participants who were unimpressed with the new policy as it relates to clarifying issues of consent since there are laws requiring this as well and yet the problem persists, as if a guy wants to rape someone they will. Instead, what would be more important would be for policies to be enforced. Alcohol Does Not Excuse Rape which is a theme based on an assertion that centers on the participants non-acceptance of a girl’s alcohol consumption as a mitigating factor in a sexual assault even though they are aware that it becomes a problem in the legal system; Girls Can Be Raped Even When They

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Don’t Say ‘No’ which is a theme based on an assertion that centers on the participants’ belief that there are often mitigating factors that may render a girl unable to say no or infelicitous body language coupled with an affirmative indicate that consent really had not been given; (4) Girls Often Say Yes To Make Him Happy which is a theme based on an assertion that centers on the participants awareness that often female passivity’s result in girls’ wanting to please their romantic or sexual partner, and agreeing to fulfill his sexual desires is one way to make him happy. However, body language was also noted by the participants as needing to be felicitous with an affirmative in order to constitute consent; (5) Guys Can “Not Consent” Too which is a theme based on an assertion that centers on the participants’ awareness that males too can be sexually assaulted even with a penile erection; and (7) Guys Don’t Get a Free Pass to Rape which is a theme based on an assertion that centers on the participants’ disdain for such things as revealing clothing, women’s sexual agency, the notion that hormones gone out of control and men’s use of alcohol as being mitigating a sexual assault.

Theme Five: Transforming a College Rape Culture

The pervasive nature of a college rape culture requires a focus towards presenting opportunities to build capacity, rather than to flounder among the many threats and obstacles to creating a safe and healthy college campus populous. One such opportunity that emerged from this study largely the result of the select questions from the Bystander

Attitude Scale, Revised (BAS-R)that were administered to the survey participants in order to assess the likelihood that participants would intervene if they suspected or saw

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someone in a situation where consent could not be given or was violated. The findings from this question served to help address research question three in what ways is sexual violence legitimized, mitigated, or displayed by bystander attitudes? The findings were favorable. The majority of the survey participants responded that it was extremely likely to likely that they would intervene if they suspected or saw a sexual assault by a friend. It would have been helpful to have included an open-ended follow-up question for each of the bystander attitude scales asked, particularly to gain insight into the mitigating factors for those participants that responded with neutrality. However, these bystander attitude findings coupled with the interview narratives helped to inform the emergence of the assertion themed Those Willing to Use Their Voice Potentiate a Change. The female participants expressed that in their resolve as survivors of sexual assault the best way that they can advocate for others to reduce the prevalence of sexual violence is to use watch out and speak up for others. The male interview participants also believed that standing up for others is important, as is actively engaging in their communities and writing one’s senators to make a positive change. Moreover, the interview participants’ believe there is power in numbers and is the reason the thirteen women accusing Donald Trump of sexual assault were able to come forward when they did. Hence, building agency in children potentiates a movement towards social change.

A concluding assertion addresses research question four in what ways are college students muted (i.e. consent, sexual assault policy)? Consent and Rape

Education is Needed and Needed Early emerged in response to both the interview and

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survey participants expressed dire need for comprehensive early rape education that includes an emphasis on consent literacy and that it be provided at an early age. The participants Sadly, participants described situations in which they were sexually assaulted early in life, but because they had only been taught about instances that involved a rape, it was not until she was older that she learned that what she had experienced was in fact an assault. Moreover, many expressed being enlightened after receiving a training either offered to them as employees or as students, or by having watched videos about consent, and recommended that all students watch them to ensure that consent competencies can be developed in all students. For those that had developed these competencies, they found consent and issues related to sexual assault to be simple and clear, next to common sense.

