Seiky•) y•)roku: Yamaga Sok6's
One) (Part English Translation An
Allen Tucker John
University of North Florida
Introduction A.
•X •Y• ,• •- •_ • •[• (Essentials ILl of Seiky6 y6roku Yamaga (1622-1685) Sok6's
(1603-1867) Tokugawa
significant Teachings) Sagely Confucian in the
text
was a
published by history first
all, the for First of intellectual it least
at
two one was reasons.
kogaku•si,w•, Second, because Learning," thinker. Ancient Confucian
"School of
any or
powerful bakz•t Seiky6 and official, Sok6 y6roku banned
it the offended
was was soon a
• • declared promptly had been ideas exiled Sok6's Confucian Ak6 domain. Once
to
publicly
teachings bakufu, by quite his scholars attack it became for later taboo the to
easy
of spurious example, 1703,
vendetta after for the the Ak6 rdnm For
most
even reasons.
blamed the bakz•¢ scholars law, Confucian serious of which involved several breach
a
allegations, along
with disruptive philosophy. Such vendetta the influence of Sok6's
on
chances damage teachings whatever exile, by doomed the earlier his done Sok6's to
something Sok6 had gaining learning Tokugawa that Sok6's had of official patronage,
literally dreamed of life. of his adult
most
shogun's disgraced thought,
in the time,
however,
the Sok6's At
once same
•, •Y{< 3•. •. daimy6 popularity capital, gained domains of several the distant in
tozama
loyal willing latter,
English, and least The the least "the lords" known in
outer
as were
Tokugawa participants Ironically, by political Tokugawa end of the the in the system.
key bakt•, giving ideological period had become ideas, the Sok6's far from
support
to
•
• • 7]7. 5E philosophical Yoshida Sh6in thought forces of in such shishi the
sotm6
as
•, ¢d2" thought linking groundless allegations 1830-59). Sok6's t•t Also ironic is that the
boastfully
ideas, be vendetta, the first made Ak6 incriminate Sok6's r6nin to to to
came
teachings &the kind repeated by connection the in evidence advocates of Sok6's who
saw
Finally while learning is that ironic of ultimate values which Sok6's could inculcate.
early-seventeenth-century pre-1945 Japan samurai, sought in ideas first Sok6's civilize
to
notoriety population. they Since the militarization of civilian used the
promote
to
were a
thought, it is helped Seilg,Oy6roku catalyze fate twists of Sok6's life and in of the these
to
history arguably significant understanding of Japanese well that modern for
text
as as a
Tokugawa Japan.
surrounding examining of the Before historical circumstances the the appearance
First, Seiky6 yOroku, regarding kogaku Sok6 in few observations order.
never are a
kogakusha-•.,r•q•,
thought learning did theorist." he
of himself "ancient Nor
see or as a
:• Pd•, ,• • )• • • (Tokyo: 1967), k6bunkan, Yamaga 304-16. Hori Isao 5bk6 Yoshikawa pp. 22
philosophical
in Confucian
antiquarian tendencies
classical pioneer
of himself the
or
as
• ;• •g •_ (--•: • •1• Ogyfi Sorai (1627-1705) and
It6 Jinsai semantics, tendencies that
i•
•
• • (The Gomd jigi the such subsequently in works (1666-1728) advanced
as
• • Meanings (The of Mencius) and the Benmei Meanings and Analects of in the Terms
Tokugawa early
did Terms).
Philosophical Ancient
Nor commentators most on
2 beginning of the the kind. of
From Sorai three Jinsai, and Sok6,
Confucianism a as see
them characterized
historians have and however, Japanese Western twentieth
century, as
Neo-Confucian against the reaction Confucian generations fundamentalist successive
of
a
philosophical works • (960-1279) • dynasty Song (1130-1200), whose of Zhu Xi ideas
These early modern and during late-medieval predominated
its Asia in
East
eras.
early-twentieth-century 4• • •, 1•[• _JT_. (1855-1944) Tetsujir6's historians follow
Inoue
largely
having conceiving latter of the philosophy, Tokugawa
of Confucian studies
as
• •-• Zhu), • the of
School (the gakuha
Master Shushi schools: the consisted of three
.3
• • -•y kogakuha • • School), • •t• Yangming and the (the gakuha Wang Y6mei
history, but the beginning of Japanese students heuristically valuable for scheme is Inoue's
anachronistic. actually Jinsai, Sorai Sok6, is and by which it links
category
textual, philosophical and good both kogaku, artificiality Despite of the
reasons,
rejection their Philosophically they announced all linking Sorai. Sok6, Jinsai, and exist for
ancient alleged asserting their
Neo-Confucianism Ming while and Song to of return
more
a
Jinsai,
Sorai and Sok6, Textually, teaching. supposedly Confucian authentic
and
are
systematic
methodology, of philosophical that
appropriation of by their
linked
a common
• • • (1159- developed Beixi's
Chert philosophical in meanings analysis of of
the
terms,
4
1226). The i• • • Neo-Confucian Meanings Terms, t:• (The of Xingli 1223) ziyi ca.
• • • •, ll of •, •stoa, (StoNes • •e • m I•[•, •n• f•=] " Tokugawa shi Tsuguo shis6 [] Tawara
gohen sddan Senwtsu •e •t (To•'o: 7-26. Tawara MiraisM, 1967), •ou•t) To•gawa
notes
pp.
publish•
•tion),
• • • •e P•t, • • Later BiograpNcal • of Wise Men (Collection Notes of
on
Sok6's •ou• pNlosopher.
it
p•fily •ial Sok6
•t •o•n 1829, m •mpams supers
• a
w•
l•g
Xi's
Zhu •mpl•ely • br• judges Sok6 Nd Sorai, •t it •ose of J•ai •d id• not • to
•d Sorai
J•ai
• • • • •
N • (•e •
• • tetsuga•,
• • •, ga•t• •
Tetsujir6
Nihon Y6mei
•oue
no
• • • •
•
tetsuga• kogaN•ha Y•g), Nihon W•g PNlosophy Sch•l of Jap•ese of •e
no
ga•
Shushi •g), •d • • Nihon Sch•l of •cient PNlosophy Jap•ese (•e of •e
no •
• • of • Zhu • • • N•- Jap•ese Sch•l • • PNlosophy of •e (•e • tetsuga• •
F•b6, 1900-1903). (To•'o: Co•ci•sm)
Neo-Con•cian
entitl• is tr•lation •s of•s 4 W•g-tsit •tion tr•lat• different C• • •x•.
a
To•gawa Nt 1986). UNversi•' Press, Colmbia •plamed York: Nervier, NCTE) •ew Terms
•iderably
•e
•om Nffers •tio•
wNch
1553 Kor• •e b•N •tions •e
1668
ex•pt
on were
one
is b•
To•gawa •tio•
wNch •tion
C• t•latN. •e 1553 Kor• •t mo•
were •x• on
of•e vol. • 21 repot •tion 1668 of•e m•em is
•ard-Yenc•g •ere Libra,.
