THE MERCERY OF

Anne F. Sutton

The Mercery of London: Trade, Goods and People, 1130–1578

Anne F. Sutton

Contents

List of Figures and Tables ix Abbreviations xi Foreword xiii Preface xv Chapter 1: Definition and Location: The London Mercery, 1130s–1230s 1 i. Mercery: The Earliest Definition 3 ii. The First Mercers of London 5 iii. The Status of the Mercer – Birth and Honour 13 iv. The First London Mercery 16 Chapter 2: ‘The poor pedlar makes more noise crying his goods than does a rich mercer all his valuable wares’: The Mercery Trade in the Thirteenth Century 21 i. Le dit du mercier – The Song of the Mercer 22 ii. The Artisans of the Merceries of London and Paris 24 iii. Customers at Fairs 32 iv. Customers in Towns 38 v. The Mercer and his Status 43 Chapter 3: The Origins and Early Associations of London Mercers, 1270s–1340s 47 i. Some Mercery Craft Families and Clans 48 ii. The Men of Norfolk 54 iii. The Earliest Associations and Regulations of the Workplace 57 iv. Recognition of the Misteries by the City and the King 62 Chapter 4: ‘Loving companions who are dwelling in the good city of London’: The Commonalty of the Mercery 67 i. 1304: The First Reference to the ‘Commonalty of the Mercery’ 67 ii. The Company’s Meeting Places 72 iii. Mercers in Office 74 iv. Wealth, Office and Standing 82 v. ‘For the common profit of the mistery’: The Ordinances of 1348 87 vi THE MERCERY OF LONDON, 1130–1578

Chapter 5: The Company and the City 1348–94: From the Black Death to the First Charter 95 i. The Black Death, Recovery and Opportunities 96 ii. ‘Fathers of tidings and tales, both of peace and debate’: Mercantile and Civic Conflict 100 iii. The Mercery Trade: Italians and 113 iv. The First Charter, 1394: New Policies and Old Prejudices 121 Chapter 6:‘Le compaignie del mercerie que dieux veul garder de male et de perile et tutditz convoier a bon aventure’: The Move into Mercantile Status, 1290s–1430 129 i. The Low Countries: Politics, Privileges and Waterways 129 ii. Wool 139 iii. Worsted and Woollen Cloth 146 iv. Middelburg and 150 Chapter 7: Success on All Sides: The Mercers in Fifteenth-Century London 161 i. The Reflected Greatness of the ‘Sun of Merchandy’: Piety, Books and Education 161 ii. ‘Good, wise and politic rules ordained and made of old’: The Company’s Administration 172 iii. ‘To rejoice all manner liberties of the Mercery’: Mercers in Office 181 iv. Mercers at Home: Wealth and its Uses 189 Chapter 8: The Mercery Trade in London: Prosperity and Conflict 201 i. ‘Many a worshipful woman … have lived full honourably and therewith many good households kept’ 202 ii. The Other Ranks: Apprentices, Servants and Shopkeepers 209 iii. The ‘Secrets’ of the Mercery: Protectionism, and the Provincial Trade 212 iv. The ‘Secrets’ of the Mercery: Protectionism, Italians and the Luxury Trade 226 Chapter 9:‘C’était une vie d’aventures semblable à celle des chevaliers’: The Mercers’ Ascendancy among the Adventurers in the Low Countries, 1430s–85 235 i. The Battle for Ascendancy among the Adventurers, 1400–30s 239 ii. The Rise of the Burgundian State, the War of Calais and its Aftermath, 1430–59 241 iii. The Battles of the Adventurers with the Staplers and Fishmongers, 1455–62 257 iv. The Mercer Governorships of Caxton, Pickering and Wendy, 1462–85 263 Chapter 10: ‘All merchandise shall have its course and merchants to have their communication each with other’: Trade, 1430s–85 277 i. The Mercers and the Men of Cologne 277 ii. Exports: Wool, Cloth, Worsted and Other Ventures, 1430–85 284 iii. Imports: and Other Merceries, 1430–85 295 iv. Adventurers and their Skills 302 THE MERCERY OF LONDON, 1130–1578 vii

Chapter 11: ‘Give to every man that which is his’: The Mercers and the Merchant Adventurers, 1485–1520s 317 i. The Period of Readjustment and Reorganization, 1485–90 318 ii. Mercantile Persistence, Wars, Rebellion and Treaties, 1490–1520 323 iii. The Merchant Adventurers’ Quarrels with the Shearmen and Fullers (the Clothworkers), and with the Staplers of Calais 335 iv. The Administration of the Merchant Adventurers, 1497–1527: Fees, the Payment of Customs, the Search for Privileges, and their ‘Exit’ from Mercers’ Hall 341 Chapter 12: New Responsibilities and Losses, 1490s–1550s 351 i. The Battle with the Crown: Ordinances, Civic Autonomy and Taxation 351 ii. St Thomas of Acre and a Purpose-Built Hall 360 iii. New Estates: Acquisitions and Losses 366 iv. The Purchase of St Thomas of Acre, 1542 369 v. The Demise of the Chantries and the Purchase of their Rents 373 Chapter 13: Religious Change, Wealth and Faith 379 i. The Conservatives 381 ii. ‘The gift of a pot of water shall not be in oblivion with God’: Evangelists and Reformers 384 iii. Those Obedient to the Crown 394 iv. The Mercers’ Church, Liturgy, Clergy and Sermons 399 Chapter 14: ‘The present understanding of the feat of the merchant adventurer’: Overseas Trade, 1520s–80s 409 i. The Years of Profit, Crisis and Victory: The Mercers as Adventurers, 1520s–58 411 ii. ‘Send her Highness Calais again’: Mercers as Staplers 424 iii. ‘The present understanding of the feat of the merchant adventurer’: The Merchant Adventurers and their Charter, 1558–64 427 iv. The End of the Antwerp Trade and New Trade Routes 432 Chapter 15: The Demise of the Medieval Mercery 443 i. Losses in the Mercery Domestic Trade: Artisans, Silkwomen and Maidens, and Shops, Retail and Distribution 444 ii. The Livery Companies and Their Identities: The Mercers and the Retail of , 1561–76 449 iii. Recruitment and Wealth: Problems and Remedies 458 iv. Losses in the Mercery Import Trade: Linen, and Silk 465 Chapter 16: ‘A sample and light’: Charity and Protestantism 475 i. Civic Duties and Burdens 475 ii. ‘The world runs on wheels with many’: Absenteeism 485 iii. ‘If credit were lost all were lost’: Men and Lands 492 iv. ‘A sample and light’ 500 viii THE MERCERY OF LONDON, 1130–1578

Chapter 17: A New Company? 511 Appendices 1: The Ordinances of 1376 515 2: Benefactors of the Company before 1578 521 3: List of Wardens before 1578 555 4: The Election of the Wardens of the Mercers’ Company 561 5: Mercer Mayors up to 1578 565 Bibliography 567 Index 595 List of Figures and Tables

Figures

3.1 Norfolk origins of London Mercers by Hundreds. (Hundreds are based on W. J. Blake, ‘Norfolk manorial lords in 1316’, Norfolk Archaeology, 38 (1947–52). 55 3.2 Norfolk placenames of Mercers before 1350; places underlined are known to have produced . 56 3.3 The Mercery and surrounding parishes in about 1300. From D. Keene and V. Harding, Historical Gazetteer of London before the Great Fire, vol. 1, Cheapside (1987). Each property referred to in the present text can be identified by the Gazetteer’s numbers cited in the footnotes. Reproduced by permission of Derek Keene and Vanessa Harding. 61 4.1 The first reference to the Community of Mercers of London as a protagonist in a test case protecting the freedom of the city of London, 29 July 1304. Corporation of London Records Office, Letter Book C, f. 84v; by kind permission. 68 6.1 Map of the Low Countries and northern France, showing main trading areas of English merchants. 130 6.2 Detail of map of the Low Countries and northern France, showing main trading areas of English merchants. 131 7.1 The location of mercers’ dwellings by wards in 1475. 192 7.2 The Hospital of St Thomas of Acre on Cheapside where the Mercers met and had their own chapel. Based on the reconstruction of boundaries in D. Keene and V. Harding, Historical Gazetteer of London before the Great Fire, vol. 1, Cheapside (1987), 105/18, and on a conjectural reconstruction of the conventual buildings by D. Keene. By permission of Derek Keene. 198 9.1 The rulers of France, the Low Countries, Burgundy and . 242 13.1 Mercers’ Hall and its surroundings after the Reformation, c. 1570. Reproduced by permission of Derek Keene and Vanessa Harding from the Historical Gazetteer of London before the Great Fire, vol. 1, Cheapside. 401 x THE MERCERY OF LONDON, 1130–1578

Tables

7.1 Mercers with landed wealth of £5 p.a. and over in 1436. Based on the round figures given by S. L. Thrupp, The Merchant Class of Medieval London, Chicago 1948, pp. 378–85. 190 8.1 Mercer prosecutions in Common Pleas. 215 8.2 Prosecutions of debtors by London Mercers 1400–1499. 219 10.1 Mercers’ wool exports, 1439–59. 286 10.2 Mercers’ wool exports, 1461–79. 287 10.3 Mercers’ cloth exports, 1437–83. 291 10.4 Mercers’ linen imports, 1431–87. 296 15.1 List of the Mercers’ Company, 1520–73. 459 16.1 The wealth of mercers living in London in 1541 and 1582. 491 Abbreviations

Full references can be found in the Bibliography

A, B, etc. to L Sharpe, ed., Calendar of Letter Books A–L AC, AC Acts of Court; Acts of Court adm. admitted to freedom of Mercers’ Company APC Acts of Privy Council ASA Antwerp Archives/Stadsarchief BIHR Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research BP Book of Privileges of the Merchant Adventurers, Sutton and Visser-Fuchs, eds, forthcoming Bulletin CIETA Bulletin de liaison du Centre international d’étude des textiles anciens C Chancery CC Commissary Court of London CChR Calendar of Charter Rolls CCR Calendar of Close Rolls CEMCR Thomas, ed., Calendar of Early Mayor’s Court Rolls CEHE Cambridge Economic History of Europe CFR Calendar of Fine Rolls CLR Calendar of Liberate Rolls CMH Centre for Metropolitan History CLRO City of London Records Office Commons 1389–1422 Roskell et al., eds. Commons 1422–1504 Clarke et al., eds, forthcoming vol. Commons 1439–1509 Wedgwood, ed. Commons 1509–58 Bindoff, ed. Commons 1558–1603 Hasler, ed. CP Complete Peerage CPMR Jones or Thomas, eds, Calendar of Plea and Memoranda Rolls CPR Calendar of Patent Rolls. CS Camden Society CSPV Calendar of State Papers … Venice CUHB Palliser, ed., Cambridge Urban History of Britain xii THE MERCERY OF LONDON, 1130–1578

