Liveability and sustainable design in higher density inner urban housing in Sydney
Mamun Rashid
A thesis submitted in fulfilment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Faculty of the Built Environment
University of New South Wales
March 2011 ii 1 December 2011 1 December 2011
1 December 2011 Abstract The wider context for this study is the premise that higher density city living has been viewed relatively unfavourably in Australia - given the small proportion of urban populations living in denser inner urban areas. In Sydney it is however apparent from census data that more people now chose to live in inner city areas than before, and that recently the rate of residential development is usually higher in these areas than for the metropolitan area as a whole. This research investigates sustainable design and liveability factors in a representative inner urban setting, taking into consideration both the approaches of architects responsible for the design of the Victoria Park, Sydney precinct and user’s experiences, preferences and satisfactions living there. At question, is: liveability experience in medium density inner city forms and precincts which have been conceived according to environmentally sustainable design principles. The sustainable design literature appears to be polarised around arguments for architectural solutions that are climatically responsive and/or engineered to make efficient uses of all building resources. While liveability factors have been studied in housing generally, medium-high density inner urban housing has not been given due consideration (including the neighbourhood setting). It is argued here that comprehending this gap in the literature, and better relating theory to application, requires a better understanding of user perceptions in these settings. A representative range of residential buildings in Victoria Park was selected as case studies - since this development is considered a model of a successful transformation of a neglected inner city precinct. Moreover, the varied range of multi-storied buildings also allows for an evaluation of a central theme in this work: the affect of height and formal arrangement of buildings on user experience. Specifics include issues of thermal comfort indoors and the appropriateness of outdoor spaces, as well as reflections on ecological and energy-efficiency design elements, and the influence of both pro-environmental beliefs and past experiences on the selection of housing. The varying height & size of building complexes in the precinct allow for a thorough investigation of the potential effect of this parameter. These goals were addressed through a multi-dimensional methodology: via observation of temporal behaviours in the common spaces (and photographic recordings) of the setting, analysis of the envelope form of buildings and the layout of complex clusters of buildings, occupant surveys, and interviews with architect designers. The overall results suggest that where architect design intentions have sustainability in mind, the socio-psychological experience of users in such a setting is generally positive. The importance of design features such as dwelling layout is validated. Since outdoor/neighbourhood evaluations stand out prominently, it can be hypothesised that if the relationship between the inside and outside increases the physical and psychological connectivity between the two it can increase the satisfaction of higher density living. What is more salient to the specific purpose of this study is the relative insignificance of living on a different floor level or in a different form of building complex to overall satisfaction with higher density inner-urban housing that has been designed with sustainability in mind. It is always possible that some people have preselected the format that better suits them in the first place. Yet overall this signifies that attempts made to design the context around buildings eco-sensitively and integrate greenery into the setting, as well as to introduce variety in building height and layout, would be likely to satisfy a wide range of users - and be socially sustainable as a form of dense urban living.
iii iv Acknowledgements
Acknowledgements are due first and foremost to my family and friends for their patience, tolerance and good humour throughout the journey.
This dissertation would not have been possible if not for the guidance and support of my supervisor, Robert Samuels. I would also like to thank him for his sound advice whenever it was needed, and careful reading of this manuscript. I would also like to thank Bruce Judd for sharing his housing expertise and thought-provoking discussions.
Special mention here of Simon Pinnegar at City Futures Research Centre, University of New South Wales (UNSW), who shared with me his thoughts and past experience; Andrew Tice also at City Futures Research, who helped me with some of the statistical analysis; Nancy Marshall at UNSW, who helped me with the questionnaire; Harry Margalit, Head, Architecture, for his encouragement; Catherine de Lorenzo & Christine Steinmetz, Director of Postgraduate Research, Faculty of the Built Environment, UNSW, for their support during the review process and in the final submission stage; Gina Schien Administrative Assistant from the Graduate Research School, for her great helpfulness all through the process.
I owe a debt also to the individuals at Landcom, who granted me access to some of their records, drawings and freely answered my queries, particularly Armineh Mardirossian, Director, Sustainability & Policy, Landcom; Robert Kennedy, Director, Victoria Park; Mike Williams, Development assistant , Victoria Park.