•e
fo•d m
a
• •, • • •],
• • (•rly •J • ,•, • M•em • • sd•n, shis6 hen
•nsei •nse• Wa•
ei•n
shupp•M,
•ou•t) Chfib• (Kyoto:
Jap•, Wor• Literal, P•tN
• of C•ese Tex• Colle•ion
on
sh6• •, Ho•i senseifi• entitlN is • •tion gener• •e 1668 •tor. N T•e•o 1977), O•
of •ese m•al Nscussion de•il• • • • • • •an•iang). • • • xiansheng For (C. •yi Beixi
a
Philosophical
To•¢g•a
a• T•;• Pei-hsi Nsse•tio• Ch • AppenNx 'en issues, •e
to
my
s•
repots 1632, 1659, 1670 of•e
m•em 1990). Umversi•', •ere
Lexicography (Col•bia
or
are
no
• •, • •
N • (M•ter Shushi Umversi•. K•o
Miura
Ksvto •ou• fo•d •tio•, all be at • 23
of the Korean form 1553 in the Japan
entered Ziyi, commonly first
Beixi's known latter,
as
•
• • (1536-98) •
Hideyoshi's Korean Toyotomi arriving result of edition,
as
a
widely studied
Neo- Ziyi the seventeenth-century Japan,
in the invasions 1590's. In
was a
and 1670. 1668, republished 1659, 1632, in published being and it Confucian
text,
intellectual- and scholar ;• t]• l-[l Neo-Confucian (1583-1657), the Hayashi Razan
Beixi's of main shoguns, the Tokugawa
promoter ideological vassal the first four to
was
early Tokugawa
Japan. Ziyi in
Ziyi), li• Explication •[¢, Beixi's of • • • (Japanese • genkai
Seiri
Razan's jigi
extensively
appeared, y6roku Seiky6 Sok6's just before published in six 1659,
years
making latter's the Neo-Confucian lexicographic study of Beixi's annotated terms,
textual included
Razan
philosophico-semantic accessible. In claims many cases
more
histories in earlier had which had used Neo-Confucians showing Song how material
terms
Neo-Confucian the defended typically Razan Buddhist discourse.
and/or But Daoist most
their question crucial insisting remote the that appropriation
not of those was terms,
explored,
already
but thus had assigned meaning them. Razan
origins rather the but
to
via Neo-Confucianism critiquing of kogaku method rejected, the decisively became what
allowed that
who philosophical Unlike Razan, meanings original of appeal
the
terms. to
beginning with Sok6 kogaku
lexicographically, scholars live and could words
grow
ancient
the
which those meanings could have words legitimate only the
insisted that were
tracable especially
those accretions,
semantic to assigned other All them. had
to
sages
is Sok6 impact
expurgation. required Razan's matter Daoism, not and/or Buddhism a
on
of discussions
teacher, and
Confucian earliest speculation: Sok6's
of Razan
numerous
was
Yamaga gg,•J of (Classified Conversations fl-I Yamaga gorui Ziyi surface in Beixi's the
found in conceptual discussions
6
of the version fuller [Sok(5]). offers latter the
Because
a
of major
Ziyi Beixi's
reasonably that
conclude Seilg,d y6roku, the source
a was can one
ydroku. Seiky6 methodology of the ideas and the
Jinsai's
Gomc) Ziyi It6 Beixi's impact of establishing the is also evidence There on
and of 1682 month twelfth lunar the example, between diary, records that for Jinsai's jigi.
jigS, he
Gore6 of his draft composing first the Jinsai when 1683, month of ninth the
was
Ziyi in
the
7 alludes Gom6jigi
Ziyi.
The Beixi's lecturing to his students
also
even
on
was
additionally .•. •
There reading Chinese ziyi of the being Japanese title, the its jigi
are
Ziyi, and explicitly Beixi's refer Gom6jigi which the in several
many more to
passages
Koyasu
Ziyi its identifying
the overtly Ziyi without the allude
which source.
as to
Ogyfi
Sorai's Ziyi Beixi's impact of indirect recently noted the Nobukuni has also
on
relations, teacher-disciple
in linked • Jinsai, and Sorai Sok6, Though Betmtei. not were
philosophical lexicon" "China's first
Zi),q
the that 218,
K6dansha, 1979), (Tokyo:
Zhu)
notes
was p.
•). e• •]• •. in
•TJ the Presumably Off • []
it has
tetsugaku status (Chl•goku r) saisho 6 fiten same
no
Japan.
_•'•
•
[] •
• l• shokan 25• [• k6bun the Kokuritsu bunko manuscript the Naikaku is in Razan's at
UniversiD,. Kyoto N is woodblock edition Tok3.'o. of the 1659
A in at
copy
178, 187, 197- •)•g• 170, kank6kai, 1912), Kokusho (TokTo: 6 Sok6, Yamaga Yamaga gorui pp.
410, 383,397, 415. 406, 362-63, 335,339-40, 359, 201,222, 330, 332,
98,
7Jmsai nikki/C-.•]• shoten, 1985), Yagi 24. (Tok3..,o: Jinsai) F•
• (Diary
of It6
p.
• • •fgi
• •
the L, in (Events
• •, Soraigala¢ "• :•" 69 -•- •_
shite Jiken Koyasu Nobukuni to
no
sha, 1990), 258-71. (Tokyo: Aoni School) History the Sorai of pp. 24
major striking
they their another. bear resemblance similar that if So
texts to
a are one one
explained, posit
by likely did which their could be other would relations
not
text
some one
formulating y6roku Seiky6 Jinsai Sorai that before and studied their Sok6's
assume own
philosophies. kogaku possibility, leaving supporting There the is evidence the latter
no
(c) coincidence, (b) resemblances (a) between the the three either
mystery,
texts
or a a
relationship possibly Ziyi. result of their Given the shared with Beixi's another yet text,
Gomdjigi, tying Seikyd ydroku, scholarly opinion textual evidence of the and the presence
Ziyi, key and Beixi's and the Benmei link these the latter becomes
texts to
text among a a
good salvaging ofkogaku. for notion the
reason
Seiky6 with important ydroku serious trouble The it landed Sok6 in is also because
ydroku published Unfortunately bakufu. Seiky6 by Sok6, in his for the time that the
was
•nk '[• ,• 9 powerful
Masayuki in ]-•_ (1611-72), the 1665, late Hoshina then the
most
man
ti•
•: I]-I purist (1618-82), bakt#,, become Yamazaki Ansai had devout student of
a a
shogun, Masayuki teachings. but he of the Neo-Confucian advocate Zhu Xi's not
was
family. all, ruling Tokugawa After Hidetada relative close and trusted advisor of the
was a
•5• ,•, •: 1623-51), (r. shogun, 1605-23), the third father; Iemitsu (r. the second his
was
• • shogun, shogun, fourth (r. 1651-1680), half-brother; the and his
Ietsuna
was was
figure. Masayuki's Masayuki exceptionally authoritative ties ward. These made
an
philosophy; they teachings
fidelity Ansai's Zhu Xi's
renowned for their strict
to
were
were
•fi
:•. :•:• (1501-70). by purists T'oegye influenced Yi also ideas of the such Korean
as
recapitulate attempted sharply Zhu T'oegye, Like Ansai criticized Beixi and others who to
exclusively thought. focus Xi's students should Ansai believed that Neo-Confucian
on
• • • Books) (Commentaries • writings, Sishujizhu the Zhu Xi's his Four
such
on as
• N, :•
Hand). Zhu Xi Things (Reflections dedication Ansai's and Jmsilu to at
was on
thinkers, occasionally of other fanaticism its in intolerance intense it bordered that
so on
explicitly Seiky6 y6roku surely it offended him because Confucian theorists. Sok6's
even
they criminally charging Ming Song developments, that criticized Neo-Confucian and
even
teachings. Thus, the tenth in Confucian of ancient misled world via their distortions the
y6roku published, banished Seiky6 Sok6
of after the
1666, month about
year was was one
writings intolerably bakt•t indefinitely, having Masayuki declare his had the from Edo
•J). •o •
•g: (futodoki •
• shomotsu outrageous
naru
9 Sei@6 y6roku of the date of the includes neither of woodblock edition versions of the the Because
two
Preface," however, publication, bears the date of "Small appeared. it is first The clear when the not text
early after, publishext shortly
either Presumably, in late 1665 the tenth month of lunar it
1665. or was
1666.
•0 of Hoshina machinations Japanese Sok6's exile the have attributed Virtually all historians to
thoroughly 206-230, biography, Sok6, Yamaga Masasa•d Yamazaki Ansai. Hori's and his teacher pp.
bakufu Sok6. The verdict
indicating Masasaaki's exile the decision examines the evidence role
in
to
same
•l• • • •- N • 5•, daijiten J• (Encyclopedia Sok6," • "Yamaga Kokushi found Masahide is in Bit6
Tsuguo, k6bunkan, 1993), History), (Tok3.;o: and Tawara Yoshikawa Japanese 116-17: of vol. 14
pp.