CWH Sharpe, ed., Calendar of Wills Proved in the Court of Husting Dignity of a Peer Reports from the Lords’ Committees … touching the Dignity of a Peer E Exchequer EconHR Economic History Review EETS OS, ES Early English Text Society, Original Series, Extra Series EHR English Historical Review Ekwall (1) Ekwall, ed., Two Early London Subsidy Rolls Ekwall (2) Ekwall, Studies on the Population of Medieval London GC Great Chronicle of London, eds Thomas and Thornley GL Guildhall Library, London HR Husting Roll HR Historical Research IHR Institute of Historical Research K&H Keene and Harding, Historical Gazetteer of London Livre des métiers Lespinasse and Bonnardot, eds, Le livre des métiers L&K Sharpe, London and the Kingdom L&P HVIII Brewer et al., Letters and Papers Henry VIII MC Mercers’ Company, London n.s. new series OB Ordinance Book ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography PCC Prerogative Court of Canterbury PL Gairdner, ed., Paston Letters PPC Nicolas, ed., Proceedings of the Privy Council PR Pipe Roll PRO Public Record Office, now TNA PROB TNA classification of wills proved, inventories, in PCC RP Rolls of Parliament RW Renter Wardens’ Accounts TNA The National Archives Smit I Smit, ed., Bronnen … 1150–1485 Smit II Smit, ed., Bronnen … 1485–1585, SR Statutes of the Realm TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society VCH Victoria Country History WA Wardens’ Accounts Foreword

What is Mercery? What is a Mercer? Questions often asked, yet seldom answered so eloquently as by Dr Sutton in this book. The answer is still largely amorphous, as the term covers such a wide spectrum of possibilities. In the beginning it covered so many small items, or even materials yet to be made into an object that could then be defined more closely to a particular trade. From a needle or a up to a bolt of silk or . It is the silk and expensive cloths that set apart the rich merchant, or Mercer, for that was the trade in which silk was classified, from those just handling the smaller objects. There were many ‘Mercers’ but few who were rich and powerful. It is the silk that gained the influence for the merchant Mercer, as the buyers of such expensive material were the King, his Court and the Nobility. With the influence, the Mercer merchant was an important person in the business and governance of the City of London. The trade of mercery had been given prominence, from which order and standards within the trade, spread throughout the land. The London merchants formed close associations with the operators of the main fairs at ports and large towns and cities. Trading with other countries relied in the beginning on those brave enough to take the risks associated with getting their goods from distant lands, through hostile areas at the mercy of local magnates and brigands, unreliable shipping and the transfer of money in cash. This lead to big provincial fairs across the continent and in this country, to and from which safe passage was eventually guaranteed by the local Lords and above. The history of mercery is very much tied up with the history of trading, manufacturing and distribution standards. The establishing of recognised trading routes and systems, linked to monetary credits being available in the main cities upon which merchants and financiers could rely. With these elements in place, expansion of trade was both possible and practical. The life and work of the small Mercer, producing for sale through their shops in the mercery district around modern Cheapside; the wholesale Mercer with his distribution network, and the Merchant Mercer controlling import, quality standards and the distribution, all are highlighted in this book. The development of the Company is carefully pieced together across the years, to reveal a powerful and xiv THE MERCERY OF LONDON, 1130–1578 influential merchant group. This development is not without its battles and disputes along the way. All this is wrapped up with the social fabric over the four and a half centuries covered by this book. A fascinating journey through an important era of the development of this country and the Mercers’ Company for which Dr Sutton is to be congratulated.

RODERICK LANE July 2005 Master Preface

First, an aide-mémoire to readers for this long book. Mercery was silk, linen, piece- goods of many kinds with an emphasis on dress accessories, small luxuries and bedding. In the last category belonged coverlets and bed curtains. The piece-goods category included the products of Worstead or worsted, whether bedding or gown cloths. A mercer was a man who dealt in mercery; a man who dealt in other goods, such as wool, was not operating as a mercer, although he might still be a ‘renegade’ member of the Mercers’ Company who was trespassing into other men’s territory. This needs to be borne in mind; the tendency to say that a merchant could deal in anything wholesale can be overdone. It was always advisable for a man to stick to the trade he knew. I make no apology for my regular use of literary sources to provide colour and reality, and to add in opinions and prejudices concerning the life and character of a merchant or a mercer in the Middle Ages. For those who think that these are unreliable sources, no better justification can be found than John Baldwin’s recent arguments in his Aristocratic Life in France (esp. p. 11). The ‘reality effects’ of early authors of romances around 1200 (compare his pp. 14–15, 19–20) provide the real background of mercantile life in the same way that fifteenth-century painters, in the tradition of van Eyck, provided accurate images of the textiles, household ornaments and utensils, and street life of their time. All placename surnames are spelled in the modern way for facility of indexing and identification of early mercers; the medieval ‘Forsham’ thus becomes ‘Horsham’. ‘De’ is used when it was common usage, that is, before 1400. Women’s maiden and married names are hyphenated when convenient, for example, Isabella Bally-Otes-Frowyk which gives all her three husbands’ names, but unfortunately not her maiden name which is unknown. Almost all English quotations have modernized spelling – anyone familiar with the vagaries of the Mercers’ Acts of Court will understand. All apprenticeship, admission and livery dates come from the wardens’ accounts (WA) before 1464, relying on Jean Imray’s indispensable card index – dates of birth can be assumed as 25 or 26 years before admission. References to these and other common entries from the wardens’ accounts have frequently been made by the year only. I have not converted rolls, pieces, etc., of linen in the customs accounts to ells with the dedication of Mr Cobb: I have only counted the ‘ells’. I am most grateful for his advice and am conscious of falling short of his standards. xvi THE MERCERY OF LONDON, 1130–1578

For a work this long, and so long in the making, the debts incurred are legion, and if I have omitted someone I apologize immediately. First the Mercers: the Clerk, Mr G. M. Wakeford who first suggested I undertake this task, with the support of many Masters thereafter, and Mr Wakeford’s successor, Mr C. Parker. I thank the company for many kindnesses. Behind much of my work lies that of Jean Imray, Archivist of the Mercers 1961–81, her scholarly notes still lying in the archives, with her articles, card index, and her book on the Whittington estate. I have also received much support and encouragement from my deputy archivists, Anne Wingfield and Ursula Carlyle, of whom the latter is now Archivist. The transcripts of the Acts of Court volumes 2 and 3 by Mrs Anne Cron and Mr A. N. Willson have proved invaluable, and also Heather Creaton’s work on the wardens’ accounts and Matthew Parker’s on the book of ordinances. Outside the Company the greatest debts are to Professor Caroline Barron who supervised my thesis on the company up to 1350 and has been a constant guide on all matters, and to Livia Visser-Fuchs who has made it possible for me to use Dutch sources in particular, and some German works, for the mercer adventurers’ trade; she has always helped with problems of medieval Latin and French, and has actually read the entire book. Third but not least, Professor Richard Britnell has also kindly read the whole book and saved me from many errors with his advice. The remaining errors are my own. Particular debts are owed to some people for giving me access to notes, theses and their research. Drs Derek Keene and Vanessa Harding have always been generous with their help, and their joint publication the Cheapside Gazetteer in which more mercers than any other London traders appear, inevitably underlies much in this book. The Centre for Metropolitan History has kindly provided me with a hard copy of that work as well as allowing me access to its data on CP 40. Jim Bolton has always been most patient and helpful with my many queries. Professor Stuart Jenks for his kindness in giving me copy-disks of all his transcripts of customs accounts 1390–1452, in advance of his edition and analysis, to be published as Die Londoner Zollakten, 1390–1452, Sozial- und Wirtschafthistorische Studien. To Drs Linda Clark and Matthew Davies of the History of Parliament Trust for allowing me to consult the biographies of mercer London MPs which will appear in the forthcoming volumes for 1422–1504 and for the Trust’s kind permission to refer to these. Many other people have answered queries verbally or by letter and have often given me invaluable notes on one source or another. I hope they will forgive me if I do not mention each source individually: Rosamund Allen, Ian Archer, Gustaf Asaert, Roger Axworthy, Elizabeth Bennett, Ian Blanchard, John Blatchly, James Bolton, Marc Boone, Bruce Campbell, Martha Carlin, Wendy Childs, Cecil Clough, Harry Cobb, Margaret Condon, Sean Cunningham, Christopher Dyer, David Dymond, Mary Erler, J. J. K. Fuchs, James Galloway, David Grummitt, Vanessa Harding, Christina Hardyment, Rosemary Hayes, Norman James, Norman Jones, Maureen Jurkowski, Hannes Kleineke, Marianne Kowaleski, Anne Lancashire, John Lee, David Mitchell, Ellen Wedermeyer Moore, John Munro, Olwen Myhill, Ann Eljenholm Nichols, Pamela Nightingale, John Oldland, Mark Ormrod, Eleanor Quinton, Nigel Ramsay, Paul Rutledge, James Sewell, my father, Dr Philip Sutton FRCP, for reading sections and being the best available gazetteer of Norfolk villages, John A. F. Thomson, THE MERCENARY OF LONDON, 1130–1578 xvii

Robert Wood and Margaret Yates. I have also received much assistance over the years from the staffs of many record offices and libraries, notably the Corporation of London Records Office, the Guildhall Library of London, the Public Record Office and the Norfolk and Suffolk Record Offices. There have also been many members of the Medieval London Seminar who over the years have wittingly or unwittingly provided data, inspiration or answers to problems.

CHAPTER 1

Definition and Location: The London Mercery, 1130s–1230s

London is a very noble city; there is none better in Christendom or any of higher worth, of greater renown or better furnished with well-to-do people. For they much love honour and munificence and bear themselves very gaily. London is the mainstay of England – there is no need to seek beyond it. At the foot of its wall there flows the Thames, by which merchandise comes from every land where Christian merchants go. Its men are very clever.

So wrote Thomas of Britain, a poet at the court of Henry II and Eleanor of Aquitaine, probably in the late 1150s.1 London was part of the rich and courtly background of his poem about the love of Isolde, Queen of England, and Prince Tristan. By describing contemporary London he placed his story in the world of Henry and Eleanor and gave his courtly audience a sense of reality and familiarity. Among the luxuries which came to London from abroad, he mentioned of rare colours. Throughout the Middle Ages the greatest mercery was silk. Silk was the obvious choice for the goods of the Lord Caerdin when he disguised himself as a merchant in order to travel to London and fetch Isolde to his dying friend, Tristan: ‘He sails upriver with his merchandise and within the mouth, outside the entry to the port, has anchored his ship in a haven. Then, in his boat, he goes straight up to London beneath the bridge, and there displays his wares, unfolds and spreads his silks’.2 London was to be the major centre of the silk and mercery trade in England throughout the Middle Ages. When a merchant from overseas spread his silks on the quays of London, as Thomas described, he did it before the sheriff and the king’s chamberlain, so that the king could have first choice of this rare cloth, as he did with all other luxuries. The Angevin kings insisted on this privilege and so did Henry III.3 The courtly world of Thomas’s poem and Tristan’s silks is an excellent introduction to the most exotic aspect of the mercery trade.4 The court and those about the king always represented the upper end of the mercer’s market, and the mercers were sensitive to the court’s attitudes and its demands.5 The mercery trade was, however, in terms of the overall trade of England, always a small one, although trade and the

