The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Medeiros Outline The Structure of Hawaiian Introduction Word Orders and Movement Day 7 Types Part 1: Possession Morphology Predicate Movement Part 2: Morpho-Syntax Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head Movement David J. Medeiros Complementation in English T&C interaction in Cal State University, Northridge Hawaiian [email protected] Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional July 28, 2017 Morphology LSA Summer Institute Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Medeiros 1 Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Outline

Introduction Word Orders 2 Predicate Movement and Movement Types Predicate Initial Predicate Movement VP-remnant formation Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head 3 Head Movement Movement Complementation in English Complementation in English T&C T & C interaction in Hawaiian interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion 4 Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Morphology Real Conclusion 5 Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Outline Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement 1 Introduction Types Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant 2 Predicate Movement formation Head Movement 3 Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian 4 Syntax Conclusion Syntax Conclusion Consequences 5 Real Conclusion for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion 1 SOV 45%: Japanese, Latin 2 SVO 42%: English, Mandarin Chinese 3 VSO 9%: Hawaiian, Irish 4 VOS 3%: Malagasy 5 OVS, OSV - controversial, possibly attested

• Word order frequencies (Tomlin, 1986):

• Crucial Point: Subject intervenes between Object and Verb in VSO

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. VSO From a Typological Medeiros Perspective Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate • Verb-Subject-Object (VSO) word order is well-attested among Movement languages of the world, but uncommon Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • Crucial Point: Subject intervenes between Object and Verb in VSO

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. VSO From a Typological Medeiros Perspective Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate • Verb-Subject-Object (VSO) word order is well-attested among Movement languages of the world, but uncommon Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation • Word order frequencies (Tomlin, 1986): Head Movement 1 SOV 45%: Japanese, Latin Complementation in English 2 SVO 42%: English, Mandarin Chinese T&C interaction in 3 VSO 9%: Hawaiian, Irish Hawaiian 4 VOS 3%: Malagasy Syntax Conclusion 5 OVS, OSV - controversial, possibly attested Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. VSO From a Typological Medeiros Perspective Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate • Verb-Subject-Object (VSO) word order is well-attested among Movement languages of the world, but uncommon Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation • Word order frequencies (Tomlin, 1986): Head Movement 1 SOV 45%: Japanese, Latin Complementation in English 2 SVO 42%: English, Mandarin Chinese T&C interaction in 3 VSO 9%: Hawaiian, Irish Hawaiian 4 VOS 3%: Malagasy Syntax Conclusion 5 OVS, OSV - controversial, possibly attested Consequences for Inflectional Morphology • Crucial Point: Subject intervenes between Object and Verb in Real VSO Conclusion • Movement can account for alternative word orders:

(4) What did you eat twhat ? (possible answer = something edible)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Why Subject Intervention Matters Medeiros

Outline Introduction • Verbs are in a particularly close relationship with objects: Word Orders and Movement Types (1) a. subj eat (anything edible/metaphorically appropriate) Predicate b. Watson ate the house plant for breakfast. Movement Predicate Initial c.* Watson ate justice for breakfast. VP-remnant formation (2) a. subj die (Xa terrible death)(*anything else) Head b. My house plant died a terrible death yesterday. Movement Complementation c.* My house plant died its life yesterday in English T&C (3) a. subj arrives (X∅)(*anything else) interaction in Hawaiian b. I arrived at the station. Syntax Conclusion c.* I arrived the trip at the station. Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Why Subject Intervention Matters Medeiros

Outline Introduction • Verbs are in a particularly close relationship with objects: Word Orders and Movement Types (1) a. subj eat (anything edible/metaphorically appropriate) Predicate b. Watson ate the house plant for breakfast. Movement Predicate Initial c.* Watson ate justice for breakfast. VP-remnant formation (2) a. subj die (Xa terrible death)(*anything else) Head b. My house plant died a terrible death yesterday. Movement Complementation c.* My house plant died its life yesterday in English T&C (3) a. subj arrives (X∅)(*anything else) interaction in Hawaiian b. I arrived at the station. Syntax Conclusion c.* I arrived the trip at the station. Consequences for Inflectional • Movement can account for alternative word orders: Morphology

Real (4) What did you eat twhat ? (possible answer = something edible) Conclusion • A: somewhat accurate, but also misleading • Q: Can we understand VSO in terms of general principles that are applicable to more familiar language types, such as SVO (English) or SOV (Japanese)? • A: Yes!

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Primary Questions for Medeiros Investigation Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial • Q: What is really meant by VSO? Is this a useful, or even VP-remnant formation accurate, term? Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • Q: Can we understand VSO in terms of general principles that are applicable to more familiar language types, such as SVO (English) or SOV (Japanese)? • A: Yes!

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Primary Questions for Medeiros Investigation Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial • Q: What is really meant by VSO? Is this a useful, or even VP-remnant formation accurate, term? Head Movement • A: somewhat accurate, but also misleading Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • A: Yes!

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Primary Questions for Medeiros Investigation Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial • Q: What is really meant by VSO? Is this a useful, or even VP-remnant formation accurate, term? Head Movement • A: somewhat accurate, but also misleading Complementation in English • Q: Can we understand VSO in terms of general principles that T&C interaction in Hawaiian are applicable to more familiar language types, such as SVO Syntax (English) or SOV (Japanese)? Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Primary Questions for Medeiros Investigation Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial • Q: What is really meant by VSO? Is this a useful, or even VP-remnant formation accurate, term? Head Movement • A: somewhat accurate, but also misleading Complementation in English • Q: Can we understand VSO in terms of general principles that T&C interaction in Hawaiian are applicable to more familiar language types, such as SVO Syntax (English) or SOV (Japanese)? Conclusion Consequences • A: Yes! for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. A Basic Syntax for English Medeiros

Outline CP • Key points: Introduction 0 1 Word Orders C TP the subject moves and Movement Types 2 verb stays within the verbal T0 Predicate DP domain Movement T0 vP Predicate Initial We VP-remnant formation should vP Head AdvP Movement v0 Complementation often DP in English 0 VP T&C v interaction in tsubj . . . all Hawaiian take V0 Syntax Conclusion V0 Consequences DP for Inflectional Morphology tV Real advantage Conclusion • Semantic Problems • Explanatory Problems

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. VSO - Flat Structure Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate • verb-subject-object, one hypothesis (Chung 1976) Movement Sentence Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation V Head DP DP Movement verb Complementation subj obj in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • Explanatory Problems