Contributions of the Study

In analysis of the data findings in relation to the relevant literature, this dissertation presents a multitude of opportunities for improving the silent epidemic of sexual assault in a rape culture (androcentric society). Hence, this dissertation has educational leadership, policy leadership, and curricular leadership implications and informs the meta-model of Androcentric Oppression. In fact, the opportunities presented from this researchfurther transcends the meta-theory to a problem-posing meta-theory I am naming Dismantling Androcentric Oppression (Pimentel, 2017; influenced by

Ardener, 1975; 1978; Young, 1990). A model of this framework is depicted in figure 159, and still represents Muted Group Theory and Five Faces of Oppression(Faces of

Women’s Oppression), and the blank space of rape culture (androcentric society), but in

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this model the bi-directional arrows offer a continuum of un-muting practices which could begin to penetrate the silence. The bi-directional arrows also represent an invitation for a continumuum of opportunities to dismantle rape culture (androcentric society) with continued research and programmatic and policy efforts. Notice, that policyand leadership are positioned at the extremes on the continuum, and curriculum is positioned in the middle, where developmental resided in the model prior to the findings (see figure

156). The justifications for this placement are as follows. Policies are essential for establishing acceptable modes of moral behavior and the ramifications for violating them are intended to act as deterrants for violating them. Yet, in a rape culture (andricentric society) sexual offenders often evade punishments as a result of cultural myths have been institutionalized in law and lay people (Burt, 1980), indicating as the particpants did that policies need to be enforced. Hence, leadership is situated at the other extreme because polcies are stagnat text, leadership is about building capacity and transforming harmful ideologies, yet it is important to note that curriculum spans the blank space, as they offer a means to build agency in community members, educators, parents, and children and therefore will need leadership.

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Figure 156. Meta-Model, Dismantling Androcentric Oppression

(Pimentel, 2017; influenced by Ardener; 1978; Young, 1990)

As indicated in the Dismantling Androcentric Oppression model, the four major opportunities that emerged from this research are (1) Gender Diversity (2) Multi-Cultural

Education (3) Social and Emotional Learning, and (4) Body Safety/Bystander Education, each of which will be delineated. Influenced by Logan et al. (2016), these opportunities are strengthened by critical literature that can support educators in providing critical consciousness about gender diversity, cultural diversity, and sexual violence which was the purpose of this research.

Opportunity One: Gender Diversity

This dissertation was intended to critically analyze rape culture (androcentric society), and to seek opportunities to empower women using Muted Group Theory and

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Five Faces of Oppression as a primary framework. Yet the findings indicate that male dominance is omnipresent in western society, but being male does not preclude one from infection by its muting practices. Males too experience what Freire (1970; 1993) refers to as double consciousness, where they identify as male, but like women, the English communication system does not always provide them with the means to express themselves. This implies that the hegemonic processes by which males maintain their dominant position within society is muting both dominant and non-dominant groups and spreading the socially transmitted disease of rape culture (androcentric society) which maintains people in a state of silence and subordination.

With the increasing number of children coming forward and disclosing their identification as gay, lesbian, and transgender it is critical that parents, educators, and community partners take note of the essential power embedded and refracted in gender which forms ones identity and pre-determines their position within western society. Prior to the destruction caused by colonization the native people believed in the Two Spirit tradition in which gender is not restricted to male and female, but rather that degrees of femininity and masculinity exist within every individual (Walters et al., 2006). It was not a stigmatized construct until Europeans and eventually Euro-Americans demanded all people conform to their prescribed two gender roles (Brayboys, 2016).“Patriarchy, closely associated with hierarchy, is a way of ordering reality whereby one group, in this case the male sex, is understood to be superior to the others, the female sex” (Laffey,

1988, p. 2). When gender is constructed as a dichotomy in this way, it reinforces

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patriarchal control (David, 2014). Males that adhere to strict gendered norms were found by Tatum and Foubert (2009) to increase their propensity to commit rape. Therefore, the social construction of gender must be reconsidered.