1 Hatto, trans., Tristan of Thomas, pp. 346, 356–57. 2 ibid., p. 346. 3 Bateson, ‘Municipal collection’, p. 726. PR 1198, p. 182. Kellaway, ‘Coroner’, pp. 75–77. Lloyd, Alien Merchants, p. 3. Keene, ‘Du seuil’, p. 415. 4 Compare Reynolds, Introduction, p. 64. 5 See Chapter 1, Section iii below. 2 THE MERCERY OF LONDON 1130–1578 commercialization of society grew apace between 1100 and 1300 and the mercery trade shared in that expansion.6 The word ‘mercery’ derives from the Latin merx, mercis, merchandise. In its widest sense, mercery included all merchandise except the heavy, bulk commodities, such as victuals, corn and wine, metals, wool and wood. Further classification narrowed the range as certain goods became the specialities of particular groups of traders.7 Such specialization was only possible in a large emporium: the size of London was thus all-important for the definition of this particular trade. In England, only London could develop a truly specific mercery trade in goods, which in general could be termed luxuries, but were often useful. Outside London mercery was to retain its catch-all meaning throughout the Middle Ages. London was the largest and wealthiest city of the Norman and Angevin empires, frequently visited by the king, his court and barons, with the palace of Westminster increasingly the centre of royal government. Both secular and clerical magnates built town houses. Luxury goods were in demand: a London Mercery probably existed as an area before 1130. The city began to exercise a considerable ‘pull’ on the region around it. Its port was pre-eminent among English ports by this date, conveniently situated towards Europe, across from the Low Countries, and attractive to all manner of alien merchants. London had the largest population of any English city, with 110 parishes compared to the fifty of York, Lincoln or Norwich.8 Its wealth was self- evident, not only to a poet like Thomas: it undoubtedly contributed to the ‘twelfth- century renaissance’, and it paid by far the largest portion of Richard I’s enormous ransom. In 1194 when Richard returned to England, foreigners in his train were astonished at the wealth of London – and the cash-hungry Richard said he would be happy to sell it!9 The first definition of mercery was current before 1130 and specific: silk, linen and fustian. All of them implied overseas trade; only linen was also produced in England. Their places of origin and who brought them to London is therefore of interest. Although the English had enjoyed an active overseas trade in Anglo-Saxon times, they had suffered greatly from the Danish and Norman invasions, and everything suggests that at least in the first half of the twelfth century, most mercery textiles were brought to London by aliens, among whom the Flemings were the most frequent and numerous.10 Other potentially important importers of merceries were the Cologners, who had their own London guildhall by the mid-twelfth century, and freedom to buy and sell in London from 1194.11 The balance of trade is likely to have been in England’s favour in this period: there was a stable English currency and English wool was always in demand.12 Nor was London’s trade entirely passive.13 A colony of Londoners at Genoa (a centre of the silk trade) maintained close contacts with London and Arras at the end of the twelfth century and after,14 and it is not impossible that

6 Britnell, ‘Commercialisation’, pp. 7–26. 7 Sutton, ‘Mercery through four centuries’, p. 100. 8 Sturler, ‘Le port’, p. 62. Keene, ‘London and its region’, pp. 99–103. Barron, ‘Centres’, p. 4. Keene, CUBH, pp. 190–96. 9 William of Newburgh cited L&K, vol. 1, pp. 68–69. 10 Sturler, ‘Le port’, pp. 68–71, and his Relations, pp. 78–80. Nightingale, Community, ch. 1. Keene, CUBH, pp. 198–99. Reynolds, Introduction, p. 77. 11 Brooke and Kier, London 800–1215, pp. 178–79. Keene, ‘New discoveries’, passim. Lloyd, Hanse, p. 15. 12 Brooke and Kier, London 800–1215, pp. 92–96. Stenton, Norman London, pp. 28–29. 13 Pace Sturler, ‘Le port’, p. 65. Brooke and Kier, London 800–1215, pp. 270–74. 14 Reynolds, ‘English settlers’, pp. 317–23. Byrne, ‘Genoese trade with Syria’, esp. p. 218 n. 110. DEFINITION AND LOCATION 3 these emigrants, as well as visiting merchants from London participated in the overland trade with Genoa and the south of France, as well as the fairs of Champagne and the Low Countries by the end of the century. Londoners are known to have gone to Spain for silks and spices; and there are also signs that Londoners had developed habits of joint trade.15 i. Mercery: The Earliest Definition

The first reference to mercery (mercerie) in England, so far discovered, occurs in two closely related trading regulations of London, usually dated to c. 1130 and c. 1150, but probably reflecting older circumstances. They concerned the ‘emperor’s men’, probably mainly from Tiel, Cologne and Bremen, and the merchants of Lorraine and the Meuse valley, also part of the Holy Roman Empire. These merchants had been coming to London since at least the days of Ethelred II at the end of the tenth century; they were well placed geographically to carry the luxuries of the East as well as their own manufactures to England.16 The regulations reveal a time when London’s trade was sufficiently extensive to allow certain goods to be particularly identified as mercery, within the catch-all term.17 In the first of these regulations, the merchants were described as singing Kyrie eleison up to London Bridge; once past the bridge they waited in the harbour, to show their wares, as did the hero Tristan, so that the king’s chamberlain might take whatever the king wanted at the valuation of merchants of London: wine, plate, jewels, silk cloth of Constantinople and Regensburg, and fine white and unbleached linens.18 They submitted to precise regulations over their sales of ‘mercery’: fustian might only be sold in dozens, and cloths of silk, wool and linen in the uncut piece. The regulations as a whole suggest that silk, linen and fustian were all defined as mercery in the twelfth century, exactly the same definition to be found in fifteenth-century London. Equally important was the rule that mercery should be weighed on a tron of twenty-two cloves, that is, on one with twenty-two swing points, a clear indication that another characteristic definition of later centuries used for those mercery goods which could be weighed, such as spices19 and raw silk, was already in use: they were weighed on a small beam. Silk had been made in China since 1500–1000 BC; from China the skill passed to Persia and Syria which lay across the silk road to the West. Crimson silks of China were mentioned by FitzStephen in his description of London written before 1183.20 Byzantium or Constantinople was making silk by the fifth century AD, its industry developed under the strict control of the Imperial Palace. Venice, the main exporter of Byzantine silks to the West, began to weave silk itself in the twelfth century, and the

15 Sutton, ‘Merchant adventurers’, pp. 28–29. Spain, see Chapter 1, Section i below. 16 Robertson, Laws Edmund to Henry I, p. 73, clauses 7, 8, and nn. Dollinger, Hansa, pp. 5–6. Sturler, ‘Le port’, pp. 70–71, and his Relations, pp. 69–72, 78–81. Nightingale, Community, pp. 10–11. 17 Bateson, ‘Municipal collection’, pp. 480–82, 495–502. Nightingale, Community, p. 44 n. 2. Sutton, ‘Mercery through four centuries’, pp. 101–03, and ‘Mercery Trade’, pp. 5–11. 18 Walbrun, originally translated by Bateson and Hölbaum as ‘mail’, has been convincingly corrected to: ‘foreign brown’ [linen], see Keene, ‘Metalworking’, p. 100; with thanks to the author for this reference. 19 It is clear from these texts that spices fell within this early definition of mercery, but in London they were the concern of the pepperers from very early times. 20 Stenton, Norman London, p. 29. 4 THE MERCERY OF LONDON 1130–1578 skill spread to Islamic territories, such as Spain, after the conquest of Syria.21 There were, therefore, several sources of silk in the twelfth century, dramatically altered by the destruction of Constantinople and its silk industry in 1204 by the Fourth Crusade, and the flood of Chinese silks into western Europe in the thirteenth century when the Mongul invasion of China reopened the east–west routes. Silk was precious, portable and ideal for gifts to and from kings: the Byzantine Emperor sent a hundred pieces of silk to Henry II of Germany, and the emperors presented imperial silks to churches, as did the kings of England.22 The silks referred to in the London trade regulations were those of the Palace of Constantinople and those which went by the name of Regensburg (now Ratisbon). The great trading centre of Regensburg in fact never made silks; its name was merely attached to silk which passed through the city. The so-called Regensburg silks have been identified as the silks and half-silks (that is, linen/hemp and silk), made in Venice from at least the late twelfth century, and in great demand for church vestments.23 Raw silk and silk thread also came to London for craftswomen to make into or braids and use for , all of which were mercery throughout the Middle Ages. Although it was Italy which increasingly dominated the silk trade of Europe, in the twelfth century at least it seems that silks were not yet brought to London by Italians, although it is possible that some Londoners had direct contact with Italian suppliers at the fairs of northern France. There are several signs that trade with Spain was good, and some was conducted by pepperers of London, in the twelfth century.24 Henry II’s daughter married Alfonso VIII of Castile in 1169 and Spanish silks, famous for their small recurring patterns, were readily available: a cloth of samite, a patterned twill silk (probably from Spain), was bought by Henry II in 1176–77;25 in 1210–11 sixty silk cloths from Spain and 120 purple cloths of laresta (a silk taking its name from its ‘fish-bone’, arista, weave and predominantly made in Spain at this date), were supplied to King John.26 Fustian was an ancient cloth of the Middle East made from flax and cotton; it was soon imitated in Italy, where it became an increasingly important manufacture from the twelfth century. It reached London by the same routes as silk.27 Flax cultivation was widespread in Europe and linen production had been revolutionized in the eleventh century by the treadle loom. With increased supplies, linen for clothing and the table was becoming a symbol of affluence. Important centres of the industry were northern France, Paris, Germany and north Italy. England had its own centres, such as Wilton, near Winchester, a city frequently visited by the royal household, with a flourishing linen market and a great annual fair: for Christmas 1204–05 King John

21 Muthesius, ‘Byzantine silk industry’, pp. 1–67. Geijer, Art, pp. 108–38, ch. 6, and her Oriental Textiles, p. 35. Kendrick, Catalogue, p. 2. For Spanish silks of this period, all references are in Pritchard, ‘Medieval textiles’, pp. 48–60. 22 Kendrick, Catalogue, p. 2. 23 The early reference to Regensburg silks in the trade regulations may refer either to Venice-made silks or to Byzantine silks coming to Regensburg via Venice. Geijer, Textile Art, p. 59, and King, ‘Unrecognised Venetian woven fabrics’, pp. 53–63. 24 Nightingale, Community, ch. 2, esp. pp. 39–42. And her ‘Pepperers’ guild’, pp. 127–30. And see below. 25 PR 1176–77, p. 198. 26 PR 1211, pp. xxii, 109. This reference to the purchase of l’arrest silks is ten years earlier than the first reference cited in King, ‘Draps d’ache and draps de l’arrest’, pp. 27–29. And see refs in n. 21 above. Nightingale, ‘Pepperers’ guild’, pp. 127–30. 27 Mazzaoui, passim, esp. pp. 30, 90 and p. 199 n. 11. Geijer, Textile Art, pp. 212–14. Ashtor, Levant Trade, pp. 5, 173–74. DEFINITION AND LOCATION 5 required 400 yards of Wilton linen for table napkins and another 200 yards for Easter.28 In the 1200s the town of Aylsham and the surrounding area in north Norfolk also developed as important producers. Foreign linens, however, remained very important and the finest products came from Paris, Reims and Italy.29 Linen, like silk, was always mercery, and was the foundation of the success of the London mercer in the Middle Ages. Equally important to the mercer were a wide variety of piece-goods made from silk, linen and its cheaper substitutes hemp-cloth and fustian. These small goods had a wide market, whereas silk cloth could be afforded only by royalty, rich aristocrats and the Church; only a few merchants dealt in it and the trade was small. Silk was the basis of a mass of dress accessories, laces, loops and tassels, and every type of girdle. Braids ranged from the simplest edging for a sleeve to the elaborate embroidered bands, called orphreys, for royal robes and ecclesiastical vestments and hangings. Linen was used for shirts and underwear; silk and linen were made into headwear, from the ubiquitous coif worn by both sexes to women’s wimples, and every variety of kerchief. Also worn by both sexes was the chaplet, worn over a coif or veil or alone; it could be a simple wreath of flowers but could also be a work of silk and embroidery. Women’s hair coverings, ranging from the plainest hempen coif to delicate nets and cauls in silk or gold thread or fine woollen thread, were a large subsidiary mercery craft – the aristocratic young man was not far behind in his demand for similar items. The vast supplies of linen required by a household such as that of Chancellor Thomas Becket are well known; presents of fine Reims linen were given to Henry II in 1165 and to Richard I for his coronation.30 Another accessory needed by all classes was the purse or pouch which came in many designs, such as the aumonière which became increasingly fashionable from c. 1200. The most desirable gage d’amour might be a purse embroidered with a scene of lovers.31 There was also a host of small goods manufactured from other materials, ranging from and needles to bells, knives and other tools, many of which were useful luxuries. The range of these items was to increase slowly but surely between 1100 and 1300. All could be sold by a mercer and made by him, his wife and household. Unlike silk cloth, these small merceries were not limited to the rich merchant: they could be carried by any pedlar with his pack on his back, performing the most basic service of trade,32 and they were often the humble beginnings of a great fortune. ii. The First Mercers of London