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. VSO - Flat Structure Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate • verb-subject-object, one hypothesis (Chung 1976) Movement Sentence Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation V Head DP DP Movement verb Complementation subj obj in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian • Semantic Problems Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. VSO - Flat Structure Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate • verb-subject-object, one hypothesis (Chung 1976) Movement Sentence Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation V Head DP DP Movement verb Complementation subj obj in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian • Semantic Problems Syntax Conclusion • Explanatory Problems Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Getting the Verb In Front - Head Medeiros Movement Outline

Introduction Word Orders CP • Head-Movement moves one ’unit’ (word or and Movement Types set of features) from one head-position to C0 TP Predicate another Movement 0 • Head Movement occurs in English Predicate Initial T VP-remnant DP questions formation T0 vP CP Head We Movement will vP 0 Complementation AdvP C TP in English 0 T&C v 0 interaction in often DP Will T Hawaiian DP 0 VP v 0 Syntax tsubj T vP Conclusion we V0 Consequences twill for Inflectional Morphology AdvP vP V0 Real DP often visit the Renn Fayre? Conclusion visit the Renn Fayre The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Getting the Verb In Front - Medeiros Predicate/VP-Movement Outline

Introduction Word Orders CP • VP movement moves the entire VP and Movement Types • Phrasal (XP) movement generally cannot 0 0 Predicate C target heads (i.e. X s) Movement VP 0 Problem - VP-movement doesn’t derive Predicate Initial C TP• VP-remnant read the textbook subject intervention formation T0 Head DP Movement T0 vP Complementation in English John T&C vP interaction in Hawaiian AdvP v0 Syntax rarely DP Conclusion 0 Consequences v for Inflectional tsubj Morphology did tVP Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Proposal - Basics Medeiros

Outline CP • I derive the subject intervention, yielding Introduction VSO, with VP-movement 0 Word Orders C and Movement • VP-movement can effectively be head Types movement if we make the object leave VP C0 TP Predicate before VP-movement Movement [C+T] T0 • Head movement also applies, but to tense Predicate Initial VP VP-remnant markers formation T0 DirP V . . . t Head XP • VSO as a descriptive term obscures crucial Movement tT 0 dir/asp vP aspects of Hawaiian syntax Complementation in English • Hawaiian syntax can be understood in DP vP T&C 3 terms of the same rules that apply to any interaction in Hawaiian other language subj v0 Syntax XP Conclusion v0 Consequences ... for Inflectional 2 Morphology tVP Real Conclusion 1 The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Outline Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders 1 Introduction and Movement Types Predicate Movement 2 Predicate Movement Predicate Initial Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English 3 Head Movement T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax 4 Syntax Conclusion Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology 5 Real Conclusion Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Verb-initial or Predicate Initial? Medeiros

Outline Introduction Hawaiian can be understood as a predicate-initial, in addition Word Orders and Movement Types to verb-initial: Predicate Movement (5) He kumu-kula ’o Noelani. Predicate Initial a teacher-school subj Noelani VP-remnant formation Noelani is a teacher. Head Movement (6) Ua ha’i ’o Kekoa he kumu-kula ’o Noelani. Complementation in English past say subj Kekoa a teacher-school subj Noelani T&C interaction in Hawaiian Kekoa said that Noelani is a teacher. Syntax Conclusion (7) Ua hau’oli ’o Kekoa. Consequences for Inflectional past happy subj Kekoa Morphology Kekoa was happy. Real Conclusion • Predicate-fronting analyses have become popular to derive verb-initial syntax (see Chung (2005) and Chung & Polinsky (2009) for review). • VP-movement gets the predicate initial data right.

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Predicate-fronting Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate • Similar data in Niuean led to the proposal that VP (i.e. Movement Predicate Initial the predicate) moves to sentence-initial position in the VP-remnant formation derivation of the Niuean clause (Massam, 2001). Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • VP-movement gets the predicate initial data right.

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Predicate-fronting Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate • Similar data in Niuean led to the proposal that VP (i.e. Movement Predicate Initial the predicate) moves to sentence-initial position in the VP-remnant formation derivation of the Niuean clause (Massam, 2001). Head Movement • Predicate-fronting analyses have become popular to derive Complementation in English verb-initial syntax (see Chung (2005) and Chung & T&C interaction in Hawaiian Polinsky (2009) for review). Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Predicate-fronting Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate • Similar data in Niuean led to the proposal that VP (i.e. Movement Predicate Initial the predicate) moves to sentence-initial position in the VP-remnant formation derivation of the Niuean clause (Massam, 2001). Head Movement • Predicate-fronting analyses have become popular to derive Complementation in English verb-initial syntax (see Chung (2005) and Chung & T&C interaction in Hawaiian Polinsky (2009) for review). Syntax VP-movement gets the predicate initial data right. Conclusion • Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Word-Order Challenge for Medeiros VP-Fronting Derivation Outline

Introduction Word Orders • I adopt Massam’s VP-fronting analysis and Movement CP Types • But, the word order is wrong for VSO 0 Predicate C • Massam’s solution to this problem is Movement 0 VP-remnant movement in VSO clauses. Predicate Initial C TP VP-remnant formation • VP-remnant = a VP in which everything [C+T] T0 except the verb has moved out of VP Head VP Movement 0 Complementation T DirP in English ... T&C t 0 interaction in T dir/asp vP Hawaiian 0 Syntax DP v Conclusion 0 Consequences subj v for Inflectional Morphology tVP Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Massam’s Approach: Object Medeiros Moves for Case Outline

Introduction CP Word Orders and Movement Types C0 TP Predicate Movement T0 Predicate Initial VP (8) Ne kai e Sione e tau VP-remnant 0 ErgP formation T past eat Erg Sione Abs pl eat . . . tobj Head 0 talo... Movement v DP taro Complementation in English v0 AbsP Sione ate the taros ... (Massam T&C Sinoe interaction in 2001, Seiter 1980) Hawaiian Abs0 Syntax DP Conclusion Abs0• Q: Why does the object leave VP? Consequences the taro • A: Massam ties VP-remnant for Inflectional 2 t Morphology e formationVP to case. Real Conclusion 1 • Case has been argued to not trigger movement in research following Massam’s work on Niuean (Chomsky 2000, et alia) • Most importantly: Case only applies to DPs (e.g. who vs whom), not entire sentences (sentence = CP) • Therefore, Massam fails to predict V-S-CP word order in both Hawaiian and Niuean:

