T H E W R I T I N G S

JAMES FINTAN LALOR .

WI TH

331 an tro bucfi on

E M B D Y I N G P E R N A L R E C O L L E C T I N O SO O S .

’ L E JO H N O AR Y .

a 3 3t h g t l c f me m o i r .

DU BLI N

’ ’ . W T . G O O O H U BE DF O R D R O S O U Y. D N G E , 3 , A T N S ! A

U . S . A .

N E N T 2 S T R E E T P BODY FRANCIS UG , 5 MAIN , EA ,

M A S S A CH US E T T S .

C O N T E N T S .

u s e.

I . T R O DU CT I O IN N,

2 . EM OI R M ,

E R DU F 3. L T T E TO F Y ,

. A N E W ATI O 4 N N ,

’ S I G N D N Dm . E T HT A LA Lu v 5 T NAN R ,

A ATI O AL OU CI L 6. N N C N ,

. T an I G HTS O F R E LA D 7 R I N ,

8 O THE R I S H O F EDER ATE A N . T I C N D RE PE A L

LU BS C ,

HE AI TH O F A E LO 9 . T F F N,

L EAR I G THE Dncxs I O . C N ,

H E I GHT S O F A BOU R I I . T R L ,

I NT R O DU CT I O N .

I H A! E been requested to say so mething by way Of introduction to a collection Of the writin gs

— ver small in bulk, but still , to my mind, y — big in substance and form of my Old friend

L OR l r AL , and I wi lingly comply with the equest.

out f Scarcely any man living, at least o his own

family, with the probable exception of my friend

Thomas Clarke Luby, can have known him if better, and few, any, can have a higher opinion

o f o f m the intellectual and moral merits the an .

’ n w for L alor I ca not, ho ever, do better s memory i than by extracting from a book Of m ne, still him unpublished, all that directly bears upon . u I extract, then, witho t any further comment,

but only with the explanation that, from the

o f not nature my book, I could easily detach from it what I think it necessary to say here o f INTRODUCTION . nd , without at the same time saying some bout myself

' o f ! in 49, I think o n some rumour

i on . ing go ng , I went to Dublin Any at least soon came to know that some a s n ot o n , if going , at least about to go

! i t - l , in fact, various anti Eng ish schemes )ts were taking shape in the active and wi n that presided over the frail body Of F intan Lalor. rhad Of course been arrested under the

Iion of C A ct he the Habeas orpus , as en one Of the most prominent and cer he ablest contributor to the ! risk F elon

n per. He had j ust been released o ac

)f the wretched state of his health , and I first saw him at his lodgings in Capel he seemed as if he might give up the

It any moment, and could only gasp out rds , which , however, came freely when

O uld come at all, during the intervals n his constantly recurring fits of asth

n coughing. The ruli g passion might O I NTRODUCTI N . ix literally be said to be strong in death ; strong and strenuous till de ath it certainly was.

Gradually Lalor began to grow better, though very much Of an in valid he remained to the end but even immediately after getting out f o prison , long before he was able to leave his bed , he had gathered about him many ardent

o f Spirits, notably among the more intelligent the artiz an class . I now spent a great part o f my time for

r seve al months with Lalor first in Dublin , then

in o wn o f in Clonmel, my town Tipperary, and

as in Limerick, and profitably, well as pleasantly,

this time was certainly passed, if not for the

u l o wn co ntry, at east for my mental and moral

development. Without possessing the great

n K conversatio al gifts of enyon, Lalor was still a

r very able and inte esting talker, as he was cer tainly a very powerful and eloquent writer

r r an d eloquent f om his impassioned natu e, powerful from the strong basis o f logic and

reason that underlay his passion . A great

public speaker, I think, he might have been had x O O INTR DUCTI N .

' only opportunity O fiered if I could at all fairly judge from o ne occasion when I heard him

o r address a dozen , perhaps, a score Of men in a

as private room ; a great writer he may, in a sense, be said to be, even from such scanty

o n specimens of his work as remain to us. C stant communion with such a man could scarcely fail to be other than a clear mental gain to me.

C too ritical I was even then, and combative ; and Lalor gave me plenty o f occasion for the play Of both these faculties . While Lalor was

- at bottom a good , if not a good natured man, his is too O nature, as but ften the case with men labouring under his peculiar physical deformity (he was a hunchback) had contracted a sort Of

m in moral twist. He was, if not alignant the F English sense, certainly what the rench call

in mal . His humour was sometimes horribly

. fo r sardonic I remember, instance, his spend

he in ing t greater part Of an evening, Limerick

l abi ity Of my being hanged. I tried to stop h by fully admitting the likelihood Of such INTRODUCTIO N . xi

no t him event, but that did hinder from going

n i too o . I th nk, , but this might be fancy, that

so when I naturally said that if I were hanged , , most certainly, should he be, he either found

fo r i f o r some loopholes Of escape h msel , sought to show me how much more serious the certainty — would be for mc for while I was young and

not to healthy, he, though Old, was not likely live long. This may serve as a specimen Of the

f n humour he O te indulged in , but his moods were

u vario s indeed . He could be anything but dull ; and that is no mean merit either in a man o r in O a book . f books, by the way, we talked much ;

o ur indeed , I think most Of talk was Of books ,

o f was though, of necessity, much it political, and

’ o f - L alor s some it politico economical, owing to ul pec iar theories o n the land question. And

s a here, perhaps, I may as well y a few words on my attitude then and since towards that land — question which for the last fifteen years o r so has been the question o f questions in Irelan d — at first setting aside the national question d altogether, and then connecting some vague an indefinite notions Of N ationality with very defi

’ a nite notions bout land. But I don t mean

. to be controversial, but only explanatory. I think I had taken some tinge o f agrarianism in

‘ 8 no o f 4 , caught up, doubt, from the writings f M o . itchel, and still more Lalor himself But when I came to detach these notions from their practical connection with an Irish insurrectionary — movement with which they were always co n nected in the minds of both Mitchel and Lalor

’ - and when I began to discuss L alo rs theories with himself, I found my agrarian ardour fast c ooling down , and finally disappearing altogether.

It was not that then, as now, I did not feel k eenly the wretched condition ‘ O f the Irish

too t o peasantry, and the Of en cruel c nduct of t he as no w Irish landlords ; but then , , I believe that the full remedy for that wretchedness and those wrongs could only come from freedom .

in England and English rule, directly and

r o r the directly, p oximately remotely, were at

o f i bottom the whole trouble. Engl sh rule re m i o f satis facto r a ning, I saw little chance the ) D INTRO UCTION . xiii

settlement of the land question, or, indeed, Of i any quest on ; and to shake, if not to shatter

as r that rule, was then , it is still, the g eat aim, o r o u , if y will, dream Of my life.

Much I certainly learned from him o n Irish

I eas o n and other matters, and for that , as well fo r his own remarkable character, he claims notice at my hands. It is, however, more tempting to talk Of Lalor, who was a big man ,

o f than his conspiracy, which turned out to be a sufficiently small thing in the end . T o that end

u l as I must get as q ick y I can. After much movin g about fo r many mon ths o n the o f an d part Lalor, Luby, myself, others, and much conferring with many more or less influential people in the various counties I

r spoke of befo e , it was agreed that action was to

o n o n be taken a certain day, or, rather, the

ar night Of that day. My p t in that action was to consist in gathering suc h people as I could i from in and about Tipperary, and direct ng — them o n Cashel a town some ten miles distant — where Lalor then was, and where he intended O O xiv INTR DU CTI N .

to attack the barracks (if sufficient forces could

ot be g together), with what exact ulterior Object l is more than I can now ca l to mind. It is probable it was inten ded that we should after wards march o n Clonmel with such con tingents

as might be supplied by Brennan, who was to t operate, and, indeed, did opera e; in another

on . v region the same night Howe er, the

ultimate Object mattered not at all, for the im mediate plan O f an attack o n Cashel proved an

was utter failure . It arranged that the Tipperary

Garnacart men should meet at a place called y, about a mile outside the town o n the Cashel

o r road. When I got there at some ten eleven

’ O clock in the night, I found but few people

r t o r fift — neve , I think , more than for y y and

mostly unarmed. After waiting till one o r two

n a in the mor ing, without any increase, or p

reciable p increase, in the number Of my followers, I decided that it would be worse than useless to bring such a body with me into Cashel , s o I let them go back to their homes ; setting o ut my two self, accompanied by other young men, fo r O IO X! INTR DU CT N . the City Of the K ings— naturally in no pleasant frame Of mind, but still hoping, if not hopeful, that I should find a different state o f things

. a there It was subst ntially, however, the same F story nearly everywhere. rom Clonoulty alone — — a place in the Thurles direction had any considerable body (some hundred o r hundred i and fifty, and not badly armed , I bel eve) of men

. o f turned up These men, after lying the most

n o f the night in the vici ity the town , were at last dismissed by Lalor, and found their way

and I safely home ; , suppose, with satisfied con sciences, in that they, and they alone, might be

O said to have come up to the sc ratch. S far it was very much the Wilderness business over

o ne ho w again , with important improvement, — eve r, that there was no betrayal or leaking out

fin d Of the design. The next day Lalor and I , ing ourselves and o ur schemes apparently nu

o n to . suspected, moved Clonmel Here, or at least soon after our coming, we must have been

’ met by the news o f Brennan s proceedings at

in O . Cappoquin , the County f Waterford Here X ! I INTRODUCTIO N .

- O f the police barrack was attacked, with the result

e and an d some loss Of life to both polic people,

the capture of some young men of the locality . w Brennan himself, ho ever, escaped, and soon — after succeeded in getting O ff to America where he died several years after, still young, and, if not famous, certainly more or less distinguished , and with the promise o f a fair literary career before him .

’ Such was practically the end of Lalo rs con — spiracy the result being substantially the same

’ ’ as in the operations O f O B rien and O M aho ny

u in the preceding autumn . The mo ntain in

so labour was not big, and the mouse that came forth was not appreciably smaller ; but still there was no gainsaying the fact that the product was only a mouse, and in so far ridiculous . N either by secret nor by open means was anything in the insurrectionary way to be done there and

n . the That certainly was clear, and little more was clear to me then, nor do I know that a great deal has become quite clear yet . We hear

O as much f another and a better way now, we xviii INTRODUCTION . a inative o r g , but not as direct strong. Besides , M ’ i nearly all itchel s writ ngs after this time, which are far his greatest in style, and, indeed , l in a most everyway, were published in America, a nd i — i l ttle read at the time as, ndeed , they are far too little read yet in the country which he

’ L alo rs had been forced to leave. writings,

which are not many, have still to be sought for in the pages Of the N ation and the F elon ; and

if somebody should disentomb them , and give us at the same time some notice Of the man and such Of his private letters as may still be in

existence, a very positive boon would be con ferred both o n lovers Of Ireland and o f litera

tu re . — I need only add that the boon which I desiderated above is now conferred upon the I Irish public, and sincerely hope that that public will show itself practically grateful for

the gift .

’ JO H N O L E AR Y. M E M O I R O F J AM E S FI N TA N LALO R .

I N the fifth chapter Of his F our Years of Irish ” ' S Dufi History, ir Charles Gavan y has described , ’ L alo rs in with customary effectiveness, first tro duc tio n to the Irish people through the N ation ’ Lalo r s newspaper. The references to personality o are worth repr ducing He was deaf. near

sighted, ungainly, and deformed ; and his de ficiencies o ff cut him , not only from any career

needing sympathy and publicity, but even from

social intercourse except with his nearest kin . But N ature is rich in compensations ; he was trained by solitary meditation to a concentrated t and savage earnestness, which Of en distinguish men to whom the ordinary channels of com municatio n are closed ; and he was endowed with a will and a persuasiveness of prodigious

force. Of all the men who had preached re volutio nar t y poli ics in Ireland , this isolated had thinker, who hitherto had no experience

r o r ff eithe as a writer an actor in public a airs,

was the most original and intense. His imagina tion was so vivid that his desires framed them

l in selves like pa pable images his mind , and he

far al to K w “ lived in a world Of dreams, more re “ ! eg “ t “we o n a. than the world that lay ab ou . x x MEMOIR O F fa rm. He projected , as solitary thinkers are apt t o in his do, the unfenced field of fancy, and s chemes seemed s o logically exact and de mo nstrable that he could discern no ‘ difii culties

which forbade their immediate execution . Havin g never known the invaluble discipline o f rivals and competitors to reduce his plans to indo mi practical dimensions , he nourished an t a ih ble intellectual pride his work, which was probably aggravated by the necessity a deformed his man feels to insist upon individuality. Had he been six feet high, had his sane and vigorous intellect been lodged in a sane and vigorous

o amour- ro ” b dy, had his p p , which was irritated by opposition and unreasonable contempt, been s oothed by sympathy and success , he might ’ ” O N eil have rivalled Tone and wen Roe O l.

' D ufly had never heard o f Lalor until the letter ’ which opens this collection Of L alo rs writings was received by him, and he was consequently s tartled at the power and freshness Of it. The

' Dufl letters which follow, y truly characterises as “ ! o f a marvels passionate, persu sive rhetoric. The leading Young Irelanders felt that a new force had come into active existence. Mitchel was specially impressed, and shows the influence O f Lalor in all his subsequent writings. Doheny went to visit the new champion of popular JAMES FINTAN LALOR xxi

“ r — I no t ights, and says could be persuaded th at I had before me, in the poor distorted, ill f - avoured , hunch backed little creature, the bold

' propounder o f the singular doctrines in the ” N atio n . letters That Lalor was the suggester, if o f o f not the propounder, of most the views modern land reformers is unquestionable. That his writings are wonderfully virile and luminous i will not be disputed . Yet these str king theories

h i - r n and prop ec es, these epoch ma ki g articles and l letters, have never been col ected in a volume during the half-century which has elapsed since ’ L alo rs s their first publication, Whether view o r wi s are sound other se, the eloquent production i n which he expressed them are eminently worthy f o preservation. O f his life very little is known . He was

f ~ he o M . t eldest son r Patrick Lalor, a pros perons gentleman farmer and extensive land l ’ ho der of ! ueen s County, who had made him s elf very popular by his Opposition to the tithe 8 fo r 18 1 was M . P . system, and between 32 and 35 F was his county. Though James intan Lalor not

' ' heard o f in public aflairs until he wrote to Dufly 1 8 s early in 47, he had keenly watched movement

and events in Ireland from his earliest youth , t and had, as his writings show, hought deeply e a nd E duca t e as s um . continuously upon them. xxii MEMOIR OF

under private tutors , and at Carlow College, he was proficient in Greek and Latin, but his a favourite study, we le rn, was chemistry, and we may assume that the principal part O f his read an ing was in history and politics. He became a I n ardent Republic n, and it was he who chiefly fluenced Mitchel and won him over to the plan o f of armed insurrection. After the suppression ’ M itchel s United I ris hman he went to Dublin to ! ride F elon edit the , its successor, and there and elsewhere preached the doctrine Of a general

strike against rent, afterwards journeying down

CO . at c to Holycross, Tipperary, where, a publi “ meeting, he endeavoured to form a Land

League according to his principles , the watch ” word Of which was to be, Pay no rent. But l the farmers, much to his disappointment, fai ed to respond to his entreaties. He distributed shillings amongst the labourers along the road s

a in Tipperary, urging them to t ke the field with s him . He was arrested in Ballyhane, a few mile N o f from enagh, and lodged in the gaol the ub ce naed town . Having been s p as a witness in M l the trial Of john artin , one Of the principa counts in whose indictment was founded o n one ’ Lalo rs N e Of articles, he was removed to ewgat i Prison n Dublin . After a very short incarcera i and t on, his health, always wretched , grew worse JAMES FINTAN LALOR. xxiii

worse, and , finally, he received the last rites Of the so was hi s . Church, dangerous state His fellow-prisoners talked Of memoriali z ing the

Government for his release, but he would not

hear Of it, and vehemently protested against the

idea. The m emorial was sent nevertheless, but Lalor was not released until the imprisonment

its . had done work He lingered for a few months, d B S ying at his residence, 39 Great ritain treet, h 1 8 0 o n s t . December 7 , 49, aged 4 years He was buried in Glasnevin o n the Sunday fol N l lowing. He was an uncompromising ationa ist ” to his last sigh . ’ S O Grad h tandish y , who is anyt ing but a ' N the o litical o f ationalist in p sense the term, has ' written very eulogistically and justly Of L alo r s “ n rank as an origi ator, as a pioneer. James ” F a int n Lalor, he says, was a man who united a most logical understanding with a force and depth o f imaginative revolutionary passion with o ut his parallel in time, a man who, first in modern Europe, preached the startling doctrine ’ that land titles, not originating in the people s ll o wn wi , are invalid that the nations the land , a doctrine o fwhich Europe will hear much in the o r coming century, for, whether it be true false, o ld the world must assuredly face it, as the way r fa er had to face the sphinx . A xxiv MEMOIR OF JAMES FINTAN L LOR.

