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Inhalt

Vorwort 3

Coastal and underwater Late Urnfield sites in South Etruria Clarissa Belardelli 5

Ships of Aquileia Underwater Archaeological Research on Marine and Inland Routes of the Upper Adriatic Sea 18 Massimo Capulli

Lead ingot cargoes from Carthago Nova to Rome Some remarks on the presence of people from in the exploitation of Iberian mines 24 Michele Stefanile

The wrecks and artifa discovered in the exca The shift of trade routes across the English Channel tions indicate that the h bor began gathering sil 32 its western end soon a during the Roman expansion in western Europe the mole was construc to form the harbor ba In time, as the silting p Jonas Enzmann gressed eastward and Britannisches Blei auf dem Weg nach Rom Die Metallversorgung der Reichsmetropole am Beginn der Herrschaft des L. 38 Nobert Hanel - Peter Rothenhöfer - Michael Bode - Andreas Hauptmann

A glimpse into the Early Imperial Roman Atlantic trade Historical and marine context of a ceramic assemblage in a shipwreck at Cortiçais (Peniche, Portugal) 43 Jean-Yves Blot - Sonia Bombico

The wrecks and artifa discovered in the exca Caesarea Maritima and the Grand Strategy tions indicate that the h bor began gathering sil Gil Gambash 53 its western end soon a the mole was construc to form the harbor ba In time, as the silting p gressed eastward and Integrating an Empire Maritime Trade and Agricultural Supply in Roman 59 Justin Leidwanger

The Sutivan Shipwreck A cargo of sarcophagi and stone of the Roman period 67 Igor Mihajlovi´c 2013-Skyllis-13-Heft-1-Quark8-.qxd 02.05.2014 23:20 Seite 2

Food supply from Tauric Chersonesos 73 Products and Transportation Marina Cechová`´

Late Byzantine amphorae from eastern Adriatic underwater sites 81 Vesna Zmai´c

Vom Seeungeheuer verfolgt? 89 Zwischen Fiktion und Realität der Gefahr auf hoher See Leon Ziemer

Die strategische Lage der Insel Rügen in Verbindung mit Stralsund 99 und dem Hinterland Thomas Förster

113 Das Bücherbrett

Titelmotiv

Historische Darstellung des Systems von Befestigungswerken zwischen Usedom und der Südostküste Rügens, die der Sperrung der Zufahrt nach Stralsund dienten, 1715.

Aus: Th. Förster, Die strategische Lage der Insel Rügen in Verbindung mit Stralsund und dem Hinterland, Abb. 8. 2013-Skyllis-13-Heft-1-Quark8-.qxd 02.05.2014 23:25 Seite 59

13. Jahrgang 2013 · Heft 1 59

Integrating an Empire

Maritime Trade and Agricultural Supply in

Justin Leidwanger

Abstract – Archaeological surveys off Cyprus have brought to light evidence for complex seaborne exchange net- works during the Roman era. A shipwreck explored off the island’s southeast coast at Fig Tree Bay offers a profile of a commercial venture that may have been typical of one level of maritime economic integration: a small cargo of primarily Cilician and North Syrian amphoras, along with a handful of more exotic exports. The mixed assem- blage hints at broader patterns in the background distribution of agricultural goods between major imperial cen- ters, regional emporia, minor port towns, and outlying non-urban coastal areas. Viewed alongside local maritime activity at two small opportunistic ports, this material record provides a window into the dynamics of seaborne exchange and the intersection of small-scale and short-haul with larger-scale and longer-distance trade. The inter- play of these models of exchange bears directly on the role of markets that brought local and international goods and information to a quiet , and in turn opened Cypriot agricultural produce for consumption across the Roman world. Together, these scattered remains help to fill out a picture of limited maritime economic integration and market development in the northeast Mediterranean and beyond.