(9) Ua ha’i mai ke haumana [ua hala ka manawa]. past tell dir/asp the student [past pass the time] The student said that the time had passed. (Hawkins, 1979) (10) Ne manatu e Mataginifale [ko e mena fai past think abs Mataginifale [pred abs thing have mata-fohi ... blade-scraper ... Mataginifale remembered that she had the blade ... (Niue 1982, Massam 2001)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Problems for Case-Based Remnant Medeiros Formation 1 Outline

Introduction • Niuean and Hawaiian differ in case marking pattern Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • Most importantly: Case only applies to DPs (e.g. who vs whom), not entire sentences (sentence = CP) • Therefore, Massam fails to predict V-S-CP word order in both Hawaiian and Niuean:

(9) Ua ha’i mai ke haumana [ua hala ka manawa]. past tell dir/asp the student [past pass the time] The student said that the time had passed. (Hawkins, 1979) (10) Ne manatu e Mataginifale [ko e mena fai past think abs Mataginifale [pred abs thing have mata-fohi ... blade-scraper ... Mataginifale remembered that she had the blade ... (Niue 1982, Massam 2001)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Problems for Case-Based Remnant Medeiros Formation 1 Outline

Introduction • Niuean and Hawaiian differ in case marking pattern Word Orders and Movement • Case has been argued to not trigger movement in research following Types Massam’s work on Niuean (Chomsky 2000, et alia) Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • Therefore, Massam fails to predict V-S-CP word order in both Hawaiian and Niuean:

(9) Ua ha’i mai ke haumana [ua hala ka manawa]. past tell dir/asp the student [past pass the time] The student said that the time had passed. (Hawkins, 1979) (10) Ne manatu e Mataginifale [ko e mena fai past think abs Mataginifale [pred abs thing have mata-fohi ... blade-scraper ... Mataginifale remembered that she had the blade ... (Niue 1982, Massam 2001)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Problems for Case-Based Remnant Medeiros Formation 1 Outline

Introduction • Niuean and Hawaiian differ in case marking pattern Word Orders and Movement • Case has been argued to not trigger movement in research following Types Massam’s work on Niuean (Chomsky 2000, et alia) Predicate Movement • Most importantly: Case only applies to DPs (e.g. who vs whom), not Predicate Initial entire sentences (sentence = CP) VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Problems for Case-Based Remnant Medeiros Formation 1 Outline

Introduction • Niuean and Hawaiian differ in case marking pattern Word Orders and Movement • Case has been argued to not trigger movement in research following Types Massam’s work on Niuean (Chomsky 2000, et alia) Predicate Movement • Most importantly: Case only applies to DPs (e.g. who vs whom), not Predicate Initial entire sentences (sentence = CP) VP-remnant formation • Therefore, Massam fails to predict V-S-CP word order in both Head Movement Hawaiian and Niuean: Complementation in English T&C (9) Ua ha’i mai ke haumana [ua hala ka manawa]. interaction in Hawaiian past tell dir/asp the student [past pass the time] Syntax The student said that the time had passed. (Hawkins, 1979) Conclusion Consequences (10) Ne manatu e Mataginifale [ko e mena fai for Inflectional Morphology past think abs Mataginifale [pred abs thing have Real mata-fohi ... Conclusion blade-scraper ... Mataginifale remembered that she had the blade ... (Niue 1982, Massam 2001) The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Problems for Case-Based Remnant Medeiros Formation 2 Outline

Introduction Word Orders CP • sentences (=CP) do not need case and Movement Types • Why is CP moving if it doesn’t C0 TP Predicate need case? Movement 0 Predicate Initial T • Shouldn’t the same analysis VP VP-remnant account for both V-S-O and formation T0 ErgP V-S-CP? Head subj . . . tsentence Movement v0 Complementation DP in English 0 T&C v ?P interaction in subj Hawaiian ?0 Syntax CP Conclusion ?0 Consequences for Inflectional sentence Morphology 2 ∅ tVP Real Conclusion

1 • The same observation holds for Hawaiian, including in raising (under negation), topicalization, and wh-movement: (11) He aka ka mea a Kekoa i ku’ai ai. a what the thing poss Kekoa past buy respro What is the thing that Kekoa bought? (compare *What that did you buy?) (12) ’O wai i ku’ai i ka i’a. subj who past buy obj the fish? Who bought a fish? • I argue that the subject/non-subject asymmetry can be extended to embedded CPs (i.e. embedded sentences) • Bottom line: it is impossible to get a non-subject verbal argument (noun or sentence complement) in front of the subject in Hawaiian

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Solution, Part 1: Medeiros Subject/Non-Subject Asymmetry Outline

Introduction • Chung (1998) observes a subject/non-subject asymmetry Word Orders and Movement in Maori Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • I argue that the subject/non-subject asymmetry can be extended to embedded CPs (i.e. embedded sentences) • Bottom line: it is impossible to get a non-subject verbal argument (noun or sentence complement) in front of the subject in Hawaiian

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Solution, Part 1: Medeiros Subject/Non-Subject Asymmetry Outline

Introduction • Chung (1998) observes a subject/non-subject asymmetry Word Orders and Movement in Maori Types • The same observation holds for Hawaiian, including in Predicate raising (under negation), topicalization, and Movement Predicate Initial wh-movement: VP-remnant formation (11) He aka ka mea a Kekoa i ku’ai ai. Head a what the thing poss Kekoa past buy respro Movement What is the thing that Kekoa bought? (compare *What that did Complementation in English you buy?) T&C interaction in (12) ’O wai i ku’ai i ka i’a. Hawaiian subj who past buy obj the fish? Syntax Conclusion Who bought a fish? Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • Bottom line: it is impossible to get a non-subject verbal argument (noun or sentence complement) in front of the subject in Hawaiian

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Solution, Part 1: Medeiros Subject/Non-Subject Asymmetry Outline

Introduction • Chung (1998) observes a subject/non-subject asymmetry Word Orders and Movement in Maori Types • The same observation holds for Hawaiian, including in Predicate raising (under negation), topicalization, and Movement Predicate Initial wh-movement: VP-remnant formation (11) He aka ka mea a Kekoa i ku’ai ai. Head a what the thing poss Kekoa past buy respro Movement What is the thing that Kekoa bought? (compare *What that did Complementation in English you buy?) T&C interaction in (12) ’O wai i ku’ai i ka i’a. Hawaiian subj who past buy obj the fish? Syntax Conclusion Who bought a fish? Consequences for Inflectional Morphology • I argue that the subject/non-subject asymmetry can be Real extended to embedded CPs (i.e. embedded sentences) Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Solution, Part 1: Medeiros Subject/Non-Subject Asymmetry Outline