Recall, sex is something one is born with, while “gender is something one learns in order to fit in to one’s environment” (Ballantyne, 2015, p. 38). Through the process of socialization individuals develop a self-concept that either coincides or confers to the gender-based norms of that society. According to Buchwald et al. (2005) “Masculinity must be redefined to include caring, nurturance, and empathy along with such a traditionally masculine attributes as courage, strength, initiative, and adventurousness”

(p. 161). While the males in this study attributed their socialization to their low adherence to male gendered norms, too many parents are socializing their boys to fit into society’s definition of male rather than allowing them to develop capacities that will make him a fully connected being to both himself and others. Barrett, Trepper, and Fish (1990) noted a correlation between the low rates of violence committed by women when compared to men as being directly influenced by the ways in which girls are socialized. From the beginning girls are given things to care for (i.e. dolls, child-care responsibilities) which seem to serve as a protective factor from aggression and violence. This signifies that society’s boys need to be given the opportunity to nurture and develop the empathy needed for healthy relationships (Hall & Borangan, 1997).

Educators can facilitate children in this process by using multi-cultural literature in their classrooms (Logan et al., 2016). For example, in the book Williams Doll created

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by Charlotte Zolotow (1972), a boy wants nothing more than to have a doll of his own

(see figure 157). His father who wants him to play with male-specific toys instead, his brother tells him “don’t be a creep,” and the neighbor boy calls him “Sissy, sissy.” Yet, his desire for a doll persists. Then one day the grandmother brings William a doll and explains to his father that allowing him to have this experience will teach him how to be a good father to his own children in the future. The book is intended to facilitate educators in teaching children to reject gender norms that dictate that boys don’t cry, to connect to a community of acceptance, inclusion and diversity for all kinds of children and families, and raising a social conscience (Logan et al., 2016).

Figure 157. Book: William’s Doll

Retrieved http://www.idolovequotes.com/book/quotes/category/charlotte- zolotow.html

Additionally, given that Gabrys (2014) research on ninth graders which found that

“gay-related name-calling (e.g. gay, faggot, and lezzie) is closely linked with the endorsement of male role norms” (p. 28), these norms must be dismantled. Boys must be given thegift of developing their emotional intelligence. When boys are taught ‘boys

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don’t cry’ they are muted because they are “denied a means to express themselves”

(Spender, 1980, p. 76). Repressed emotions can manifest itself in many unhealthy ways, with suppressed anger being a reservoir for subsequent aggressive behavior (Borunda,

2011), thereby increasing their propensity to commit violence. For example, the children’s book Oliver Button Is a Sissy by Tomie dePaola (1979) is targeted to children in pre-kindergarten to the third grade and is about “a little boy must come to terms with being teased and ostracized because he’d rather read books, paint pictures, and tap-dance than participate in sports” (dePaola, 1979). The book is intended to facilitate educators in teaching children to avoid stereo types (‘that’s so gay”) associated with non-masculine males, to reject gender norms that dictate that boys don’t cry, to embrace all kinds of children and families, and raising a social conscience (see figure 158; Logan et al., 2016).

Figure 158. Book: Oliver Button Is a Sissy

Retrieved https://www.amazon.com/Oliver-Button-Sissy-Tomie- dePaola/dp/0156681404

Muting is a socialized process that is introduced and learned very early. The findings indicate that “there is a critical need to challenge passive femininities” in girls

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(Mouli-Amin & Chandra, 2014, p. 3). In fact, the participants noted female passivity as a major reason for their consenting to sexual contact, and with the high rate of violence against women in the U.S. Currently, society’s value of politeness of girls is teaching them very early to be victims since in order to behave politely girls must override their instincts, emotions, and voice (Brownmiller, 1993). This is taught through the popular fairytales that are read to them, the movies they watch, and the way they are socialized

(Brownmiller, 1993). If the risks and experience of sexual violence against girls and women is to be reduced, it is critical that we un-mute them.