Inhalt – Archäologische Surveys vor Zypern haben Beweise für komplexe Geflechte des Warenaustauschs zur Römerzeit erge- ben. Ein vor der Südostküste der Insel in der Fig Tree Bay erforschtes Wrack lässt die Umrisse eines Handelsunternehmens erkennen, das für ein bestimmtes Niveau wirtschaftlicher Verbindungen über See typisch gewesen sein dürfte. Es enthielt eine kleine Fracht meist kilikischer und nordsyrischer Amphoren und dazu eine Handvoll exotischerer Exporte. Diese Mischung lässt erkennen, dass dahinter ein breiteres Geflecht des Austauschs von Agrarprodukten zwischen größeren Reichszentren, regionalen Handelsplätzen, kleinen Hafenstädten und abgelegenen ländlichen Küstenstrichen steht. Betrachtet man dieses Material zusammen mit der örtlichen maritimen Tätigkeit in zwei kleinen „Gelegenheitshäfen“, dann öffnet sich ein Ausblick auf die Dynamik des Austauschs über See und darauf, wie sich Klein- und Kurzstreckenhandel mit Massen- und Fernhandel kreuzen. Das Zusammenspiel dieser beiden Arten des Austauschs prägt direkt die Rolle von Märkten, die örtliche und inter- nationale Waren und Kenntnisse in eine stille römische Provinz brachten und umgekehrt zyprischen Agrarprodukten den Weg zum Konsum quer durch die römische Welt öffneten. Gemeinsam betrachtet ergeben diese zerstreuten Reste ein Bild begrenz- ter ökonomischer Anbindung über See und Marktentwicklung im nordöstlichen Mittelmeer und darüber hinaus.

Scale in the Maritime Economy cient world, at least with regard to currents of trade, and likewise patterns of consumption. But from long-distance exchange cannot be Archaeologists investigating the the perspective of distribution, do understood without the context of maritime economy often take for these local products belong to a smaller-scale and short-haul ven- granted the presence of a Gaulish separate maritime economy than tures1. Analyzing supply in the fine ware plate fragment in the shal- the more famous long-distance must entail embrac- lows off Cyprus or a Lusitanian goods? Did they share common ing multiple scales of economic amphora sherd off the Turkish exchange mechanisms, or did they even when focusing on coast. These far-flung imports may depend on distinct systems with one harbor, one ship, or even one be noticeable, but they only not only different consumers but amphora. From the perspective of amount to a few percent – some- contrasting models of trade? maritime archaeology, shipwrecks times even less – of ceramics con- and ports offer evidence for inter- sumed at a site, a tiny slice on This paper aims to embrace both locking chains of distribution that charts of quantified pottery. The ends of this distribution spectrum delivered goods from near and far. long shift in archaeology toward at once – the exotic and the mun- The primary focus here is on a fuller and more meaningful quan- dane – arguing that the two must recently explored shipwreck and tification has encouraged scholars be understood as part of a single two minor ports along the south to emphasize the massive volumes integrated socioeconomic system coast of Cyprus (Fig. 1). The small of local products that bear witness at the height of the Roman Em- ship, while serving a more local to how people traded, ate and pire’s prosperity. Local and region- role in short-haul exchange, none- lived. Such studies aim to recon- al maritime exchange cannot be theless attests to wider economic struct an „average“ life in the an- separated from longer-distance networks and larger-scale currents 2013-Skyllis-13-Heft-1-Quark8-.qxd 02.05.2014 23:25 Seite 60

60 Integrating an Empire · J. Leidwanger

Fig. 2: Recording ceramics against the reef in one area of the Fig Tree Bay ship- wreck site.

possibly intrusive material and Fig. 1: Map of the northeast Mediterranean and Cyprus, with inset of the Episkopi evaluate the hypothesis that the site Bay area, showing sites of interest and places mentioned in the text. represents a shipwreck. The lack of significant intrusive material and coherence of the cargo, together that linked Mediterranean ex- with its isolation from other ar- change across the Roman world. chaeological material in the area, Simple port facilities speak to local suggests that the site should be ap- communities’ engagement with proached as a shipwreck. In all, the maritime landscape and their some 133 amphoras were counted, integration into broader seaborne falling into four groups discussed trade. here in turn.