Introduction • Chung (1998) observes a subject/non-subject asymmetry Word Orders and Movement in Maori Types • The same observation holds for Hawaiian, including in Predicate raising (under negation), topicalization, and Movement Predicate Initial wh-movement: VP-remnant formation (11) He aka ka mea a Kekoa i ku’ai ai. Head a what the thing poss Kekoa past buy respro Movement What is the thing that Kekoa bought? (compare *What that did Complementation in English you buy?) T&C interaction in (12) ’O wai i ku’ai i ka i’a. Hawaiian subj who past buy obj the fish? Syntax Conclusion Who bought a fish? Consequences for Inflectional Morphology • I argue that the subject/non-subject asymmetry can be Real extended to embedded CPs (i.e. embedded sentences) Conclusion • Bottom line: it is impossible to get a non-subject verbal argument (noun or sentence complement) in front of the subject in Hawaiian • Usually, syntax is all about structure, not linear order • But if we find that linear order does matter, how can we link syntax to pronunciation?

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Interlude: Why Linear Order Medeiros Constraints are Interesting Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement • We’ve been told that syntax does not work this way: Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation (13) The Blue Bridge, which is on campus, is awesome! Head Movement (14) Is the Blue Bridge, which is on campus, awesome? Complementation in English (15) *Is the Blue Bridge, which on campus, is awesome? T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • But if we find that linear order does matter, how can we link syntax to pronunciation?

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Interlude: Why Linear Order Medeiros Constraints are Interesting Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement • We’ve been told that syntax does not work this way: Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation (13) The Blue Bridge, which is on campus, is awesome! Head Movement (14) Is the Blue Bridge, which is on campus, awesome? Complementation in English (15) *Is the Blue Bridge, which on campus, is awesome? T&C interaction in Hawaiian • Usually, syntax is all about structure, not linear order Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Interlude: Why Linear Order Medeiros Constraints are Interesting Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement • We’ve been told that syntax does not work this way: Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation (13) The Blue Bridge, which is on campus, is awesome! Head Movement (14) Is the Blue Bridge, which is on campus, awesome? Complementation in English (15) *Is the Blue Bridge, which on campus, is awesome? T&C interaction in Hawaiian • Usually, syntax is all about structure, not linear order Syntax Conclusion Consequences • But if we find that linear order does matter, how can we link for Inflectional Morphology syntax to pronunciation? Real Conclusion • Linearization is the ’compression’ of the 2-dimensional syntactic structure into a 1-dimensional stream (necessary for all spoken - but not signed! - languages) • Linearization is cyclic when this compressing happens at regular intervals. My proposal: linearize whenever you do anything • The grammar takes a ’snapshot’ of the structure - you can add but not rearrange as you build:

(16) X1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-2-3-4 (17) *1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-3-2-4 • Additional Proposal: Elements in intermediate positions are not visible to the linearization algorithm. • No surface structure level of syntax - phonology is told what to do in stages. Syntax is built piece-by-piece, bottom-up (Chomsky 1995, Epstein et al. 1998, et alia)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Solution, Part 2: Cyclic Medeiros Linearization Outline

Introduction Word Orders • Surface order relationships can be captured with cyclic linearization and Movement analyses (Fox & Pesetsky (2005), M¨uller(2007), et alia) Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • Linearization is cyclic when this compressing happens at regular intervals. My proposal: linearize whenever you do anything • The grammar takes a ’snapshot’ of the structure - you can add but not rearrange as you build:

(16) X1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-2-3-4 (17) *1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-3-2-4 • Additional Proposal: Elements in intermediate positions are not visible to the linearization algorithm. • No surface structure level of syntax - phonology is told what to do in stages. Syntax is built piece-by-piece, bottom-up (Chomsky 1995, Epstein et al. 1998, et alia)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Solution, Part 2: Cyclic Medeiros Linearization Outline

Introduction Word Orders • Surface order relationships can be captured with cyclic linearization and Movement analyses (Fox & Pesetsky (2005), M¨uller(2007), et alia) Types Predicate • Linearization is the ’compression’ of the 2-dimensional syntactic structure Movement into a 1-dimensional stream (necessary for all spoken - but not signed! - Predicate Initial languages) VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • The grammar takes a ’snapshot’ of the structure - you can add but not rearrange as you build:

(16) X1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-2-3-4 (17) *1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-3-2-4 • Additional Proposal: Elements in intermediate positions are not visible to the linearization algorithm. • No surface structure level of syntax - phonology is told what to do in stages. Syntax is built piece-by-piece, bottom-up (Chomsky 1995, Epstein et al. 1998, et alia)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Solution, Part 2: Cyclic Medeiros Linearization Outline

Introduction Word Orders • Surface order relationships can be captured with cyclic linearization and Movement analyses (Fox & Pesetsky (2005), M¨uller(2007), et alia) Types Predicate • Linearization is the ’compression’ of the 2-dimensional syntactic structure Movement into a 1-dimensional stream (necessary for all spoken - but not signed! - Predicate Initial languages) VP-remnant formation • Linearization is cyclic when this compressing happens at regular intervals. Head My proposal: linearize whenever you do anything Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • Additional Proposal: Elements in intermediate positions are not visible to the linearization algorithm. • No surface structure level of syntax - phonology is told what to do in stages. Syntax is built piece-by-piece, bottom-up (Chomsky 1995, Epstein et al. 1998, et alia)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Solution, Part 2: Cyclic Medeiros Linearization Outline

Introduction Word Orders • Surface order relationships can be captured with cyclic linearization and Movement analyses (Fox & Pesetsky (2005), M¨uller(2007), et alia) Types Predicate • Linearization is the ’compression’ of the 2-dimensional syntactic structure Movement into a 1-dimensional stream (necessary for all spoken - but not signed! - Predicate Initial languages) VP-remnant formation • Linearization is cyclic when this compressing happens at regular intervals. Head My proposal: linearize whenever you do anything Movement Complementation • The grammar takes a ’snapshot’ of the structure - you can add but not in English rearrange as you build: T&C interaction in Hawaiian (16) X1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-2-3-4 Syntax Conclusion (17) *1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-3-2-4 Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • No surface structure level of syntax - phonology is told what to do in stages. Syntax is built piece-by-piece, bottom-up (Chomsky 1995, Epstein et al. 1998, et alia)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Solution, Part 2: Cyclic Medeiros Linearization Outline