We must empower them to use their voice, express how they feel, and to trust their instincts when dissonance is experienced. Since Gibbon (1999) proffered that politeness is developed in girls at a young age, strategies to prevent muting must begin early. This requires empowering parents to harness even seemingly innocent exposures in their environment to create opportunities for teachable moment such as after reading fairytales or watching classic Disney movies that portray females as muted and subordinate. For example, after reading the fairytale Little Red Riding Hood, a conversation needs to follow where parents ask their daughters where in the story Red

Riding Hood knew that the Wolf was not her grandmother, and then applying it to real life experiences where she is asked what she could do if she felt that something was not right in order to build her agency. In this way, girls can become aware of the many real threats that await her early, but also gain competencies in her ability to make responsible decisions for her own well-being, and allow her greater control as she navigates the

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androcentric world in which she is situated. This early empowerment of girls potentiates a protective factor against the dangers that present to them as a result of their gender.

Since muting is a socialized process the empowerment of teachers to provide gender diversity and equity in the classroom is critically warranted. Research by Allen et al. (1997) found that by the third grade girls have already learned the art of being quiet and well behaved and consequently tend to be ignored. Moreover, Pipher (1994) found that “boys are twice as likely to be seen as role models, five times more likely to receive teachers’ attention, and twelve times as likely to speak in class” (p. 62). This in turn mutes sends messages to young girls that what boys have to say, and their position in society is more important than their own. This coupled by the lack of female role models in the workforce results in girls as young as six to begin eliminating career choices from their purview indicates educators must facilitate in changing this trajectory (Kilmartin &

Pimentel, 2014).

According to Educate2Empower Publishing critical literature can help counter-act society’s muting of girls if introduced at an early age. For example, books such as Pearl

Fairweather Pirate Captain in which a female Captain ad her all female crew are brave yet live harmonious traveling the ocean for adventure until they run into a male- dominated crew who threaten their society. Yet, Pearl and her crew becomes an asset to this male crew resulting in a re-examination of the male crew’s assessment of females while reinforcing Pearl’s ability to persist and create positive change. Hence, the empowerment of young girls is achieved by building assertiveness, self-confidence, and

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self-reliance (leadership capacities) and boys to see that working with girls can be an asset not a threat are central themes and which can reduce the prevalence of sexual violent prone attitudes (see figure 159)

Figure 159. Book: Pearl Fair-weather Pirate Captain

Retrieved http://e2epublishing.info/shop/pearl-fairweather-pirate-captain

The children’s book The Princess Knight a young princess is stifled by her gender. She wants to show everyone she is more than just a princess. She is smart and brave and wants to participate in the knight’s jousting tournament, so she dresses as a boy and joins the competition. Because of her capabilities, she wins both the competition and the freedom to harness her own identity. Educators can help children to view themselves and others positively, reject stereotypes that limit girls, encourage the embrace of all kinds of children and families, and a social conscience (see figure 157; Logan et al.,

2016).

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Figure 160. Book: The Princess Knight

Retrieved https://www.amazon.com/Princess-Knight-Cornelia- Funke/dp/0439536308

Opportunity Two: Multi-Cultural Education

The violent, painful, and shameful truth of American history is indeed hard to face and has resulted in the “watering-down” or “cleaning up” (mythologizing) accounts of U.S. history in K-12 textbooks is a direct application of Muted Group Theory. This is dangerous because it mutes children from fully being human since to be human is to be imperfect; pretending that the violence that took place in the name of colonization was for the greater good of society teaches children “to accept the right of white people to rule over people of color, of powerful nations to dominate weaker nations’’ (Thomas &Dod,

1992, p. 182; Bigelow et al., 1992, p. 106). Moreover, the message to men and impressionable young men is that the use of violence against those challenging their dominance becomes viewed as natural and normal and justified (Ransby, 1992) which includes violence against women.

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Educators can play a key role in empowering students by creating spaces for children to learn accurate accounts of the history of our nation’s beginning and how violence continues to plays such a devastating role in American society today (Bigelow

& Peterson, 2012). For example, in the text Rethinking Columbus (1991) the authors provide educators with more than 80 essays, poems, interviews, historical vignettes, and lesson plans to reevaluate the myth of Columbus and issues of indigenous rights for kindergarten through college (figure 161; Bigelow & Peterson, 2012).