Nearly two-thirds (86 examples, Case Study 1 Fig. 3: Small Rhodian-style amphora 64.7%) are M54 jars, a type handle from the Fig Tree Bay shipwreck, long identified as a Cilician variant Local & Long-Distance Trade in probably serving as provisions for the crew (scale 1:5). of the popular bifid-handle am- the Fig Tree Bay Shipwreck Cargo phoras derived originally from Hellenistic Koan prototypes and Archaeological survey conducted No traces of the ship itself can be manufactured throughout the off Cyprus in 2007 located the expected on this inhospitable shal- Mediterranean during the early remains of a small shipwreck – best low seabed of reefs and rocks. Roman era (Fig. 4)3. These jars were dated to the 2nd century AD – off the Fragments of roof tiles were locat- produced just across from Cyprus island’s southeast coast not far ed in the northern part of the site, in coastal eastern , where a north of Cape Greco at Fig Tree where they may hint at a ship’s variety of production centers have Bay (Figs. 1-2). Explored in more cabin or galley. The pottery assem- been suggested4. No pitch was re- detail intermittently during 2008 blage revealed what were probably corded lining any of the jars, and and 2009, the site lies strewn galley and dining wares, including Cilicia was known not only for among the rocks and reefs off a notably the rim of a juglet and at but oil and other products. promontory marked by strong cur- least one mortarium fragment. A Even so, the contents remain un- rents. Here it seems likely that the late Rhodian-style amphora handle known and the various jars may in vessel struck the shallows and – a lone find representing a small fact have contained several differ- spilled its cargo, which the currents variant of the common transport ent products: fruit, fish, and other and wave action scattered across jar – most likely points to crew goods are all possibilities5. What- the seabed. Despite significant provisions (Fig. 3). ever their contents, they were evi- challenges presented by this dy- dently popular throughout the namic environment, a preliminary Cargo amphoras comprise by far eastern Mediterranean, Aegean, map was undertaken, along with the greatest component of the Fig and beyond from the latter half of full counts and representative sam- Tree Bay assemblage. Close in- the 1st century into the mid-2nd pling of cargo amphoras, and doc- spection of these jars aimed not century. Late variants are also umentation of additional ceramic only to provide detailed counts for known, but this form is best dated and non-ceramic finds2. individual types, but to detect any in the 2nd century6. 2013-Skyllis-13-Heft-1-Quark8-.qxd 02.05.2014 23:25 Seite 61

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Fig. 4: Agora M54 amphoras from the cargo of the Fig Tree Bay shipwreck (scale 1:5).

Fig. 5: Gauloise 4 amphoras from the cargo of the Fig Tree Bay shipwreck (scale 1:5).

The second largest group of am- spection of forms and fabrics re- ranean coast of France from the 1st phoras (38 examples, 28.6%) vealed two rather different origins. century into at least the 3rd (Fig. 5)7. includes two types that were re- The larger proportion belongs to a This region was known for its wine corded together due to their mor- family of amphoras – Gauloise 4 – production in antiquity, and the phological similarity. Closer in- manufactured along the Mediter- bases of Gaulish jars from the ship- 2013-Skyllis-13-Heft-1-Quark8-.qxd 02.05.2014 23:25 Seite 62

62 Integrating an Empire · J. Leidwanger

Fig. 6: Cilician Dressel 30 amphora top from the cargo of the Fig Tree Bay shipwreck (scale 1:5).

Fig. 7: Ras al Bassit amphoras from the cargo of the Fig Tree Bay shipwreck (scale 1:5).