Introduction Word Orders • Surface order relationships can be captured with cyclic linearization and Movement analyses (Fox & Pesetsky (2005), M¨uller(2007), et alia) Types Predicate • Linearization is the ’compression’ of the 2-dimensional syntactic structure Movement into a 1-dimensional stream (necessary for all spoken - but not signed! - Predicate Initial languages) VP-remnant formation • Linearization is cyclic when this compressing happens at regular intervals. Head My proposal: linearize whenever you do anything Movement Complementation • The grammar takes a ’snapshot’ of the structure - you can add but not in English rearrange as you build: T&C interaction in Hawaiian (16) X1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-2-3-4 Syntax Conclusion (17) *1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-3-2-4 Consequences for Inflectional Additional Proposal: Elements in intermediate positions are not visible to Morphology • the linearization algorithm. Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Solution, Part 2: Cyclic Medeiros Linearization Outline

Introduction Word Orders • Surface order relationships can be captured with cyclic linearization and Movement analyses (Fox & Pesetsky (2005), M¨uller(2007), et alia) Types Predicate • Linearization is the ’compression’ of the 2-dimensional syntactic structure Movement into a 1-dimensional stream (necessary for all spoken - but not signed! - Predicate Initial languages) VP-remnant formation • Linearization is cyclic when this compressing happens at regular intervals. Head My proposal: linearize whenever you do anything Movement Complementation • The grammar takes a ’snapshot’ of the structure - you can add but not in English rearrange as you build: T&C interaction in Hawaiian (16) X1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-2-3-4 Syntax Conclusion (17) *1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-3-2-4 Consequences for Inflectional Additional Proposal: Elements in intermediate positions are not visible to Morphology • the linearization algorithm. Real Conclusion • No surface structure level of syntax - phonology is told what to do in stages. Syntax is built piece-by-piece, bottom-up (Chomsky 1995, Epstein et al. 1998, et alia) The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Recall - Hawaiian vs. English Medeiros Structure Outline

Introduction We often all eat Pok Pok Subject moves in English, but stays in-situ in Hawaiian Word Orders TP and Movement (18) Holoholo mau ’o Kehau me ke kaono. Types cruise always subj Kehau in the town T0 Predicate DP Kehau always cruises in town. (Cleeland, 1994) Movement T0 vP Predicate Initial TP VP-remnant We formation vP 0 AdvP T Head VP Movement v0 0 vP Complementation often DP T in English cruise 0 T&C v VP interaction in tsubj . . . all vP Hawaiian AdvP eat 0 V 0 Syntax v Conclusion always DP V0 Consequences v0 VP for Inflectional DP Morphology ’o Kehau tV Real Pok Pok PP Conclusion tVP • EPP requires a syntactic item in in the town Spec, TP: VP moves in Hawaiian, DP in English The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Forcing Remnant Formation in Medeiros Hawaiian 1 Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types • Subject stays in place (all Predicate features relevant for Movement pronunciation are Predicate Initial satisfied) VP-remnant vP formation • My proposal: linearization Head DP v0 is sensitive to this fact Movement Complementation • XP (which could be DP, subj 0 in English v VP PP, or CP) also has full T&C interaction in 0 feature satisfaction Hawaiian V • When we take our Syntax 0 Conclusion subj < XP V XP ’snapshot’, both subject Consequences and XP are visible for Inflectional Morphology • VP-movement to Spec, Real TP violates S < XP order Conclusion unless XP first leaves VP The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Forcing Remnant Formation in Medeiros Hawaiian 2 Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types X Predicate V-S-XP * Movement TP V-XP-S Predicate Initial TP VP-remnant 0 formation T VP T0 Head 0 vP VP Movement T V . . . tXP 0 vP Complementation T in English tT 0 DP vP V . . . XP T&C t 0 0 interaction in T DP v Hawaiian subj v0 0 Syntax XP subj v 0 Conclusion v ... Consequences tVP for Inflectional t Morphology VP Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Allowing XP-Movement in English Medeiros CP Outline 0 Introduction C Word Orders subject will move . . . XP and Movement C0 TP Types vP ... Predicate T0 Movement vP DP XP Predicate Initial T0 vP VP-remnant v0 formation ... DP subj vP Head v0 VP Movement subj XP 0 Complementation 0 v in English V ... DP T&C 0 interaction in 0 v VP Hawaiian V subj XP Syntax V0 Conclusion ... Consequences 0 for Inflectional V Morphology XP Real Conclusion ... • The case-based analysis of remnant formation faces empirical and theoretical challenges • The cyclic linearization approach, which refers to surface strings in addition to structure, can account for V-S-O and V-S-XP word order • This model also derives the general inability for VP-internal elements to escape VP in VP-fronting languages (Aldridge 2004, Chung 2005, Oda 2005, Polinsky & Potsdam 2007)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Conclusions for VP-Mvmt Analysis Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types • VP-fronting can explain a range of data in Hawaiian Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • The cyclic linearization approach, which refers to surface strings in addition to structure, can account for V-S-O and V-S-XP word order • This model also derives the general inability for VP-internal elements to escape VP in VP-fronting languages (Aldridge 2004, Chung 2005, Oda 2005, Polinsky & Potsdam 2007)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Conclusions for VP-Mvmt Analysis Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types • VP-fronting can explain a range of data in Hawaiian Predicate Movement • The case-based analysis of remnant formation faces empirical Predicate Initial VP-remnant and theoretical challenges formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • This model also derives the general inability for VP-internal elements to escape VP in VP-fronting languages (Aldridge 2004, Chung 2005, Oda 2005, Polinsky & Potsdam 2007)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Conclusions for VP-Mvmt Analysis Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types • VP-fronting can explain a range of data in Hawaiian Predicate Movement • The case-based analysis of remnant formation faces empirical Predicate Initial VP-remnant and theoretical challenges formation Head • The cyclic linearization approach, which refers to surface strings Movement Complementation in addition to structure, can account for V-S-O and V-S-XP in English T&C word order interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Conclusions for VP-Mvmt Analysis Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types • VP-fronting can explain a range of data in Hawaiian Predicate Movement • The case-based analysis of remnant formation faces empirical Predicate Initial VP-remnant and theoretical challenges formation Head • The cyclic linearization approach, which refers to surface strings Movement Complementation in addition to structure, can account for V-S-O and V-S-XP in English T&C word order interaction in Hawaiian • This model also derives the general inability for VP-internal Syntax Conclusion elements to escape VP in VP-fronting languages (Aldridge Consequences for Inflectional 2004, Chung 2005, Oda 2005, Polinsky & Potsdam 2007) Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Innovations and Future Directions Medeiros for VP-Mvmt Analysis Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement • I proposed a visibility condition on linearization Predicate Initial VP-remnant • I argued that linearization should occur maximally cyclicly, i.e. formation whenever anything happens within the syntax Head Movement Complementation • I plan on applying the linearization system to several new in English T&C domains, including: interaction in Hawaiian Subject/object asymmetries formerly understood in terms of the Syntax • Conclusion Empty Category Principle Consequences for Inflectional Morphology • Derivational cyclicity and the Proper Binding Condition Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Outline Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders 1 Introduction and Movement Types Predicate Movement 2 Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation 3 Head Movement Head Movement Complementation in English Complementation in English T & C interaction in Hawaiian T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax 4 Syntax Conclusion Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology 5 Real Conclusion Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. T-C Head Movement Medeiros