“ F rom the brooding brain o f the Tipperary recluse, from some fiery seed dropped there by u the genius Of the age, sprang forth s ddenly an

- idea, full formed , clear, mature, clad as if in shin

. S ing armour, and equipped for war omething very new and strange, something terrible as well ' as beautiful there emerged L alo rs a O M ide passed into the mind f itchel and others .

With them it passed into America , propagating - m itself there in the Irish American press , and fro

A merica it has come back upon Europe, advertis ‘ ’ ' L alo rs ing itself as Progress and Poverty. - S a idea , now well clad , that is to y , well printed . I r well bound , less rish and mo e nice, possibly, but, beyond question, robust and vehement, ” - walks abroad everywhere to day . Should this book receive the encouragement which it deserves and is expected to obtain , it will prove to be the first Of a series o f works really national and really literary in subject o r style . The crystallization Of fundamental ideas U pon the national and land questions which co n ’ s titutes Lalo rs contribution to Irish literature and politics is here placed before Irish and other readers as a sample Of what will follow if s uccess is achieved by the present volume.

2 T H E WRITINGS O F boat I looked at the crew and the commander ; the same boat which you and others mistook in ’ - 43 for a war frigate, because she hoisted gaudy I colours, and that her captain swore terribly ; l - knew her at once for a leaky co lier smack, with a craven crew to man her, and a sworn dastard - and foresworn traitor at the helm7 a fact whic h you and Young Ireland would seem never to have discovered until he ordered the boat to be

set . stranded , and yourselves ashore I would fain become o ne Of the N ational

party, if they could consent to act along with I me and I with them. But confess I have my — many doubts I have had them all along ; an d they have been terribly strengthened by the two

n N a tion last umbers Of the . I mean those Of Dec ember 26 and January 2 ; the l ast n I t no t (january 9) l have ot yet seen . is

e figure, but fact, that r ading those two numbers ill to w made me . I have long been intending rite o u to y to resolve those doubts , and have only

been prevented by Sickness . I must no w defer for doing so some little time longer, and my reason for writing the present hurried note is : u th this It has j ust occ rred to me that, at e o n meeting Wednesday, an Association m ay s o n a pos ibly be formed such a basis, nd resolu JAMES FINTAN LALO R. 3

o f tions or pledges adopted such a character, as would exclude and excommunicate me and many beside . These resolutions o r pledges may rel ate — z d r I u . eithe st, to the end ; , to the means — I A S — S N o w remark st, to the end hould o r ff the end be defined strictly, in terms e ect, — to the Repeal simple Repeal , and nothing but — o r bes ides Repeal I would thereby be excluded .

o r in o ne F , the first place, I will never contribute i v o r Shill ng, or gi e my name, heart, hand , for such an Object as the simple Repeal by the ct British Parliament Of the A Of Union. I shall n state my reasons hereafter, not havi g time now . ’ Don t define the Object, nor give it such a name as would define it. Call it by some general a — i — n me ndependence, if you will and, secondly,

I will never act with, nor aid any organisation limiting itself strictly to the s ole object o f dis solving the present connection with Britain and

rigidly excluding every other. I will not be ff fettered and handcu ed . A mightier question is — in the l and one beside which Repeal dwarfs down into a petty parish question ; o ne on which a own Irel nd may not alone try her right, but try

O f o n ou ld be the right the world which y wou ,

’ ck e s o Km not merely an asserter of old prm fi , 4 THE WRITINGS OF

asserted , and better asserted before her, an humble and feeble imitator and follower of other — countries but an original inventor, propounder, o f and propagandist, in the van the earth, and heading the nations ; o n which her success o r a her f ilure alike, would never be forgotten by fo r man , but would make her, ever, the lodestar “ Of history ; o n which Ulster would be not o n ” o n her flank, but at her side, and which, better she and best Of all, need not plead in humble petitions her beggarly wrongs and how beggarly

s he bore them , nor plead any right save the right

t /I t o f her mg . And if the magnitude and magnificence o f that other question be not apparent and recog — nised any more than the fact that o n its settle n i ent now depends the existence of an o ld and —It d not utterly worthless people is partly, indee , because the mas s of mankind s ee all such ques an tions, at first, through a diminishing glass, d every question is little until some one man makes c o f it great but partly, also, be ause the agitation the Repeal question has been made to act as a

proscription Of every other. Repeal may perish with all who support it sooner than I will con o n o r to sen t to be fettered this question , connect my self with any organised body that would ban A JAMES FINT N LALOR . 5

o r merge in favour of Repeal o r any other o f o ur measure, that greatest all rights o n this — ’ side of heaven God s grant to Adam and his

poor children for ever, when He sent them from Eden in H is wrath and bid them go work for

their bread . Why Should I name it ? N ational independence, then, in what form o f words y o u please ; but denounce nothing — r es proscribe nothing sur ender nothing, more all f f peci y o your own freedom O action . Leave

a yourselves free individu lly and collectively. and - I f o r , As to the means any resolution pledge be adopted to seek legislative indepen dence by moral force and legal proceedings a o r o f al alone, with a denunci tion renunciation l o r o r any other means proceedings, you may have millions o f better and stronger men than I ’ u to join you ; but y o won t have me . Such n pledge, I am co vinced , is not necessary to legalise any association . T O illegalise there o f must, I conceive, be positive evidence act or — intention deeds done o r words spoken . Omit ting to do anything can surely form no fo unda ! tion for a legal charge. What Is silence a o f ? proof criminal intention I speak, of course, no ! in ignorance, being lawyer, thank God But

o r not sc rib e. whether I be correct , I never will sub 6 THE WRITINGS O R o r o r ! assent to any such pledge resolution. As us e o f m regards the none but legal eans, any means and all means might be made illegal by a e Act Of Parli ment ; and such pl dge, therefo re, is passive Obedience. As to the pledge of O f abstaining from the use any but moral force, am I quite willing to take such pledge if, and

provided, the English Government agree to take “ ” . l it also ; but if not, not Let England p edge

not to argue the question by the prison, the - o r i convict ship, the halter ; and I will read ly pledge not to argu e it in any form of physical

logic. But dogs tied and stones loose is no bar n gain. Let the stones be given up ; or u muzzle

- the wolf dog . There is o ne at this moment

in every cabin throughout the land, nearly — fit already to be untied and he will be

- -b F r a b . o savager y and y Repe l, indeed , he r will never bite, but only bay ; but the e is / a ( mot ref matter to settle between us and Engl nd.

There has already, I think, been too much givin g d l in on this question o f means an force. Mere y to save o r assert the abstract right for the use ’ m f o r e . O other nations other times, won t do for o ur own We must save it for use, and assert it

oo ff . Yo u ill t , if need be, and occasion o er w o n -morro vv‘ receive, and , I hope, read this to JAMES FINTAN LALOR.

M morning, before the Committee meet. y peti tion to you is that y o u will use your influence to prevent any o f those resolutions from bei ng a 06 r dopted , which would cut me f om co o ne operating with the new Association, should ’

. I be founded Don t mention my name . t is o ne not worth half a farthing ; but such as it is ’ I don t choose to give it to the Seceders until I have some better guarantee than I possess as

yet, that their new organisation will be anything o r better, stronger, nobler than a decently con

ducted Conciliation Hall , free from its Open o f and brazen profession meanness, falsehood: s l cowardice , and corruption, but e sentia ly just as feeble, inefficient, and ridiculous. Is there any apology required for addressing ’ ? a y o u in this manner I don t know. Perh ps I have no right—though I have been a Seceder ' since l ceased to be a child . I owe to you some You kave iven me a countr gratitude. g y . Before as your time I w an alien and an exile, though ' living in my own land . I hope you won t make

me o ne again . This letter has been hastily written ; and I have not acquired the faculty of expressing a o r S wh t I wish with clearness facility. till I hO e o r p you will understand, at least that y o u. 8 THE WRITINGS OF w mis rs ill not unde tand me. The N ation Of last Saturday might possibly give me information which would render my writing plainly unneces ’ r sa y ; but I don t receive it until Wednesday, ’ being in partnership with another person .

’ ’

h ab v ir . Dufl F our Years T e o e letter is taken from S C G . y s

10 T H E WRITINGS O E

Of men who are unable to ask it for themselves ; but that I claim a hearing and crave to be heard — o n your o wn behalf o u behalf Of your o wn

s t w s intere , and honor, and existence, as o ner o f that soil o n which thousands are famishing to o f death for want food . My general Object in addressing you is that O f n t calli g public notice, if I can, to the full exten o f the effects which I think must inevitably o f follow past or present events, if the cause o r these events be not checked changed . All the facts I possess I have considered and counted o ne in view together, in their connection and

n the . conseque ce, and inferred result This is a t u ask which few others, I fear, have ndertaken , f s nor is it any matter o surprise . Within ight n d o o f i the a s und this d smal calamity, amid c actual horrors Of every passing hour, it is scar ely

r o r possible to look far into the futu e, take

thought and care for remote results. In the O f ff presence famine men are blind to its e ects. is It is doing its work in the dark, and no watch o r F and set warning raised . rom every house every voice throughout this land there is but o ne — F fo r - no . cry w the cry for food ood to day, and — food fo r to -morrow for this year and the next But no t all the clamour and outcry that has I I J A M ES FINTA N LALOR. been raised throughout Ireland during the last few months has added a single pound to the

h for o r n . supply Of food, eit er this year the ext n t What men were u able to do, they set abou doing ; what they were able to do they left and F o r are leaving undone. something else is i an d to want ng, requires be provided, besides — food fo r to-day o r to-morrow else a revolution o f is at hand . A revolution the worst type and — character not such as when a nation breaks up under armed violence, to reunite and rise in structure as strong as before ; but such as when

to o . it falls pieces, rotting to a final f etid ruin n O I Besides the ge eral bject mentioned, have a an d particular more definite purpose, which l will develop itself as I proceed. It wou d be useless to state it formally before it can be fully

understood . Though I write more especially an d n o f for you , my lords gentlemen, la downers and Ireland, yet, I write also for the public ;

shall address myself to either, as occasion may

. o f seem to demand The failure the potato, and one h consequent famine, is Of those events whic come now and then to do the work Of ages in a da y , and change the very nature o f an entire I has v n r nation at once, t e e al eady produced a deeper social disorganisation than did the 1 2 T H E WRITINGS OI!

— — F rench Revolution greater waste O f life wider O — loss f property more than the horrors, with n F o r its no e Of the hopes. direction still seems d ragging downwards, while her revolution took F s un— rance to the gave her wealth , and victory, a nd — a a renown free people and a firm pe santry, lords o f their o wn land . It has unsettled society

r to the foundation ; deranged every inte est, ’ l every class, every household . Every man s p ace is f and relation altered, labour has le t its track, O and its . life lost form ne entire class, the most in a numerous and important Ireland , has lready begun to give way ; and is about being dis - o f o r placed. The tenant farmer ten acres under “ ” is being converted into an independent labourer . But it is accomplishing something more than o r i mere social derangemen t, a dislocat on of

“ c classes . It has come, as if ommissioned , to too produce, at length, and not soon, a dissolution O f that state and order Of existence in which we have heretofore been living . The constitution o f' s oc iety that has prevailed in this island can

n o o r . longer maintain itself, be maintained It fo r i has been tried generat ons ; it has now, at and least, been fully and finally tested the test was in has proved fatal. It ever unsound and

firm , and is now b reaking to pieces under the I JAMES FINTAN LALOR . 3

first severe experiment, an experiment which that O f any other country would have easily N r a withstood . o he ven nor human nature will

' s ufl er - it to be re established or continue. If the

earth, indeed, with all things therein, was made wholly for the few, and none Of it for the many, then it may continue ; if all creation was made o u for y , my lords and gentlemen , and none for us to , then it may continue ; if men are bound o n fo r to live ever, Slaves a dominion that dooms — them to toil , and cold , and hunger to hardship and suffering in every shape ; if they have no ’ right even to life except at another s license, then it may continue ; if they be bound to submit in O f - patience to perish famine and famine fever, then it may continue. But if all have a right to live , and to live in their o wn land among their o wn people ; if they have a right to live in freedom and comfort o n their o wn labour ; if l the humblest among them has a claim to ful , secure, and honest subsistence, not the knavish and beggarly subsistence Of the poorhouse, then that constitution can not and it shall not be re established again. When society fails to per ’ form its duty and fulfil its O flice o f providin g fo r its people, it must take another and more

ff o r hen e ective form , it must cease to exist. W I 4 THE WRITINGS OF its members begin to die o ut under des titu — tion when they begin to perish in thousands ' — under famine an d the eflects Of famine when they begin to desert and fly from the land in hundreds O f thousands under the force and fear — o f deadly famine then it is time to s ee it is ’ l o God s wi l that society sh uld stand dissolved , and assume another shape and action ; and He works His will by human hands and natural agencies . This case has arisen even now in ff Ireland , and the e ect has already followed in ff S . part ociety stands dissolved In e ect, as O f well as right, it stands dissolved , and another requires to be constituted . T o the past we can never return, even if we would . The potato was o ur l on sole and only capita , to live and work , to make much o r little o f ; and on it the entire o f social economy this country was founded , formed , and supported . That system and state Of things can never again be resumed o r restored ; not even should the potato return . A new a djustment is now to be formed , is to form and develop itself ; a new social order to be arranged a O new people to be organised. r otherwise, that people itself is about to become extinct. o f a is Either these is inevit ble, and either desirable. In condition, and character, and JAMES FINTAN LALOR. I 5

c onduct, a stain to earth, a scandal and a Shame among the nations , a grievance to Heaven , this people has been fo r ages past a dark spot in N the path of the sun . ature and Heaven can

o e bear it no longer. T O any n who either looks to i o r s an immed ate directing Providence, tru ts o f to a settled course natural causes, it is clear that this island is about to take existence under o r N a new tenure, else that ature has issued her decree, Often issued heretofore, against nations

a — and r ces, and even for the same crime that o ne other imbecile and cowardly people shall cease to exist, and no longer cumber the earth . The power of framing a new order is in your hands, my lords and gentlemen , if you choose to o f exercise it. The work reconstruction belongs O f o u right to you , if y have the wisdom and the is will to do it. It in emergencies and occasions like the present, rather than in ordinary and r is re Settled times, that a national a istocracy o f quired, and if they be not worthy such a occasions they are worthless ltogether. It is a time like this that tries and tests the worth Of a C as lass, it tests the worth Of individual men; N ot to time should the task be committed, nor

to n to o f a cha ce ; not the government Engl nd , incom ten t which is m to the case n ot t o we. I 6 THE WRITINGS OF

parliament Of England, where you are made a mark for pelting at no r to the desperate ou remedies of men whom y have, yourselves, m ade desperate. Ireland demands from y o u now so mething more than her present dole o f — daily food a mode and system o f providing full

r S h - food for he self. he looks to you for t is that s he be not condemned to live as a beggar o n as o n public alms, nor a pauper public works and poorhouse rations but aided or enabled to find o r form a mode of making her bread in all future time by free, unforced , and honest labour. She has lost her means Of living ; s he requires f some other, more su ficient and secure than those

has . e l an d She lost Her d mand, in fu l fine, is for what is Of more effective worth and weight than all the political constitutions that were eve r promised for what senates or sovereigns can f not make or unmake, but men must make or themselves—her demand for a new S OCIAL l U . i CONSTIT TION, under which to ive Th s is o n the task you are called to undertake, the o r work yo u are wanted to do, forfeit your — footing in this island Of ours a work to which political constitution is light in comparison and

little in importance. Political rights are but is c ns ti paper and parchment. It the social o tu