wreck assemblage are often lined lician Dressel 30 production and cialized transport function – po- with pitch. While they rarely regis- circulation is unclear, as are the tentially something closer to the ter in large numbers in the eastern jar’s contents. Various Dressel 30 dolia that briefly filled the holds of Mediterranean, Gaulish amphoras and other related types, like their certain dedicated western Mediter- appear in small quantities at sites Gauloise 4 relative, have often been ranean ships13. Although most con- throughout the region and beyond, associated with wine. Generally texts in which the Ras al Bassit jars suggesting not only a widespread similar jars have been recorded at appear are undated, the bifid han- availability, but some significant several sites, particularly in this dles would seem appropriate for appreciation for the region’s wine8. corner of the Mediterranean, but the 1st to 3rd centuries. If these charac- other examples may have escaped teristic handles are meant to recall The popularity of Gaulish wine notice since the type is not well Koan jars, then wine in the Koan might help to explain the presence known10. The few contexts identi- style again seems likely. of a few amphoras that could not fied thus far suggest a date for the always be distinguished in frag- form in the 2nd or even the early 3rd The Fig Tree Bay shipwreck has mentary form in situ, and so were century11. only been preliminarily surveyed, recorded together with the Gaulish but initial results point to a modest jars: a variant of Dressel 30, itself The third group of amphoras, the cargo, perhaps only 4-5 tons14. originally imitating aspects of smallest by number (9 examples, Given the prevalence of Cilician Gaulish production, but produced 6.8%), is best associated with and northwest Syrian materials, in Cilicia (Fig. 6)9. They share cer- northwest , in particular the the shipment must have originated tain morphological similarities, area of Ras al Bassit (Fig. 7)12.The somewhere in this coastal zone, but exhibit a more cylindrical neck, form has only recently been identi- perhaps one of the more interna- thicker triangular rim, and multi- fied, and is thus far known almost tional ports like Pieria – ple grooves on the handle section. exclusively along this narrow east- the port of – where a few Their fabrics are readily distin- ern Mediterranean corridor from comparatively exotic Gaulish am- guished by eye, with the Dressel Syria and Cyprus through the phoras would have been more 30’s appearing quite close to other southern Levant. At perhaps readily available. Whatever the ship’s Cilician jars (Agora M54 above, around 100 liters in volume, its precise origin, the predominant later LR1, etc.). The extent of Ci- immense size points to a more spe- local winds and currents suggest 2013-Skyllis-13-Heft-1-Quark8-.qxd 02.05.2014 23:25 Seite 63

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Fig. 8: View of the beach and cove at Avdimou Bay from the east.

Fig. 9: Selection of stone anchors attesting to maritime activity that it was almost certainly bound in the shallows of Avdimou Bay. for south or southwest Cyprus. Whether it represents a direct ship- ment or one of cabotage, the vessel certainly sank within just a few days of its departure, and even a round trip for such a short-haul mariner could have been accom- plished in anywhere between a few days and a week to 10 days. The economic geography is one of small ships and short hauls be- tween the larger harbors and smal- ler outlying ports and anchorages dotting the coastlines of the eastern Mediterranean.

Case Study 2 Small Ports and Anchorages as Economic Agents

If the Fig Tree Bay merchant in- tended one or more stops along the south coast of Cyprus, what type of market might have been its desti- nation? There are ample reasons to may point to opportunistic activity the shallows or pulled their vessels look beyond , and outside the major urban centers. directly onto the beach for loading the island’s other largest cities and or unloading. Underwater survey biggest harbors. A small vessel Avdimou Bay may be one such site. in 2004 brought to light a variety of would have had a minimal draught Located just 10 km west of the larg- stone anchors appropriate for use and required only the most basic er harbor city of , this by small boats (Fig. 9). Pottery on infrastructure to load and unload: small natural south-facing bay is the headland to the west included no more than calm weather for sheltered from predominant wester- worn sherds pointing to local eco- anchoring, or a simple beach on ly winds and provides one of the nomic activity from at least the which to land. Even if these small first accessible sandy beaches after Hellenistic era into . ports have left few archaeological Kourion where ships traveling this Significant quantities of late Ro- traces that can be unequivocally coast could have sought shelter man pottery have been noted on attributed to exchange – that is, (Figs. 1 and 8). No port structures shore, and a ship of this date seems weights, , etc. – scattered pot- are preserved in the area, but mari- to have sunk here or at least dumped tery onshore and in the shallows ners may have simply anchored in a cargo that included primarily 2013-Skyllis-13-Heft-1-Quark8-.qxd 02.05.2014 23:25 Seite 64

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LR4 jars from the southern Levant along with a handful of LR1 jars from Cyprus or the neighboring mainland15. Farther to the east are warehouses that stored carobs for export via small boats perhaps around the early 20th century16.A simple rubble breakwater, now fully submerged, may likewise point to later economic activity in this more open part of the bay. Al- together, the anchors, ceramic finds, and local topography suggest that Avdimou Bay functioned as a simple port for agricultural com- munities and farmsteads scattered throughout the adjacent river val- leys. Fig. 10: View of the West Akrotiri bays looking south toward Cape Zevgari.