Figure 161. Book: Rethinking Columbus

http://www.rethinkingschools.org/ProdDetails.asp?ID=094296120X

Opportunity Three: Social and Emotional Learning

Currently, the focus of public education is to prepare the future workforce. Yet, academic intelligence is not a talent that should be developed exclusively. The

Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL) (2017) proffers that social and emotional learning is critical for health child development, and that when these opportunities are provided, their academic performance increases. According to

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Elias et al. (1997) “social and emotional competence is the ability to understand, manage and express the social and emotional aspects of one’s life in ways that enable the successful management of life tasks such as learning, forming relationships, solving everyday problems, and adapting to the complex demands of growth and development”

(p. 2).The CASEL (2017) delineates five tenets critical to a healthy intrapersonal and interpersonal development. These include (1) Self-Awareness (2) Self Management (3)

Social Awareness (4) Relationship Skills and (5) Responsible Decision-Making (see figure 159). Table 9 describes these competencies briefly. This is critical so that children can learn to regulate and express their emotions appropriately.

Figure 162. Social Emotional and Learning

(CASEL, 2017)

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Table 9. Five Core Competencies Learned From SEL

Competency Description

Self-Awareness Accurately assessing one’s feelings, interests, values and strengths; maintaining a well-grounded sense of self-confidence.

Self-Management Regulating one’s emotions to handle stress, control impulses and persevere in overcoming obstacles; setting and monitoring progress toward personal and academic goals; expressing emotions appropriately.

Social Awareness Being able to take the perspective of and empathize with others; recognizing and appreciating individual and group similarities and differences; recognizing and using family, school, and community resources.

Relationship Skills Establishing and maintaining healthy and rewarding relationships based on cooperation; resisting inappropriate social pressure; preventing, managing, and resolving interpersonal conflict; seeking help when needed.

Responsible Decision- Appropriate social norms, respect for others and likely Making consequences of various actions; applying decision-making skills to academic and social situations; contributing to the well-being of one’s school and community.

SEL programs use social skill instruction to address behavior, discipline, safety,

and academics and to help youth become “self-aware, manage their emotions, build

social skills (empathy, perspective taking, respect for diversity), develop friendship skills,

and learn positive coping and problem-solving skills” (Zins et al., 2004).While SEL

benefits are not new area of opportunity to shape, they are just now beginning to be

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recognized for the value that they bring to the classroom, to the playground, and to the child’s overall well-being. According to CASEL (2017) for every $1 invested into SEL programming, can in turn produces $11 on the returns; and 11% in academic achievement.

Again, critical literacies can facilitate children developing these competencies, particularly when followed by opportunities for a discussion about the content and connections to their own experiences. For example, in the book, No Difference Between

Us , gender equality, respectful relationships, feelings, choice, self-esteem, empathy, tolerance, and acceptance are all encouraged through a story in which a set of fraternal twins Jess (female) and Ben (male) that explore and find that there are more commonalities between people that differences because of a person’s gender (see figure

160). This book is also an Educate2Empower publication, although there are a number of sources by which to teach such lessons to children at a young age.

Figure 163. Book: No Difference Between Us

Retrieved http://e2epublishing.info/shop/no-difference-between-us

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Opportunity Four: Body Safety & Bystander Education

Rape prevention programming is the greatest defense against violence. In a rape culture (androcentric society) where sexual violence is omnipresence and introduced to children at a very young age, then giving children the information and tools to protect themselves is imperative. The participants in this study noted they either received rape prevention education too late or that it failed to address the gray areas that are the realities of engaging in sexual activity in the 21st century. This indicates explicit education on building consent literacy is needed. According to Gupta (2015) many schools have begun to engage in the paradigm shift when it comes to rape prevention by doing just this at the middle and high school levels. Yet, this education must begin much earlier than that if we are to build the agency and morality in children that is needed to combat the problem of sexual violence. Children should be informed early about acceptable and inacceptable touching and be empowered with a safety plan they can enact if they ever experience unwanted touching by grownups or other children, and the importance of mutual consent.