1 8 T H E WRITIN GS OF

ft r i were le to act, and not fettered o nterfered

with by your claims of dominion and , finally, — because you ought o f right to be where y ou — have n ever chosen to be at the head of the

people. And at their head or at their side y o u now o r must stand, else your aid will no t be a t ken. On other terms it will not now be ac cepted ; and the work will be done by other Y hands than yours. ou are far less important to are to Yo u the people than the people y o u. o r cannot act stand alone, but they can. I n the i case that has arisen, the main power is in the r

n r . ha ds, and little in you s Your power of posi Yo u tion has departed . cannot re form and re-organise a whole people without their own - Yo u consent and co operation. cannot act — . against them y o u ca nnot act without them.

They can do what is wanted Of themselves, and i without your assistance. They have the w ll,

and may learn the way. A dissolution Of the social system has taken place The failure o f

immediate excitin . the potato was the , g cause I nto the predispos ing causes it is needless for the o utrise or present to inquire. There was no

revolt against it. It was not broken up by was violence. It borne for ages with beggarly of patience, until it perished by the irritation O 1 JAMES FINTAN LAL R. 9

d r O f Go N . in the o der ature A clear, original right returns and reverts to the people— the right Of establishing and entering into a new social n arra gement. The right is in them , because the power is in them . The right lodges where the power lodges . It is not a case to which govern o r ments parliaments are competent. The sole Office and duty of government under the circum

is s stances that Of supporting the de titute, and maintaining the public order during the period

r - at Of transition and e organisation . Should it

tempt doing more than this, it will be assuming s a power which it does not posses , and cannot even make an effort to exercise without commit ff a r . ting injustice, doing inju y, and su ering defe t O f With the great body and mass the people, in C o f their original haracter and capacity, resides, n necessity, the power, in its full ple itude, Of framing or falling into a new form Of organisa — a tion new mode o f living and labour. Your

aid, my lords and gentlemen , is most desirable, if accorded on terms and in a mode which would be thought likely to contribute to gen eral benefit f r . O o r o and happiness n other terms, other — Objects with a view to your own personal inte o n rests alone, and terms to assert and secure

‘ your o wn position at any cost to the c ou mxw ? ! 20 T H E WRITINGS O F

— ' and community if O flered o n such views and l terms, your service and aid wi l not be accepted and the present condition O f anarchy will be pro

u o s tracted by strife and str ggle, terminating, p s ibl y , in violent convulsion , from which you , at o ut r least, would come the losers, whoeve might n be the winners. To ensure against such a co tin enc g y , it is necessary that you should now combine and co -Operate with that people from whom , for long ages , you have stood apart, aliens and enemies to them , as they to you . They count more in millions than y o u count in thou o u sands. If y desire that they and you should

ow o in n j hands to carry the boat over the rapids , it must be o n terms which they will accept on terms o f advantage to them as well as to you and the first condition and very basis o f a union must be the distinct acknowledgment and asser tion , in its widest extent, in its fullest force , o f power, and plenitude, Of the principle ALLE T o C U Y C IANCE O NTR . On any other basis no m ff o r federation can form or be for ed , take e ect, be of force, in Ireland now. To save mistake I no ought to mention, and mark what it is I do t

as no mean , well as what my meaning is . I do t o u mean that y should declare for Repeal . I s e carcely kn w that I can call myself a Repealer, 2 1 JAMES FINTAN LALOR . — further than this I would not say aye to the question if it were put to me to decide The results of Repeal would depend o n the means and men by whom it should have been acco m

lished . that I reland p It might give to Ireland all . O f— wants, and is withering in want equal liberty and equal laws , science and art, manufacture and s mer trade, re pect and renown ; wealth to the to chant, security and comfort the cottage ; its o f to pride power and place the castle, fame and fortune to genius and talent, all of that which ennobles and endears to man the land he lives in— this it might do. It might subject us to an odious and ignoble tyranny. I am far from wishing y o u to take any course that would pledge you to Repeal , or to any other political measure . I do not write with a view to Repeal, r a o any other political object wh tever. My is meaning far more general , and states itself in N more general terms. othing is requi site o r required that would commit you to an l o r particulars, to y po itical party, cause, course Of conduct . But a full act and avowal o f t attachment and allegiance o this island , in priority and preference to any and every other — country this is required, and will be strictly required ; not in mere idle form o f protest an d. 22 T H E WRITINGS O F

rofes s io n but ffi p , in full e cient proof and practice own - That Ireland is your mother country, and — r an d her people your people, that her inte est honour, her gain and her glory, are counted as — your own , that her rights and liberties you will o f n — defend , as part your inherita ce, that in peace you will lead her progress, and carry her — u banner in battle, that your labo r shall be in ' laid do wn her service, and your lives at her — need , that henceforth you will be, not a foreign — garrison but a national guard , this you must as declare and adopt, the principle of your pro ceedin g, and the spirit Of your action, and the rule Of your order ; for these are the duties o f nobility. Adopt this principle, and you are armed on it is your safety and your strength the future is fettered at your feet ; an d your a n me and race shall flourish and not fail. Ire land is yours for ages yet, on the condition that you will be Irishmen in name, in faith, in fact.

Refuse it, and you commit yourselves , in the position Of paupers, to the mercy of English ministers and English members ; you throw your very existence on English support, which England soon may find too costly to afford ; you lie at the feet of events , you lie in the way o f o f a people, and the movement events and 2 JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 3

the march Of a people shall be over you . Alle giance to this fair island ; it is your title o f o f tenure to the lands you hold , and in right it

o u . o u y hold them If y deny and disown it, you e assert anoth r title, and must determine to hold o wn your inheritance by force, at your will and o ur s to injury, in de pite and defiance of us and fo r ours ever. This would be a bootless and

feeble insult, and dangerous withal ; for your title is worth little indeed under the law you would appeal to : that while from Ireland y o u

take rank and revenue, blood and birth and — name everything that makes home, and binds to — to to an o ther country you yet look not her, but

land, for home and country ; that you desert i and disown, if not hate her Old nat ve people ;

that in England are your hearts and hopes, and

that all your household gods are English. This is crime charged to you ; unjustly charged , I — trust it is for a worse crime, and more infamous to o r is than disloyalty kings crowns, disloyalty

or treason to country . It is a crime not made

by lawyers, but made by God ; a crime against

' N u — n its aflec tio ns in at re itself agai st all laws, ,

terests, and instincts . Yet the charge is not made against you without colour of truth and

O f . O Show reason n every question that arises , 24 THE WRITINGS OF

c l n O in every contest and ol isio , whether f honour or interest, you take side and cause with Eng land. All blame for this does not rest o n y o u but some of it does. Much and most o f it rests o n a class Of men whose claim to attention , how r ever st ong, I must defer to a future letter . All such ground O f charge must be removed and re u F o r no nced. ever, henceforth , the Owners Of o ur r soil must be Irish. To all who o wn land o n living in Ireland, Irela d must henceforth be the - in ! ueen island. She holds herhands the hostages fo r their fealty, and will not longer put up with r T REASON . On no other common ground o general principle can a federation take place be tween the nobles O f the land and the nation at o f t large, than that common fai h and fealty to i m th s their co mon country. The formation Of the Irish Party was hailed at the time by many as o ne step of a movement

o f . in the direction Ireland It may, perhaps,

o f i . indicate a change of ideas, if not feel ngs You have probably begun to find o ut that if

your feelings are English, yet your fortunes are ’ Irish ; that Ireland s peril is perilous to your

selves ; that in renouncing your country, and

adopting another, you renounce and revolt from the laws o f N ature ; and that N ature herself is

26 THE WRITINGS OF

T O o u merits and means. maintain, y must con nec t O them with those f your country. A union — between parties o f the same class a union of landowners with each other— is adequate to no n purpose now. The union required is a u ion between all classes Of Whom the people is co m be posed . Yo u are powerless without a people o r i side beh nd you. You must call the commons into your council ; and make their private in teres ts — r and public objects nay, even pe haps — their public passions a part Of your policy. The Irish Party must expand and enlarge into

' the Irish people o r another and more eflec tive

association be framed . T O organise a new mode and condition o f — labour a new industrial system to frame and

fix a new order of society ; in a word, to give to n Ireland a new Co stitution, under which the natural capacity of this country would be put into

' eflec tive action ; the resources Of its land , labour, and capital developed and m ade available ; its slumbering and decaying energies O f mind and

muscle excited , directed, and employed , and the condition and character of its people recon

structed , improved, and elevated ; this, I have

already stated , is the general Object which now calls fo r the u nited action O f the landowners and 2 JAMES FI NTAN LALOR. 7

people Of Ireland in association assembled. The energies o f nature and action of time working together in their wonted course and current will, indeed, in long or short, be adequate, without ff ff aid o r e ort Of ours, to form a new and e ective settlement o f society ; but the fabric thus formed will be raised o ut o f the relics and rest o n the i ruins, Of the present exist ng people in all its F o r o wn classes . their safety and preservation, it is necessary that all those classes should no w combine to take the direction o f that resolution

' eflec t an d in which will otherwise itself, which, is in ff deed, in actual process of be g e ected , with

o r u . a out their consent, control, g idance Th t to i position has become o perilous to ma ntain . o f now Your path of safety, as well as honour, is N the public highway. O byways of your own

will carry you through the perils that beset, and

the greater perils that are before you. There are many and important questions at issue be o u tween y and the landholders, between you and

the labourers, between you and the people at th large, between you and other classes Of e

people, between those classes among themselves. N O v no go erment, no legislation, general statutes, no special statutes ; no power o n earth but the parties concerned ; no mode on earth save that 2 8 THE WRITINGS OF

Of voluntary agreement, can settle those ques

tions . Why should we not meet and settle them a micably ? Leave them not to be settled by to time or be settled by strength. What ! to create a complete and efficient industrial economy ; to form an d give force to a n ew state and mode of existence ; to organise and animate and put into healthy and vigorous c action that omplex living machine, a social s ystem ; to frame and adjust the fabric o f society — its mightiest proportions and minutest parts , a n with all its vast and v rious interests , arra ge

ments, orders, and conditions, independent yet co - involved , conflicting yet operating ; what to do all this ? A work impossible to man ; and o r which , in extent detail, he never yet undertook f o r attempted to perform. A work O which the theory and principles are beyond his knowledge

o r discovery, and the practical execution beyond N has his utmost power. ature reserved it to ff b o wn herself, to e ect y a process Of her ; for which no artificial process ever was o r can be

s ubstituted with success . A work we cannot do ; ’ ’ God s hand alone, not man s, can do it. True and neither can y o u form in all its parts the

smallest plant that grows. But s ow the seed and th f r e plant forms . The powers o vitality equire 2 JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 9

but to be set in movement, and the contrivances o f N ature left free to act . Even so it is in the case we consider. That work may be done, and y ou must do it o r others will ; and you must

do fo r . N o r it at once, it cannot be waited for is it, when examined , an undertaking that need daz z le o r daunt by its magnitude or multi u plicity the meanest mind o f all among s . It includes no such complication Of difli c ult ques tions as it may seem to do ; and the only question actually involved is one easy O f settlement when put in comparison with its apparent mass . Its theory contains itself in a single principle ; its practical solution is comprised and completed in a a single Operation . Lay but the found tion and N the work is done. Lay the foundation , ature effects the rest ; society forms and fits itself even as the plant grows when the seed is sown .

Lay deep and strong, the only foundation that — is firm under the foot Of a nation a secure and

independent agricultural peasantry. A secure and independent agricultural peasantry is the only base o n which a people ever rises o r can be o r o n i raised , which a nat on can safely rest. A productive and prosperous husbandry is the sole - f ground work o a solid social economy . On it o ut o f arti and it springs the mechanic, and z an, 30 THE WRITINGS or and trading dealer ; fed and fostered by it these s who well into the manufacturer and merchant, multiply into merchants and manufacturers ; u s stained by it still these enlarge, and gather, and i solidify nto companies, corporations, classes into great manufacturing and mercantile systems and interests, which Often , like unnatural chil i and dren, d sown desert the mother that bore and the nurse that fed them without it there is neither manufacturer, nor trade, nor means to make them , for it is agriculture alone that furnishes these means . F ood is our first want o ur u to procure it first work . The agric ltural

an d class, therefore, must precede provide for

. r o f neces every other It is first in orde nature, s it y , and time . It is an abundant agriculture alone that creates and sustains manufactures, f c and arts, and tra fi It is an increasing agri F culture alone that extends them . or it is the f surplus Of food it accumulates, a ter providing ordinary subsistence, that forms new wants and demands, and the modes and means to meet and i . S ro sat sfy them uch is the actual process, a p o r u cess that never yet was reversed , carried o t o r s o in any other course order ; it was at first, s o fo r e — ln and it will be ev r every time, in every l c ime, in every country. Adopt this process ; ' ‘ I JAMES FIN I AN LALOR. 3

has create what never yet existed in Ireland , an fli ien ur in active and e c t husbandry, a sec e and dependent agricultural peasantry, able to accu o ou mulate as well as to pr duce ; do this, and y raise a thriving and happy community, a solid

' eflective social economy, a prosperous people, an nation . Create the husbandman and you create artiz an the mechanic, the , the manufacturer, the o u merchant. Thus y will work out the ordinance

Of God, in the order and with the powers o f nature. All the natural motives and means with which man is endowed will come then to your s do relief and as istance, and the rest . Any further interference with the course and process o f a and n tural laws would be useless mischievous . N either monarchs no r mobs ever yet were able to

o r o r v manage modify that natural process, e er attempted to enforce interference without doing grievous injury and gross injustice. The abortive and mischievous legislation O f both Old and ff recent times a ords lessons enough Of this, if we choose to learn them. There seems to be a vague impress ion o n a large portion Of the public mind o f this country that national atten

as efl o r tion and exertion , well as individual t, should be directed into a course the reverse in its steps and stages o f that rational order I have 32 THE WRITINGS OF

o ut p inted o . We are in the habit Of hearing it asserted that a large development o f manu facturin a g industry is what Irel nd needs, and that to establish it Should be her chief Object. I a t is even assumed, not unfrequently, that an d manufacturing system must precede, is the an d only means Of promoting, the improvement f prosperity o agriculture itself. This is an error