7•: 5• ;• • • Histo•;), (Yo•,o: • (Encyclopedia Japanese ok6," "Yamaga daijiten of vol. S 6 N•honshi
Sok6, Haisho
Heibonsha, Yamaga 1994), zanpitsu 836-37. Sok6's
For
account
pp.
see,
o•n
• Tsuguo and Morimoto Junichir6 Exile), (Last Sok6, Yamaga Written Testament in in Tawara
• i•]•, ;•k ,•,, • •, (Tokyo: shoten, •LN • NST), Iwanami (hereafter, eds., vol. 32 shis6 taikei Nihon 25
J•
•
Harima in located
fief small Ak6, Sok6 escorted guards Bakt•
to
a
had Sok6
because
exile designated place of
the
Ak6 province inland along
the
was sea.
•,
•j;-•
•
daimy6, Naganao tozama Asano
its served
1660, a and earlier, between
1652
daimy6
Ak6 Serving the philosophy.
martial ••, of • instructor,
lord, hinshi
guest
or a
as
the
from resulted doing post-
his choice;
rather
first
Sok6's
been have does
so to
not
seem
service samurai, take
to masterless
encouraging
r6nin, policy to
up Tokugawa 1651
or
retainer, another.l• Tokugawa hoped
become
had Sok6 capacity
to
lord in
a
or one some
he become that Naganao's
accepted request Asano materialize he did
that when but
not
of construction
the helped
service, Sok6 of During second his to hinshi. his oversee
year
transferred
he when
to
since 1645 worked for had project
Naganao that castle, was Ak6
a
his pff], • with
For domain
castle, from
Kasama without domain one. Ak6,
a
a
a
exception of •. the With
koku 1,000 stipend of rice
annual
received instruction, Sok6
an
of the construction
supervising
the Ak6, in
period during Sok6
which seven-month
was
a
lecturing Ak6
• the •,
Edo vassal in
Asano his entire
castle,
he
spent tenure an as
new
his authored
Sok6
During
capital. those baku.•
the resided in he years
whenever daimv6
Bukfi6
7tg • • • Bu/9'd honron Samurai), Learning •/]• • for •
(Elementary sh6gaku
Samurai),
Learning ••Y• for (Essential y6roku Buky6 Samurai),
Learning (Basic for
works,
Sok6 Learning). these --• In fi• Samurai • • (Anthology
of
Bukyd
zensho and
samurai applicable the exclusively making them doctrines, to reinterpreted Neo-Confucian
=tzzffi_,
"the
shid6
referred
then teachings which he way such, to Sok6's or As as
estate.
defining civil
systematic
attempts and at
earliest of the samurai," a of the most
were one
of
in samurai for ethic
peace. age an
his announced simultaneously
stipend and
resigned his Sok6 however, 1660,
In
family
had
stipend the Asano than higher though for
daimy6,
willingness other
to a
serve
samurai.
of
world the
in hoping
rise 1• Perhaps Sok6
prepared
him. to been
to was
pay
time, he
During
that
acceptable offers.
received he 1663, and 1660 between But
no
1663,
it. satisfaction In in
real found but literature, Buddhist explored and
Daoist Zen no
the Over
Confucianism.
teachings next
ancient
of the proclaimed reliance his direct he
on
•
•
seikyd called he
which Confucianism,
of
brand
or his formulated
he three
own
years
sought purportedly
teachings." latter to The •:t,
• sagely Confucian seigaku "the
or
Neo-Confucian
rejecting while Confucianism teachings ancient of original
the
revive
brief
works, the key teachings in recorded these disciples interpretations two His &them
gorui. lengthier Yamaga
y6roku
Seil9,6 the and
Zhu resemble they glance
today. enough At
harmless doctrines Sok6's
a
seem
did ideas Sok6's claimed that Masahide,
has
Bit6 scholar, teachings. Sok6
One Xi's
even
heavily
they relied
thought because kogaku too
impact later on
much of have
not on an
rejecting the ostensibly
while
Confucianism understanding ancient of
Xi's Zhu
even
philosophical
its much
Seiky6y6roku,
however,
•3
Sok6's doomed not What so was
same.
charged that Neo- brashly example,
Sok6 claims. rhetorical For
offensive its doctrines
as
while world they misled the
crime because
world's guilty the greatest of Confucians were
Zampitsu,"
Haisho Sok6's Yamaga Exile: in Uenaka, "Last Testament
Shuzo See 1970), 329.
p.
of the Haisho zanpitsu.
translation
125-52, for 1977): (Summer XXXII.2 Nippomca
Monumenta a
836-37. daijiten, 6, vol.
Sok6," Nihonshi "Yamaga • Tsuguo, Tawara pp.
•: 176-78. •Sbk6, Yamaga Hori, Cf.
pp.
117. 14, da!/•ten, vol. Sok6," Kola•shi "Yamaga •3 Masahide, Bit6 p. 26
pretending imprudent, explain likewise the Confucian Sok6's students
to
way. were
suggesting teachings might bring changes that the in their about master's government.
revolutionary
suggested of claims that Sok6 These alone have
sorts,
two to
was a seem
polity hoping charge charging
the of the authorities with crimes and take
to
as a
philosopher-reformer. rhetoric intention, Though probably his could that Sok6's
not
was
politically being easily interpreted self-righteous, and
been have accusatory,
too as threatening.
daimy6 deciding bakufu generously Ak6 the Sok6, After decreed that exile the
to
exile supervise place him,
The assigning welcome. where he would thus Sok6
to
was a
productivity His literary for Sok6. study, philosophical ferment, of intense and time
a was
•- ]• q• i• Reality (The of period, seminal Ch•ch6 True work from this the jijitsu
most
imperial continuity the Kingdom), glorified of house the the Central unbroken the
as
"Central defining history China the Japan's rather than feature of which made it
true
TM fully be
teachings realized. i.e., Kingdom," place It Confucian the where
may were
imperial and
allegiances tempting towards the this work shift Sok6's in in
court to
see a
unjustified the baku.fi•, Ch•ch6 .j•jitsu since the from the but that
accepts
away seems
passed regards, exile imperial Sok6's legitimacy bak•t other of within the the In system.
seeking kind relatively uneventfully: attempted of did he dream he
to
any
escape nor never
bakt•t. ideological against otherwise, of the
revenge, or
beginning of Sok6's signalled of the end Masayuki's the demise in 1672
Masayuki's period--after mourning years--the Confucian banishment. Three traditional
his permitted
and Edo death, pardonned.
Sok6 also
He
to
to return reopen
was was
•. • i• •, • (The Hall Sekitokud6 school, which and called the he relocated Asakusa in
allowed, in vigor. the Increasing Virtue), regained Sok6 its it former of but
was
never
samurai,
daimy6 and lecturing of life, small
decade of his final
to to
group resume a
daimy6, followers, including
Matsuura the his and devoted
tozama
two most
generous
JL•+I, #(2-•c•'•,'f• • Kyfishfi • and domain Shigenobu (1622-1703), lord ofHirado
on
#i g_L i• ]'• • 1• domain in (1646-1710), Hirosaki lord of Ysugaru Nobumasa
• •)+l.
large permitted public
lectures offer Sok6 Honshfi northwestern Yet to to
not
was
yOroku Seiky6 remained Furthermore, the of he done before
had 1666. r6nm
a groups as
period.
decade of exile Tokugawa The proscribed again published in the
text,
one never
y6roku. Seiky6 Ambitious and apparently popular in interest the diminished samurai had
his tainted ideas. obliging Tokugawa and Even from Sok6 vassals distanced themselves
•
Gengen &thought hakki with his developed himself, line
his final in Sok6
years, a new
• metaphysical •j( • treatise Origins), (Explication esoteric Cosmic rather of the
a
symbols. and workings numbers attempting explain via reference the of universe the to to
notoriety fame and Sok6's earlier both 1685, time of his death from malaria in the By
followed, scholars
things decades that the in have become of the Yet past. to
seem
opportunities in
lost belonging Ogyfi Yamazaki Ansai's schools both Sorai's and
to no
bak•t
denouncing since the itself safe do writings, knowing it be Sok6's that would to so
branded him had earlier troublemaker. a
identity, Japan's
thoughts national is •4 explication
this edition of Sok6's
modem •th of
A
text,
on
an
• •1 •
J• • • Ill
• •, •amaga '• • Sok6 kokutai kan N6tomi ¢) Yamaga found Yoshitake in
no
shob6, 1943). Polit3.) (Tokyo: of the Sok6's National View Kaku 27
The Ak6 1703 incident further teachings, doomed rdnin Sok6's Edo in
least.