Educators can facilitate in providing this bringing in books such as those from

Educate2Empower Publishing designed to promote learning and conversations about consent, gender equality, respectful relationships, and body safety education in order to build agency and voice in young children (see figure 164-165; Educate2Empower, 2012).

Like all of their publications, they come with open-ended questions designed to give young children the space to develop their competencies and voice when it comes to appropriate boundaries with respect to their bodies and others.

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Figure 164-165. Books: Body Safety Education

Figure 157. Retrieved http://e2epublishing.info/shop/no-means-no Figure 158. Retrieved http://e2epublishing.info/shop/my-body-what-i-say-goes- bundle

Likewise, and as indicated by the participants in this study, those students with the capacity and willingness to voice their concerns for the sexual safety of others potentiates a defense to aid in the reduction in the prevalence of sexual violence in

America. Among promising practices identified and recommended by the Centers for

Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) is Bystander Education to transform attitudes from those that blame victims and views men as perpetrators and women as victims

(Banyard, Moynihan, & Plante, 2007) and strengthen bystander responsiveness to

“spread” pro-social behaviors to the greater community (see figure Katz & Moore,

2013).Hence, bystander education acts as an antidote to harmful effects of a rape culture

(androcentric society). This education also needs to begin young and continue to be provided throughout children’s development and in college and university campuses so

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that everyone can be empowered with the tools to make a positive role in reducing the prevalence of sexual violence (see figure 166; Branch & Richards, 2013).

Figure 166. Bystander Education

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OtcixFCbACk

A focus on high risk students (athletes, fraternities, & sororities) is also highly warranted. As this study indicated, these students tended to higher levels of sexism, higher rape myth acceptance, and lower bystander attitudes and is most likely as a result of their socialization and unique college experiences. All males participating in college athletics and or pledging a fraternity, and females pledging to sororities must receive focused prevention programs that focuses on consent and bystander education programming.

Limitations

Given the recommendation for focused efforts on high risk college students

(athletes, fraternities, & sororities), there was a limitation to this study. Although an effort to bring voice to this students by disaggregating the data responses made by these students, and there were some contextualization possible, attaining these students in the interview study would have provided a greater understanding of how these students

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navigate the tensions from societal expectations, their own identity and positioning, sexual experiences, and consent literacy juxtaposed their unique socialization. Future research primary limitation is that none of the interview participants categorized themselves as belonging to a fraternity/sorority or as athletes.

Recommendations for Future Research

The findings from this dissertation indicates that research focusing on male college students is needed as they offer a wealth of insight that runs counter to the dominant narratives of male masculinity and dominance. Attaining the insight and voice of high risk college populations, particularly male athletes and or those pledging a fraternity, are key to developing greater understanding needed to continue combating sexual violence on college campuses. A longitudinal case study of both males, female, and gay, lesbian, bisexual, queer, and transsexual children would also provide deepen the understanding of how children are naming and navigating their worlds in the 21st century where violence is everywhere. Since socialization experiences begin early, beginning this longitudinal exploration young is also recommended.

Conclusion

Sexual violence is a pervasive issue that must be addressed from multiple angles and with data rich participants if dismantling a rape culture is to be possible. As such, although the findings were enlightening and certainly contribute to the discussion, if such an endemic culture is to be tempered and transformed, additional research is warranted.

As a researcher committed to continue facilitating in the dismantlement of rape culture

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(androcentric society), I invite other scholars to join in and contribute to the two meta- models, Androcentric Oppression for problemetizing, and Dismantling Androcentric

Oppression for problem-posing in order to continue to theorize and dismantle these harmful ideologies and processes that perpetuate it. Moreover, it is my greatest hope that transformational education be provided to children at a young age to build the agency, emotional intelligence, empathy, and empowerment needed to make this change possible.