I would wish to s ee abandoned . It distracts effort and attention from the point on which both o n ought to be directed, and which they could ff — . I a act with e ect am prepared to prove wh t, — indeed , any man may prove to himself that neither by the private enterprise o f individuals o r companies, neither by the force Of national n feeling a ywhere exerted, neither by public association o r public action Of any kind o r extent, nor by Government aid , if such aid could — be expected neither by these o r any other means and appliances can a manufacturing l system be estab ished in Ireland , nor so much as o n a factory built firm ground , until the support o fa numerous and efli cient agricultural yeoman ry be first secured ! Good friends ! you that are recommending us to encourage native manu facture and to form manufacturing associations tradesmen and townsmen o f Irelan d ! will you

34 THE WRITINGS O E

r . landowne s require Meantime, by forcible eject

ments, forced surrender, and forced emigration , you are effecting the process Of conversion a little t oo rapidly, perhaps, for steady and

safe working. o u And so, it seems, y have doomed a to extinction ? And decreed to abolish

The undertaking is a large one. Are your strength will bear you y ou sure your strength will settlement you have made requ ffi i c give it e cacy, except the assent or acqu es en ce f s o eight million Of people. Will they assen t o r

? I i a acquiesce Will reland, at last, perish l ke o r lamb, and let her blood Sink in the ground , will she turn as turns the baited lion ? F or my o wn and f part I can pronounce no opinion, o r o u n y , my lords and gentleme , if you have any o n doubts the question, I think it would be wisdom to pause in your present course Of p ro ceeding until steps can be taken and measu res

' adopted for eflecting an accommodation and arrangement between you and the present o cc u O f piers the soil, on terms that would prese rve the rights and promote the interests o f each party. If you persevere in enforcing a clearance of your lands you will force men to weigh your O JAMES FINTAN LAL R. 35 e n xiste ce, as landowners, against the existence f Of the Irish people . The result O the struggle which that question might produce ought, at O f best, to be a matter doubt in your minds ; even though you should be aided, as you doubt less would be , by the unanimous and cordial O f support the people Of England , whose respect and esteem for you are S O well known and s o loudly attested .

I have the honour to remain, my lords and e n u g ntleme , yo r humble and obedient servant,

M F L O JA ES . AL R. 36 T H E WRITINGS o r

’ A N D LA N L R D W T E N A N T S R I GH T D O LA .

“ I may be told that this famine is a visitation of P n but I a m a I f e rovide ce, do not d it th t. ear there is blasphemy in charging on the A lmighty the ' m elt of our own doings. God s is known by the general scarcity of food of whic h itIs T I s n al s ar the consequence . here no ge er c city, has ra sca t I a t been no gene l rci y in rel nd, ei her the rwent the as a x p or p t ye r, e cept in one T he i has species of vegetable. so l produced its usual tribute fo r the support O f those by whom it was t T he r cultiva ed . vice inhe ent in our of social and political economy is so settled u u Yo u a ra el des inq iry. c nnot t ce it to the The poor man on whom the coroner holds an mmdered hi has been , but no one killed m. did it ? N O one it. Yet was did it done. R I HT G R E ! . DR . H UG H E S .

T I N A x I L I A s s R v , LE I x,

I have just no w seen in the N ation o f last S M I aturday, ay , the foregoing extract from the “ . o n lecture of Dr Hughes, the Condition o f ” Ireland .

Doctor Hughes does not seem sufficiently to understand ho w the failure of a single root can “ have produced a famine. The vice o f o ur JAMES FINTAN LA LOR. 37

political and social economy is o ne that eludes ” ? r . B ut s o inqui y is it, indeed, obscure Has it then been able to conceal or disguise itself ? It - must be dragged o ut. In self defence the question

n ow o n us is forced , whether there be any par ticular class o r institution specially chargeable ?

It is a question easily answered . Into the more remote causes o f the famine it is needless now

to enquire, but it is easily traced back to its

d . imme iate origin The facts are few, and are l so on told and speedi y understood , when the conditions of the country it had to act o n have

first been stated. I state them from recollection ; I to I have no returns at hand to refer , but shall be found generally correct. r n o r 2 There are in I ela d , were last year, a gricultural families, comprising adult o n male labourers, depending altogether wages fo r subsistence. If I commit any mistake, it is that o f overstating the number of such families . There was not constant employment to be found o f for those men , and the rate wages was very low. The labourer, partially employed and poorly paid, was unable, on the mere hire of a his h nds, to feed himself and those who looked to him for food . He borrowed for six months N 1 (May I to ov. ) from some neighbouring 38 THE WRITINGS o r f armer the use of a quarter o f an acre of l and . ’ He paid for this six months use the s um o f 2 1 6d h 28. . w t e £ The farmer, ho ever, manured land he manured it by paring o ff with the o f plough a thin layer surface, which the labourer f o le t to dry, made up into heaps, and burned int O ashes, which he spread over the ground. n the — land so manured for in no other mode was i t — he was ever manured planted potatoes, and to o n to able live ; and he did live , from year r m to year, f o youth grey hair, from father to

s on . W t , in penury and patience hether he n n o r pe ury made the patie ce, the patience made I C is the penury, stay not to enquire. ertain it that they commonly go together. The details f bu I am giving are su ficiently well known here, t I for S I o r write England . uch as state him is , “ was, the Irish labourer, that independent no w labourer, whose free and happy condition is offered and recommended s o strongly to the small

his o wn . landholder, as preferable to Last year this man did as usual . He planted his potatoes o ut but when he came to dig them , there were none to be digged. Two hundred and thirty thousand families begun to die o f h unger ; and famin e ran wild into fever. o f is d The cultivated soil Ireland distribute , JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 39 o r was last year, into about landholdings, i O o f each occupied by a fam ly. f this number landholders, were in occupation, each o f z o ne farms varying in si e from acre to ten, o f n and none them exceedi g that exten t. This o f ff class men di ered little in the appearance, but very much in the reality of circumstance and o f condition, from the class men labourers. Their circumstances varied with the size o f the hold ing ; but the lowest family among them stood

far above the labourer. Their means of subsist w f r ence were some hat greater, their securities o

subsistence were far greater. They did not, as l uff the labourers did, common y starve o r s er — ' hunger through the summer months the fafl uae

moat/ls we , as call them in this country. Those o f them who held farms o f from five to ten acres o f o f holding, enjoyed some little share the co m o f fort life, which the careless and mirthful tem m n o f pera e t Ireland heightened into happiness . on The men dressed well Sunday, and the women gaily at least in all parts o f the country with

which I am acquainted . The smallest land holders of this class were labourers also labourers with allotments—labourers with assur

ance against positi ve starvation. Each man had

at least a foothold o f existen ce. Each man had 40 THE WRI TINGS or

- n ed potato grou d at least ; at a high rent, inde ,

- so . S t l but not high as the one acre rent il , w f however, the lo est grade o these men we re miserable enough ; but not so utterly so as the

. e m mere labourer Their country had hope for th , too h s e . , while had none for the labourer T o I o r i avoid , if can, confusion complicat on o f o ut o f fo r statement, I put view the present th e i o f hold ngs size beyond ten acres each, amou n t in g in number to about But such as I so as ff state it was the condition, far a ects the o f small occupiers I speak , in which the famin e found Ireland.

' T wo of circumstances this man s situation , not and those unimportant, remain yet, however, to in be stated, in account for the past, and

r O o f a calculation for the futu e . ne them is, th t no o r he held his land by other assurance, legal ' r a moral , than his landlord s pecuniary pe son l interest in retaining him as a tenant. He had o f commonly no lease his holding, or, if he had , it was rendered null in effect by numberless circumstances which I cannot stop to state . The feelings that exist in England between o ld landlord and tenant, coming down from times, and handed as an heirloom from gener t — in f ation o generation the feel g o family pride,

42 THE WRITINGS o r

h o o r clear rent and tit e rent, county rate and p o e rate. In such the cultivator had a small v r o f as plus, which he could actually dispose he

o ut u r liked, and he commonly laid it in the p f r chase o mere luxuries, such as shoes, wea i ng

o f . S o apparel , and other articles convenience

stood the landholders o f ten acres o r under. to o Last year this man did according cust m . o wn He planted potatoes for his support, he ' sowed corn for his landlord s rent . The potato

perished ; the landlord took the corn . T he — tenant-cultivator paid his rents was forced to h — 0 to pay t em sold his grain cr p pay them , an d had to pray to man as well as to God fo r his

daily bread. I state general facts ; I stop n o t to count scattered and petty exceptions. Who is it says the landlords got no rent last year ? Bernal Osborne says so and adds that the co n duct o f the Irish farmers in withholding thei r fu rents was most discreditable and disgrace l. One hundred voices and pens have said and t e eated are p it . The landlords in Parliament an d “ ’ ” in the compositor s room ; the tenant-culti vato rs m . a are not The lion is no painter. It y be so that in districts of Tipperary the tenants , o r o f — u many them , kept their corn for food th s a paying themselves for their labour, capital, nd I JAMES F NTAN LALOR. 43 — seed , and saving their own lives instead of pay

ing the land rent. It may be that in those d istricts the full rents were not paid it may be M o that in parts of Galway, ayo, C rk , and else r o a whe e they could not be paid . The t crop as and failed partially, the potato failed wholly when these were the crops in the groun d the o f u landowner, co rse, in many cases, lost a portion o f - his rent, as the tenant cultivator lost his entire i i provision of food. But these except ons are n efficie t a n against the facts I state. I s y and assert that the landowners took entire possession ’ — o f last year s harvest o fthe Whole effective s um

and substance of that harvest . The food for this ’ ’ year s subsistence, the seed for next year s crop i the landlord took it all . He stood to his r ght — and got his rent and hunger was in five hundred

thousand houses, pinching dearth in all, deadly F famine in many. amine, more or less, was in

five hundred thousand families famine, with all diseases a s its and decay ; f mine, with all its fear

and horrors ; famine, with all its dreadful pains ,

and more dreadful debility. All pined and r wasted, sickened and d ooped ; numbers died the strong man, the fair maiden , the little infant — the landlord had got his rent. Relief committees were formed and public 4 4 THE WRITINGS o r

on . t n works set foot The landowners grew bus li g , o f i if not busy, in the work demand ng relief an d d ispensing it. To the local relief funds ve ry o f many them, indeed, contributed nothing b ut there were others who contributed even so large

a sum as 0000 00} per cent . o n their annual i n r i a come, and we e most properly apprec ated n d beneficen t i praised as ind viduals, while several gave a percentage o f double or thrice that — amount and Ireland rung with applause. Th ey demanded the Labour Rates Act ; called fo r works which would increase the productive powe rs o f the soil ; and grew Glamo ro us in the expre s o f ff sion pity for their su ering countrymen, whom they charged Government with delivering up to famine by adopting an erroneous and insufficien t f F o . system relief inally, under the flag of thei r n country they met in the Rotu da, and form ed an Irish party for the professed object of estab lishing and supporting an Irish policy for Irish

purposes that is to say, for the purpose o f taking care that the pecuniary interests o f th e o f ff landowners Ireland should su er no detrimen t, more especially by any extension of poor law

. S o f e relief uch is the history the present famin . Does it furnish o r suggest an answer to the c o n in o f ? e lud g query Dr. Hughes JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 45

in But another famine is preparation , and will fa s surely come, no matter for llacious statement o f l of an increased breadth ti lage.

o f o t be The lord the soil had g his rent, and

come a public and professed patriot. The cultivator o f the soil had lost his provision o f o ut o n food, and gone the public roads for public a w ges. The preparations for tillage, of course,

were neglected . The tenant had neither seed o r nor subsistence ; , if he had any small provision o f o f either, he was soon deprived it by the rules of the relief system . Whatever seed he might have saved from the landlord ; whatever little means he possessed fo r making manure ; what ever small capital was in his hands to work o n t b wi h , were taken from him y relief committees n ffi and relievi g o cers. The law was laid down , and a o n cted very generally, that no man should obtain either gratuitous relief o r public employ ment until he should be first completely pauper ised . If he had seed corn he should consume it, — if he had a co w he should sell it and no t a few “ o f t if them said, as hey are still saying, he had land he should give it up ; other wise he could have no title to relief. This was to say, they chose rather to maintain fo r s wholly ever after the first few month , than 46 THE WRITI NGS or to maintain partially fo r those few mon ths ; rather to give permanent support than tem po rary aid ; rather to create a pauper than to as sist a struggling worker. This was to declare in o f to fo r o favour pauperism , and vote an ther

famine. I am putting no blame o n the parties to this proceeding. The reasons for it were

plausible in appearance . I am merely stati n g a in mis t fact, and charging noth g more than aket “ ! We must guard against the evils, said the ffi o f o cial authorities, indiscriminate relief, and avoid the risk of pauperising the feelings o f the t o f peasan ry, encouraging the spirit dependen ce, and training them to the trade of beggars . T o me it seems it would have been safer to in cur

’ the risk o f pauperising their fl d zngs than the certainty o f pauperising their means ; and bett er even to take away t/ze will to be independent than to take away tfie power. When there are ” lie such numbers utterly destitute, said the Re f man committee, why should we give a relief who has a barrel of oats in his possession ? It ” the oor would be wasting Silver and cheating p .

What was it to them that the barrel of oats , if 1 2 kept for seed , would have produced barrels — at harvest a return o f per cent . on the cost o f feeding the man while consuming his p oor little provision o f corn seed . JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 47

The tenant was left without seed o r substance . ff o f The e ect is, that the smaller class holdings remain uncropped and untilled, and in many o f cases abandoned. This class holdings con stituted a large portion o f the tillage lands o f l Ireland . The argest class of farms are exclu s ivel y under grass. The proportion o f pasture m a m di inishes as the f rm grows s aller. The smallest class of holdings are exclusively in til lage ; and these are not in the usual course of fo r n to preparation bei g cropped, but will , all o f appearance evidence, remain waste this year.