Not all opportunistic ports were so coast of the peninsula, these West Cypriot agricultural produce for well sheltered. A second candidate Akrotiri bays may have served as an consumption across the Roman lies in the small open bays along expedient port for vessels loading world. the southwest shore of the Akrotiri and unloading agricultural pro- Peninsula, only 10 km southeast of duce for small nearby sites. The vessel that sank at Fig Tree Bay Kourion (Figs. 1 and 10). The shore- speaks to routine short-haul sup- line here is open to the westerly These two examples are represen- ply of primarily regional products winds, and a high coastal scarp tative of many such opportunistic around the northeast Mediterra- separates the narrow beach from ports utilized around the island nean. Such journeys were easily inland, implying that transpor- and identified through maritime accomplished in a matter of a few tation to the interior of the penin- survey19. Collectively, they depict a days, and ships of this size and eco- sula must have been routed bustling – if simple – maritime nomic geography may have been a through the low-lying beach im- landscape during the Roman era common feature of Roman trade, mediately to the north. Investi- and into late antiquity. at least in this corner of the empire. gations in these West Akrotiri bays Lionel Casson, A.J. Parker, and in 2003-2004 brought to light a others have long emphasized the dense scatter of ceramic material Identifying Economic Integration small size of the typical ancient indicative of economic activity in the Roman Empire merchant vessel20, but recent schol- from the through arship by Andrei Tchernia and the Roman era and into late anti- The Roman Empire produced on a others has reminded scholars of quity17. The widespread scatter of massive scale, consumed on an precisely how small these „small“ finds here would seem to point to equally massive scale, and shipped vessels could be21. Carrying just 60 occasional disposal of ceramics goods on a massive scale. Where in amphoras for a total of 2.5 tons, and other materials broken at sea this massive scale of economic ac- the Culip VIII assemblage is more or during the loading and unload- tivity can we situate a small region- than an order of magnitude small- ing of ships. The late Roman peri- al shipwreck or the opportunistic er than many vessels deemed small od is the busiest recorded in the facilities used by minor villages by Casson and Parker at 70-80 underwater assemblage, when a and rural populations? One wreck tons22. At perhaps 4-5 tons of variety of LR1 amphoras attest to and a few beach sites can provide goods, the Fig Tree Bay cargo fits maritime connections primarily only a limited view from one cor- well within this truly „small“ cate- centered on the island and the ad- ner of the Mediterranean, but gory. An important distinction jacent mainland. While nearby together they hint at the inte- must also be made between the sites throughout the southern part gration of several concurrent mech- maximum tonnage of a vessel and of the Akrotiri Peninsula were anisms of exchange. These mech- its cargo burden on a given jour- occupied from the pre-Roman era, anisms operated on contrasting ney. For evaluating the structure it is clear that the Roman and espe- geographical scales and likely also and scale of Roman supply net- cially the late Roman eras saw the involved different actors. Their works, average cargos may be more densest settlement and economic interplay bears directly on the role meaningful than vessel sizes. exploitation, closely mirroring the of complex market networks that underwater material record18. brought local and international Even with such a limited size and Along with the port of Dreamer’s goods and information to a quiet Ro- restricted zone of operation, the Bay farther east along the south man province, and in turn opened Fig Tree Bay cargo assemblage 2013-Skyllis-13-Heft-1-Quark8-.qxd 02.05.2014 23:25 Seite 65