Mercery existed before mercers. The wide range of merceries dictated an equally wide range of capabilities and wealth among the medieval mercers: the great merchant who might dabble in mercery, the artisan who had found a niche in making small goods to

28 PR 1205, pp. xxviii, 161. 29 Schaefer, ‘Flax’, pp. 1764–70. Reynolds, ‘Markets’, pp. 839, 841, 843. Desportes, Reims, pp. 93–99. For Wilton and Aylsham, see Sutton, ‘Early linen and worsted’, pp. 202–04, and Sutton, ‘Linen’, p. 162, and references cited. 30 Giraldus, cited Holmes, Urban Living, p. 61 and n. 50. 31 Goddard, Women’s Costume, pp. 8–23, and passim. For all above see Sutton, ‘Mercery through four centuries’, pp. 103–04. 32 Compare Postan, Medieval Trade, p. 139. 6 THE MERCERY OF LONDON 1130–1578 sell at his door or window,33 and the itinerant mercer who bought and sold the lesser range of merceries, the amount dictated by whether he had to carry them on his back or could afford a horse. Great merchants of the twelfth century did not yet specialize, and certainly not in anything as unpredictable as the long-distance trade in luxuries like silk, which required considerable capital and wide-flung contacts. Successful overseas traders, however, could attract investment from non-merchants. The wise man invested in land, the safety net of all classes, and urban landowners still held the real political and economic power in cities in the early 1100s. The successful merchant protected himself by a diversity of interests. As regards the rarer and expensive mercery fabrics, only the rich Londoner dealt with any regularity in them, and he most often bought them from an alien importer who had taken the real risks of transport to London; his own opportunities for profit lay in wine, wool and , however large a line he might develop in mercery. And he never called himself a mercer.34 The careers of even the greatest twelfth-century merchants are not easily reconstructed.35 To a man like the eminent usurer, financier and , William Cade of Saint-Omer (d. 1166), who had dealings with almost anyone of any importance in England from the king downwards, and whose transactions stretched from Scotland to Ponthieu,36 mercery was only a sideline, an outward sign of his success and certainly not the basis of his fortune. A contemporary of William Cade, Gilbert Becket, the father of St Thomas, has frequently been described as a ‘mercer’, especially by nineteenth-century writers, who may have invented the tradition.37 The known facts make any such designation unlikely. The source of the tradition seems to lie in the coincidence of his son’s birth on the site of what became the hall of the Mercers’ Company 150 years later.38 Thomas Becket’s biographer, FitzStephen, said firmly that Gilbert lived honourably off his rents and that he was not a usurer. FitzStephen may have consciously dissociated his saint’s father from a demeaning mercantile career, but the deliberate denial of usury suggests he thought that might be the easier stone to throw.39 Gilbert was a Norman of non-aristocratic origins, and well- to-do by the time he settled in the London parish of St Mary Colechurch; it is not known whether he acquired his wealth by trade, marriage or other means. He was rich, literate and numerate enough to become sheriff, probably soon after 1130 and before 1133, and his tenure of this office hints that he was no longer mainly occupied in trade but had become one of a select group of city oligarchs. The sheriffs’ prime duty was to ensure that the king received his fee farm of £500, and they hoped to make

33 Compare Britnell, CUHB, pp. 115, 121. 34 Brooke, London 800–1215, pp. 77–78, 282–83. Ekwall (1), p. 135. Postan, Medieval Trade, pp. 143–44. Reynolds, Introduction, pp 71–80. Britnell, ‘Specialisation’, passim, and Britnell, CUHB, pp. 122–23. Keene, CUHB, pp. 206–07. 35 Compare Nightingale, Community, pp. 21–22. 36 Jenkinson and Stead, pp. 209–27. Round, ‘Debtors of William Cade’, pp. 522–27. Haskins, ‘William Cade’, pp.730–31. Cade is the only merchant named, and criticized, by the contemporary moralist, Peter the Chanter of Notre-Dame, Paris. Derville, ‘Godric à Cade’, pp. 38–41. 37 Thomas Becket’s most recent biographer, Frank Barlow, cautiously repeats the tradition, Becket, p. 12. The account of the fifteenth-century mayoral ceremonies in St Thomas of Acre and at the tomb of Becket’s parents in the churchyard of St Paul’s, does not make Gilbert a mercer. L&K, vol. 1, p. 57, and Riley, Liber Albus, p. 24. Keene in Imray, Mercers’ Hall, suggests he was in the wine trade, p. 1. 38 Gilbert’s daughter’s heir gave his house to the order of St Thomas of Acre which built its London house there, see below. And see Sutton, ‘Merchant Adventurers’, pp. 30–32. 39 Contemporary life of St Homebon omitted reference to his commercial career, Vauchez, ‘“Homo mercator”‘, p. 217. DEFINITION AND LOCATION 7 a profit for themselves.40 Financial and administrative ability, and sufficient property to cover any shortfall, were Becket’s qualifications for the post. In 1133 a great fire in London, said to have started in Gilbert’s house, destroyed most of his property, and reduced the family to comparative poverty.41 If little is known of Cade and Becket, nothing is known of the first London man known to have been designated ‘mercer’. Stephanus mercer [sic] witnessed a charter in London at some date between 1123 and 1130 along with several clergy, an alderman, a fishmonger and others.42 He may be the Stephanus mercator who witnessed another deed associated with the church of St Antonin, south of Cheapside, not far from the Mercery area.43 It is worth noting that the first reference to Paris merciers is contemporary: venditores mercium in 1137.44 A few years after Stephen’s appearance, the terms mercer, mercenarius, merciarius, mercerer, and the diminutive mercherel, begin to appear in the exchequer’s pipe rolls and elsewhere, but the lack of detail in the references means that they do not help greatly with explaining the activities or status of these men.45 It seems certain that they were not traders of any standing, and were probably trading about the country in small goods.46 They can be compared to their contemporaries: St Godric of Finchale (d. 1170), who started out as a pedlar, or the mercer who was charged a halfpenny on the goods he carried ‘hanging round his neck’ when he left a fair.47 They were the kind of merchants once depicted as the sole trader to persist during the Dark Ages: lowly, but welcomed wherever they went. In practical terms, there is little doubt that there was plenty of silver to pay for small merceries throughout England, especially from 1180 onwards, but the mercer would still have accepted many payments in food, accommodation and new stock, when silver was required more urgently for necessities like taxes. From 1180 the amount of silver expanded rapidly and contributed to the thirteenth-century’s ‘golden age’ of small merceries.48 It was a very different type of man who supplied luxury mercery cloths direct to the royal household and chamber of the Angevins.49 Edward Blund is the only person to be found supplying the family of Henry II regularly with these. Little is known of him despite this association with the royal court, and despite the fact that he was probably

40 Morris, Medieval Sheriff, p. 84ff. Brooke, London 800–1215, pp. 218–22, 234–35. Barlow, Becket, p. 15. Green, Government, p. 40. 41 Barlow, Becket, pp. 10–15. Brooke, London 800–1215, pp. 210–13, 353, and 77–79, for the patrician v. merchant controversy. 42 Whether the word ‘mercer’ is an abbreviation for mercerius or is English or Anglo-Norman is not self-evident; there is no abbreviation mark in BL MS Cotton Cleopatra C vii, f. 100v (original foliation). Round, ‘Bernard’, p. 429. The importance of his associates may add to Stephen’s status, Green, Government, p. 235. 43 Veale, ‘“Great twelve”‘, pp. 254–55 and nn. 99, 100. Nightingale, Community, p. 31. 44 Livre des métiers, p. iv. 45 OED, under mercer. Biddle, Winchester, p. 214 (mercherel). Reaney, cites merchier as another variant in 1204, under ‘mercer’. Keene, Winchester, pt. 1, pp. 320, 326. 46 Sutton, ‘Mercery Trade’, pp. 30–32. Some of these men may have been mercenaries in the sense of ‘hired men’, with no commercial interests. 47 Godric, DNB. Derville, ‘Godric à Cade’, pp. 35–38. Mercenarius, qui in nundinis stabulum habet, de quo quod portat ad collum suspensum (‘[even if] a mercer has a stall at the fair he owes on what he carries hanging from his neck, when he leaves for the last time, a halfpenny’), from the tolls of Thourout, 1252, cited Höhlbaum, Urkundenbuch, Gloss., iii, 562. Compare the Dutch meersse, merseman and marserye/merse/merserie: the basket, the mercer and the mercery, all deriving from the Latin merx, see Middelnederlandsch Woordenboek, vol. 3, p. 2038 under crame (2), vol. 4, pp. 1472–73 under merse and merseman, p. 1476 under merserie. 48 Britnell, Commercialisation, pp. 36–52, 97, 102. 49 It is ironic that the first ‘mercer’ to be found supplying the king with goods is the otherwise unknown Lucas mercer who supplied wax in 1213–14, PR 1213–14, p. 27. 8 THE MERCERY OF LONDON 1130–1578 a member of the large London family of that name. He was an agent for the king’s chamber and not an officer of the king himself.50 In 1169–70 Blund, together with Brichtmar de Haverhill, supplied robes for the young king and his family.51 Brichtmar was a past sheriff of London, had extensive property in the city and had supplied the royal family on other occasions with luxuries including mercery cloths. Brichtmar can also be suggested as the head of a true ‘mercery’ household, because his wife, Denise, supplied Henry II with in 1164 and 1166.52 Another London citizen supplying the royal family direct with mercery in 1189-90 was Simon the Alderman who provided Eleanor of Aquitaine with 100 ells of linen et j cappa ad opus filie comitis de Auco, liijs,53 but there is no sign of a mercery household. Neither Brichtmar nor Simon, and certainly not the more ubiquitous Edward Blund, were the kind of merciarii described in the twelfth-century pipe rolls. They were in the category of ‘the merchants of the king’s court’, so called in a charter of King Stephen 1136–40, who acted as agents of the king’s chamber, the department which undertook the supply of all robes, furs, jewels and luxuries, maintained them and stored them, until the wardrobe began to take over these duties in the last years of King John.54 This was a specific status which ensured the holder of the king’s protection from physical and legal attack.55 They may have occasionally had great merceries for sale, or they were commissioned by the king to buy them, probably direct from importers in the presence of the king’s chamberlain, an office Edward Blund may have held.56 What all these men had in common, however, whether Stephanus mercer [sic], Brichtmar de Haverhill, or the itinerant mercerii, was an interest in the clauses of any royal charter granted to London, which affected trade. London’s charters were the true indicator of the commercial status and aspirations of its citizens. Clauses of major importance for the future of London mercers were first granted by Henry I’s charter of 1133:57 Londoners were no longer obliged to plead in lawsuits outside their walls, they could purge themselves by their own oath and were not obliged to engage in trial by battle; their goods were to be free of tolls and fees throughout England and its ports, and they could resort to reprisal, not only against a town which might wrongly levy such tolls, but also against recalcitrant debtors from another place. Debtors of Londoners had to clear themselves in London and the Londoner might seize pledges from colleagues of the debtor.58 Lastly, the court of Husting, which was the city court with jurisdiction over weights and measures and over foreign merchants, was to sit regularly every week on Monday to facilitate business.59 Most of this charter was confirmed by the charter of Henry II in 1155 and certainly all the clauses that affected