The season is passing. The potato will not be f N o planted to any e ficient extent. adequate — substitute has been adopted o r found no ade i of o r o f quate additional quant ty corn crop, any r o r o f n c op , has been sowed, is in course sowi g . f r N A famine o next year is all but secured. um bers o f the small occupiers have abandoned o r surrendered their holdings . The landowners are assisting the natural operation o f the famine in — stead o f arresting it putting the tenan t out o f his foothold of land instead o f aidin g him to retain and cultivate it. In every district the tenantry are being evicted in hundreds by legal u process, by compelled s rrenders, by forced sales — fo r trifling sums the price being very frequently 48 THE WRITINGS o r paid by a receipt for fictitious or forgotten arrears. These men are being converted into

independent labourers and the number al' ready evicted will form a very co nsiderable addition to a class too numerous even n o w for — the demands o r resources o f the country too — many to be absorbed too many to be s uppor' — ted . Another famine comes next year a famine o f undiminished powers o f destruction to act on diminished powers o f resource and resistance—a famine o f equal origin to act on weakened c on di i n o f t o s. Additional numbers the small occ u — piers are thrown o ut o f occupation o f land the entire body I am speaking o f are thrown o ut I t nor 0 h r . will not stop short of that, st p even t e e Who can limit such an operation to ten -acre o r ? i holdings, limit it at all They lose th s land ; o f S they acquire, in lieu it, that valuable pecies ! of n n S Irish property, i depende t labour. top F d o ne moment to look at the fact. ive hu n red thousand families added to the two hundred and thirty thousand who form the present mass o f — labour six hundred and seventy thousand adult males converted into independent labourers ” six hundred and seventy thousand hands added to those three hundred and nineteen thousan d i v so successfully engaged in indepen dent

50 THE WRITINGS or

N o v f cause, moreo er, is operating against o n e o the class, that is not operating against all. But the confiscation will not be limited t o tew a r n cre holdings . There are causes in ope atio which will shortly render it impossible for tillage land to pay as high a rent as land under grass M — r artifi any causes some natural, othe s cial render it immss ible to produce corn in this l country at as low a cost, quality for qua ity , as O it can be produced in most others . u r corn will soon be undersold in the market by a — superior article a result rendered sure r and speedier by the present increased deman d for S to o - di of foreign corn. hortly, , the house fee ng if cattle can no longer be carried o n. Even the repeal o f the corn duty should realise the u tmost s h l expectations of its advocates, and if there ou d in be, consequently, a proportionate increase the fo r o demand beef, mutton, butter, and wo l, yet o f s l the tillage land Ireland , turned into gras and, Will be fully adequate to supply that inc reased H o us e feedin to demand . g will be unable co m - o r a fo r i pete against grass feeding, to p y ts elf.

Together with corn , therefore, the root crops will no longer be raised ; a regular system o f a ctive cultivation is sustained and supported by corn m alone. The agriculture that employs and ain x JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 5

an d a ricul tains millions will leave the land, an g ture that employs only thousands will take its place. Ireland will become a pasture ground s once again, a it was before, and its agricultural population o f tillage farmers and labourers will o r s be decay and die o ut by degrees, vani h and come extinct at once ; even as heretofore, from u the same cause , in many times and co ntries, populations as numerous, melting away by a o r o ut w rapid mortality, mouldering by slo but sure decay, have perished and passed away from a for o f r o u the e rth ; classes people, nor enti e p p lations nor or , nations themselves, are not fixed immortal, anymore than the individual men that compose them . The eight thousand individuals who are owners o f Ireland by divine right and the grant o f b ram a/var God , confirmed (y d ) in sundry i s o f success ve act parliament, have a full view o f u these coming res lts I have stated, and have distinctly declared their intention o f serving to notice quit on the people of Ireland. Bernal Osborne states that the small landlords are

' ' unable (after Iramng' paid tirezr rents ) to support out of themselves the land, and that they must be completely got rid o f. The landowners have o f n d adopted the process depopulati g the islan , at 5 2 THE WRITINGS o r and are pressing it forward to their o wn des truc tion o r to ours. They are declaring that they and we can no longer live together in this land - o n They are enforcing self defence us. They o n o f are, at least, forcing us the question s ub o r n o ne a mission resista ce ; and I , for sh l l give my vote for resistance . and Before I examine that question, state u i what I conceive to be the true gro nds, li m ts, o f n and mode resistance, I purpose maki g on e other and last appeal to the landowners to a dopt

e the only course that can now save a struggl . JAMES FIN TAN LALOR. 5 3

A N AT I O N A L C O U N C I L . “ T o T H E E DI T O R o r T H E N A T I O N .

T I N A I I I L L, A s s m z rx,

d 2 11: M a . N a a! , 5 y — ’ S in I n the leading article o f last Saturday s N ation , it is stated that the Reproductive ” has Committee changed its name, enlarged

its basis, and constituted itself into what the writer would seem desirous to consider to be the “ ” nucleus o f a N ational Council. He seems also im rtance to attach an w to the transaction , of

which, I fear, it is wholly undeserving.

The N ation gives no report. I have seen none elsewhere o f the pro c edings o f the meeting at

which the alleged alterations were made . I r o f know nothing, the efore, the name, nature, o f i principles, or purpose, the new association nto

t has . which the commit ee resolved itself I write,

o n s u consequently, in ignorance, and mere p o f pos ition . But I know that necessity it will ff consist e ectively, if not avowedly, of landowners n o ly. Its composition and character will be determined and limited as strictly by circum 54 THE WRITI NGS or

stances as they could by formal rule o f O tion. riginating in Dublin , without a constituency throughout the country to em po wer o r u s pport, formed by its own private act, no t i l by public act on, it will never, in pub ic es ti ma a i ti tion , be anything more th n an assoc a on o f a landowners, and it will be pr ctical wisdo m attempt no revolt against a publi to assume no other character o r fun cti those which general opinion will have assigned to it. Should it be able to extend itself, a few individuals from might doubtless be induced to i mercant le and professional men, tenant-farmers ; but never in sufficient o r to enable it to assume the character, the functions of a N ational Council profess to be, what in fact, it is, an associ landed proprietors, and pretend to be nothing more. This will be its true an d most effective

. no w a i policy But association of lando ners , ct ng alone, can settle a single question o f all tho se which are now fermenting in every house and i s every heart throughout the island . Be t obj e cts a wh t they may, the noblest or meanest, the e o r o ne o f great st pettiest, not them can be effected without the assent and aid of those who JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 5 5

occupy the soil and inhabit the land , and who will continue to be occupiers and inhabitants in despite and defiance o f open force o r covert

o f i . fraud, avowed enem es or hollow friends

If its founders, however, be honest, earnest and n capable, and should they succeed in obtaini g the adhesion o f any considerable number o f the r landed proprieto s, the nascent association may be made to form o ne component part o f a N o f o f ational Council , which the Commons — Ireland tenant-farmers and trading classes

would constitute the other portion. A S the most ready and feasible mode that o f occurs to me organizing such Council, I beg fo r to present, consideration and correction, the hasty draft o f plan which is stated in the follow ing suggestions “ I . That the Reproductive Committee do immediately constitute itself into an association o f landowners, to be composed exclusively of

Irish landed proprietors .

2 . That should such proposed association o f landowners become too numerous to act as a M deliberative assembly, it shall appoint a anag o ne o r two ing Committee of hundred members, empowered and instructed to assume the office o f standing, and Speaking, and acting, as the 5 6 THE WRITINGS o r accredited organ of the landed pro p ri et ors of

Ireland .

- . o r o 3 That a tenant league, ass ciati o n of tenant-farmers be formed with as li ttle d elay as possible, in each of the several co un ties of

Ireland.

f ! 4. That every such county league o te n ant farmers shall appoint a managing com mi t tee o f no t les s thanfive nor more than twelve m e m bers the number to be fixed according to the e x tent and population of the county.

5 . That a trade society, for the reviva l £ 13 o f promotion Irish manufacture, be establish ed in each of the thirty most populous cities and to wns o f the kingdom. 6 t . That every such trade socie y shall app o int a o r secretary, a president and secretary, o r a managing Committee o f from three to e ight n to members, accordi g the greater or sma ller f o r population o the town city. n - r 7. That these te ant league committees , t a de f n d committees, and trade o ficers, either u er i f if spec al powers and instructions to that ef ect , o r wi allowed by the Convention Act other se, through the concurrence o f accidental circu m o r r stan ces, other perfectly legal and mo al n contrivance, shall assemble together in Dubli ,

5 8 THE WRITINGS o r commend and carry o ut this proc eedi s h ome analogous proceeding, they will a s o f r s tr erved well their count y, saved and own s ee in I ened their cla s, and done a d d JAME S FINTAN LALOR. 5 9

N TH E RIGHTS O F IRELA D.

number of the ! risk F elon une 2 th (Fro m the firs t , j 4 ,

l I n k/z F elon for To found a paper ike the , the o f mere purpose, in whole or in part, making a ’ o r in fortune mak g a farthing, would be a felon s ’ n t crime i deed, deserving no hero s doom , lamen ed o r o n scaf death honoured exile, but death the

f . F o r fold, amid the sco f and scorn of the world years we have seen men in Ireland alternately trading on the government and trading o n the country, and making money by both ; and you no t do imagine, perhaps, to what degree the public mind has been affected with a feeling o f — suspicion by the circumstance a feeling deepen e o r ed, ext nded and justified , by all we see know f F o . o r ourselves , indeed , the craving to get money— the niggard reluctance to give money the coward fear of losing or laying out money is the bad and coarse point that is most ap parent in the character of all ranks and classes o f o ur people ; and I often fear it argues an utter abs ence o fall heroism from our national tempera 60 T HE WRITINGS O F

a w e ment, and of all the rom ntic passions, heth r men m r public or private . In other countries ar y f r for love ; in Ireland they marry o m oney. Elsewhere they serve their country fo r their ’ ’ — country s thanks o r their country s tears here ’ i they do it for their country s money. A t th s a very time, when Ireland, to all appear nce, is stripping for her last struggle on this S ide of a v o s ges, there are, I am con inced, many pers n among the middle classes who refuse to fall into the national march, or countenance the national —in e movement, merely from the hope most cas s — as vain as it is vile o f obtaining some petty government place ; o r from the fear of losing some beggarly employment o r emolument and I know myself in this country many and many a sturdy and comfortable farmer who refuses to furnish himself with a pike, merely and solely i because it would cost him two Sh llings. F o r — — ourselves I say nothing o f others let us aim w at better rewards than mere money re ards. Better and higher rewards has Ireland in her

. i hands If we succeed, we Shall obta n these ; n o and if we do not succeed, we shall deserve ne .

In cases like this, the greates t crime that man co mmit is o f 1 can the crime failure . am con vin ced it has become essential to our fame a nd 6 1 JAMES FINTAN LALOR. — o ur effectiveness to the success o f o ur cause and o f the character our country, to keep clear and secure ourselves from the suspicion , that our only object may be nothing more than a long and lucrative agitation . The Confederation pledged its members to accept no office or place of profit from an English governmen t. That pledge was ffi fo r its own s e cient, perhaps, professed purpo es, — “ ” but no t for others for an agitation has places s and profits o f its own to bestow. Let them ay — o f us whatever else they will let them call us uS felons, and treat as such , but let them not,

w . at least, have the po er to call us swindlers u : We may be famo s let us not become infamous. F o r these and other still more important I reasons, needless to be stated as yet, certainly could have wished that this journal had been o n the established a subscribed capital, and effective ownership vested in a joint-stock co m pany of, say eight hundred o r a thousand proprietors . What is there to hinder that this arrangement should be made even now ? It

would contain securities , and create powers, ff o r which no other could o er pretend to . There ffi in are, indeed, some practical di culties the way,

r but they might easily, I think, be ove come. Whether an y such arrangement be adopted o r 6 2 T H E WRITINGS OI!

f w r ted not, I believe, however, that I am ully a ran — in desiring and I think o ur o wn true interest — and honour concur in demandin g that the F elon office shall not be a com m erci a l es tah lishment as re , but organised and animated a g at

. a political association And, for my p rt, I enter it with the hope and determination to m ake it a m an armed post, fortress for freedo to be,

perhaps, taken and retaken again , and yet again ; its i but never to surrender, nor stoop flag, t ll

that flag Shall float above a liberated nation. Without agreement as to our objects we can o not agree n the course we should follow. It is requisite the paper should have but one pu rpose ; and the public should understand what that

. M n purpose is i e is not to repeal the Union,

’ - h or restore Eighty two . T is is not the year 82 ’ 8 F or e this is the year 4 . rep al I never went in to “ ” Agitation and will not go into i nsurrecti o n. O ues tien o r n that q I refuse to arm, to act i n any ' Connell mode and the country refuses. O made no mistake when he pronounced it not worth the o f o ne o f n d for price drop blood , a myself, I regret it was not left In the hands of Concili ati on

an d I s . M Hall, whose lawful property it was oral e force and Repeal, the means and the purpos , —A reader ambo were just fitted to each other , 6 JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 3

balmy Arcadians both. When the means were limited, it was only proper and necessary to limit the purpos e. When the means were en lar ed g , that purpose ought to have been enlarged also. Repeal, in its vulgar meaning, I look o n as utterly impracticable by any mode of action ’ whatever ; and the constitution o f 82 was

s l . ab urd , worthless, and worse than worth ess The English government will never concede o r surrender to any species of moral force whatso ever ; an d the country-peasantry will never arm i — and fight for t neither will I . If I am to stake life and fame it must assuredly be fo r something

r to better and greater, mo e likely last, more to an d t likely succeed, bet er worth success. n i And a stro ger pass on , a higher purpose, a nobler and more needful enterprise is fermenting the hearts of the people. A mightier question moves Ireland to-day than that of merely te f N o t pealing the Act o Union . the constitution that Wolfe Tone died to abolish, but the consti — tutio n that Tone died to obtain independence ; i full and absolute ndependence for this island , no and fo r every man within this island . Into movement that would leave an enemy’s garrison o f o ur o f o ur in possession all lands, masters ur v o ur o f liberties, o li es, and all means life and 64 THE WRITINGS o r — happiness into no such movement will a single re c oats m e man of the g y enter with an ar d hand, d whatever the town population may o . O n a n i wider fighti g field, with stronger pos tio ns and greater resources than are afforded by th e paltry o f fo r question Repeal, must we close o ur final o r u struggle with England, sink and s rrender. o wn— o wn Ireland her Ireland her , and all so d therein, from the to the Sky. The soil of o f h Ireland for the people Ireland, to a ve and hold from God alone who gave it— to have and to v hold to them and their heirs for e er, without o r c o r or suit servi e, faith fealty, rent render, to

F s any power under Heaven. rom a worse bowl age than the bondage o f any foreign gove rn ment — from a dominion more grievous and grindin g than the dominion o f England in its worst —from the cruellest tyranny that ever yet its vulture clutch o n the body and soul o f a — country from the robber rights and robber rule that have turned us into slaves and beggars in — the land which God gave us for ours Delive r oh o r — er ance, Lord, Deliverance death Deliv

o r i . o ance, this sland a desert This is the ne prayer, and terrible need, and real passion o f - N o . w a Ireland to day, as it has been for ages , t last it begins to shape into defined and desperate

66 T HE WR ITINGS O F

f too o the gi ted , and the daring ; and there, , g F wise . o r wisdom knows that in national ac tion

' I zttlmess is more fatal than the wildest rashness ; the greatness o f object is essential to greatness ff l i n of e ort, strength , and success ; that a revo ut o ought never to take its stand o n low o r

ground , but seize o n the broadest and ground it can lay hands o n and that

enterprise seldom succeeds . aimed o r declared for less than indep

she would, probably, have failed, and

- fettered slave to day .