This indicates that policy and curricular leadership are essential to combat this silent epidemic.

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APPENDICES

Appendix A

ONLINE SURVEY CONSENT FORM

Exploring Gender, Sexual Consent & Sexual Experiences

You are invited to participate in a research study which will involve examining issues related to consensual and non-consensual sexual activity. My name is Katrina Pimentel, and I am a third year doctoral student in the Doctorate in Educational Leadership Program, at California State University, Sacramento. The purpose of this research is to explore issues related to gender identity, sexual consent, and sexual assault.

Particpation Information: If you decide to participate, you will be asked to take an online survey about your experience and beliefs regarding consensual and non- consensual sexual activity. You must be between the ages of 18 and 24 and be attending a four-year college institution.

Time Committement: This survey contains 36 questions and will take approximatly 15- 20 minutes to complete.

Particpation Benefits: By sharing your experience and insights, this study seeks to inform both educational leadership and curricular policy in order to improve campus saftey and reduce sexual assault of college women.

Participation Risks: Risks associated with this study may be that you experience psychological distresss as a result of the sexual nature of the questions. To mitigate these risks, you may skip any question you feel uncomfortable answering, as well as can visit the following links for support and additional resources:

**These resources asssist both males and females. 1. Rape Abuse Incest National Netwrok (RAINN) at https://www.rainn.org/national- resources-sexual-assault-survivors-and-their-loved-ones (and/or)

2. Women Escaping A Violent Environment (WEAVE) at http://www.weaveinc.org/ Participation Protections: Your participation in this project is voluntary. You have the right not to participate at all or to skip any questions you do not want to answer without penalty or loss of benefits to which you may otherwise be entitled.

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Confidentiality: No identifying information (ie. name, contact info, etc.) will be collected in this survey. All surveys will be assigned a number and/or a psuedonym and referred to as such for the in all data analysis and reporting of the study findings. All data collected will destroyed three years after the conclusion of this study. Each survey will be adminsitered through a secure survey server, and all data collected will be maintained on a password protected computer.

If you have any questions about the research at any time, please contact me at(916) 585- 6682 or [email protected] can use a psyedonym from a generic email you can create through gmail.com for the purposes of this study. You also may contact my faculty advisor, Dr. Porfirio Loeza at (916) 278-3464. If you have any questions about your rights as a participant in a research project please call the Office of Research Affairs, California State University, Sacramento, (916) 278-5674, or email [email protected]. Your participation in this study indicates that you have read and understand the information provided above. By proceeding to the first question of this survey, indicates your consent to particpate.

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Appendix B

INTERVIEW INFORMED CONSENT

Exploring Sexual Assault Experiences of Female College Students

My name is Katrina Pimentel, and I am a third year doctoral student in the Doctorate in Educational Leadership Program at California State University, Sacramento. You are warmly invited to participate in a research study of four-year college women who experienced anunwanted sexual encounter/contact in their freshman year.

Particpation Information: You will be asked to take part in either a focus group comprised of 6-8 other college women who also experienced an unwanted sexual contact duing their freshman year. If you would like to particpate, but not in a group setting, an individual interview is also an option.I would like, with your permission to audio-record these sessions. Theses audios will only be used for later transcription, and not be shared with others.

Time Committement:45 minutes- 1 Hour

Particpation Benefits: There are benefits to partipating in this study. By sharing your experience and insights, this study seeks to inform both educational leadership and curricular policy in order to improve campus saftey and reduce sexual assault which affects 20% of college women (Burnett et al., 2009). A light lunch will also be provided

Participation Risks: There are risks to partipating. It is not uncomon for women to experiencing psychological distress as a result of re-visiting the experience, or for women to become embarrassed by talking about sensitive topics in front of other women. This is completely normal. To mitigate these risks, I will provide an option for you to write your responses to questions on paper which I will view after the session is over. Also, I will provide you with support information, as well as direct you to helpful community resources.