50 PR 1171–72, pp. 143–47, and 1172–73, p. 183. Nightingale, Community, pp. 54–56. And see Crouch, ‘St Mildred Poultry, 132/12’. 51 PR 1169–70, p. 15. This connection continued: PR 1177–78, pp. 127–28. 52 Page, London, p. 264. Reynolds, ‘Rulers’, p. 355. Denise: PR 1164–65, p. 31, 1165–66, p. 130. For Haverhills (Suffolk), Ekwall (2), pp. 17–18. 53 PR 1190, p. 2. Simon of Aldermanbury was also owed for one cloth of scarlet, ibid., p. 3. 54 Regesta 1035–1154, item 107. Jolliffe, pp. 256–76. 55 Hall, Law Merchant, vol. 2, p. xxi. 56 See n. 50. 57 Brooke et al., ‘Henry I’s charter’, pp. 558–78. Brooke, London 800–1215, pp. 40, 209. Hollister, ‘London’s first charter’, pp. 289–305, argues convincingly for it being genuine and datable to 1133. Green, Government, pp. 68–69, 106. Compare Britnell, Commercialisation, pp. 72–75. 58 L&K, vol. 1, p. 41, Stenton, Norman London, p. 17. Brooke, London 800–1215, pp. 207–09. Robertson, Laws Edmund to Henry I, pp. 288–93 (Henry I). Brooke et al., ‘Henry I’s charter’, pp. 558–59 (text, pp. 577–76). 59 Brooke, London 800–1215, pp. 250–51. DEFINITION AND LOCATION 9 trade. From 1133, therefore, it was increasingly an advantage for Londoners, who travelled around England to trade – as did mercers – to have the status of freeman and benefit from this charter. So important were these privileges to Londoners that they were assiduously repeated in later city custumals and collections of laws, so that they could neither be impugned by the king’s officers nor forgotten by the citizens.60 The everyday negotiations between the purchasers of silk or linen and their suppliers carried on in the shops of London are extremely difficult to trace before 1200. It is only in the work of the women who made silk and linen mercery piece-goods that anything of the working life of the mercery household in twelfth-century London can be seen. These households, strongly centred on a craft, provided the most stable nurture for the later commonalty of the London mercers. The fame of native craftswomen in textiles went back to the days of King Alfred and some of their work survives in the ninth-century relics of St Cuthbert at Durham. In 1098 the finest cope worn at the council of Bari was one made in England, and in 1113 Heliseuld, a woman of the household of the English Queen Maud, wife of David of Scotland, was called the most skilful embroiderer and worker in ‘purple’ in ‘the kingdom’.61 In the context of London, Denise the wife of Brichtmar who sold orphreys to Henry II (1164–66) has already been mentioned. Far more important is the earlier Matilda of London, ‘a noble citizen (matrona nobilis) skilled in the art of dyeing with purple and decorating robes with jewels and gold embroidery’. She participated in the first miracle performed by St Edward the Confessor, between 1134 and 1138. Matilda had received an urgent commission from the countess of Gloucester who was anxious to be better dressed than any other great lady. Matilda was worried at having to work during the feast of Edward the Confessor, but a servant of hers declared herself willing to do so, saying she cared nothing for the dead Edward. The servant was immediately struck with paralysis in punishment for her impiety, and cured by a miracle at the saint’s tomb only when the prior of Westminster, Osbert of Clare, recited litanies over her. It was Osbert of Clare who later recorded the story as part of the campaign to get Edward canonized,62 and incidentally preserved a picture of the first woman mercer. Such women as Matilda of the Miracle and Denise the wife of Brichtmar were not unusual: another Maud received a livery from Henry II as his supplier of orphreys and was paid direct by his chamber in 1182–83; Henry spent lavishly on orphreys at other times tam in aurofrixio quam in panno serico.63 Women of all ranks were automatically taught and embroidery, and few great households lacked a chamber of ladies where sewing of all kinds was the constant activity. In times of poverty and exile the noblest maiden, such as Princess Aelis in the Escoufle, a romance of Jean Renart (1200–02), could in theory set up a shop where she sold her silk and gold embroidered purses, girdles and ribbons, and thus support herself, while her townswoman companion sewed linen goods. Small shops run by single women abounded in the London Mercery. This storyline of a lady in

60 Brooke et al., ‘Henry I’s charter’, p. 559 n. 4. Downer, Leges Henrici Primi, pp. 48–50, 69. Robertson, Laws Edmund to Henry I, pp. 225–27 (on the so-called laws of William I), 229 (on copies of Henry I’s charter). Green, Government, pp. 95–99. Jones and Smith, pp. 22–23. Reynolds, Introduction, p. 125. 61 Christie, pp. 1–3. Purple was of one of the ‘murex purple-dyed Byzantine silks [which] were a personal status symbol of the Emperors’, available at this date from the imperial workshops of Byzantium, see Muthesius, pp. 1–67. 62 Barlow, Life, pp. 158, 159 n. 62. Barlow’s rendition of Matilda as a ‘’ is unacceptable; matrona as citizen may be questionable. He dates the miracle to 1134–38, p. xxxviii and n. 122. For ‘purple’ see last note. 63 PR 1182–83, p. xxviii. ibid., 1185–86, p. 198. 10 THE MERCERY OF LONDON 1130–1578 distress, who sewed mercery goods for a living, continued to be used in romances throughout the Middle Ages, and remained true in its essentials, as long as the skills of the female mercer survived. The occupations of silkwoman and seamstress were accepted as suitable for women by male authors.64 Ladies, from Queen Edith, wife of Edward the Confessor, down, had always attracted praise for needlework skills, and as a consequence such skills reflected credit on the London household which contained them; English embroidery was already famous in Europe.65 Such women were at the top of the hierarchy of skilled artisans; their poorer sisters worked in linen and hemp-cloth. Both Matilda and Denise supervised their own workshops, for such work was intricate, and time-consuming; Matilda dyed her own raw silk and twisted her own thread, and employed other women. Some details of the mercery they made for ladies of the court and sold in their London shops survive in more graphic sources than financial accounts, from the time of Henry II and Queen Eleanor, when the king of England’s empire covered England, Normandy, Anjou, Poitou and Eleanor’s Aquitaine. Bernard of Clairvaux had noted with disapproval that ladies of the court of Eleanor, while queen of Louis VII of France, wore silks and ‘a kerchief of fine linen which they drape about their neck and shoulders, allowing one corner to fall over the left arm’.66 French influence on clothing was already beginning to dominate, not only in England but in Germany and Spain, and in the 1200s Paris produced some of the most desirable mercery small goods.67 The luxuries of the court of King Arthur described by Chrétien de Troyes in his romances were often those he saw at the courts of Henry II and the counts of Champagne – the details gave a thrill of recognition to his aristocratic audience. In his Erec et Enide, possibly composed for Henry II’s court, the beautiful maiden, Enide, is given one of the queen’s gowns; the poet notes that it is bordered with bands woven of silk and gold thread which gave the impression of solid gold. She has a new mantle five ells in length and made of silk and gold thread, unes estaches de cinc aunes de fil de soie d’or ovrees (ll. 1602-03), which had to be attached by an expert, and round her waist she wears a girdle of rich orphrey, d’un orfrois molt riche se ceint. Her hair is braided with gold thread, d’un fil d’or li ont galone son crin sor (ll. 1628, 1635–36).68 All these items could have come from a workshop comparable to that of Matilda of the Miracle. Enide’s dress may well have resembled the wedding dress supplied by unnamed merchants of London to Henry II’s daughter, Joan, who left England to marry the king of Sicily in 1176: her roba cost £114 4s 5d.69 Erec’s coronation robe70 was