N ot co n ! to repeal the Union , then, but the — quest not to disturb o r dis mant — but to abolish it utterly fo r ever not ’ ’ o n 82 to 8— to o r t , but act up 4 not resume e o store an old constitution, but f und a

and raise up a free people, and stro

and free, secure as well as strong, peasantry rooted like rocks in the soil — I hO e land this is my object, as p it is

and this, you may be assured, is the easi is the nobler and the more pressing F o r Repeal , all the moral means at our

have in turns been used, abused, and ab All the military means it can

as utterly. Compare the two AMES R 6 J FINTAN LALO . 7 would require a national organization a central representative authority, formally elected ; a o f regular army, a regulated war concentrated e O action and combined movem nt. n the other ff I question all circumstances di er, as could easily u I i i i show y o . But have gone nto th s port on of the subject prematurely and unawares, and here I — too stop being reluctant, besides, to trespass ’ long o n the time o f her Majesty s legal and military advisers. I The principle state, and mean to stand upon , o f is this, that the entire ownership Ireland , and to s un moral material, up the and down to o f o f the centre, is vested right in the people bu Ireland ; that they, and none t they are the land -owners and law-makers o f this island that all laws are null and void not made by them , and all titles to land invalid not conferred or con firmed by them ; and that this full right of ownership may and ought to be asserted and enforced by any and all means which God has

put in the power of man. In other, if not plainer I i words, hold and mainta n that the entire soil o f a country belongs o f right to the entire people o f that country, and is the rightful property, not o ne u of any class , but of the nation at large, in f ll l o n effective possession, to let to whom they wi l, “3 68 THE WR I T I N GS o r

con whatever tenures, terms, rents, services and ditio ns o ne they will ; condition, however, being c unavoidable and essential, the ondition that the f tenant shall bear full , true, and undivided ealty l n w o f and a legiance to the ation , and the la s n o wn no the nation, whose la d he holds, and

allegiance whatsoever to any other prince, power, o r o r or people, any obligation of obedience

e o r . I r spect to their will, orders laws hold n en further, and firmly believe, that the e joym t by the peo ple o f this right of first ownership in n i o f the soil, is esse tial to the vigour and vital ty f all other rights ; to their validity, e ficacy, and value ; to their secure possession and safe ex F o r ercise. let no people deceive themselves, o r v be decei ed by the words and colours , and o f co n phrases, and form a mock freedom, by stitutions and n , and charters, articles and fra his c es . n These things are paper and parchme t, t n waste and worthless. Let laws and insti utio s

say what they will, this fact will be stronger than

l a — h all laws, and prevai ag inst them the fact t at a those who own your lands will make your l ws,

and command your liberties and your lives. B ut this is tyranny and slavery ; tyranny in its widest a o f ul scope and worst shape sl very body and so , — from the cradle to the co ffin slavery with all its AMES 6 J FINTAN LALOR. 9

r o f horro s, and with none its physical comforts

and security ; even as it is in Ireland , where the n is o f whole commu ity made up tyrants, slaves,

- A and slave drivers. people whose lands and lives are thus in the keeping and custody of n o wn others, i stead of in their , are not in a o f t position common safe y. The Irish famine of ’ 6 4 is example and proof. The corn crops were

sufficient to feed the island. But the landlords w ould have their rents, in spite of famine and f defiance o fever. They took the whole harvest a nd who ad left hunger to those raised it . H the

people of Ireland been the landlords o f Ireland. r not a human creatu e would have died of hunger, n o r the failure of the potato been considered a

matter of any consequence . r The e are, however, many landlords, perhaps, n and certai ly a few, not fairly chargeable with the crimes of their orders ; and you may think it hard they should lose their lands . But recollect

in ect the principle I assert would make Ireland , f o n ht as she is f ig , mistress and queen of all those s he a lands that , poor lady, had ever a soft he rt t i ma and gra eful dispos tion ; and that she y , if l she please, in reward of a legiance, confer new titles o r confirm the old . Let us crown her a — queen and then let her do with her lands as a queen may do. yo THE WRITIN GS or

o f of In the case any existing interest, what i n nature soever, I feel assured that no quest o o s the but ne would need to be answered. Doe owner o f that interest assent to swear allegiance o f r to the people I eland, and to hold in fee from the Irish nation If he assen t he may be r s uff r N o o r assu ed he will e no loss. eventual permanent loss I mean ; for some temporary loss ff 1038 he must assuredly su er. But such would be incidental and inevitable to any armed in s ur a e o n l rection whatever, no m tt r what princip e o i f the right f res stance should be resorted to . I — —o ut he refuses, then I say away with him of this land with him—himself and all his robber l his rights, and all the things himse f and rights r o ur — have b ought into island blood and tears, m i . and famine, and the fever that goes with fa ne Between the relative merits and importance o f ’ two o and the rights, the pe ple s right to the land , to h their right legislation, I do not mean or wis

to . institute any comparison I am far, indeed , from desirous to put the two rights in com pe o r fo r i the tition contrast, I consider each al ke as n o f r to atural complement the other, necessa y ffi its theoretical completeness and practical e cacy. as i n But considering them for a moment d sti ct, — I do mean to assert this that the land question JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 71

not contains, and the legislative question does t i the con a n , materials from which victory is manufactured ; and that, therefore, if we be truly m o n in earnest, and deter ined success, it is on not o n the former question, and the latter, we t fl o ut n must take our s and, ing our ba ner, and o ur o f hurl down to England gage battle . Vic — tory follows that banner alone that, and no other.

This island is ours, and have it we will, if the a to an d le ders be but true the people, the people t be true o themselves. o f N o The rights property may be pleaded. o ne has a higher respect for the real rights of property than I have but I do no t class among ’ o f them the robber s right, by which the lands this country are now held in fee from the British n f crown. I ack owledge no right o property in a small class which goes to abrogate the rights o f u a numero s people. I acknowledge no right o f i property in e ght thousand persons, be they noble o r ignoble, which takes away all rights of pro s u perty, ec rity, independence, and existence itself, o f an from a population eight millions, and st ds all o f in bar to the political rights the island , and its all the social rights of inhabitants . I acknow ledge no right o f property which takes the food 72 THE WR I T I N GS o r

v — of millions, and gi es them a famine which o f denies to the peasant the right a home , and

concedes, in exchange, the right of a workhouse w v I deny and challenge all such rights , ho soe er

o r . n as founded enforced I challe ge them , o n o f founded only the code the brigand , and f enforced only by the sanction o the hangman . Against them I assert the true and indefeas ible — right of property the right of our people to live c and in it in comfort, security, and independen e, o wn to live in it by their own labour, on their

to do . land, as God and nature meant them f s Against them I shall array, if I can , all the orce

that yet remain in this island. And against them — ~ I am determined to make war, to their des

tructio n or my own. are S These my principles and views . I hall have other Opportunities to develop and defend i to them . I have some few other requisit ons r make, but I choose to defer them for othe reasons besides want of time and space O ur is first business, before we can advance a step, to o ur o wn i fix footing and make good our posit on . t That once done, this contes must, if possible, be brought to a speedy close.

74 THE WRI TINGS o r that he meant to act o n them so soon as occasion should fit and serve. It is scarcely needful to state that the measure I wished to have substituted for a simple Repeal o f was e the Union absolute indep ndence, with abolition o f the tenures by which the lands of this country are now holden in fee from the

British crown. It will be seen that the present paper was to have been followed by a second . That sec on d was written, but it assumed the form of a private v correspondence, addressed to se eral mem bers ' — o f the Confederation and to others the greater l portion of it to john Mitche , between whom and myself there was from the first an alm ost w perfect agreement. May his fetters eigh light and his spirit live among us l!

1m 1847

I n putting to paper the following ideas o n the course o f action which the Irish Confedera tion — ought to take as I am convinced it m ust soon and speedi fix on that course in some more determined shape and precise terms than it has — yet thought fit to adopt I wish it to be u n der I h stood and apparent that do not mean, and ave ur not time, to draw out anything that can p port JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 75

' to be a perfect and complete statement o f my — views o n the subject and still less to exhibit in t o n o r de ail the principles which they are based , w the argument in support of them . My sole ish t to o r attention is to s ugges . Any attempt

' convert o r convince would be useless . Individuals are never converted ; they must convert themselves . Men are moved only in masses ; and it is easier to convert a million o f men than a single man . But neither is the T o attempt necessary. you , or any of those for i whom this paper is ntended , the end of the clue !

is . Y ou i ou choose line enough will be able, f y ,

o ut f. i to follow it yoursel To lead you on, l nk n u by li k , would be needless and abs rd .

To anyone who considers their speeches, reso lutions, and proceedings, it will , I think, appear

n ma ifest and marked, as it does to me , that the “ ” seceders have gone into organized action upon mere vague impulse and general feeling ; with c t their obje ts undefined , their principles unset led, their course unmarked ; without any determinate — plan , or, consequently, any fixed purpose for no e purpose can long r main fixed , but must be ever

n a n veeri g and w veri g. without a plan to guide, i it control , and susta n ; and a purpose without a n no plan to confi e and confirm it, is purpose at all. 76 T I I E WR I T I N G S o r

S too as r uch a plan , , is wanting a war ant and guarantee to yourselves and to others that your o bject is feasible and your means adeq y o u have gauged your enterprise and your means ; and that the work you call on us n f to do will ot be wasted. There are ew worse t n v o r o f hi gs, e en in the ethics economy private i life, than labour m sdirected ; but o f who be said those would , for w and exact survey and calculation, mislead and e xhaust the labour and means and strength o f a ? i people It is not pr nciples alone, however e a pure, nor purposes the highest and nobl st, th t ever command success ; and few will be willing to go into a ship without chart or compass, even its o f though it steer course by the stars heaven. i I i Assum ng, therefore, as have a clear r ght to m o f assume, that the leading me bers the C o nfede o r o f ration, a certain number them , defer coming to some agreement a selves as to what their objects are to be ; and that some surer and better defined plan for attaining those objects must be laid down and “ adopted than sixty members, reading rooms, ” r and osewater. I proceed to submit the following considerations

. common understood I Repeal, as ty , taken by

78 T HE WRITINGS o r

s uficien n i . t o this po nt The fact, is this—that a “ moral agitation ” — whole power its power of an d o f producing danger, damage, — venien ce it exhausts this power o n c in whi h it takes place. was not l I It Eng and, but reland itself, that “ suffered evil and injury by o ur glorious ” “ ” tatio ns and gorgeous ethic experiments . most powerful moral agitation that could be “ ” got up in Ireland would not act upon L ondon; “ ” If emancipation be quoted, I can prove the quotation false in application to the present case. l I . m V But it is no ess certain that those eans,

' ffi o r l whether e cient impotent, are, in fu l efieet, f ’ o Co nnell. the property Mr. O possibly have been the hasty and protest o f the Seceders against the Repeal ques tion , has forced him to n te givi g it up in rms . I at Seceders for this somewhat precipitate ff ing. But the e ect is, that Repeal, in rational s shape, remain still his private in ff full, e ective possession , to manage to o r to manage, make much little of, or n e st suspend , surrender excha g , as be AM ES J FINTAN LALOR. 79

understand the points in dispute, nor the reasons for secession and can never be brought to join what could s o easily be represented as an antag‘ an o nistic and hostile movement. If y member n o f council doubts this opi ion, I challenge him to tes t it. o f militar V. The use y means, if you had m more the , would be than adequate. Those means would do something more than repeal the Union ; nor could they be limited to any such result. This might be no objection and I i mention the fact here, not as an object on, but ff for another and di erent reason , which I need o n not state as yet. But, in truth , this question — you possess no such means no r can y o u co m or — o u mand create them neither, even if y had

o u . them, could y employ them , with success s i VI. You po sess no m litary means . Repeal

no t . Y is an armed man , but a naked beggar o u fail in finding the first and fundamental element r — o u men o f milita y force y fail in finding . The

s only martial population that, Ireland pos esses — the small farmers and labourers will never a wea o n of wield p in favour Repeal. This might be enough to say ; but the full and entire fact ought to be told, that you can never count again o n the support of the country peasantry in any 80 THE WRITINGS o r

o r o n o f l shape degree, the question Repea Their interest in it was never ardent ; n o r was it o r i i native spontaneous, but forced and fact t ous. S was uch as it , it is now extinct, an d can never

re- r s mall armers be c eated . The f , more es eciall - o f p y , are weary and heart sick Repeal, as — well as of agitation that agitation which has

o ne to tlr m been called a bloodless , but which, e , w as not bloodless.

. o u VII But even had y those means , o r if you — could create them if y o u had at command the i o f whole m litary power the people, and the full o f means a popular armament, I say y o u can not use them with effect o n the question o f Repeal

To make it successful, your fight must be a e n o f en defens iv o e. The force England is t

rtz e o ut o f and fo fi d. You must draw it position ; break up its mass break its trained lin e of — march and manoeuvre its equal step and serried

. Yo u n o r o r array ca not organise, train, dis i line o f f c p your own force to any point e ficienc y. Yo u must, therefore, disorganise, and u ntrain, and undiscipline that o f the enemy ; an d not — alone must you unsoldier y o u must unofieer it its as also ; nullify tactique and strategy, well as its discipline ; decompose the science and syste m o f war, and resolve them into their first elements .

82 THE WRITINGS or

o f m VIII . There is yet another class eans and o f t t mode force bet er founded in moral righ , and eflicien t i more in action, than either ag tati on or r n o milita y insurrection . I can find fit and definite name for it on the spur o f the mo m ent Its theory may briefly be stated as founde d o n — the principle of natural law a principle beyond i ni d spute, de al or doubt

to u o r I . That no man has a right ass m e claim any species o f authority o r j ur isdictio n whatsoever over any other o r man , against the will, without the

consent, of that other.

11. That should he attempt to exerci s e such

m an assumed authority over another ,

without his consent, that other is n ot

bound to obey.

111. And that, should he take proceeding

for enforcing obedience , such p roceed

ing may be lawfully, and ought to be resisted by any and every means and

mode of force whatsoever. This is the right expression of the principle in its first form ; and this principle, so expressed, is the primitive nucleus round which a natio n z gathers and grows. Enlarged into si e and ex panded into shape sufficient to give ground fo r a 8 JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 3

people to stand upon, and to fit it for operation , is i — the principle I state th s that every district, c o r ommunity, nation of men is owner of itself and i u i can never, of r ght, be bo nd to subm t to

be governed by another people. I ts practical assertion forms the third mode o f action which this country might have recourse to, and consists I e au . In refusal to obedience to usurp d

h rit t o y . re II. In maintaining and defending such fusal o f obedience.

III . In resisting every attempt to exercise

such usurped authority, and every pro

c eeding adopted to enforce obedience . N . In taking quiet and peaceable possession o f all the rights and powers of govern in ment, and proceeding quietly to

exercise them.

v ex er . In maintai ning and defending the u cise of such rights and powers, sho ld

it be attacked. I X I have just thought o f a name for this o f fo r system means, and, want of a better, I may c moral ins urrectio ff be all it n. The di erence tween it and true military insurrec tion amounts

' i in eflect to noth ng more, practical , than the 6C 84 THE WRITINGS or

difference between the defens ive and the aggres s ive —a ff o use of physical force di erence, h wever.

which is often important, whether as regards eflic c moral right or mechanical a y . X ff . As an instrument for e ecting Repeal, this class of means is liable to the fatal

stated against the preceding class. moral insurrection is worthless witho

force to sustain it, and unless you

and willing to use that force. On

R e al r . pe , you have no such fo ce That question too ar awa is f y from the hearts of the peasantry.

eel unders t n They do not f , and scarcely a d it. see its l lzt They may be brought to ig , bu t never

eel its heat O too to f . ther circumstances, , render o f the right not available in favour Repeal. Y ou never could organise such an insurrection o n that question . The practical assertion of the right consists of two parts

. A bolition o f B I ritish government. F ormation II . of a national one.