A special acknowledgment is necessary for all the respondents of the research survey who took time to fill up the lengthy questionnaire. Thanks also go to the architects who showed their support and cooperation. Special mention here, of architect Kevin Driver at Turner Associates, who provided me with the plans and who talked me through their projects at Victoria Park; architect Bolles Wilson, whose work I have admired since my student years in architectural school; Chris Johnson, ex-NSW Government architect, for his stimulating discussion.
Finally, this research has benefited tremendously from the prestigious UNSW Global Scholarship, awarded to me by the University of New South Wales (UNSW).
v vi Table of contents Abstract iii Acknowledgements v Table of contents vii List of Tables xii List of Figures xiii List of Appendices xviii
Chapter 1 : Introduction
1.1. Background history and development of the research idea 1
1.2. Research rationale 4
1.3. Liveability and sustainable design: briefly defined 6
1.4. Aim, research questions and objectives 7
1.5. Research methods and site selection 8
1.6. Limitations 10
1.7. Thesis structure and chapter outline 11
Chapter 2 : Review of literature and background
2.1. Understanding the context in time and place 13 2.1.1. Back to the city trend and re-popularity of the inner city 14 2.1.2. The restructuring of the economy 17 2.1.3. Changes in socio-demographics of inner areas 19 2.1.4. Disillusion with suburbia and dual aspirations 21 2.1.5. Changing form of gentrification aesthetics 24 2.1.6. Environmental sustainability, inner city dwelling, lifestyle, 28 and pro-environmental values 2.1.7. Conclusion 43
vii 2.2. Overview- the changing nature of housing and dwelling form 45 in inner areas
2.2.1. Shifting views - form to place based cognition 46 2.2.2. Emergence of ESD, liveability and pro-design issues in 55 strategies and policy discourses 2.2.3. Forms of higher density dwellings 69 2.2.4. Uplifting ‘good design’ through legislation 72 2.2.5. Summing up - implications of higher density city living 80
2.3. Conceptions of ‘good’ urban form, aspects of liveability and sustainable design 87 2.3.1. Functionalities of urban block and spaces 88 2.3.2. Social attributes of urban dwelling form and liveability 98 2.3.3. Sustainable design practices and perimeter block 104 2.3.4. Sustainable design of green open space in higher density 107 setting 2.3.5. Position taken in this research on deterministic 121 approaches 2.3.6. Conclusion 126
Chapter 3 : Design and methodology of the study 127
3.1. Study area 127 3.1.1. Justification for the study area selection 127 3.1.2. History of the place 132 3.1.3. Aspects of the master plan scheme 132 3.1.4. Phase strategy 133 3.1.5. Energy-efficiency and passive design features 135 3.1.6. Courtyards, outdoor spaces & greenery in the scheme 137 3.1.7. Perimeter block scheme – orientation, appearance & 140 urban design potentials viii 3.1.8. Explanation of the groups 141
3.2. Research philosophy, strategy & methods 145
3.3. Observation - exploratory & systematic 147 3.3.1. Methods & error reductions 149 3.3.2. Utilising observation data 153
3.4. Interview 153 3.4.1. Aim & structure 154 3.4.2. Conducting the Interview 154 3.4.3. Utilising the Interview 154
3.5. Survey methodology 155 3.5.1. Population and sample 155 3.5.2. Standardised survey questionnaire 156 3.5.3. Survey method & questionnaire design 157 3.5.4. Questionnaire structure and specific aim of the questions 161
3.6. Analytic design for questionnaire 162 3.6.1. Predictors of overall residential satisfaction - regression 163 analysis & factor analysis 3.6.2. Meeting Assumptions - factor analysis & regression 163 analysis 3.6.3. Relationships between groups - chi-square tests & t-tests 166 3.6.4. Environmental Fit (EF) 168
3.7. Ethical considerations 170
Chapter 4 : Results, analyses and discussions 173
4.1. Description of survey respondents and their housing related 173 characteristics 4.1.1. Descriptive characteristics - Socio-demographic-economic 174 data 4.1.2. Difference in characteristics relative to height and 183 complex groups