64 Baldwin, Aristocratic Life, pp. 48–49, 115, 133–35. For such shops see Chapter 2 below. Later romances to use this device include: Clériadus and Méliadice, Emaré, and Gerard de Roussillon. 65 Barlow, Life p. 23: Edith, Queen of Edward the Confessor, ‘in her needlework and painting was another Minerva’. Baldwin, Aristocratic Life, p. 134 and n. 16, citing Renart’s Roman de la Rose where an orfois of England and a paile d’Engleterre are mentioned (c. 1209). 66 Cited from his Epistola by Kelly, Eleanor of Aquitaine, p. 20. See the statues at Chartres, Saint-Denis (illustrated in Quicherat, Histoire de costume, p. 162) and those from Corbeil in the Louvre. 67 Goddard, Women’s Costume, p. 8, cites William of Malmesbury’s complaints that French influence started before the Conquest. 68 Chrétien de Troyes, Erec et Enide, lines 1563–1652, pp. 48–51. Translations and commentaries render the textiles and items of clothing inaccurately and have been ‘improved’ upon here: Owen, trans., pp. 21–22; Staines, trans., p. 21; Burgess, Chrétien, pp. 32–35. Sutton, ‘Mercery through four centuries’, pp. 105–07. 69 Eyton, pp. 202, 206. PR 1175–76, p. 12. Compare the garment made in Palermo 1130–40, Staniland, Embroiderers, fig. 51. 70 Chrétien de Troyes, Erec et Enide, lines 6671–6747, pp. 203–05. Owen, trans., pp. 89–90. Staines, trans., pp. 83–84. Sutton, ‘Mercery through four centuries’, pp. 106–07. DEFINITION AND LOCATION 11 a marvel and the work of fairies, said the poet, but in fact it was not impossible that he had seen a similar textile, such as that now known as the Quedlinburg carpet or tapet made by the aristocratic canonesses of Quedlinburg in Lower Saxony in the late 1100s. Made of woollen and gold thread knots on a hemp warp and woollen weft, it tells the allegory of Mercury’s marriage as christianized by Martianus, the seven liberal arts and the four virtues, exactly the story woven into Erec’s mantle.71 Only the wealthiest of merchants ever handled such textiles. Under King John the main suppliers of mercery cloths were again the royal agents, who cannot be limited by the designation of ‘mercer’. One of the most important was Gervase de Cornhill, of the family which monopolized the chamber of London; he was sheriff of Kent and could spend vast sums on luxuries for the king.72 In 1206 the goods his son, Reginald supplied to the queen included linen, gilded horse harness and chapel furnishings, and he provided scarlet for a gown for the sultan of Babylon.73 In 1207–09 he was the main supplier of silks, linens, textiles with gold work and other mercery.74 When Reginald died in 1209/10 his son, Reginald the younger, paid King John 10,000 marks to be quit of his father’s accounts; several of his father’s associates, including Ralph Eswy of London, paid other sums to secure the king’s goodwill. Reginald the younger and Ralph Eswy I continued as court suppliers.75 Ralph’s career reveals several mercery connections: he lived in Ironmonger Lane off Cheapside, near the Mercery; and his link to Reginald de Cornhill suggests he was a royal purveyor of some importance and length of service. He was probably dead by 1220.76 Another shadowy, but prosperous man who was certainly a mercer at the end of the twelfth century, was Norman le Mercer who had connections with the Mercery of London as well as rights in two shops in la merceries of Boston Fair in Lincolnshire.77 Norman can therefore be cited as an example of a London mercer who travelled to fairs. In the reign of King John, Serlo le Mercer, a witness to Magna Carta, stands pre- eminent. In the ninety-odd years since the reference to Stephanus mercer [sic], much had changed. As he was called ‘le Mercer’ it can be presumed that Serlo made his original fortune by dealing in mercery; he certainly owned considerable property in and near the Mercery area of London. His wealth alone suggests that he traded overseas, but no details survive. He was from Kent and was not apparently a scion or associate of the ruling family groups surrounding FitzAylwin or FitzAlan, the greatest citizen-ruler of London at this time – he may even have been a member of an opposing party if there was one. He made a fortune and served as sheriff (1206–07), and was significantly described as mercerius in the pipe roll of his year; he and his fellow sheriff, Henry de St Albans, supplied woollen cloth and linen for the king’s chapel. He was mayor during the crisis of Magna Carta, as the barons’ nominee who replaced Roger FitzAlan on 17 May 1215. He was still alive in 1239.78 In his trade as a Londoner he had

71 Wilckens, ‘Quedlinburg carpet’, pp. 96–105, and her talk to MEDATS Spring 1994. The design/technique is entirely different from that of the oriental carpet and was an established craft in Lower Saxony at this time. 72 Jolliffe, pp. 222, 247, 261, 290–93. Round, Mandeville, pp. 304–12. Reynolds, ‘Rulers’, pp. 346–47. 73 PR 1207, pp. xiii–xvi, 30–31. 74 PR 1208, pp. 96–97. PR 1209, pp. 9–10. 75 PR 1210, pp. xxvi–xxvii, 120. 76 K&H, St Martin Pomary 95/13–15 (Ironmonger Lane), where he is mentioned as an alderman 1206–07. And see K&H, All Hallows 11/6, 8–9, 10. Page, London, pp. 120–21. 77 Kerling, Cartulary, nos 864, 1665. Other pre-1200 mercers in the cartulary: nos 1187, and 361, 774. 78 His father was a Hugh of Kent, and he was a proctor of London Bridge 1225–39, ex info. John McEwan. Brooke, 12 THE MERCERY OF LONDON 1130–1578 benefited from the privileges of 1133 granted by Henry I, and confirmed by Henry II and John in 1155 and 1199.79 He was almost certainly among his articulate and aspiring contemporaries in London who wanted England to dominate the channel with her trade and ships, with free trade for themselves – they already had freedom from tolls throughout the realm and its ports granted by charter.80 They also wanted free access to London for alien merchants and access to the aliens’ goods for themselves, without the king’s interference. Not even King John agreed to that, however, as the king’s right to regulate aliens and his rights of prise were the foundation of his prerogative to regulate all commerce. In his charters to London of 1199 and 1215, John continued to insist upon the king’s right of first choice of all merchandise exercised through his chamberlain.81 The text of Magna Carta, which Serlo witnessed, showed all the indifference to trade of the barons, who were the Magna Carta’s main promoters. But trade was not entirely ignored and perhaps Serlo and his fellow Londoners had some influence: London and the other cities of England were to enjoy their liberties and customs (cap. 13); weights and measures were to be uniform and conform to the standards of London (cap. 35); and all merchants, English and alien, were to have free entry and exit from the realm except during war, and they were to suffer from no unjust taxation (cap. 41).82 Serlo can be proposed as the archetype of the late twelfth-century mercer who made good. He was not of an established and wealthy family but a man who created his own fortune and thereby earned a byname, ‘le Mercer’. He can be proposed as an example of the truth that lies behind a story told by his contemporary, Walter Map, canon of St Paul’s around 1200.83 Two boys of low birth each acquired a small amount of capital and took to peddling goods round markets and fairs. They did well and began to be carriers of more goods, they prospered and became masters of wagon trains travelling to the great fairs of Europe. They prospered yet more and they could afford to buy a house and land and stay at home to direct the labours of others. The story suggests how Serlo could have started out in the mercery trade. But this scenario ignores the equally important role of his marriage and wife in gaining him capital and a household that made goods for him to sell in the Mercery of London and at the fairs of England and northern France. Matilda of the Miracle must stand as the archetype of the mercer’s wife, the craftswoman of the mercery trade, who was to acquire the title of ‘silkwoman’ in the next century. Serlo’s bequests to the nunnery at Halliwell, just north of the city, may have been an acknowledgement of the part played by women in his trade; such bequests to women became a traditional part of mercers’ piety.84 While Matilda stayed at home and ran the workplace and the shop, and dealt with demanding customers like the countess of Gloucester, her husband or factor travelled to buy new stock and materials and to sell her goods, linen, or tablet-woven

London 800–1215, pp. 56, 254–57. PR 1207, p. 49; but it was Reginald de Cornhill who supplied most of the ‘mercery’ to the queen, pp. 30–31. Holt, Magna Carta, p. 162. Page, London, pp. 118–26. Reynolds, ‘Rulers’, pp. 351–52, 356, 357. K&H, All Hallows, 11/2. And see below, Chapter 1, Section iv. 79 Birch, pp. 11–12. 80 Lieberman, ‘Contemporary manuscript’, p. 733, which he dated to John’s reign. Stenton, Norman London, p. 24, Sturler, ‘Le port’, p. 77. Brooke, London 800–1215, p. 209. 81 See n. 3 above. 82 McKechnie, pp. 240–48 (cap. 13), 356–58 (cap. 35), and esp. 398–407 (cap. 41). Holt, Magna Carta, pp. 454–55 (cap. 13), 460–61 (cap. 35), 57, 337n., 460–63 (cap. 41). 83 Map, De nugis, eds Tupper and Ogle, p. 281. 84 It is also possible Serlo had a daughter there. DEFINITION AND LOCATION 13 silk braids, or even the opus anglicanum, the phrase increasingly used to describe the famous embroidery of England in Europe.85 By the end of the twelfth century, the richest of merchants might deal in the luxury mercery cloths and be increasingly called ‘mercer’ if he became known for his speciality, but the lowliest of pedlars, with his tray about his neck and his pack on his back, was also a mercer, a welcome visitor to many local markets. The great and the small were neatly juxtaposed by the author of the Ancrene Riwle of c. 1200, written during the lifetime of Serlo le Mercer: ‘The poor pedlar makes more noise crying his goods than does a rich mercer all his valuable wares.’86 iii. The Status of the Mercer – Birth and Honour

Status was to be a major preoccupation of the London mercer throughout the Middle Ages, fuelled by the association of his calling with the pedlar and with manual crafts, and reinforced by the general condemnation of all merchants by the Church, which reached a peak in the twelfth century. Probably even more aggravating to the mercer was the refinement of this condemnation current among the aristocratic customers of his wares: only a villein would willingly adopt such a dishonest way of life. The commercial expansion of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries with its ever more sophisticated trading techniques of credit, loans and usury, and the fame of the great fairs, which drew traders from all over the known world, had made professional merchants the objects of growing concern for the Church’s moralists. The theories were mystifying for many but had an undeniable effect, not least on mercers. Avarice became synonymous with a rich merchant counting his money.87 The twelfth-century moralists, notably Peter the Chanter, chanter at Notre Dame (1183–97), formulated and promulgated opinions concerning the practical moralities of trade, which became general in western Europe. He had famous and influential students including Stephen Langton, later archbishop of Canterbury. The merchant was seen as a man who bought cheap and sold at a higher price, without improving the goods; but it was allowed that he performed the service of transporting the goods.88 His profits could be justified as recompense for his labour and risk; if he did not speculate or trade merely out of greed, but worked to provide a living for himself and his family, a merchant ‘could live with honour’. All commerce, however, was held by its nature to encourage fraud, and theologians responded to the problem with definitions of the just price, credit, when loans were usurious, what was lawful interest, risk and damages.89 In practice the merchant could ignore these moral guidelines, but he had to take account of them on his deathbed – usury carried no pardon. His local clergy would have seen to it that he knew that the Lateran Council of 1139 had deprived lay usurers of the ministry of the Church and that the Council of 1179 had declared war on usury.

85 Baldwin, Aristocratic Life, p. 134 and n. 16. 86 Tolkien, Ancrene Riwle, p. 36, lines 25–27. 87 Little, ‘Pride’, pp. 16–49 passim, and esp. pp. 27–31, 37–49. 88 Baldwin, Masters, vol. 1, pp. 3–18, 262–63. His ‘Medieval Theories’, pp. 12–16. Le Goff, ‘The usurer’, pp. 25–52, for all that follows. 89 Baldwin, Masters, ch. 13 (quotation p. 264), and see ch. 14. Packard, pp. 69–71, 75. Racine, ‘Le marchand un type’, p. 2. Vauchez, ‘“Home mercator”‘, passim. 14 THE MERCERY OF LONDON 1130–1578