I ( .) How would you proceed to accomplish the former ? By a general refusal to obey the entire ? Yo u existing law Impossible. could n ot do this even mentally to your o wn satisfaction ; o u do O much less could y it in act ual fact. r by

86 THE WRITINGS o r

! o f N I O hope of the confederation, and the AT N . I am quite willing to join in trying that ex pe ri P ! D D ment, RO I E it be based and conducted on c commons the ondition that the of Ireland , as well nobles fo r — as its , be consulted and cared ; that the landowners will consent and agree to take — the landholders into council to admit them as “ — portion o f the Irish Party maki ng of that — party a great national league and, finally, to frame and subscribe terms of accommodation c o f and amnesty for the past . and arti les agree m ment for the future, between the selves and the — tenants of the soil o ne o f those articles to be security o f tenure in some effective shape o r

other to the present occupiers o f land . On this a tr b sis, and no other, would I be willing to y the “ ’ not i experiment ; but to make it a l fe s labo ur. — — — Until the day o f am I willing to try it n o

longer. XI I f . But the success o that experiment is — scarce to be hoped especially n o w that the “ fa mine here has been recognised as an i mpe rial ”— calamity and the policy o f Confederation c o n

a arentl dern ier resort — i tains, pp y , no , nor ts pro c eedings any preparation for having recourse to

it. The policy I wish and mean to press o n

r does dernier resor you attention contain such t , JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 87 and the course o f proceeding I would fain have the Confederation adopt contains and comprises t re arator wi hin it the p p y movement.

X . ine racticable III Repeal is not alone p . As — commonly understood a Simple repeal o f the — ac: of Union it is an abs urdity . The resulting conn exion and state of things could neither eu d are . s o nor be endured Reflection tells us , hIsto r co- y agrees . Two independent, equal , and s werei n g Legislatures, forming one state under one e l crown , is an arrangement r pugnant a ike to re common sense and experience. Reason

udiates e . p , and history n ver heard of it Two wheels in the same machine, of equal power, c independent, unconne ted, and not under control o f the same prime mover, would form a better m arrangement . Inani ate wheels, perchance , mag/ct work together ; but under the action o f m r soverez n hu ane interests and passions, sepa ate g l r legis atu es never could. X N o f I! . mode o connexion between the i kingdoms could be solid, desirable, or last ng, ederal un except a f ion, such as that existing N w between e York and Pen nsylvania. But a federal u nion must be the result of negotiation and agreement between the federating parties . I deny the competency of the Imperial (British) 88 THE WRITINGS o r

m o r e rm Parliament to fra e the act, make the t s i the o f federation . But, in order to negot ate, o n u c h e parties must stand eq al terms , and ea b I de endence e f ndent . n o r indepe of the other p , ther e, i is re full and ent re independence, a necessary p liminary to any permanent or satisfacto ry i arrangement with Brita n. The steps are

i n . W independence, negot ation, federal u ion h at u I —I the terms sho ld be, will not state d is like

needless theo rising . o n l s X! . Do not suppose I am insisting use es

rms M v ff r . h n fo . y object is ery di e ent I t i k every o ne should familiarize his mind to the

is foregoing proceeding ; for such the proceeding, o r o ne analogous which must eventually be

. Yo u ! o f law adopted will NE ER, in form , f o . N ever repeal the act Union , while the s un

sits in heaven, and the laws of nature are i n N ever i action . , before n ght goes down o n the

last day. X I ! . But a declaration of independence is yet — far away at least in the distance that is measured events is r by , if not in the distance that measu ed da s r by y . I eturn to Repeal.

XVII . I sum up by again asserting that o f Repeal is destitute all intrinsic force, and that, s tandin alone its d e g , on own mere merits, it o s u n f not f r ish or command the means o success. go THE WR ITINGS o r — for foreign co m will leave land l es s the re mainder has een be . Heretofore tillage la nd b a l n d ce to pay a higher rent than grass la . Hen — forth it will be the reverse m o re e specially should the potato have finally fa i l ed o r dis

appeared. The only bar that existed to the l e f rm e the universal removal of the small til ag a r, ’ landlord s own personal interest in re tai n in g him — is now gone. The result is no matter o f d oubt : t to ro and even if it were doubtful, it ough be p vided r l against. Else will I eland lose the on y weapon she possesses that wo uld conquer o r cow — too e the English Government else, , wi ll she c eas — to have a people for a population of pa upe ris ed not the labourers is a people. I fear E n glish ”rat E n lis k arris on w Government, and g g ho say o wn our ew o f they soil, have a full vi their to ad opportunity, and are determined take van o f o f s and tage it. We hear nothing but plan — schemes to absorb surplus labour the su rplus o f i labour that is in process creat on. The farmers are to pass over into the condition of to labourers, and be supported during their out l passage. Ireland is playing her ast game. she f to and is then, a ter all, be check mated, N t conquered , abolished ? o if her leaders and

no . to people be true, and cravens True, not I JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 9 any petty objects o f personal distinction o r — personal pelf true, not to the foreign gang who

a a o wn o ur c ll Irel nd their , and hold lands by the ’ — robber s right but true to their country and to w . O C themselves ne move ill save heckmate .

By one move alone you can meet and match , and by that same move y o u can Checkmate e England . O n move alone can save the stakes no w , and among those stakes are the name and M fame of you and yours. en have given to y o u t fo r their fai h, and hearts , and hopes your bold bearing and bold words. Even I myself am to o u to our now trusting y and y help, instead of

fo r looking round other help and another course. o u to o wn Are y ready redeem your words, — pledged in the sunshine of summer weather are y o u ready to redeem now in this o f sadness and storm ?an d to justify our faith when we followed your leading ? Are you up to the mark and “ ’ o ne s work of this hour, in lieu of the life ” i ? S trz labour you prom se p, then , and bid N — f . ow or never i Ireland strip , indeed , it be O f . o ne o not too late h, for year the bulldog

! O o f soul of England h, for one year Davis no w ! Whatever he may have thought in M e ’ autumn o no w f 43, his voice would have been to o louder than mine, and to say what mine is H e feeble to say. would no t have lain dreaming 92 THE WRITINGS o r w o w an d r hile Ireland was being trodden d n , he F or people conquered finally and for ever. England is now actually win ning ! to r c row ning a nd DECISI! E victory over us and o u rs fo r ages coming . X X. me To prevent this result, and a t the sa — time to achieve independence the only form in — i e am wh ch Repeal can ever be carried th re i s, I o ne to convinced, but way alone ; and that is to t l link Repeal some other ques ion, ike a rail way carriage to the engine ; some ques tion possessing the intrinsic strength which Repeal wants ; and strong enough to carry both itself and Repeal together—if any such question can

be found. a O And such a question there is in the l nd. ne — ready prepared ages have been preparing it. - —o ne too An engine ready made , , that will gene

rate its own steam without cost o r care—a self~ d the acting engine, if once the fire be kindle , and fuel to kindle—the sparks for the kindling are d ra d everywhere. Repeal had always to be g z This I speak o f will carry itself; as the can non ball carries itself down the hill. What the other question is I may possibly s tate very briefly in another paper. Yet if its name and general character be not a lready known , I have lost my labour.

94 THE WRITINGS OF quest consisted of two parts combin ed in I — o f e . whole, the conquest our liberti s , th f o ur quest o lands. I s aw clearly that the re-conque s t o liberties would be incomplete and wo rthles I — o ut the re-conquest of o ur lands wo ulI

i o r o f o necessarily, nvolve produce that ur o n o wn b e and could not, its means , po achieved ; while the re-conquest o f o ur w — ould involve the other would, at lea: complete in itself, and adequate to its o wn oss ibl no t c poses ; and could p y , if asil achieved . The lands were owned by the conquering o r by traitors to the conquered race. They oom ied v o r t p by the nati e people, by se tler: had mingled and merged. as mode o f re- o I selected , the c nquest, o f fuse payment rent, and resist process o f ment. In that mode I determined to effect th o n conquest, and staked it all my hopes, — and hereafter my hopes o f an effective lifI an eternal epitaph. It almost seemed to me as ifthe Young Ir party, the quarrel , the secession , the Co n!

- ation , had all been specially pre ordained A J MES FINTAN LALOR. 95

produced in order to aid me. My faith in the men who formed the Council o f that body was

then unbounded. My faith in them still is as v firm as e er, though somewhat more measured. the In paper I published last week , and in a private correspondence that ensued with some o f

its members , I proposed that they should merge the Repeal question in a mightier project— that o f wrestin g this island from English rule alto in gether, in the only mode which it could v possibly be achieved . I endea oured to Show them they were only keeping up a feeble and i ' l nefiectua fire from a foolish distance, upon the

E n lzkn Government n o ut o f g , which sta ds reach and beyond our power ; and urged them to wheel their batteries round and bend them o n the E n lis h Garris on o f g landlords, who stand there o ur within hands, scattered , isolated, and helpless, girdled round by the might o f a people. Except o r the two three of them, all refused at time, and no have persisted in refusing until w. They wanted an alliance with the landowners. They s as chose to con ider them Irishmen , and imagined could they induce them to hoist the green flag. i to r They w shed p eserve an Aristocracy. They i n ot des red, a democratic, but merely a national i revolution. Who mputes blame to them for 96 THE WRITINGS o r this ? Whoever does so will n o t h ave me to join him. I have no feeling but o n e o f respect

for the motives that caused reluctan ce and delay. I as of That delay, however, consider a matter

. r io the deep regret Had the Confede a t n, in ’ M o f a n d m d ay or June 47, thrown heart ind an means and might into the movem e n t I pointed o ut u d , they would have made it s ccess ful, an settled for once and for ever all q uarrels and

questions between us and England. h t The Opinions I then stated , and w ich I ye firm stand to, are these

o wn e I . That, in order to save their l ives, th u o f i I d occ pying tenants the so l of relan ought, to n next autumn, refuse all re t and arrears of

rent then due, beyond and except th e v alue of the overplus of harvest produce re m ain in g in their hands after having deducted an d reserved a due and full provision fo r their o wn subs is tence

during the next ensuing twelve months . re i II . That they ought to refuse and s st being

made beggars, landless and houseless, und er the

English law o f ejectment.

. on ri nc l to III That they ought further, p ip e , refuse ALL rent to the present usurping pro rieto rs r p , until the people, the true prop i etors (or in lords paramount, in legal parlance), have,

98 THE WRITINGS o s

!war somewhat y undertaking, which might be

eat too— o n e come a one, then I , at least, for , am prepared to bow with humble resignation to the o f dispensations Providence. Welcome be the o f will God . We must only try to keep o ur ff harvest, to o er a peaceful, passive resistance, to barricade the island , to break up the roads, to — break down the bridges and, Should need be, ff and favourable occasions o er, surely we may venture to try the steel. Other approved modes of moral resistance might grad ually be added to these, according as we should become trained to : the system and all combined, I imagine, and well worked , might possibly task the strength and break the heart o f the empire. artis tic Into details, however, I need not, and

fo r e . do not choose, to enter the pres nt

It has been said to me that such a war, on the o n principles I propose, would be looked with : detestation by Europe. I assert the contrary I s ay such a war would propagate itself through ou o M o f t Eur pe. ark the words this prophecy ; —the principle I propound goes to the found atio ns o f o r Europe, and sooner later, will cause ri M Europe to o ut se. ankind will yet be masters o f the earth The right of the people to make the — laws this produced the first great modern earth JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 99

quake, whose latest shocks, even now, are heaving in the heart of the world . The right of the people o wn — to the land this will produce the next . ’ Train your hands, and your sons hands , gentle o f men earth, for you and they will yet have to

use . them I want to put Ireland foremost, in o f o f the van the world, at the head the nations — z o f s un to to set her aloft in the bla e the , and f l make her for ages the lode star o history. Wi l — s he take the path I point o ut the path to be d — free, and fame , and feared, and followed the ? O to path that goes sunward r, onward the o f end time, will wretched Ireland ever come limping and lagging hin dmost ? Events must is answer that. It a question I almost fear to l the o f look fu l in face. The soul this island seems to sink where that of another country would soar. The people sank and surrendered w to the famine instead of gro ing savage, as any other people would have done. I am reminded that there are few persons now “ ” who trouble themselves about the conquest,

— ~ and there may be many I kno w there are some — who assent to the two first o f the four prin c i les to p I have stated , and are willing accept them as the grounds o f an armed movement ; to two of but who object the last them. I am 7’ 100 T H E WRITINGS O F advised to summon the land tenants up in battle-array for an armed s defence of their rights o f life and without asserting any greater or more hens ive right. I distinctly refuse to d refuse to narrow the case and claim o f this n n island i to any such petty dimensio s, or to ’ ’ o n found it the rogue s or the beggar s plea, the f N ot i plea o necessity. as a starv ng ba ndit or a e desperate beggar who dem nds, to sav life, what does not belong to him , do I wish I relan d to n who stand up, but as a decrowned ! uee , claims back her own with an armed hand. I attest and urge the plea o f utter and s it i i not y to fort fy her cla m , but to t rest it on no emporary and passing conditions. o n n but pri ciples that are permanent, and in! — perishable and u niversal available to t as o ur and to all coun ries, well as to pierce through the upper stratum o f oc casio nal and shifting circumstance to bottom and base o n the rock below. I put the question in its — ho eternal form , the form in which, w often r soever supp essed for a season, it can never be l finally subdued , but wi l remain outlivin g and outlasting the co o f cowardice generations .

' “ N ow I rE ared tO rove that o c c u an c , am p p p p f

' give it mpraf efi cacy as a foun dation o f right.

fi been defined. If no de nition can be am relieved from the necessity o f show I ng any claim founded on occupancy to be weak and worthless . To any plain un derstandin g the right o f private o f property is very Simple. It is the right man to r r and possess, enjoy, and t ansfe , the substance f a he kimsc C R D use o wh tever kas lf EATE . This title is good against the world ; and it is the sole and only title by which a valid right o f absolute private property can possibly ves t. But no man can plead an y such title to a right f l o f property in the substance o the soi . t s ontancons r The ear h, together with all it p b r o f produces, is the free and common prope ty all o f n mankind, natural right, and by the gra t o f God - r and all men being equal , no man , the e has l fore, a right to appropriate exclusive y to o r i himself any part portion thereof, except w th and by the common cons ent and agreement of all other men. The sole original right o f property in land

I morall a is which acknowledge to be y v lid, this JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 103

d right of common consent an agreement. Every l other I hold to be fabricated and fictitious, nu l, ff void, and of no e ect.