ix 4.1.3. Occupancy patterns of housing 191 4.1.4. Difference in occupancy patterns relative to height & 196 complex 4.1.5. Housing experiences 200 4.1.6. Differences in housing experiences relative to height & 202 complex
4.2. Predictors of overall residential satisfaction - results, analysis, and discussion 208 4.2.1. Preparation of dependent and independent variables 208 4.2.2. Regression analysis 212 4.2.3. Discussion 216
4.3. Residents perceptions of aspects related to dwelling - results, analyses, and discussions 219 4.3.1. Satisfaction with dwelling spaces - relationships with 219 height / complex groups & interpreting mean scores
4.3.1.1 Comparing mean scores of dwelling height groups 220
4.3.1.2 Interpreting mean scores in dwelling height groups 221
4.3.1.3 Comparing mean scores dwelling complex groups 229
4.3.1.4 Interpreting mean scores in dwelling complex 232 groups
4.3.1.5 Shared perceptions across height and complex 237 groups
4.3.2. View aspects - preferences & impact of view types 243
4.3.2.1 Preferences of views 243
4.3.2.2 Impact of view types on levels of satisfaction with 245 views 4.3.3. Balcony aspects - activities & height group / complex 248 group relationships
4.3.3.1 Balcony aspects - activities 249
4.3.3.2 Balcony use and relationship with dwelling height or 252 x complex type
4.4. Environmental experiences of outdoor spaces - results, analyses, and discussions 257 4.4.1. Evaluation of environmental experience 257
4.4.1.1. Importance of parks and courts 258
4.4.1.2. Satisfaction of parks & court - relationship with 258 height & complex groups
4.4.1.3. Use of parks and court - relationship with the height 260 & complex groups
4.4.1.4. Environmental Fit (EF) - relationship with the height 262 & complex groups
4.5. Pro-environment activities - results, analysis, and discussion 267
4.5.1. Introduction 267
4.5.2. Importance & satisfaction 268
4.5.3. Environmental Fit (EF) of pro-environmental behaviors 269
Chapter 5 : Conclusions 273 5.1. Key findings - implications
5.2. Implications for policymakers and practitioners
5.3. Future directions
References 285
xi List of Tables
Table 3.5.1: Population sampled in the precinct 155
Table 3.6.1: Environmental fit (EF) score calculation 169
Table 4.1.1: Proportion of respondents by living environment in the Victoria Park 175
Table 4.1.2: Chi-square tests examining the effects of dwelling height on socio- 185 demographic-economic characteristics
Table 4.1.3: Chi-square tests examining the effects of dwelling complex on socio- 186 demographic-economic characteristics
Table 4.1.4: Chi-square tests examining the effects of dwelling complex/height on 195 occupancy pattern.
Table 4.1.5: Chi-square tests examining the effects of dwelling complex/height on 207 housing experience.
Table 4.2.1: Factor analysis results for DV - overall residential satisfaction 210
Table 4.2.2: Factor analysis results for Factor 1 - security, management & facilities 211
Table 4.2.3: Factor analysis results for Factor 2 - neighbourhood features 211
Table 4.2.4: Factor Analysis Results for Factor 3 - dwelling design 212
Table 4.2.5: Matrix of explanatory Variables 213
Table 4.2.6: Significant predictors of overall residential satisfaction - hierarchical 216 regression analysis results
Table 4.3.1: T-test results, relationship between dwelling height typology with 241 satisfaction of aspects of dwelling design
Table 4.3.2: T-test results, relationship between dwelling complex typology with 242 satisfaction of aspects of dwelling design
xii List of Figures
Figure 2.1.1: On left a view of Skyline of Sydney CBD from the Harbour bridge. On 16 right a view from an inner area suburb
Figure 2.1.2: Harbour front amenities near Sydney Opera House and Harbour 16 Bridge add to the desirability of Sydney inner areas
Figure 2.1.3: Advancing high-rises as family friendly by developers considering the 19 current trend for inner city lifestyle aspiration of families
Figure 2.1.4: Having an outdoor seating for coffee shops is common characteristics 23 of Inner areas
Figure 2.1.5: Top & below on left. In Victoria Park, greenness of neighbourhood is 27 highlighted in advertisements