Merchants certainly took notice of a preaching campaign, 1195–1200, through northern France, the fair area of Champagne, Normandy and the great commercial centres of Picardy, Flanders and Brabant, when wonders and miracles were reported and some usurers renounced their ways. During a further campaign of 1213–15, Stephen Langton, then archbishop of Canterbury, preached in Arras, Saint-Omer and Flanders. These campaigns would have been common knowledge in London, the news carried by the merchants themselves, and they were well reported in English chronicles.90 One solution for the guilty merchant in the face of such universal condemnation was to abandon trade: St Godric of Finchale became a hermit at the beginning of the twelfth century, and in the 1140s Adam the Mercer of London became the first lay master of St Bartholomew’s Hospital. The first identifiable pepperer of London, Deorman the Moneyer, who traded in silks as well as spices, became a monk of St Edmund’s Abbey, Bury, around 1150,91 and Serlo le Mercer left substantial property to the abbey of Halliwell. It was, however, the knock-on effect of this clerical condemnation which was to worry mercers in particular: men of low birth were naturally greedy and profit- orientated, and only they willingly adopted such a dishonest way of life.92 This was the point of view of nobles who lived off their lands and were trained to arms, but it was generally accepted that the innate characteristics bestowed by birth were unchangeable. Knights and heroes, like Tristan, might disguise themselves as merchants, but this had its dangers, for it was not unknown for a knight who was slow to fight to be jeered at and called a merchant in disguise!93 At no time did Chrétien of Troyes mention the suppliers of the merceries which surrounded his characters; he paid heed to his employers’ aristocratic contempt for townsmen and merchants.94 In Walter Map’s story it was boys of low birth who progressed from being pedlars (mercers) to carriers and finally merchants,95 and in real life St Godric of Finchale, certainly, and Serlo le Mercer, probably, started out in this way. Like all double standards, it had two sides, both well illustrated in the romance of Guillaume d’Angleterre written at the end of the twelfth century in the area of Champagne and its fairs.96 The poem juxtaposes villeins, whose low birth predisposes them to think only in terms of profit, with an aristocrat, who becomes a perfect merchant when forced by circumstance. Merchants are an integral part of the romance’s plot: they rescue and foster the infant sons of the hero-king; they abduct his beautiful queen; they are prone to beat up beggars rather than give charity, but they do give it at last.97Vilein is the most usual word used to describe them, a word that was still anathema to the London Mercers’ Company 150 years later.98 In contrast, the well-

90 Baldwin, Masters, pp. 296–97, ch. 15 passim. 91 For Adam see below n. 111. Nightingale, Community, pp. 29–30. 92 Compare the innate desire to be a knight of Hervis, son of the provost of Metz and the daughter of a duke; his desire incurs the anger of his townsmen, father and uncles. Herbin, ed., Hervis de Mes, pp. xxxi–xxxii. For this theme generally: Frappier, Chrétien, pp. 78–79; Foulon, ‘Tendences aristocratiques’, pp. 222–37; Augier, ‘Place du marchand’, pp. 749–59; Vercauteren, ‘Circulation of merchants’, pp. 192–93; Schilperoort, esp. pp. 42–80. 93 Baldwin, Aristocratic Life, p. 115, citing Chrétien de Troyes’ Graal. 94 Frappier, Chrétien, p. 60. 95 See n. 83 above. 96 Chrétien, Guillaume, introduction, esp. p. 26. 97 Chrétien, Guillaume, for example, pp. 69–78, lines 564–750. Staines trans., pp. 450–91, esp. 457–59. The poem is not generally accepted to be by Chrétien de Troyes. 98 Chrétien, Guillaume, pp. 114–16, lines 1455–84. For 1348 ordinances, see below. DEFINITION AND LOCATION 15 born characters of the story are naturally honest and give charity freely. When the merchant foster-parents of the hero’s two sons decide that the boys must learn the manual craft of a skinner and to buy and sell, the noble youths are naturally appalled and demand to be allowed to leave. Equally naturally the vilein birth of one of the merchants shows itself in violence towards his foster-child, an angry vilein being likened to an angry bear. The other merchant, however, gives in and equips his young man for his journey, instructing him to ‘never stop at any place ... unless you see there the chance for your profit’. The subsequent reward of the foster-parents by the restored king and queen allowed the poet to burlesque the mercantile inability to understand any higher code than profit. The queen gives them fine clothes to wear and they respond that they will sell them; it is explained that the clothes are a gift, but they point out that they could make a profit. The queen finally devises a way to persuade them, by couching the gift in the terms of a market-place bargain: she proposes to buy the clothes back from them herself. They in turn readily offer to give her credit for a week or so, jokes the poet, and the condition of the bargain is that they then take back the clothes and wear them. At last their low-born inclination to profit is satisfied.99 The reverse or perverse consequence of this opinion was that the well-born man would be an honest merchant: in Guillaume d’Angleterre the dispossessed hero-king, in contrast to the rejection of trade by his sons, thrives in the service of a townsman (borjois). He learns the methods of trade and is trusted by his master who decides to lend him £300, the king to keep all the profits: ‘… travel to buy and sell in Flanders or England, Provence or Gascony. If you know how to achieve your purpose at Bar, Provins, or Troyes [the Champagne fairs], you cannot fail to grow rich.’ The king accepts: ‘I shall not miss a market or fair where I can be this year’, and, of course, he turns out to be ‘more adventurous (avantureux) and fortunate than all the other merchants’. He goes from strength to strength because ‘he was a good seller, extolling his wares to those who bargained with him. They did not cheat him in any way, for he was well informed about the value of each article and its proper price.’100 The honest king was the merchant at his potential best. This pervasive double standard had replaced another tradition, which had once been common in Anglo-Saxon England, that admired the merchant who sailed the seas and braved dangers.101 This more congenial point of view was expanded upon about fifty years after Guillaume d’Angleterre, in a more serious text, the King’s Mirror, a book of advice for many ranks of men, written in Norway (1240–47). The merchant of the Mirror is expected to be brave, polite and agreeable in the market-place and always go to church in the towns he visits. He should know languages, especially French and Latin, and basic arithmetic; he should read books, especially of law and the customs of places; he must know the ways of the sea, astronomy and how to maintain his ship in good order. He needed to be wary in trade, to check his goods (never conceal flaws from a purchaser), set a just price on his goods – there is a distinct echo of the hero-king of Guillaume d’Angleterre – to choose good witnesses for his bargains,

99 ibid., lines 1463–64, 1634–36, 3145–3209; trans. and quotations, Staines, pp. 468–70, 489–90. Compare Baldwin, Masters, ch. 14. 100 For this episode, Chrétien, Guillaume, pp. 136–42; lines cited, 1959–64, 2050–54; trans., Staines, pp. 474–75. 101 Compare, Aelfric’s Colloquy, cited Nightingale, Community, pp. 7–8. 16 THE MERCERY OF LONDON 1130–1578 live moderately but well on his travels, sell his goods quickly, and to take care to avoid trouble with the lords or kings of the areas where he is trading. He should take care to invest and seek partnerships both with men in the retail trade of towns and with other merchants as soon as he begins to prosper; later he should buy land – the most secure investment – for his future and for his children (who must all be put to a trade). He must be upright, only mix with men of good reputation, be discreet, and avoid gambling and other vices and self-indulgences.102 This was sound practical advice and there is little doubt its equivalent was generally available to merchants of London, alongside the criticisms of the Church and the entertainments of the poets. Mercers and all merchants had to live with this double standard. They denied their low birth as they could, but they soon adopted the point of view of their betters when they themselves joined the civic ruling class: the regulations of the several Flemish hanses of this period denied membership to manual workers, brokers or retailers.103 Only when the commercial classes began to commission their own versions of romances104 and when the merchant guilds of London began to insist on ‘good’ birth for their apprentices in the fourteenth century, could merchants feel safe from the insult of being called a villein. iv. The First London Mercery

The earliest reference to the ‘Mercery’ as an area in London occurs in a deed of 1235 which shows that the wealthy Serlo le Mercer held extensive property there, and that it had long been recognized as the ‘Mercery’. It is worth remembering that a halle had been set aside for the use of Paris mercers in 1137,105 and that the late date of 1235 may give a false impression. It is not too adventurous to declare that a London Mercery existed by 1130. During the 1244 London Eyre certain owners of properties within the Mercery were presented as having built pentices ad nocumentum fori in Merceria, ‘to the nuisance of the market in the Mercery’.106 This market was West Cheap, later called Cheapside. The Mercery was understood by contemporaries to mean a place where you bought and sold mercery, but it was never exclusively composed of mercers. Goldsmiths, pepperers, and others also traded there; there were food shops and taverns. On the street frontages were rows of small shops sometimes a few feet wide for one woman and her boxes, and behind these were the selds or covered markets, of all sizes, containing large numbers of selling stations, and known by their decorative signs and the names of their owners, such as Godchep’s or Anketin’s Seld. The dwellings, gardens, workshops and warehouses were behind, above and below the shops and selds. Manufacture of the mercery goods went on in the same crowded areas visited by customers.107 Before 1200 little is known of specific mercer activity in the Cheapside area, but it is likely it was already extensive. There is no sign that mercers ever operated a communal seld as the tanners did,108 but as traders they

102 Larson, King’s Mirror, pp. 79–86; date, pp. 64–65. Compare Lopez and Raymond, pp. 408–09. 103 Derville, ‘Godfric à Cade’, p. 44. Perroy, ‘Le commerce’, p. 8. 104 Compare Baldwin, Aristocratic Life, pp. 21–30. 105 CChR 1226–57, pp. 201–02. Livre des métiers, p. iv. 106 Chew and Kellaway, p. 141, no. 372. 107 K&H, pp. xlvii–lx, and Keene, ‘Shops’, pp. 29–46. 108 K&H, St Mary le Bow, 104/42. Keene, ‘Tanners’ Widows’, pp. 11–13. DEFINITION AND LOCATION 17 dominated several. It was a great advantage to work together in one place, known to their customers as the market-place of mercery. One of the earliest known concentrations of mercers was in the parish of All Hallows, Honey Lane, in the late twelfth century and the first decades of the thirteenth; this may have been the first Mercery of London.109 The only well-known and seriously rich mercer of the area was Serlo le Mercer, but some of his mercer contemporaries in the parish were certainly prosperous: Adam le Mercer, Herbert le Mercer of Antioch, Anger de la Barra and Hugh de Curtune.110 The Cheapside frontage opposite the church of St Mary le Bow and the territory of All Hallows was a prime site: it contained several selds, for example the ‘double’ seld, composed of one seld with a Cheapside frontage and another behind it stretching north to the parish of St Lawrence Jewry, which Adam le Mercer granted to the Priory of St Mary Overy in Southwark at some date before 1200. Adam must have been a wealthy man, but no details of his career are known, nor whether he acquired this property by investment of mercery profits, inheritance or marriage. It is intriguing to wonder whether it was the same Adam le Mercer who gave up commerce to become the first lay master of St Bartholomew’s Hospital from about 1147 to 1175/76.111 Subsequent tenants of his Cheapside property continued to be in the mercery trade: Hugh de Curtune, mercer, and Thomas de Colchester, linen , were there around 1192–1212, and came to an agreement which divided the profits of the seld between them. Dealers in linen continued to be tenants in and near this seld into the reign of Henry III, and David, linen draper, was the owner or occupier of the adjacent Cheapside property a little later, around 1246. The mercer, Anger de la Barra, did well in the first two decades of the thirteenth century: he needed to enlarge his shop in All Hallows,112 and he acquired two other profitable shops at the Cheapside end of Bow Lane, sharing them with Salomon de Basing.113 Herbert le Mercer of Antioch made a purchase of two stone houses on Honey Lane, with an entrance from Milk Street, which was witnessed by no less than sixty-three persons of whom four were mercer neighbours: Alan, William, Herman and Richard.114 Little is known of Herbert except that he was of Antioch and apparently specialized in mercery, if his name is anything to go by; his shops may have been known as places where the silk cloths of the Middle East and beyond could be found. Mercers were extensively involved in the largest single property discernible in All Hallows, with a Cheapside frontage opposite St Mary le Bow. It extended north to the parish of St Laurence Jewry, wrapping round part of the church and cemetery of All Hallows, and included selds, houses, a garden, and shops. It was owned by the Bucointes and their heiress wives – Sabelina (mid- to late 1100s), Alice (late 1100s) and Agnes (early to mid-1200s) – who probably brought parts of this property to the family. As rich wives and widows they are all tempting additions to the roll-call of mercery craftswomen, quite apart from their role as wealthy customers.115