Participation Protections: Your participation is completely voluntary. You can provide a psuedonym to be used from the beginning to the end of the study, as well as can contact me through a generic email you can create for free through gmail.com, for the purposes of this study. Without penalty or loss of benefits, you have the right not to participate at all, or to leave the study at any time, or to not answer any question you wish not answer. If you participate and the later decide to withdraw your participation before April 10th 2017, you may do so by contacting me at the number or email below.

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Confidentiality. While confidentiality cannot be guarenteed in a group-setting, this study has taken measures to insure your confidentiality. These include: not collecting identifying information, and using a psuedonym for all study particpants. You can use a this from the beginning of the study, as well as can make a generic email through gmail.com for the purposes of this study. Also, all information will be maintained on a password protected computer, or in a safe, locked desk drawer and will be destroyed after a period of three years after the study is completed.

If you have any questions about the research at any time, please call me at(916) 585- 6682, or email me at [email protected]. You may use a psuodonym from a generic email account, when you call or email. You may also contact my faculty advisor, Dr. Porfirio Loeza at (916) 278-3464. If you have any questions about your rights as a participant in a research project please call the Office of Research Affairs, California State University, Sacramento, (916) 278-5674, or email [email protected].

Your particpation indicates that you have read and understand the information provided above, that you willingly agree to participate, that you may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation at any time without penalty or loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled, and that you are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies.

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Appendix C

INTERVIEW INFORMED CONSENT

Exploring College Men and Women (18-24 years old)

You are cordially invited to participate in a research study of four-year college men andwomen. My name is Katrina Pimentel, and I am a third year doctoral student in the Doctorate in Educational Leadership Program at California State University, Sacramento. The purpose of this study is to explore issues related to sexual consent, attending college parties, and sexual assault. Particpation Information: You will be asked to explore issues related to your participation and factors which contribute to sexual assault. If you would like to particpate, but not in a group setting, an individual interview is also an option. I would like, with your permission to audio- record these sessions. Theses audios will only be used for later transcription, and not be shared with others. Time Committement:45 minutes- 1 hour

Particpation Benefits: By sharing your experience and insights, this study seeks to inform both educational leadership and curricular policy to improve campus saftey and protect male athelte and fraternity members from sexual assault claims.

Participation Risks: There are risks to partipating. It is not uncomon for men to become embarrassed by talking about sensitive topics in front of other men. This is completely normal. To mitigate these risks, I will provide an option for you to write your responses to questions on paper which I will view after the session is over. It is also not uncomon for men to experience psychological distress as a result of talking about sensitive/sexual content. To mitigate this risk, you will be provided with information about helpful campus and community resources.

Participation Protections: Your participation is completely voluntary. You can provide a psuedonym to be used from the beginning to the end of the study, as well as can contact me through a generic email you can create for free through gmail.com, for the purposes of this study. Without penalty or loss of benefits, you have the right not to participate at all, or to leave the study at any time, or to not answer any question you wish not answer. If you participate and the later decide to withdraw your participation before April 10th 2017, you may do so by contacting me at the number or email below.

Confidentiality. While confidentiality cannot be guarenteed in a group-setting, this study has taken measures to insure your confidentiality. These include: not collecting identifying information, and using a psuedenym for all study particpants. You can use a this from the beginning of the study, as well as can make a generic email through gmail.com for the purposes of this study. Also, all information will be maintained on a

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password protected computer, or in a safe, locked desk drawer and will be destroyed three years after the study is completed.

If you have any questions about the research at any time, please call me at(916) 585- 6682, or email me at [email protected]. You can use a psyedonym from a generic email you can create through gmail.com for the purposes of this study. You may also contact my faculty advisor, Dr. Porfirio Loeza at (916) 278-3464. If you have any questions about your rights as a participant in a research project please call the Office of Research Affairs, California State University, Sacramento, (916) 278-5674, or email [email protected].

Your particpation indicates that you have read and understand the information provided above, that you willingly agree to participate, that you may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation at any time without penalty or loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled, and that you are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies.

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