In the original and natural state of mankind , existing in independent families , each man must, a take ! told in respect of actu l fact, either and (ASSU M E OCCU PAN CY as well as maintain posses s ion of ) his land by right and virtue o f such con all sent and agreement as aforesaid, with those who might be In a position to dispute and oppose his doing so ; or he must take and maintain possession by force The fictitious right o f ocen — pancy invented by j urists to cover and account for a state of settlement otherwise unaccountable and indefensible on moral principle— this right

would be utterly worthless , and could seldom accrue ; for except in such a case as that o f a a o n single individu l thrown a desert island , the ues tion o ri /i t n re q f g would ge erally arise , and “ qui re to be settled before an y colourable title ” o r by occupancy could be established , even ff —what actual occupation be e ected. And then cons titutes occupancy ? What length o f posses sion gives title by occupancy When independent families have united into

separate tribes , and tribes swelled into nations, — the same law obtains each tribe o r nation has 104 THE WRITINGS 0?

but either one o r other of two available rights to — stand upon they must take and m ain tain terri to rial possession by consent and agreem en t with all other tribes and nations ; or they m us t take and hold by the ten ure of cnioalry in the right of

their might. Putting together and proceeding o n the prin c i les p now stated , it will appear that, i f thos e

principles be sound, no man can legitimately claim possession or occupation of any portion of o f c land or any right property therein, ex e pt by r i g ant from the people, at the w ll of the p eople, to o n c as tenant the people , and terms an d on — ditio ns made or sanctioned by the people and 5 0 d that every right, except the right create and o vesting by grant from the people, is n th ing more or better than the right o f the robber who holds forcible possession of what does not law fully belong to him. The present proprietors of Ireland do not hold

n or claim by grant from the people, nor eve — except in Ulster by any species o f imperfect agreement or assent o f the people. They got ’ — and keep their lands in the robber s right the — ln right of conquest despite, defiance, and con o f men tempt the people. Eight thousand are — owners of this entire island, claiming the righ t

T H E WRITINGS O F t a m — in the n atura ws r mpled the down, some, l la —in e a ic have triumphed over them, som , despot monarch o r minister has abolished o r altered m u n ed them . In Ireland alone they re ain chang , un mollified e na unmitigated, , in all th ir origi l o f r and ferocity and cruelty, and the people I el e es o must now abolish them , or be thems lv ab l

ished now more ur ent n . , and this is the g busi ess I 0 JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 7

C L E A R I N G T H E D E C K S .

rom the ! ris k F elon ul 22nd 18 8. F , J y , 4 It is never the mass of a people that forms its

real and efficient might. It is the men by whom

that mass is moved and managed . All the great acts o f history have been done by a very few men . Take half a dozen names out of any revolution

upon record, and what would have been the

result. N ot S W ffl cotland , but allace, barred and ba ed

. N o t Edward England , but Cromwell , struck a N o t s ix o r king from his seat. America, but o n eight American men, put stripes and stars the o f how banner a nation . To quote examples, is o n ever, needless ; they must strike at once i every m nd . — If Ireland be conquered now o r what would —if be worse She fails to fight, it will certainly o f not be the fault the people at large, of those

who form the rank and file of the nation . T he failure and fault will be that o f those who have assumed to take the office o f commanding and n o f fo r t conducti g the march a people liber y, I oB THE WRITINGS or

w mi ithout, perhaps, having any com ssion from n u s o o r o r at re to do , natural right, ac quired u o f requisite . The general pop lation this island are ready to find and furnish everything which can be demanded from the mass o f a p eople—the

numbers, the physical strength, the animal dar

n o ing, the health, hardihood, and endu ra ce. N population o n earth o f equal amount would ff l furnish a more e ective mi itary conscription. — We want only competent leaders men o f cour — a ge and capacity men whom nature meant and no t made for leaders, the praters and preten botherb s o f o ld ders, and bustling y the agitation

These leaders are yet to be found . Can I reland furnis h them It would be a sheer and absurd

blasphemy against nature to doubt it. The first u n r blow will bring them o t. But very ma y o f ou present prominent leaders must first retire or t be dismissed . These men must at once be go

o f . mus t rid utterly They . There is nothing e o ur lse for it. They are stopping way, clinging

o ur mi . round arms, giving us up to our ene es Many o f them came into this business from the mere desire o f gaining little personal distinctions o n safe terms, and at a cheap and easy rate of — obtaining petty honours and o ffices o f making — a small Dublin reputation o f creating a parish

“0 T H E WRITINGS O F

of and pride o f country revolted. T he s taff an d ft leaders which that system created, has le

o f men t r behind it, is composed u t e ly unfit. to o f a and unwilling take charg e military to struggle , and who ought at once be s uperseded

F — - and replaced . o rtwo genemtio ns may history — forget to mention them those men have been working to do this—the best work that ever yet — was done for tyranny to take from th e people the terror of their name and make popula r mo ve ment a mockery. And what now a re they do ? T o I w working to hold reland do n, hand and foot, while her chains are being lock ed and ‘ double locked ; and her four noble pris on ers sent fettered and hand-cuffed to a penal colony of — 0 an d it 0 od ! England hear it, Earth hear , G — for saying that Ireland should suffer fami ne no O ! i more . h worse for us than the fore gn tyrant is the native traitor ' and worse than the open traitor in the enemy S ranks is the vile trickster r and the base craven in o u own. Away with them ! They must quit at once or be quashed. O man o f no w in ne , and every man , those the o f N the prison ewgate, is worth a host of das tards and drivellers who are bidding yo u stand

’ ’ mit O Brien ea er M cM anus and O Dono h e had S h , M gh , , g n — just been sentenced to transportation E D. JAMES FINTAN LALOR. I I I

e by and bide your time, while your b st and bravest are being transported as felons in the o f o f i face your city, in the Sight two slands, and o f in view all earth. how But are you to know them, those menials o f England in the green livery o f their country ?

By this shall ye know them . Any man who objects to every plan o f armed resistance that is o r no proposed , while he produces none better

‘ o ne o f his o O wn. r any man who tells you that — an act of armed resistan ce even if made so soon — as to-morrow even if offered by ten men only even if offered by men armed only with stones any man who tells you that such an act o f resis m tance would be pre ature, imprudent, or dan — gero us any and every such man should a t once F o r be spurned and spat at. , remark you this somewlzere some/tow and recollect it, that , and , s omebod be innin mus t and by y , a g g be made ; and

rs t o f that the fi act resistance is always, and must be ever, premature, imprudent, and dan ’

erous . g Lexington was premature, Bunker s

Hill was imprudent, and even Trenton was n r da ge ous . There are men who speak much to you of pru o f u dence and caution, and very little any virt e beside. But every vice may call itself by the T HE WRITINGS O F

name o f some o ne virtue or other ; and o f pru i dence there are many sorts. Coward ce may ca l ll itse f, and readily pass for, caution ; and of who v to m uire those preach prudence , it beho es q what kind o f prudence it is th what class o f prudent persons selves. There is a prudence — wisest and bravest there is a pm o f beggars and slaves. Which belong to who are prating now fo i r against premature nsur ection, every proceeding and d o f Against the a vice those men, and

o wn. such as they, I declare my In the case o f Ireland no w there is act to one ues tion f deal with , and q to S id r — e ed. The fact is this that there sent in occupation o f o ur country s ome o f armed men, in the livery and service England ; — and the ques tion is ho w best and soones t to kill and capture those men . to o wn i l n If required state my ndividua o pinio , to o wn and allowed choose my time, I certainly would take the time when the full harvest of

r rds But I eland shall be stacked in the hagga . not infrequently God selects and sends H is own s e t s n asons and occasions ; and of entime , too, a

1 14 m s wam uc s o r

THE RIGHTS O F L A BO U R .

in the I ria w for ul t st (8 8 (This article appeu ed J y , 4 , without a i a ur but it has been attributed to Lalor. s gn t e, )

M A N i was created free, and is at the same t me a advan social being ; that is, in order to enjoy the e d tages which society can give, ach in ividual tacitly agrees to relinquish as much of his free! do m as may be found incompatible with the f t d existence o society. All men are abs racte ly

s o not so equal , and should be in law, but are in

ff n men fact, for we find a wide di ere ce between , as well physically as morally and intellectually. Our actual happiness depends entirely upon the results o f labour ; and as this labour is affected o ur i l by physical, moral, and ntel ectual powers i its amount must vary with the ndividual, and consequently the happiness which he can enjoy will depend o n himself if the basis o f society is just. Every man is entitled to an equal share o f the l o f and, and all other things which are the free

o f N . i gifts ature These are the raw mater als, his is to i from which. by labour, he obta n the JAMES FI NTAN LALOR. 1 15 necessaries o f life ; but this right he possesses — only durin g his life-time he cannot will them to i another, nor exert any nfluence on their dis f posal after his death. Every member o the community is entitled to an equal share of the property o f thos e who die ; but as such a division if could with d ficulty be made, society allows each individual to inherit the property o f his father or other kinsman in lieu of the share to which he would be entitled o f the general pro t pe ty . o f The labour man produces , in most instances, more than he actually requires to support life f this surplus, which he possesses in the form o

. o r tools, buildings, etc , is called capital, wealth, and in a flourishing state o f society continually increases ; it is its possession which constitutes the real difference between the savage and civi is ed l man. As one individual may be morally, o r to physically, intellectually superior another, l use of he will natura ly, by the his labour, obtain — o r more products that is, more capital, wealth than the other : and as the arrangements o f society allow the children to inherit the capital f s c s o the father, it mu t ne es arily happen that great inequalities must exist in every society in o relation t wealth ; that, in fact, there must be 30 1 16 T i m wmrmc s or

rich and poor . This arrangemen t o f

just, and could not be otherwise A

may be born poor, and therefore accumulated labour o r ca new fore, justly demand that a d wealth should take place— that the to the rich should be given them. t n o her hand, society can ot demand

to become machines, to work to an o f heard among savages, and yet den comfort, and that share in to be the sole end o f civilisation. is entitled to live ; in the fullest word he is entitled to share in all no t lated advantages of civilisation , gards his physical happiness, but als and intellectual cultivation. Why 0 alone have no future , except that Why should anyone dare to debar o f a enjoyment domestic ties, those gre tives to virtue ? The ancient civilisation o f Greece the same inequalities o f rich and poor as o ur modern civilisation does ; but with the G re eks the intellectual and moral man was the highest o f ac object study. They laboured and c umu i lated capital ; but the rich among them, nstead

1 18 T H E WRITINGS O F

o f necessaries life . The burgher class o f the s towns was a manly race, which pur ued its peace wn and ful occupations within the walled to s, , when necessary, defended their rights and pro perties by the sword against the nobility which n n o surrounded them , whose trade the , as w, was un pl dering the industrious classes. Each trade formed a guild, itself under the protection of a patron saint The guild regulated the condi o f n tions apprenticeship, and preve ted the trade from being overstocked by taking to o many ap prentices. This apprenticeship was a useful custom ; it required a considerable sacrific e of time, and consequently of money, and , therefore, preven ted too great competition ; it kept up a sympathy between the employer and the em in ployed , as the apprentice, most cases, resided ’ u with the master . The apprentice s ho rs of e labour were also limited , and he thus had ampl means to amuse and improve himself. When an an d re the apprentice became a journeym , ceived m wages, he did not immediately arry, but went to other towns, and worked there for some time, and thus increased his knowledge and experience ; and when he accumulated s ufi cient a the capital , he bec me a master, settled in place best suited to his business, took apprentices and O x1 jA M E S FINTAN LAL R. 9

employed journeymen, and then only did he in r n marry. The masters those days we e o ly to small capitalists, as each man endeavoured be f o ne ; but they were sure o independence, for they did not believe that the market for their goods depended o n unlimited production, and i o f hence ruinous compet tion, but on the income r — o u o f the count y the fact the people, the masses, possessing wealth. It is not the few rich in a country which consumes the products o f — u labour they only consume l xuries , and these luxuries must always give but a precarious em ployment— it is the diffusion of wealth among the population generally which regulates the demand , and ensures the labourer from sudden f o f and ruinous luctuations, and this system numerous small manufacturers produced that

result . And yet these masters must have been

wealthy, numerous as they were, else they could not have raised those mighty symbols of religion o ur o r which excite admiration, those beautiful, - s though quaint, town hall which grace even the

smallest continental town. Look at the cities

o f s c te palaces, with their gorgeous fre oes, of

F . publican Venice, Genoa the superb , and lorence Have o ur great capitalists anything similar to ? ! O h a point to Alas, no ur c ar cteristics are

p risons and workhouses . 120 T HE WRITIN GS O P

“fhat a con trast does no t the p o s itio n of poor in our days pres ent to tha t j ust noticed ! A few os s ms io n o f of land p the whole the , o h s o t l lo k upon as t eirs ab lu e y, to

to c l to m them, is allotted att e or en , a u being the worse tre ted, for altho gh sider them both as Almighty fo r their sole the value of the cattle is they take care that they but as the value o f f are o their labour, and as they wo rth o ut r i when worked , they can ead ly be by new ones : the landlord Thugs woul d there!

t o f c to fore consider it a was e apital eithe r feed.

o r . h n t e clothe, house them And w e h y gm difi atis fied with the amount o f plun de r which obtain the cleanse and they can , y the l o f sucb

ff n t . afi r o al , and re ew the s ock These p ahs , o . “ e o u as they are denominat d, surplus p p latio n, in lo w have no refuge Ireland, save a shal grave,

fii ned o r cha o unco and unnamed, the mel bo us es “ ” ! . n and denominated workhouses In E gl , ho w e th ever, th y sometimes pass through ano er s tage s n - la before they find this, their last re ti g p ce ;

12 2 T HE WRITINGS O F

P roletarii o f the Roman Empire, is in creasing

t o n with fearful rapidi y, and will e day revenge o n r l all their wrongs their opp essors, but wi l also, to e it is be fear d , destroy society itself. This

des titute to class may be called the , distinguish r them from the gene al poor. With the breaking down o f the old society and the commencement o f the present state of a h things, a new science was cre ted , w ich had for its object the study of the social condition of man ; and to this science the name o f political economy has been given. This science has at tracted great attention in England , because the evils o f the present social system have been more developed there than in any other country . It l o r ri is on y there, in count es blasted by her rule, - that true pauper13m exists in all its unmitigated a horrors . The desire to ccumulate wealth and the state o f things produced by this desire,natu rally led everybody to study a science which he was given to understand would help him to i attain his end , and hence whole l braries have been written on the subject ; but what is termed the science o f political economy in England bears the same relation to that science as the 12 JAMES FINTAN LALOR. 3 quackery of Parr o r Holloway does to the scien ce o f medicine. sa We do not, however , mean to y that the English political economists have never enunci o n ated any truths ; the contrary, a good many valuable laws have been deduced by Adam Smith and others ; but the errors which they have promulgated far outnumber the truths , and have done incalculable mischief. They have materiali z ed everything ; with them the sole f r f o bject o existence is the p oduction o wealth, not the advantages which its equable dis tribu o n tion would have the community. They only look to the actual sum total of the wealth of a n country, even whe that wealth is in the hands o f l i a few mi liona res, while the masses are — debased paupers with them England is the i in most flour sh g country in the world, because from acting o n their principles it possesses in the aggregate more wealth than most other nations ; but they forget that o ne half o f the population is reduced to a state of degradation

unparalleled in Europe. They make that tlze nd live e for which we , which most other nations tire means en o l e consider by which we may j y if . i n Under the r influence the arts, abstract scie ce, r f i o a healthy literature can with di ficulty flour sh. I 2 T HE R O F A M E S F I N T A N 4 W ITINGS j LALOR .

’ i s r c o ne S is mo nd answe to Ri ardo, of the most

nt m in o ne n t n r emine of the , gives se e ce thei

Wfiat is wealth tlr ! whole character , en every M ing ! are men absoluteb' not/ring ? I n Ireland what is bad in their principles has been acted l upon , but the good has been totally neg ected.

’ o ur fli an t amelzo mtors We hear constantly pp . and turnip - headed candidates fo r prominent a o f e n pl ces, whose knowledge legislation has b e o f i gleaned from the leaders a superfic al Press, “ ! o r the stupid speeches of a class of gentlemen t l li tle better informed than themselves , ta k about capital and a few other words which are only d sounds devoid o f meaning to them . We wo ul be fortunate if all o ur economists were o f the

same value ; what injury, for instance, could we ' “ s ufler from such trash as the Clarendonian

. ? o talk about Repeal, etc But there are thers

whose poison is more insidious, and who have taken the best means o f diffusing it through o ur ’ v — as o ne s ecimm eins such Whately, a goodly p o f the foreign vermin we have — over us o f such we must bewa have received a few less ons

' and the I rish T n oune will i from time to t me.

— N ational o ol books . D Sch E .