Outline CP • In this section I argue that T-C head Introduction movement also applies in addition to Word Orders C0 VP-fronting and Movement Types • The evidence consists of morphological C0 TP Predicate alternations in sentence-embedding Movement 0 Predicate Initial [C+T] T VP-remnant VP formation T0 DirP Head V . . . tXP Movement tT 0 dir/asp vP Complementation in English T&C DP vP interaction in Hawaiian subj v0 Syntax XP Conclusion 0 Consequences v for Inflectional ... Morphology tVP Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. The Morpho-Syntax of C & T in Medeiros English Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types • C and T are morphologically independent in English: Predicate Movement CP Predicate Initial (19) I know that you go/went to VP-remnant Vollum everyday. formation C0 Head • C can vary by context, e.g. standard Movement C0 TP embedding vs. relative clause: Complementation in English 0 T&C that T (20) a. I think that you know. interaction in DP Hawaiian b. The griffin is an animal which T0 Syntax ... vP is the king of all creatures. Conclusion tense Consequences ... T moves to C in certain environments, e.g. for Inflectional • Morphology questions: Real Conclusion (21) Do you ttense enjoy the Oregon coast in the winter? • The conditioning factor has generally been taken to be independent vs. subordinate clause (Elbert & Pukui 1979, Hawkins 2000, Otsuka 2006) • An identical alternation holds for present tense ke which appears as e in relative clause contexts

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. C & T in Hawaiian 1 Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement • There’s a well known alternation in pre-verbal particles in (at least) Eastern Types Polynesian languages like Hawaiian, Maori, Tahitian, etc. (Otsuka, 2006): Predicate Movement (22) a. Ua kokua ka maka’i i ke keiki. Predicate Initial help the officer the child VP-remnant past obj formation The police officer helped the child. Head Movement b. Ke keiki i kokua ai ka maka’i. Complementation the child past help respro the officer in English T&C The child whom the police officer helped. (Hawkins, 1982) interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • An identical alternation holds for present tense ke which appears as e in relative clause contexts

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. C & T in Hawaiian 1 Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement • There’s a well known alternation in pre-verbal particles in (at least) Eastern Types Polynesian languages like Hawaiian, Maori, Tahitian, etc. (Otsuka, 2006): Predicate Movement (22) a. Ua kokua ka maka’i i ke keiki. Predicate Initial help the officer the child VP-remnant past obj formation The police officer helped the child. Head Movement b. Ke keiki i kokua ai ka maka’i. Complementation the child past help respro the officer in English T&C The child whom the police officer helped. (Hawkins, 1982) interaction in Hawaiian • The conditioning factor has generally been taken to be independent vs. Syntax Conclusion subordinate clause (Elbert & Pukui 1979, Hawkins 2000, Otsuka 2006) Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. C & T in Hawaiian 1 Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement • There’s a well known alternation in pre-verbal particles in (at least) Eastern Types Polynesian languages like Hawaiian, Maori, Tahitian, etc. (Otsuka, 2006): Predicate Movement (22) a. Ua kokua ka maka’i i ke keiki. Predicate Initial help the officer the child VP-remnant past obj formation The police officer helped the child. Head Movement b. Ke keiki i kokua ai ka maka’i. Complementation the child past help respro the officer in English T&C The child whom the police officer helped. (Hawkins, 1982) interaction in Hawaiian • The conditioning factor has generally been taken to be independent vs. Syntax Conclusion subordinate clause (Elbert & Pukui 1979, Hawkins 2000, Otsuka 2006) Consequences for Inflectional • An identical alternation holds for present tense ke which appears as e in Morphology relative clause contexts Real Conclusion • The difference between relative clause and plain embedding suggests that the morphological alternation is conditioned by type of subordinate clause

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. C & T in Hawaiian 2 Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types However, no alteration is observed in ’plain’ embedding: Predicate • Movement Predicate Initial (23) Ua ha’i mai ke haumana ua hala ka manawa. VP-remnant formation past tell dir/asp the student past pass the time Head The student said that the time had passed. (see also (1) above and Movement further examples in Hawkins, 1979) Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. C & T in Hawaiian 2 Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types However, no alteration is observed in ’plain’ embedding: Predicate • Movement Predicate Initial (23) Ua ha’i mai ke haumana ua hala ka manawa. VP-remnant formation past tell dir/asp the student past pass the time Head The student said that the time had passed. (see also (1) above and Movement further examples in Hawkins, 1979) Complementation in English T&C interaction in • The difference between relative clause and plain embedding Hawaiian suggests that the morphological alternation is conditioned by Syntax Conclusion type of subordinate clause Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. C & T in Hawaiian 3 Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types 0 Predicate • This suggests that the C position in Hawaiian encodes features Movement of both clause type and tense. Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation • In the case of past tense ua, this appears as ua in all ’plain’ Head Movement contexts, which includes all matrix clauses, and i in some Complementation subordinate clauses, e.g. relative clauses. in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian • This can be modeled by head movement, i.e. the T-head moves 1 Syntax and adjoins to the C-head. Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion