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reflects the involvement of a num- zons and indicates active participa- the editor of Skyllis. Comments ber of producers around Cilicia tion in larger-scale networks by a and suggestions by Patrick Mon- and northwest Syria. The presence considerable segment of the Ro- sieur, Andrei Opait¸, Nicholas Rauh, of comparatively exotic Gaulish man population, far larger than the and Paul Reynolds regarding the wine suggests that this merchant few urban percent who dwelled in ceramics proved an immense help, had stopped previously at a larger the largest cities. Considerable schol- as did observations by Elizabeth S. local entrepôt like Seleukia. The arly attention has been devoted to Greene on the text. assemblage thus reflects not only the annona, and certainly this well- its own local network, but the in- known mechanism was an impor- tersection of regional exchange with tant backbone and occasional eco- Notes larger-scale, longer-distance mech- nomic driver for maritime trade in anisms that brought Gaulish wine certain parts of the Roman Em- 1 See particularly Horden – Purcell 2000. 24 from west to east. Situated within pire . But in a quiet backwater like 2 this context, the presence of locally Cyprus, the stability and security of Leidwanger 2013. made Dressel 30 jars – probably Rome yielded more substantial 3 Robinson 1959, 89, pl. 19. containing „imitation“ Gaulish economic benefits than any piggy- 4 Empereur – Picon 1989, 231-232; wine or at least wine produced in a backing on state-subsidized trade. Autret 2012, 256-257. Gaulish style – may point to the The annona supported a few sea 5 stability and routine nature of this routes, but for interregional trade Reynolds 2003, 127; Opait¸ 2007, 104. regional commercial market. So in this corner of the Mediterra- 6 Thanks to Paul Reynolds for helpful long as a merchant knew Gaulish nean, it was the safety of naviga- discussion of these finds. wine was popular in Cyprus, he tion, the dependable currency, and 7 Laubenheimer 1985, 261-293. was well served to offer his cus- the legal enforcement of contracts tomers not only true Gaulish wine, that the distant Roman state of- 8 Laubenheimer 2001, 57-60. 25 but a Cilician alternative that was fered to the merchants . 9 On Dressel 30, see generally Bonifay almost certainly cheaper. 2004, 148-151.

On the other hand, for small-scale 10 To some extent, the growth of sim- entrepreneurs who were probably E.g. Reynolds 2008, 71 fig. 3p-q and 72; ple ports reflects a natural outcome the most frequent visitors at these Tomber 2009, 154 fig. 2.6; Opait¸ 2010, 1016 of expanding rural settlement and minor ports and outlying commu- and 1018 fig. 4a-b. increasing agricultural produc- nities, staying away from the 11 Thanks to Andrei Opait¸, Nicholas Rauh tivity and consumption throughout watchful eye, the shipping bottle- and Paul Reynolds for comments and sug- Cyprus’ Roman and late Roman necks, and the prying tax collectors gestions regarding this type. 23 countryside . More villages, farm- in the larger harbors would have 12 Mills – Reynolds Forthcoming. steads, and other sites of economic made good economic sense. Epi- activity increased the potential graphic evidence from Seleukia 13 Heslin 2011. importance of maritime facilities suggests that regional merchants 14 See calculations in Leidwanger 2013.

outside major harbors. But aside with vessels under about 7-8 tons 15 from offering a cheaper way of mov- were largely beyond the reach of Leidwanger 2007, 311-313. ing bulk commodities to the near- the late Roman state26. The second- 16 On this more recent carob trade, see est city markets, these opportuni- and third-tier sites and rural farm- Leonard 2005, 635ff. stic ports would have also provided steads throughout the hinterlands 17 Leidwanger 2009, 25-27. occasion for new and direct mari- of these simple ports were not only 18 time connections beyond the lim- producers, but consumers too. Heywood 1982. ited core-periphery relations that Even if the actual number of exotic 19 See generally Leonard 2005. had dominated earlier models of finds at such sites – or in the Fig 20 Parker 1992, 26; Casson 1995, 171-172. city-country exchange. Rural pop- Tree Bay cargo – remains small ulations could now engage with a compared to the regional Cilician 21 Tchernia 2011, 201-205. broader maritime landscape, open- or local Cypriot produce, these 22 Carreras et al. 2004, 154-156.

ing up to them the immense agri- ceramics reveal how broader 23 cultural production from around rhythms of exchange were felt on a E.g. Rautman 2000. the shores of the Roman Mediter- local level, and in turn how local 24 See generally Rickman 1980; Stecher, W. ranean and in turn allowing their communities supplied a larger 2009: Annona. A maritime logistic system own goods to travel throughout Roman economy. of the Roman principate. The sea – the their immediate region and be- ships – the men (Doctoral thesis, Greifs- yond. wald). Acknowledgements 25 Scheidel 2011. The ceramic record of consump- tion at a number of smaller sites Thanks are due to DEGUWA and 26 Dagron 1985. across Cyprus bears witness to the participants at its 2013 annual these expanding economic hori- conference at Manching, as well as 2013-Skyllis-13-Heft-1-Quark8-.qxd 02.05.2014 23:25 Seite 66

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