In
at
;• (Genroku •:• •(,• •j; -• •:• 14), Naganori 1701 daimy6 (1665-1701), Asano
Ak6 of
domain, •' • dO his drew l• sword wounded Kira and (1644-1703), Yoshinaka the
bakufu of participating ceremonies, bakt• while welcoming in imperial ritual master
a
conveying
greetings shogun. New explain Year's the Traditional messengers to
accounts
Yoshinaka had that Naganori humiliated provide Naganori because refused him with
to
requisite "gifts." the Whatever bak• the of attack, Naganori the the decided that
cause
solely fault.
him, punishment day, ordered thus
It the commit suicide at
to was
same as
violation for his bakt• of the regarding law shogun's altercations within castle. Later, the
domain confiscated, Ak6 leaving family the fiefless and its retainers Asano rdnin.
was
Forty-six of subsequently
the latter plotted against supposed lord's their deceased
revenge
6ishi • 7• Kira by 1• ;i• Yoshinaka. Led (1659-1703), Yoshio the Ak6 r6nm enemy,
surprise launched decapitated attack Yoshinaka's
mansion him Edo of
and 12/14
a on on
(early Genroku 1703). presenting Naganori's 15 After severed head Yoshinaka's
at
the reported baku.fi•. Following their deliberations, lengthy rdnm the actions the
to grave,
bakufu forty-six decided
that punishment illegal all would for their commit suicide
men as
•5 behavior.
• • • .• •i• ,•, ]• After the Cht•shingura of the Kanadehon in 1748,
appearance
figures the became heroic representing r6nin for loyalty Japanese, the ultimate that
many
willing devoted
samurai Following suicides, their render lord. their there to
unto
were
already public evidence of example,
fascination with them. the in of For month
was
some
death,
their the posthumously represented play, Soga rdnin
in
the Akebono
stage
were on
• •J• g•} • • ydchi (The Soga
Revenge), Brothers' Nocturnal the Nakamuraza in
at no
bak•, however, Edo. The production just days opened. closed this after it
Some
essays,
i• JJ• • • • •ig •Y• Kyfis6's • such gishi Muro kd Righteous (Discussion roku A of the
as
i• • Samurai of Domain;
Ak6 1703) gishi praising appeared also the
r6nin
as or
''•6 "righteous samurai.
bak•, however, The criminals, suggesting solidarity declared had the that r6nm
with
them
politically the prudent for residents of Edo. not
stance correct
was
Astoundingly,
teachings Sok6 assigned and his ideological the for
blame
r6nin
soon
were
•7 • I•. vendetta. ,t• • disciples, 1705, In Yamazaki of
(1650- Ansai's Naokata Sat6
one
-Jff
•
Shijt•roku 1719), )•. • in •N his -• • Forty-Six Samurai) (Notes hikki
the nm
no
on
suggested
that TM the Ak6 by teachings. influenced rdn#t Yamaga the notable A
were
•-•
lengthier •-• l_[/)•g For these discussion topics, "Yamaga Tsuguo, of •
Tawara
Sok6 shid6"
to a
see
•-;t•_•
(Yamaga
Way Sok6 Samurai), Yamaga the and the Sok6, (Tokyo: of in meicho, Nihon vol.
12
no
k6ron, Chfi6 1971).
•, •6
-]- • •i2 • Tsuguo, shijz•roku See 7• •N Tawara Ak6 shi (On Ak6) the Forty-Six Samurai of
ron
(To•'o:
Yoshikawa k6bunkark 1978), the for discussion of
about written the vendetta.
r6nin
essays
a
•
See Isao, Yamaga Sok6, Hori 267-78, analysis for linking critical
claims of Sok6 the Ak6 to
pp.
a
incident; r6nin Hori
proving shows that directly thought there is evidence Sok6 that Sok6's
no
or
influenced the executing
Ak6 Though in follo•ng their enthusiasts, r6nin vendetta. Sok6
pre•ar many
Tetsujir6's studies, Inoue
praised impact Sok6's the suggestions associating r6nin, the first Sok6 with
on
the Ak6 thought. from r6nin critics of Sok6's
came
•
]• •-• Naokata, •, Shij•rola• Sat6 • ,•, • hikki, (Early in Milita•, buke Kinsei Modem shis6 nin
no
Thought) ;•i'5/:]: (Tok3.v: •I•]•,
shoten, Iwanami 1974), NST, However, ed., 27, Ishii Shir6 vol. 379. p. 28
Shij•shichi allegations. shi Sorai' Ogyfi
of continued these (1666-1728) follower Sorai
s
"• •fl-
-]-" •'• if:. Forty-Seven -t5 (Discussion Samurai • • of the koto
60
ronzu o no
influencing the vendetta. Incident) teachings factor
mention does Sok6's
not as a
"• • • • Sorai (1680-1747), that disciple, did Dazai Shundai his However assert
shij•roku shi Shundai's Ak6 plot teachings Sok6. of Yamaga connected the Ak6 the
to
• -•'-/K =]Z • • Samurai), 1732, around Forty-Six written • (Discussion
Ak6 of the
ron
Ak6 observed, 'The Sorai claims, (1728), "My teacher after Sorai's death several
years
they illustrated the murdering Kira righteousness. Lord samurai did understand In not
military teachings Yamaga.'" related: Shundai further of Mr.
methodology. military discoursing It by Initially of
Ak6 Yamaga served the Lord Mr.
on
6ishi
conspiring Yamaga's teachings.
In
Yoshio studied this time that to at
was
6ishi
Yamaga's teachings in But
utilized Kira, Yoshio Mr. assassinate Lord not
•ishi
lord,
death of his the understanding and
how his
resentment
to vent rage over
Yamaga's teachings justice.
righteousness and Mr. Yoshio revealed that he lacked great
•9
all that. like are
of Sok6's posthumous villification Shundai, writings the and With the of Naokata
merely basis of teachings the became, ironically, teachings began. Sok6's
Yet,
on as
Tokugawa perspective the of
learning pariah from the form of evidence, circumstantial
a
of
appealed the later created, powerful legend which bakt•t, opponents
to
one was
a
of samurai the kind ability philosophy instill in regime. Tokugawa had the If Sok6's to
bakufi• laws,
then oblivious
loyalty exhibited, loyalty that
that the r6nm to
some was
a
promotion
in worthy of
teachings
daimy6 think Sok6's
least that
tozama at to were came
Tokugawa
loyal reluctantly only often all, After the latter their domains.
to
were own
learning bakt•, his philosophy but the authority. his samurai had failed sell Sok6 to
to
something of tendencies, anti-bakufu alleged being castigated for its became,
after a
•)'b]
-• towards the animosities
where Ch6shfi distant domains such in
tozama
as success
thought of and especially life evident in the Tokugawa This is continued simmer. to
accepted
fact who ideas late-Tokugawa
of Sok6's (1830-59), teacher Sh6in Yoshida as
a
regarded indeed, r6nin; Sh6in thought allegations linking and the Ak6 earlier Sok6's the
of exemplars perfect of the
personal extolled them
heroes and the r6nin essence
as
as
continued). teachings. (To be Sok6's
•: '• • against ,• argued Naokata's (1652-1711), in disciples, Asmni Keisai another of Ansai's essay
laughable • it
7]2 • claimed that Samurai). Fort3.,-Six Keisai 9• IN (On Shijdroku the his shi
was
ron
they of simply advocated the
because teachings vendetta the Yamaga for blame Sok6's r6nm
use
to
virtually in
claimed, be found emphases, could Keisai strategic The planning and attack. any
same
military philosophy. shis6, 396. See buke Kinsei
p.
(409-11). 404-08 19 shis6, shijtTrola• buke Shundai, Ak6 shi in Kinsei Dazai pp. ron, 29
2° Chapter One) Seiky• y•roku (Small Preface and Translation of the B.