1see Massam (2010) for similar arguments w.r.t. Niuean The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Head Movement in Hawaiian Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement CP CP Types Predicate C0 C0 Movement Predicate Initial C0 C0 TP VP-remnant plain TP rel formation 0 0 Head ua T i T Movement VP VP 0 0 Complementation T T in English V . . . tXP vP V . . . tXP vP T&C interaction in past-tense past-tense Hawaiian ...... Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. T-C Head Movement Wrap-Up Medeiros

Outline CP • The T-C movement analysis allows us to Introduction derive another fact about the verbal Word Orders C0 system in Hawaiian, namely that tense and Movement Types particles precede the verb. C0 TP Predicate • The verb is not initial. Instead, an Movement 0 independent tense head - also present in Predicate Initial [C+T] T VP-remnant VP more familiar languages like English - formation T0 DirPprecedes the verb. Head V . . . tXP Movement tT 0 dir/asp vP Complementation in English T&C DP vP interaction in Hawaiian subj v0 Syntax XP Conclusion 0 Consequences v for Inflectional ... Morphology tVP Real Conclusion • Tense precedes the verb due to head movement • The descriptive term VSO fails to capture the tense-initial syntax of Hawaiian

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Conclusions for Head Mvmt Medeiros Analysis Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation • Tense and the verb are separated in Hawaiian as in English Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • The descriptive term VSO fails to capture the tense-initial syntax of Hawaiian

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Conclusions for Head Mvmt Medeiros Analysis Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation • Tense and the verb are separated in Hawaiian as in English Head Movement • Tense precedes the verb due to head movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Conclusions for Head Mvmt Medeiros Analysis Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation • Tense and the verb are separated in Hawaiian as in English Head Movement • Tense precedes the verb due to head movement Complementation in English T&C • The descriptive term VSO fails to capture the tense-initial interaction in Hawaiian syntax of Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Outline Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement 1 Introduction Types Predicate Movement 2 Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head 3 Head Movement Movement Complementation in English T&C 4 Syntax Conclusion interaction in Hawaiian Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Syntax Conclusion Consequences 5 Real Conclusion for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Structure of Hawaiian: Conclusion Medeiros

Outline CP

Introduction C0 Word Orders and Movement Types C0 TP • VSO separates the verb Predicate and object in pronounced Movement [C+T] T0 structure Predicate Initial VP VP-remnant 0 • We can allow the verb and formation T DirP V . . . tXP its complement to be a Head t 0 dir/asp vP constituent at some level, Movement T upon adopting a Complementation in English DP vP 3 derivational analysis of T&C interaction in VSO Hawaiian subj v0 • Two sub-analyses Syntax XP Conclusion v0 motivated the proposed Consequences ... surface structure: i) for Inflectional 2 t Morphology VP VP-fronting, and ii) T-C Real head movement Conclusion 1 The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Are all VSO languages created Medeiros equal? Outline

Introduction Word Orders • Hawaiian: VP-remnant fronting • Irish: Head Movement (Guilfoyle 1990, and Movement McCloskey 1991 & 2005, slightly modified) Types TP Predicate TP Movement T0 Predicate Initial VP T0 VP-remnant T0 DirP formation V . . . t XP T0 vP Head dir/asp vP Movement T0 v0 Complementation in English DP vP DP T&C v0 VP interaction in Hawaiian subj v0 subj XP 0 0 Syntax v V 0 Conclusion v ... 0 Consequences V for Inflectional tVP DP Morphology verb Real object Conclusion • Hawaiian verbs, ’buried’ in a phrasal projection, should be unable to host inflectional morphology. In fact, Hawaiian verbs bear no inflectional morphology, as predicted. • Irish verbs, moving head-to-head, should be able to ’pick up’ pieces of inflection, just like verbs in unambiguous head-raising languages, e.g. French (Pollock 1989). • Irish verbal inflection includes morphology for a number of categories, including tense, person, and mood (McCloskey & Hale 1984):

(24) cuirim (I put), cuireann (you put) (25) chuirfinn (I would put), chuirfea (you would put)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Morphological Consequences for Medeiros Syntactic Analysis 1 Outline

Introduction Word Orders • The different syntactic analyses for e.g. Hawaiian and Irish and Movement Types makes a prediction: Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • Irish verbs, moving head-to-head, should be able to ’pick up’ pieces of inflection, just like verbs in unambiguous head-raising languages, e.g. French (Pollock 1989). • Irish verbal inflection includes morphology for a number of categories, including tense, person, and mood (McCloskey & Hale 1984):

(24) cuirim (I put), cuireann (you put) (25) chuirfinn (I would put), chuirfea (you would put)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Morphological Consequences for Medeiros Syntactic Analysis 1 Outline

Introduction Word Orders • The different syntactic analyses for e.g. Hawaiian and Irish and Movement Types makes a prediction: Predicate Movement • Hawaiian verbs, ’buried’ in a phrasal projection, should be Predicate Initial unable to host inflectional morphology. In fact, Hawaiian verbs VP-remnant formation bear no inflectional morphology, as predicted. Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion • Irish verbal inflection includes morphology for a number of categories, including tense, person, and mood (McCloskey & Hale 1984):

(24) cuirim (I put), cuireann (you put) (25) chuirfinn (I would put), chuirfea (you would put)

The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Morphological Consequences for Medeiros Syntactic Analysis 1 Outline

Introduction Word Orders • The different syntactic analyses for e.g. Hawaiian and Irish and Movement Types makes a prediction: Predicate Movement • Hawaiian verbs, ’buried’ in a phrasal projection, should be Predicate Initial unable to host inflectional morphology. In fact, Hawaiian verbs VP-remnant formation bear no inflectional morphology, as predicted. Head Movement • Irish verbs, moving head-to-head, should be able to ’pick up’ Complementation in English pieces of inflection, just like verbs in unambiguous head-raising T&C interaction in Hawaiian languages, e.g. French (Pollock 1989). Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Morphological Consequences for Medeiros Syntactic Analysis 1 Outline

Introduction Word Orders • The different syntactic analyses for e.g. Hawaiian and Irish and Movement Types makes a prediction: Predicate Movement • Hawaiian verbs, ’buried’ in a phrasal projection, should be Predicate Initial unable to host inflectional morphology. In fact, Hawaiian verbs VP-remnant formation bear no inflectional morphology, as predicted. Head Movement • Irish verbs, moving head-to-head, should be able to ’pick up’ Complementation in English pieces of inflection, just like verbs in unambiguous head-raising T&C interaction in Hawaiian languages, e.g. French (Pollock 1989). Syntax Conclusion • Irish verbal inflection includes morphology for a number of Consequences categories, including tense, person, and mood (McCloskey & for Inflectional Morphology Hale 1984): Real Conclusion (24) cuirim (I put), cuireann (you put) (25) chuirfinn (I would put), chuirfea (you would put) The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Morphological Consequences for Medeiros Syntactic Analysis 2 Outline