109 K&H, p. lvii. 110 Both de la Barra and Curtune may have had French origins. 111 K&H, All Hallows Honey Lane, 11/10. Adam Mercarius [sic] is recorded as the primus magister fratrum regularum et laicorum in 12 Stephen [1147] in the Hospital’s fifteenth-century cartulary; he certainly made an agreement with the prior in 1170–74, and acted as a witness c. 1175, Kerling, Cartulary, p. 4, and nos 26, 775. 112 K&H, All Hallows, 11/10 and 11/11. A single spelling of Hugh de Curtune has been used here. 113 K&H, St Mary le Bow, 104/17–19. 114 K&H, All Hallows, 11/4. For witnesses see Bucointe grant, GL, St Paul’s MS 25,121/543. 115 K&H, All Hallows, 11/8 and 11/9. 18 THE MERCERY OF LONDON 1130–1578

The considerable property of Serlo le Mercer deserves some discussion, as his presence may have had an effect on the identity of the Mercery and possibly its reorientation to the south side of Cheapside in the thirteenth century. He owned property on both sides of the great market of East Cheap. By the early 1200s, he had a substantial share in the corner site on the west of Honey Lane on Cheapside which extended back along Honey Lane itself, the property being made up of a seld on the Cheapside frontage, shops and solars above, and houses. He and Solomon de Basing had acquired this from at least three other leading Londoners, including Thomas de Haverhill and John Herlicun. By 1231–35 the property was in the possession of Halliwell Priory – the object of Serlo’s pious bequests – and of Joceus, son of Peter Serlon, presumably a relative.116 Probably around 1200 Serlo acquired another considerable share in a block of property on the south side of Cheapside, east of St Mary le Bow, containing a seld behind a row of shops with solars above them; and he held yet another adjacent block further south of the seld, presumably composed of dwellings, gardens and yards, with industrial and storage areas. He probably had a useful means of access to Bow Lane through this rear property, and also through his share of yet another property to the south and east of that. By 1235 he had granted his third share of the shops and seld to Halliwell Priory and it subsequently became known as the Halliwell Seld.117 Serlo’s under-tenants, the persons whose trade would have given his seld its character and drawn in its customers by the quality of their goods, are unfortunately unknown, but his successors as owners continued to include wealthy mercers: in 1246 Anketin le Mercer (of Auvergne, d. 1277), alderman of Farringdon ward (1267–77), and later his son, Thomas.118 The large selds or covered markets were as synonymous with the activity of mercers as the tray on which they carried their wares. The Painted Seld or the Broad Seld was the largest in the Mercery and had entries on Cheapside and on Soper Lane when it was constructed. Its first name, which lasted from the early 1200s to the early 1300s, presumably described its appearance, its second its size. It was owned before 1200 by Walter le Brun, the founder of St Mary Spital outside Bishopsgate, often assumed to have been a mercer. His descendants maintained a rental interest in the seld, and of particular relevance to the history of mercers was the portion which passed to the heiress, Christina la Brune. In 1291 her heir was her son, Gilbert de Ashenden, who can be definitely identified as a mercer. He had no issue, and by his will of 1307, bequeathed a further rent out of the seld to St Mary Spital – his other property went to his widow and then to his sisters and their issue in accordance with his mother’s wishes. The link between the le Bruns, their seld and St Mary Spital, one of the great hospitals of medieval London, had already lasted over a hundred years by the time of his bequest. The tie combined family loyalty with piety.119

The threefold identity of ‘mercery’ as a particular range of goods, as the people who traded in them, and as the area where they lived and sold those goods, was recognized

116 K&H, All Hallows, 11/2. 117 K&H, St Mary le Bow, 104/29–30; and 104/24. 118 Anketin: Beaven, vol. 1, p. 375, vol. 2, p. xvi. Weinbaum, Eyre of 1276, no. 194. 119 K&H, St Pancras Soper Lane, 145/10 (Broad Seld), and Keene in Imray, Mercers’ Hall, p. 9 (William Le Brun). And see, for example, St Mary le Bow, 104/29–30. DEFINITION AND LOCATION 19 by Londoners from the twelfth century. Yet there is no reference to any formally recognized association of mercers before 1304. Craft guilds (mestier, métier, ministerium, and hence the English ‘mistery’) are known for certain powerful craftsmen, such as the weavers, in English towns from the early twelfth century; those of London secured a royal charter c. 1155. At least one craft of London, the Saddlers, had a religious fraternity led by an alderman and four wardens (échevins) in the late 1100s. Eighteen unlicensed guilds were fined by the king in 1179–80 – a clear indication there were others which were licensed. There is no sign of any group identifiable as mercers among these eighteen. The pepperers were the only mercantile guild in the list; they lived close by the Mercery in the parish of St Antonin, and dealt in spices, and sometimes silk. The goldsmiths were also listed. In theory, any of the guilds identified only by the name of their ruling alderman could have contained mercers or been the mercers’ guild. Or the mercers were among the obedient licensed guilds, about which nothing is known. Early mercers may also have been influenced by or been influential in the group of powerful guilds which rebuilt in stone the great bridge across the Thames from 1176. The driving force was Peter, a priest of St Mary Colechurch (d. 1205), and his chosen patron was Thomas Becket, who was born in a house adjacent to his church and christened there according to later tradition. There is no real evidence that mercers were prominent in the early affairs of the new bridge, although Serlo le Mercer was a proctor in the 1230s, but it seems probable that some mercers were among the supporters of Peter and members of the bridge fraternities, not only because the parish of Colechurch was so near the Mercery but also for reasons of piety and practical good sense. The fact of neighbourhood may similarly have encouraged mercers to leap to prominence as supporters of the increasingly popular cult of St Thomas Becket (d. 1173) and of the hospital founded in 1227 on the site of his birthplace, but the evidence is slight.120 Nothing survives from this early period to show the devotional and social activities of mercers in the parish churches of the Mercery. It is unlikely that any parish fraternity was ever the core foundation of what was to become the Mercers’ Company. The large numbers of mercers, and the mixed character of their trade, which was both artisan and mercantile, may have encouraged several separate groups within the Mercery: the few great merchants, who dealt in merceries from time to time, went elsewhere for trade association with their peers, and the artisans working at home, so often female, made very different ties. The average mercer who travelled with his goods could have benefited most from the ad hoc associations formed between travelling traders for protection, which are known from at least the ninth century. By the end of the twelfth century these were sophisticated organizations and important role-models for any group that included a high proportion of itinerant dealers, such as the mercers. The first surviving ordinance concerning the freedom of London, of c. 1230, is worth quoting in this context: Because many persons of the City travelling throughout England claim to belong to the liberty of London, whereby disputes and tumults arise, in order that it may be known whom of the City to

120 K&H, St Mary Colechurch, 105/18. Keene, ‘London Bridge’, pp. 146-48. Welch, Tower Bridge, p. 251, and see n. 78. Nightingale, Community, p. 44. For all this section and what follows, Sutton, ‘Silent years’, pp. 125–27. 20 THE MERCERY OF LONDON 1130–1578 defend as freemen, it is provided that no foreigner or any apprentice departing from his lord shall enjoy the liberties of the City, nor retail in the City, unless they are found to have been enrolled.121 As privileged Londoners it was advisable for mercers to associate with other Londoners who could vouch for them outside the city, and take joint action against any infringement of privilege. This was a profound reason for association for all ranks. What is certain is that at this date all voluntary associations of family, devotion, place, occupation and occasional necessity were and would remain unformalized for many years; they were adequate to the needs of the moment; they remained fluid, constantly breaking up and reforming on demand. London society was still very open in the twelfth century and continued so into the early 1200s. Thereafter the economic pressure of commercial competition gradually fostered formal association and the proliferation of regulations.122 Mercers were as inclined to associate from motives of neighbourliness, religious devotion and conviviality as any other set of people, but no details survive of any mercer association founded for reasons of craft and trade, which could be considered a precursor of the Mercers’ Company. Only the freedom suggests a permanent bond which might provide a solid basis for a commonalty.

121 CLRO, Liber Ordinacionum, f. 173; given in full, CPMR 1364–81, pp. xxx–xxxi, and see CEMCR, p. xvii n. 1. The italics are mine. Sutton, ‘Silent years’, p. 137. 122 Thrupp, ‘Gilds’, CEHE, vol. 3, ch. 5, p. 235ff. Reynolds, ‘Rulers’, pp. 345–46. Bibliography

Manuscripts

Belgium Antwerp Archives/Stadsarchief, Engelse Natie, vol. III

England London, British Library Lansdowne 127, Edmund Dudley’s Book of Debts London, College of Arms MS I 3, Heraldic Collection London, Corporation of London Records Office Husting Rolls of Wills and Deeds Journals of the Court of Common Council Letter Books Repertories of the Court of Aldermen London, Guildhall Library 9171 Probate Registers of the Commissary Court of London 9151/1 Probate Register of the Archdeaconry Court of London, 1393–1415 London, Lambeth Palace Library Register of Archbishop John Stafford, ff. 139–41v, will of William Estfeld London, Mercers’ Company Acts of Court 1453 onwards Black Book (misc. memoranda) Book of Wardens’ Arms Chalgrave Estate: Deeds and Papers Cheke’s Survey 1578 Index of London Citizens 1550–1603 in City Government: the Mercers. Compiled by Prof Mark Benbow John Coke, ‘The Names of the Brethren of the Mercery’, also known as the Register List of mercers’ debt cases under statute staple, C 131 and C 241, compiled and deposited by E. Z. Bennett, part of her research for ‘Credit in the Urban Economy: London 1338–1460’, Yale PhD 1989. Ordinance Book, fifteenth-century and later Registers of Benefactors’ Wills Registers of Writings Renter Wardens’ Accounts 1442 onwards Oxford, Bodleian Library Tanner 221, Accounts and Memoranda of the Guild of the Holy Name, St Paul’s Cathedral, c. 1459–1535. 568 THE MERCERY OF LONDON 1130–1578

Richmond, The National Archives (Public Record Office) C 1 Chancery Cases CP 40 Plea Rolls, Court of Common Pleas E 36, Exchequer Miscellaneous Books E 101 Exchequer Accounts Various E 101/128/30, 31, Views of Hosts, 1440–44 E 122 Customs Accounts E 135/2/57, MS of St Thomas of Acre with details of deeds of bequests and chantries given to the house including some of the documents relating to the agreements with the Mercers in the mastership of Young. E 190 Customs Accounts LC9 Great Wardrobe Accounts PROB 2 Probate Inventories of Prerogative Court of Canterbury PROB 11 Registers of Wills of Prerogative Court of Canterbury REQ 2 Court of Requests SP 1, SP 12 State Papers

The Amsterdam, Gemeente Archief 5028, Archief van de Burgemeesters (1275–1795), Stukken betreffende vescheidene onderwerpen, o.a. handel, 532, Odonnantiën en Statuten van de Merchant Adventurers 1595, 1 deel, s. III, p. 59, nr. 10, the so-called ‘Amsterdam Manuscript’.

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