Preface Small
sagely meanings of the antiquity, they the subtle transmitted down from As
were
A.D.), (B.C. 206-220 of teachings gradually Scholars the hidden. Han Confucian became
successively misled dynasties (1368-1644) Ming (618-907), (960-1279), Song and Tang
Misgivings about those teachings. sages' significance of the ancient their about the
ages
surely
it China,
much teachings how sagely in
If this thus mounted.
true so was
more
was
Yamaga B.C.), teacher
(551-479 Confucius
Japan? millennia after in the Yet
two
our
case
of Duke Zhou of the revering moral appeared, remained of the (1622-85) what ok6 S way
revive the first the become (ft. since B.C.) teacher has Confucius. Our and 1111 to
this in Through instruction Confucianism. learning of sagely essentials of and moral the
actions practice it, of one's all-penetrating With learning, understanding becomes one's
family, the oneself, they one's regardless relate all-effective, of state, whether become to
bring
therefore ideas Might teacher's
martial world, civil the of
not arts. matters
our or or
If
the achievement.
his age? records This changes of
the in about
government text
our
21
learning world, that
is due Heaven. the in realized benefits of his
to
not are
him,
Presenting them
disciples, remarks. edited his have teacher's We, to we
our
kept Your they be reverenced, sayings but suggested, should be secret. "Your must
Song, Tang, Han, of they the ideas propagated contradict teachings because should be
not
will from differ doctrines Ming whose Contemporary thinkers Confucians. and yours
surely condemn them."
unworthy
of pedants replied, small-minded Those teacher "Ah! Our are
hide it
in One entire world. of the is the consideration! The Confucian must not
way way
eternally. practiced broadly will be proclaimed
it that it be embrace. Rather one's must
so
morally
If world!
entire they
benefit the just will still ideas influence If
person, my
one
for the
themselves 7•;-•-, willing sacrifice junzi) (J. kunshi C. advanced individuals
to
are
kept • teachings •-_. be ten), why should realizing (J.
C. of humaneness sake nin
my
explain purporting the misleading while others is crime The world's secret? to
greatest
Song and philosophers the of and those Tang, of and
Confucians the moral Han
way.
•jA, eloquently fixue), rigaku •: Principle (J. C. dynasties belonging Ming School of the
to
endeavored, they the perplexities
the moral sought about the Yet resolve to way. more
Yamaga Junichir6, eds.,
and Morimoto Tsuguo 20
in Tawara found This translation based the is text
on
(340-47). 1970), shoten, (TokTo: Sok6,
NST, 8-28 vol. Iwanami 32
pp.
•
U'• Histo•') (Book
Shujing of
2• the Chinese back providential the of Belief in Heaven
to goes
agency
adumbrated. first •e•(,• Heaven" of of "the mandate Shijing (Book notion the Poetry) of where and
was
•[ (hereafter, • LYYD), Nie • • Analects) (Concordance the ymde cf., Analects, Lun3•¢ Also, 12/5; to
death
and • "Life 11•, chubanshe, 1988), Shanghai guji 22: • Chongqi (Shanghai: al.. eds. are p. et.
depend Heaven." fate; of wealth and honor matters
on
and humane
scholar "-•- 14/17, "The resolute
15; 28. 8/13, Analects, 4/8, 6; 15/9; LYYD, 31;
p. p. p. p.
required might in be
violating Self-sacrifice
humaneness. by life would seek
some even man never
realized the if claimed that Confucius further humaneness." realizing circumstances sake for the of one
disciples "defend advised He
would morning, evening with
Way the death that in to peace. even come
Way." until death the moral 3O
pedants teachings. let• the thus deeply people Confucian Those did doubt the
more
brilliantly
classics Confucian sagely teachings the in miserable ancient But
state. are a
Admittedly prolix, commentaries. I burdernsome with clear! need belabor them One not
explicate words of the the dare knowledge rhetoric. ! unskilled in How broad and lack
am
refrain, the interpretations if of
them? Yet I debate Zhou Confucius of and Duke
even or
cleared misguided pseudo-scholars be
claims of
away. may never
''23 view that respected. "posterity then Confucius be Dare I advised that venture
a
criticize, proclaim, thoughts,
others might mistaken? circulate if be Yet I
may or my
criticisms, through then the such corrected
If mistakes debate them.
open my are
!;• •
Liaodong of the dialogue. embarrassment The benefit from such Confucian will
way
resulting
24 ignorance from exemplifies donkeys the people white-headed swine and
over
completely. failing examine knowing (2) others, oneself but (1) and matters to
not
Song, Tang, teachers, Han, the
Confucius the Duke of Zhou and
I not
my
as see
teachings of sagely of Duke the embody learning the Ming academics! strive and In
I to
daily myself of with
behavior Confucius, heterodoxies. I
and In Zhou matters
not
concern
''2• knowledge attained when one's is in practicality, feeling Perfection "unconstrained.
not
energetically! pursued action everything. Diligence action is understanding in
penetrates
practice.
morally in deficient is eloquent Confucian lecturer who distresses is What
me an
practiced
selfishly hope. If should something individuals sages' for which The is
not
way
26
in
My truly Confucian moral by it is the
but
purpose way. not
not
everyone, person one
might
hope
teachings that the proclaim sagely I in Confucian life is the someone serve to
bring
the in world. them fruition who
to
can
public ydroku Seilg'6 for the wishes, Yamaga's
Yielding Master present
to
we
questions depth similar in gamaga gorui consideration. teacher's Our greater treats
husbands and and ministers, fathers pertaining rulers and moral relations between sons, to
brothers, and friends. wives, elder and younger
respected.'" 'Posteri•
be '• (Confucius) said, Analects, "The 9/23: LYYD, 17. Master must
p.
there born thought white-headed s•e
peninsula z4 Supposedly, Liaodong that people &the the
was so
a
pigs
teaming white-headed Upon that
it their ruler. that decided marvelous they
present
to were to
resulting folly from
parable reveals the This region, embarrassed. they the ruler's in
were common
originally
Liaodong had
legends, According region. ignorance one's of outside to no
matters
oma
frightened by their size. they donkeys, encountered tigers donkeys.
first Thus when their
were
•--¢• •] Yanping), (Dialogues •j•! with Li •_-• '-s Yanping Yanping (1088-1163), dawen in the Li
•) experience • attained in enlightenment referring the
(sah•o "feeling in unconstrained" mentions
to
•z •
-• lg. Predecessors),
Zhu's (Master senku quiet-sitting. Shushi 69 Yanping in
dcm,
en, no
ST), 3, •]• Okada 5• (hereafter vol. School) • ,:•
(Compendium -•
the Zhu Xi Shushigala• taikei
on
•,'• • • Seika's Fujiwara (429-30). shuppansha, 1976),
185-89 (Tokyo: Takehiko,
Meitoku
ed.
pp.
• •, • '• Fujiwara Writings • of • • The Seika sh• Hayashi (Fufiwara D6shun"
"Letter
to
• •-• topic this discusses
Osamu Kanaya "unconstrained." Seika], mentions 1, 147-48) also vol..
pp.
465-68. NST, Seika'Hayashi 28, vol.. Razan, F•iiwara Confucianism in Seika's relative pp. to
(J. "Dao NCTE,
Chart, 105-06. Wing-tsit 26 Cf., Way.•" XLZY.. Beixi, 51a-53a. "The trans., pp.
pp.
refer the Since roads people road. signified Originally way) michi
road. michi; denotes to the
on a a
only used it. if
something road
people ground follow, would call
that person not
one
a
many
one
relations daily and human affairs people signifies principles should follow in Essentially that those dao
along." people places walk meaning by from reality, extension its the derives word dao in Yet 31
Chapter One
•:•_)k Sagacity ) (seijin (1)
27
he
that
mind perfect is and whose knowledge is
correct whose is
A so
sage one
of with the order harmony in is everything. sage's behavior understands yet A earnest,
ritual 29 in
centered also
but and 28 natural dealings is things. others,
with In
easy
sage
a
3° that
insures
world bringing the
governing and propriety. the sage In to
a state peace
physical
speak of
need sagacity, explaining
everything order. not attains its In
one
proper
One
of functions understanding the
envisioning sage's
sage. the
a
way,
or appearance,
perfectly practicality,
daily of
world
who, in the recognize only is
that need
sage
one a
31
deficiency.