Introduction Hawaiian Word Orders Irish and Movement TP Types TP Predicate 0 T 0 Movement VP T Predicate Initial T0 DirP VP-remnant V . . . t T0 vP formation XP *number dir/asp vP Head T0 tense, number v0 Movement DP DP vP Complementation 0 in English v VP T&C subj subj v0 interaction in 0 0 Hawaiian XP v mood V 0 Syntax v 0 Conclusion ... V 2 DP Consequences tVP for Inflectional verb Morphology object Real 1 Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Conclusions for Medeiros Morphology/Syntax Interaction Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate • VSO can be derived in at least 2 ways Movement Predicate Initial • Choosing the ‘right’ derivation for VSO has been seen as a VP-remnant formation problem for linguistic theory (McCloskey 2005, et alia) Head Movement • Consideration of morphology and its interaction with syntax Complementation in English reveals that VP-remnant movement and head movement are T&C interaction in both motivated, depending on the language Hawaiian Syntax The coexistence of 2 derivational possibilities for VSO is not a Conclusion • Consequences problem, but in fact desirable for Inflectional Morphology Real • Thank you! Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Selected References Medeiros

Outline • Aldridge, Edith. 2004. Ergativity and word order in Austronesian languages. Ph.D. Dissertation, Cornell University. Introduction Chapin, Paul. 1974. Proto-Polynesian *ai. Journal of the Polynesian Society 83: 259-307. Word Orders • and Movement Chomsky, Noam, 2000. Minimalist inquiries: the framework. In: Martin, R., Michaels, D., Types • Uriagereka, J. (Eds.), Step by Step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honour of H. Lasnik. MIT Predicate Press, Cambridge, pp. 89155. Movement • Chung, Sandra. 1998. The design of agreement: Evidence from Chamorro. University of Chicago Predicate Initial Press, Chicago. VP-remnant formation • Chung, Sandra. 2005. What fronts? On the VP-raising account of verb-initial order. In Verb first: on the syntax of verb-initial languages, eds. Andrew Carnie, Heidi Harley, and Sheila Ann Dooley, Head 930. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Movement Chung, Sandra and William Ladusaw. 2004. Restriction and Saturation. Boston: MIT Press. Complementation • in English • Chung, Sandra and Maria Polinsky. 2009. Introduction (to special issue on Austronesian Syntax). T&C interaction in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 27, 659-673. Hawaiian • Elbert, Samuel and Mary Pukui. 1979. Hawaiian grammar. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Syntax • Fox, Danny, and David Pesetsky. 2005. Cyclic linearization of syntactic structure. Theoretical Conclusion Linguistics 31, 1-45. Consequences for Inflectional • Hawkins, Emily. 1979. Hawaiian Sentence Structure. Pacific Linguistics Series B No. 61. Morphology • Hawkins, Emily. 1982. Pedagogical grammar of Hawaiian (Revised). Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Real Press. Conclusion • Hawkins, Emily. 2000. Relative clauses in Hawaiian. In Fischer, S.R., Sperlich, W.B. (Eds.), Leo Pasifika: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Oceanic Linguistics. The Institute of Polynesian Languages and Literatures, Auckland, pp. 127141. The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. References Medeiros

Outline

Introduction • Massam, Diane, 2001. Pseudo noun incorporation in Niuean. NLLT 19 (1), 153197. Word Orders • Massam, Diane. 2010. V1 or V2?: On the left in Niuean. Lingua 120, 284-302. and Movement Types • Massam, Diane and Yves Roberge. 1997. Operator bound clitics and Niuean ai. In James Black and Virginia Motapanyane (eds.), Proceedings of AFLA 4, p. 273-299. Predicate Movement • McCloskey, James. 2005. A note on predicates and heads in Irish clausal syntax. In A. Carnie, H. Predicate Initial Harley, A.D. Sheila (eds.), Verb first: On the syntax of verb-initial languages. John Benjamins, VP-remnant Amsterdam, 155-174. formation • Medeiros, David J. 2010. Extension and locality: A case study on Hawaiian. In Proceedings of the Head 12th Seoul International Conference on Generative Grammar. p. 173-213. Movement • Medeiros, David J. 2013. Hawaiian VP-remnant movement: A cyclic linearization analysis. Lingua Complementation 127, 72-97 in English T&C • M¨uller,Gereon. 2007. Towards a relativized concept of cyclic linearization. In Sauerland U. and interaction in Grtner, H. (Eds) Interfaces + Recursion = Language? 61-114. Mouton de Gruyter: Berlin. Hawaiian • Oda, Kenji. 2005. V1 and Wh-questions: a typology. In Verb first: On the syntax of verb-initial Syntax languages, ed. by Andrew Carnie, Sheila Dooley-Collberg, and Heidi Harley, 65-90. Amsterdam: Conclusion John Benjamins. Consequences for Inflectional • Otsuka, Yuko. 2006. Niuean and Eastern Polynesian: A View from Syntax. Oceanic Linguistics Morphology 45.429-56. Real • Polinsky, M., Potsdam, E., 2007. Questions and word order in Polynesian. Paper presented at COOL Conclusion 7. The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Outline Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types 1 Introduction Predicate Movement Predicate Initial 2 Predicate Movement VP-remnant formation Head 3 Head Movement Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in 4 Syntax Conclusion Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion 5 Real Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Where to go now: Medeiros

Outline • Learn Hawaiian (at home): Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Where to go now: Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement Predicate Initial • Learn Hawaiian in Honolulu (field trip!): VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Where to go now: Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement • Learn Hawaiian in Honolulu (field trip!): Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Where to go now: Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement • Learn Hawaiian in Hilo (field trip!): Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation Head Movement Complementation in English T&C interaction in Hawaiian Syntax Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion The Structure of Hawaiian

David J. Where to go now: Medeiros

Outline

Introduction Word Orders and Movement Types Predicate Movement • Other Polynesian languages: Predicate Initial VP-remnant formation • Marquesan Head • Tuvaluan Movement • etc. Complementation in English T&C interaction in • Many open theoretical & descriptive questions Hawaiian Syntax Thank you! Conclusion Consequences for Inflectional Morphology Real Conclusion