In
without rituals Confucian fully follows
understands and or excess
by later it. governed In them and people taught the antiquity their rulers ages,
mean
authority,
moral their they abdicated
Rather
the did teach however, rulers
not
mean.
the
Such stead. people their in the establishing instruct merely teachers was
to
age) 2
degenerate of
government
a
Confucian sagely the assiduously is follow people should way, standard that The
while it
will perceptive said,
that
Confucius
though it is surpass
persons true,
as
even
practice it)
single
praised
for Those
who quite attain
or a duller
a
sorts are
may never
stipends
declining
capable of People
actually one-sided sole generous virtue or
are
is there
Nor that
high north
gold the
relinquishing of mountains
not a star rare.
are
as as
injustice.
they would perpetrate
loyal filial that and shortage
of an never
persons
so
"comprehend integrity who renowned of Daoists and hermit-scholars Reclusive
•1•:• •: @ (Selections the from [] series Chfigoku kotensen Mean), the Leanfing/The of Doctrine (Great
the knowledge extended
is "As 1, 62. shinbunsha, 1978), (Tok3.'o: Asahi Classics), pt. vol. 4 Chinese p.
correct." becomes one's thereupon, mind sincere: bill becomes
Shimada,
20; Mean), ch. (hereafter, ff-• • The Mean) (Doctrine of the 28 Zhongvong Cf.,
earnestly.'" Mencius,
sincerity,
of
'Practice the said, Daigaku/Ch•y6, "Confucius
145. 2,
way
pt.
p.
• •
Hong MZYD); Ye (hereafter, •1 • Mencius) 2•£ :• et the (Concordance yinde Mengzi 5B/l;
to
things
of order harmon)' the "Initiating •ith 1988), 39. chubanshe, Shanghai guji (Shanghai: al., eds.
p.
sageliness." requires harmony Completing
requires that •sdom.
easily
naturally and is who Daigaku/Ch•y6, "A 2, 143. z9 Shimada, 20; TheMean, ch. pt Cf.. person p.
sage."
is the
centered in
way a
w411 ordered,
is "If the DaigalagCh@d, 1, 73. Shimada, state 30 peace ch. Learning, pt. 1: Cf.. Great p.
reign •vrld." the
in
of Doctrine ffff•-•/ffJ of the
and Phrases • Words the (Commentary
3• zhang/u
Zhongyong Xi,
Zhu
on
shuppansha, •,•
• I•t t•]•, Meitoku (Tok3.;o: • al., eds. Yoshijir6 Suzuki Mean), ST, 8, in vol.
et the
•4thout
is biased,, what partial
neither
what
is refers to (450). "The Zhu 1974), to 14 states, nor mean p.
deficiency."
excess nor
remote."
the degenerate and
"The 3"-
MZYD, 25. Mencius, 3B/9; Cf.
way was
age was
p.
why
is
the said,, know 'I Master "The 2, DaigakuCht•y6, 46. 33 Shin•ada, way Mean, 4; The
pt. ch. p.
it.'" quite
attain
the duller it, while Perceptive practiced. sorts never surpass not persons 32
Excelling task
TM vulgar either.
world, few masculinity forsake the but at not one or
are
sagely Confucian of the
hardly fraction
just being famous deed for
way.
amounts to
a one
is
35 praise receive
that The totally dwells in the is who not
A
sages true sage mean. one
36 single of virtue. the result a
• • Perfecting (chishi ) Knowledge (2)
Indeed of the myriad
intelligent the beings of all the Human creatures.
most
are
brilliant than energies, is species material
fluids and various formed from vital
more none
knowledge. Duller perfect
embody humanity, worthies and mankind. And of all
sages
and of Zhou
Duke the like unworthy what individuals learn
and
must
sages sorts
37
things. investigating The hinges Perfecting knowledge naturally Confucius knew.
on
• have created, where there •,• humanity ofPoeoy (Shijmg ) observes,
"Since
Book
was
things investigating
completely ''38
principles. things By have there been been
one
so
enabling things, investigate fully all all-penetrating
Sages perfects knowledge, making it
• •,•
) (Shujing relates ofHistoly everywhere. Book understanding The
their extend to
''39 makes That, "thinking intelligence. produces in how turn,
sages.
result, they desire. As world,
the people
about the the that know But
a
more more
morally advanced desires,
their trying fulfill insatiable. desires human
In
to seem
appreciate people
profitable, while rightness be individuals therefore deem
to
common
sophisticated people 4°
morally Accordingly, rightness. profit, understand but do
can not
profit
Rightness
and pursuing them. in enjoy profits, satisfied while
commoners are never
• -T 7]• • (Tok3"o: ¢(• N ed., Asahi 5• -T" R6shi Mitsuji 3• Fukunaga (The Laozi), 28; ch. Laozi
preserving masculinity, "Comprehending but Chfigoku kotensen, 10, vol. 1978), 207. shinbunsha, p.
femininity,, the world." the ravine of becomes
one
• Changes); (Penetrating of N] • •1 Book I•, Tongshu the "Teachers," 3s 7, Dtm3• ch. Cf. Zhou
•v•g:, that • is
"The ST, 2, 143.
senku,
vol. in Shushi al.,
eds., in Yasutaka Fumoto p. mean et no
which the abides." in
sage
there highest virtue! the said, 36 embodied yet 'Tai Bo Analects, "The 8/1: LYYD, Master Cf. 14.
p.
praised thing him.'" single for which the
commoners
no
was
knowledge of Datgaku:Ch@6, p.62. "The extension 37 1, Shimada, Learning, 1; Cf. Great ch. pt.
1•, • Learning Great the following Cheng emended Yi Xi, investigation &things." Zhu consists the in
depends knowledge perfection
the expression of
'The meaning of the the "The include
comments: on to
investigate
should knowledge
the things'
ex•nd investigation wish of is this:
If utmost, to to
we
our we
indeed, there things; understand formed
everUthing mind is principles The human of the to
encounter.
we
only incomplete all knowledge because is principles inhere. Human nothing in which its do is
not
far-reaching and prolonged stm•ng, u•de w•ll achieve
investigated
fully With
principles
not
a
one
are
total substance apprehended,, in its one's mind and qualities things penetration. roll be the of all Then
things. investigation of This is intelligent. the perfectly This is called functioning •11 become and great
knowledge." perfection of the called
Kong: Hong (hereafter, (Hong CC) 3• Classics of Legge, Chinese
Poetry, Mao, 260; James Book
no.
Neo-Confucians edition), 4, 541. University, vol. reprint "xford Press Universi•', the O Kong of 1970 p.
principle. of their notion for this classical considered support
poem
Plan"; CC, 3, of vol. Legge, 39 327. History, "The Great Book
p.
tightness
respond while said, 'Gentlemen 40 "The Master Analects, 4/16; LYYD, 7. to commoners
p.
CC, 3, 327. Legge, vol. Plan"; profit.'" of Histoo•, "The Great respond Book p. to 33
of (Yijmg) therefore
Changes completely Book different The states,
not
matters.
are
''41 profit exists, rightness follows. "profit harmony produced rightness. Where is the from
imperfect, knowledge is becoming since of Everyone human dreams
Yet
sage. a
passions, rectify regulate succumbing and human heterodoxies claim which
to to many
Distinguishing turning people instantly barbarians! into is the base of that But
way sages.
significance understanding real sagely teachings vulgar hinges Confucian the from
on ones
knowledge practiced, sagely Confucian rightness profit. vigorously and of Unless the
imperfect. little reflection, than accompanied
by it remains critical If
amounts to
not
more
42 might despite practice reasoning self-indulgent, the forced and its becomes
energy
one
by buttressed critical action, vigorous perfection! surely Only into it. That is put
not
perfects reflection, sagely knowledge Confucianism. the of
Sagely Learning (3) (seigaku The
study learning? should Why sagely Confucian One with should bother the
anyone
teachings Duke of sagely of the humanity! Why the heed it learn the moral of to way
humanity. Without of instruction Zhou and Confucius? the moral in Heed them for
way
excellently endowed in study, people Although do Confucian understand the not
way.
physical disposition studying
Confucian faculties, the and mental without way person
a
Confucian studying ancient Learning the consists will often of end beclouded.
up
instructions,
knowledge daily applying extending knowledge them, and that about one's to
positively
will be knowledge perfected, material endowment When is one's matters.
43 transformed.
learning.
integral Establishing Confucian for life is moral one's
to
purpose a
44 simply sake of learning be "for the actions will Unless ethical is one's one's
purpose,
learning:
''45 elementary impressing sagely
Confucian There is others. the
structure to
a
4v upper-level studies, 46 preceed learning precedes learning, lower-level studies the greater
48 level,
each learning At there for is students. and for above and below average average
•] yinde 41 Zhozo*i Ching, Legge, Sentences;" 408; "Explanation Changes, of Words of and Book I
p.
4] •} • chubanshe, guji (Shanghai: Shanghai qf Changes), (Concordance Ye, ed., Hong the Book to
1988), 1.
p.
reasoning." oMencms, 4B/26; MZ•'7), wise is their forced "What detest
in 32.
p. men
4•
Bei,'d, "The E.g.,
Chen Xfs of Neo-Confucians. This rudely held Zhu school mthin
tenet
was a
one's stud)•ng, material Decree," transform "By XLZY, Chan, NCTE, 3b; 41.
trans.,
p. p. one can
disposition, changing light." darkness into
44 learning life.'" in Analects, 2/4; said, fifteen made LYYD, "The 'At Master 2.
my purpose
p.
4• themselves, improve but Analects, 14/24; said,, 'The ancients learned LYYD, "The 29. Master to
p.
simply today people impress others.'"
learn to
46 of ordered Chi, "Royal Regulations;" 'N•/hen the Son of Rites, 1, vol. 219. Heaven Legge, Book Li
p.
elementary, propagated, princes founded academies established that schools...and be the education to
learning." teach
greater
a
47
working levels, 'My begin Analects, 14/35; said,, LYYD, "The studies the lower Master 29. at p.
towards the levels.'"
upper
48
Analects, about the 6/21; said,, teach above students ZYYD, "The 'You 21. Master average may
p.
average.'" best, those but who below not are 34
example, sagely learning methods certain characterize instruction. Confucian the For
requires 49 questioning, scrutiny. nothing questioning without and demands learns One
questioning. proficiency learning;
integral sagely Practical thus, is Confucius also the
to
as
''5° said, learning proficient. sagely requires "studies and time The in becomes
one
•1 thought:
learning knowledge perfected thinks, unless be and will
attempts at
one never
g•, •, shmgaku Ming will remain Song muddled. (J. The and "School of Mind" C
captivated xinxue) Principle" by "School human and infatuated with the and of mind
were
learning. They trivial details Such beclouded their mired in also became nature.
excesses
reading, signifies practice they which of when the devoted that insufficient effort the to
sagely teachings. learning equally people and The of is beclouded. such Excesses
learning. deficiencies like obfuscate these
morally learning requires Confucian life in is standards. If ethical
your purpose
despite misguided, unenlightened. daily reading remain then While book will
you
searching Though perplexities principles the continue. for moral its will about way,
energetically Although praised cramped engaged, remain action. will in
you as a
might gentleman, said, things clearly. The Confucius will "One understand not
sage you
might effective, trustworthy his insist that words but he still be and his actions
an are are
''52 obstinate commoner!
• •__) (4) (shid6 Way The Teacher's
•3 perfect
people knowledge, instruct them. born with teachers Because In
not are
learning fully sagely Confucian understood the
the teachers. For
sages ages are our none
instructing
teachings. presumed Confucian Those who them assistants teach
to
were mere
•4 memorizing phrases. Confucian others all between in words and The penetrates
way
Humanity principles. naturally of heaven and earth. world its and the Persons
possess
•5 single worthy
Why words and teacher? should be its teachers. seek deeds constant out
a
earth, things teachers! Heaven, be and all
can our
56 Cultivating esteeming, serving requires respectfully choosing, and the self
a
57
learning
solid. There is teacher's be teacher. Unless will the one's
not esteems way, one
49 'Question Daigala•/Ch@6, 20; Shimada, Mean, said, the of The 2, "Confucius ch. 145. pt. way p.
scrutiny.'" sincerity with
50 LYYD; Analects, 1/1; 1.
p.
•
thought, 2/15; Analects, 'Learning LYYD; said, from others without critical
"The Master 3. p. one
bemldered.'" •11 become
5• Analects, 13/20; LYYD,
26.
p.
• •,•-• N •', • N s• Shishuo Teachers), (Essay Rila•ch6 $6 sanbunsen Han Yu in Gi T6
Kan
on
N •0k • • :• • Dsv•asties Song), Wei, Tang, (Prose Han, Selections from Six and It(5 Masafumi the
• •-F-2•,
perfect knowledge, (Tok3,o: people Heibonsha, ed. born ruth 1970), 260. "Since
not p. are
free
doubts?" be from
anyone
can
54 of Learning"; only Chi, Rites, Legge, "One who teaches 2, "Records of vol. 89-90. Book Li pp.
teacher." which have memorized is fit be been deemed matters
not to
a
ss
"Essay Teachers," "Sages Yu, teachers." do have Han 261.
not constant
p.
on
56
"Wishing Stmnada, themselves, Daigaku/Ch@d, Learning; ed., Cf. Great cultivate 1, 62. pt. to p.
minds." the ancients corrected their 35
diverse, hierarchy of all, for, technical after instructors teachers there
among many a are
depth particular learning, teaching sagely of the However, skills. when the Confucian
equal teachers fathers, of viewed seriousness that rulers and for the ancients one's must
they and fathers. Teachers with the that otherwise reserved for their rulers respect
same
personal
beginnings things, give help concerning reveal the of while friends matters.
•s benefits the friends. These of teachers and are
•t Establishing Teachings (rikky6 (5) -•. )
Misunderstanding taught, people Unless understand the Confucian do not way.
ethically transformed the birds humans If havoc than and wreak beasts.
not
way,
can more
instruction, theories, credulously people heterodoxies, believe via fall
to perverse
prey
•9 founding worship phantoms, ultimately murder and their rulers and In parents.
even
establishing kings their instituted school rulers, ancient and thus themselves
states
as
people, educating by morally their then first rulers
of their If tasks. systems
govern as one
instruction, people sincerely sustained both ministers With their transformed. and will be
people teachings Thereupon
in natural will live will moral their all
customs.
peace
as see
specific
security. teachings Families, them. and which and the world have to states,
are
for
morality the unified, of mankind Nevertheless become is the when customs same
everyone.
• • • Reading (6) (shoo ¢•2 Books ) yomu
surviving thus times. One wisdom of ancient and modern Books the
convey
energetically
Indeed, strength. should all read them with read
one's
must
as one one as
daily, depends largely practical book
affairs because Confucian education
pursues
on
reading. obsessively daily practicality books, reads Education conflicts with if
one
having neglecting practice after books
the Confucian well. If reads moral
to
way as one
learning gain if reads made moral benefits.
one's life in will immense But
purpose one
one
who, thinking learning nothing
else, ends books in like that consists
up commoner a one
playthings, amusing with his life. himself in useless loses
purpose
teachings teachings. sages' The books Confucian relate should the moral read
one
principles simple. plain practices this is and their
Whenever them
very are one savors or
fully informative, of their clever, verified. Other books and reliable. And
be
may some
beginning they end, learned. scrutinized from
should be when
But to to
passages are seen
capabilities incomplete. knowledge. only They broadening is aids be for and It one's
are
explain again. points these
to unnecessary
knowledge emphasize extensive their in Common fellows memorization and factual
approach reading darting
devoted readers refrain from about and books. But to must
•7 Analects, self-esteem, gentleman 1/8; said, LYYD; 'Ifa others roll "The lacks Master 1. respect not p.
learning studies, either. If him reliable.'" such his wilt be
not
person
a
5• Dun•, people C£. Tongshu; Friends," 2, ST, Zhou "At birth 2, "Teachers and vol. in 158.
pt.
p.
are
ignorant. maturity.. friends, However, people stupid Without teachers after mankind remain
even or
principles through realizes morn the assistance of teachers and fi-iends."
.•9 parents." Mencms, 3B/9; Cf.. MZYD, children killed their their "'Ministers and murdered rulers 25. p. 36
taking commentaries while
minutiae of reading. the scanning rather than is best It
to
savor
should
Thus learning foundations.
one's sagely of Confucian the pronouncements one
as
views of the doing realizes that teachings. comprehend
By directly Confucian so, one
Ming lacking. Song Confucians and are
•_•) (d6t6 Way Transmission (7) of the The
•;•,
•)•, •/•,
Emperor Yellow the Nong Xi Shen ancient
The
Fu
ten
sages,
•-•, of Zhou •,•, Duke ¢•, •, •, and •, the
Kings and Wu Tang
Wen
Shun
Yu Yao
•,,60 generations
myriad supplying N] world, knowledge the extended their virtue and to
blessed declined, B.C.) dynasty Heaven (111 blessings. 1-249 the Zhou
their As with
of i•--;T--
creation "Since the remarked, Mencius humanity Confucius. with birth of As the
,,61 demise,
his
With humanity, another been
there has
great
t•onmclus. as as never
tried, they Though expired. teachings nearly sagely transmission of the however, the
Confucius beyond vision -• the •,, • -•-, could Mencius Zengzi and Zisi not
peer
Confucian of the transmission sought revive the scholars Tang and offered. Some Han
to
Song of Following rise
the Zengzi, Zisi. and Mencius,
they match
but could
not way, even
Mingdao
Cheng .• brothers, Cheng
• l• (1017-73), Dunyi
the
such Zhou thinkers
two
as
• (1020-77), {•l•Jl] I•]•_ Zhang • (1033-1107), Zai • Cheng (1032-85) Yichuan and
egregious teachings • •[• underwent (1011-77), Confucian Yong and Shao
and
Confucianism believed that academics Song transformations. Those yang
was
whole. of complementary halves
though greater
the heterodoxies
ym, two some were
as
The obliterated! thus
Confucian moral transmission
Song, of the the
the
In
way was
• 1-[I
(1139-93) Wang
and Xiangshan ofLu rise with the situation became
worse
even
major contributions made Only ]• • disciples. Zhu Xi _• (1472-1529) Yangming's many
predecessors'
his transcend could classics, he
but Confucian studies of the not to even
seeing
responsibility for
with
individuals when decides Alas! Heaven entrust to
excesses.
c•n &Heaven? those match
efforts prevails Whose world! the in Confucian the that
way
three underwent Confucianism Song, the demise Mencius's From
to
witnessed the B.C.), period (403-222 Warring during States' degenerations. first, the The
Qin subiects political
of the
Legalists writers the and of the amoral schools of the rise on
of sterile work involved the literature,
62 Tang and second, in evident Han The era.
,•ting, and of
Chinese supposedly created the China, 60 m,xNological system ruler of ancient Xi, Fu
a
agricultural allegedly invented ruler, ms•hic Nong, of Changes. another Shen of the Book parts
Shun, and Yao, statecratt. of figure, methods devised Emperor, mx•ic techniques. another The Yellow
King Tang of History.
chapters opening the Book of sage-kings described
in the the three Yu
are
Duke of the Shang. Kings and and Wu Wen the founded d.xaaasty, conquered and supposedly the Xia
d.•aaasty. Shang the Zhou established the and overthrew Zhou
2A/2; 61 MZYD, 12. Mencms, Cf..
p.
the universal advocated They effective rule. undermined moralily 62 argued Legalists Confucian that use
extremely harsh
of of exception bv
enforced without impersonal, laws, absolute svstem of
a means
alliances between advocated subjects political states alluring The writers penalties rewards. and
on
responded
the Realpolitik
alliances
north-south, These axis. to contiguous either
east-west,
or
an
on
They unconcemed with period.
states' Warring exegencies of the diplomatic military and were manv
morality. Confucian of matters 37
involved the specialists, logicians. transformation The third and commentators,
demise Principle Confucius's Mind. abstractions Song of and the Schools of the From to
degenerations, of passed. the With these the thousand have
present, way two
years over
deceiving subjective ruminations, and lapsed Duke of Zhou into the and Confucius
mere
pseudo- the confusing people. Though identifying with Confucian their ideas the
sages,
NJ•-•:
Yanzi's teachings than perpetrating subjective little Confucians aimed these
at
more
• •" long prevailed. 63
disposition. have pleasures debased Such Zeng Dian's customs or
Alas! be the of decree Heaven! It must
-]-•22() (shibun (8) Poetry and Prose
language aspirations, aspirations." harbors "Poetry When
one's
expresses one
64 elegance is that
communicating spontaneously Ancient have them.
an emerges verses
through remonstration aspirations appropriate natural and them. odes Some
to express
speak of beautiful justice.
through Others satire, discussions of critical and
some
the landscapes. admonish, while others extoll government Some
contemporary or poems
6• with such overflowed of ancient virtues six kinds ministers. of rulers The and poetry
unique,
their strained however, Poetry have themes. of students later to express
ages,
lies. ended eloquent subjective thoughts their fine, words.
with Yet vacuous as
verses
hedonists. and latter-day idlers Thus the world's have become
poets worst
philosophical
they thinking the of that often make the mistake Poets must
use
and virtues, humaneness its classics, language moral and of the Confucian discuss the
way
learning of moral teachings. rightness, does the and all ethical But
encompass
Song and techniques poetry? of
rely Numerous Confucianism emotive need the
to
on
learning moral relationship and Ming between the Confucians beclouded
poety
were over
sagely they Confucian misunderstood the because
way.
Confucian writing The books. language in discursive used refers the Prose
to
writers had thoughts help in articulate their Later and could worthies but
prose. not
sages
66 they searched for only eloquence insinuating unsubstantial and faces. In
matters,
i• ;•_ •_
Zongyuan (768-824), Liu Tuizhi fictions. curiosities from which Han to create
pleased, despite •th life 63 being praised for Analects, 6/11; LYYD, Confucius Yanzi 10. poverty,
a
p.
Learn," Yanzi extolled learning. Song Cheng Yanzi Loved Confucian, Yi, his 'NVhat in of The
to
essay,
{# I] • J Cheng Yi) • Writings (The of sagely learning. finding See pleasure Yichuan wenfi for the in
• •: (Kyoto: Brothers), • ch. Cheng (The 61 Cheng quanshu Works of the Collected 4, Er
sect.
Zeng said things Dian
his shuppansha, the chance do Given 1979), Chfibun 2161-65. to way,
own pp.
companions, enjoy rain the spring the breeze
prefer half dozen
ruth that he bathe would in late to on
a
Analects, chanting 11/24; LYYD, 22. altar,
home and poetry. return p.
64 CC, 4, of Legge, vol. 34. Poetry, "Great Preface:" Book
p.
popular (2) (1) 6• Preface," According
Poetry's of the six of "Great the Book t•es poetry poems,
to
are:
religious
(6) imperial
and (5) descriptive (4) allusive metaphorical (3) poems, verses, poems, poems,
hsanns. Legge, CC, See 4, vol. 34.
p.
rarely
insinuating
66 face "Eloquence Analects, 1/3; said, and LYYD, "The Master
1. are p. an
associated humaneness.'" ruth 38
6v • i• (1037-1101) •{• • (1007-72), Shi •[1,-•, and ;• Su Yangxiu (773-819), Ou
refined
Their learning
stylists, premier their but too
prose
was perverse. was prose were
68 unsubstantial. and
by dominaWxt still •,•,)
Confucianism in advocated 67 (INn essa.•st, Yu Tuizhi and Han A age an poet
Zongbaaan
Liu Neo-Confucians. Song of the forerunner him Some view
and Daoism Buddhism
a as
Ouyang
Tang. Xiu essa54sts
of
the premier and
the of and
ofHan Yu's poets friend
was an
one
was a
the advocated dbams•'. early Song He in the to lived return who and historian literar3.' official, a master,
outstanding scholar- of
the
Shi Su Tang.
the
in •,-riting had done st3.'le Yu of Han ancient one was
as
Daoism, well
and Buddhism in interest
reveal x•ritings day. His of his as as poet-statesmen an
Confucianism.
greatly exceeds people, substance
said, 'With 68 country "The Master 6/18; LYYD, Analects, 10.
p.
and refinement gentlemen, substance •4th exceeds substance. But clerks refinement With refinement.
evenly balanced.'" are 39