Figure 2.1.6: Who Cares about the Environment in 2006? - A survey of NSW 32 population’s environmental knowledge, attitudes and behaviours
Figure 2.1.7: Energy requirement and energy intensity as a function of annual per- 39 capita income
Figure 2.1.8: Australian greenhouse gas emissions, (Left) production and (Right) 41 consumption categories
Figure 2.2.1: A section of Sydney’s ‘global arc’ 48
Figure 2.2.2: There goes the neighbourhood 52
Figure 2.2.3: Towering forms of apartment buildings hovering disproportionately over 53 lower density inner neighbourhoods
Figure 2.2.4: Top. The Sydney Opera House highlighted in the cover of current 61 strategy for Sydney, City of Cities Metropolitan Strategy
Figure 2.2.5: Existing housing density in Sydney city. Map showing dwelling density 63
Figure 2.2.6: Existing housing density and future trends in Sydney city 64
Figure 2.2.7: Vertical villages in the city, a feature in a local daily on the recent 67 surge in the development of higher density apartments in Sydney
Figure 2.2.8: Selected dwelling forms of Inner Sydney. 71
Figure 2.2.9: Resources by NSW Department of Planning illustrating good design 75 practices
Figure 2.2.10: Pages from Improving Flat Design: a progress report 76
xiii Figure 2.2.11: Effects of density can be reduced skilfully by design 82
Figure 2.3.1: Paris example of courts and urban form 89
Figure 2.3.2: Aerial views of close knit urban blocks and courts 89
Figure2.3.3: Perimeter blocks in Rotterdam 92
Figure 2.3.4: Le Corbusier’s idea of a contemporary city & overall view of stand- 94 alone forms of Pruitt-Igoe in St. Louis and its demolition in 1972
Figure 2.3.5: Architect’s conception of communal corridor and the actual vandalised 95 conditions of Pruitt-Igoe project
Figure 2.3.6: Le Corbusier’s Unité d'Habitation block in Marseille 97
Figure 2.3.7: A section (page 12) from Residential Flat Design Code, indicating 106 courtyard apartment (perimeter block) variations
Figure 3.1.1: The design scheme has been featured in the popular media even 129 before it was completed
Figure 3.1.2: With continued reuse over the century even before Landcom took over 131 the site, it can be considered a classic brownfield development example in an inner urban area
Figure 3.2.1: Methods used in the research 156
Figure 3.1.3: The Victoria Park master plan 132-i
Figure 3.1.4: Aerial view of Victoria Park showing the three types of complexes, 142-i greenery in the parks, courts and in street landscaping
Figure 3.1.5: Top & middle. Forms of high-rise complexes as experienced from the 142-ii streets and parks
Figure 3.1.6: Top. View of mid-rise forms from the streets and parks 142-iii
Figure 3.1.7: Top. View of low-rise complexes as experienced from the streets and 142-iv parks
Figure 3.2.1: Methods used in the research 147
Figure 4.1.1: Percentage of respondents by gender & age groups 177
Figure 4.1.2: Comparing the number of respondents by age 178
Figure 4.1.3: Household composition 179
Figure 4.1.4: Respondent’s occupation 179
Figure 4.1.5: Respondent’s place of birth 180
Figure 4.1.6: Household income groups 181 xiv Figure 4.1.7: Household income across three complex groups 187
Figure 4.1.8: Expected length of dwelling occupancy 192
Figure 4.1.9: Respondents’ dwelling size- number of bedrooms 193
Figure 4.1.10: Travel mode to dwellings by height groups 196
Figure 4.1.11: Proportion of tenancy by complex groups 197
Figure 4.1.12: Travel mode to dwellings by complex groups. 197
Figure 4.1.13: Years want to live by complex groups 198
Figure 4.1.14: Experiences of locality, respondents by previous locality 200
Figure 4.1.15: Experiences of dwelling type, respondents by previous dwelling type 200
Figure 4.1.16: Respondents’ dwelling preferences 201
Figure 4.1.17: Dwelling preferences in height groups 201
Figure 4.1.18: Experiences of locality across height groups 202
Figure 4.1.19: Future preference for dwelling forms in complex groups 203
Figure 4.3.1: Percentage of satisfaction by height groups of entry corridor and 222 storage
Figure 4.3.1 (i): Top. Design variation of corridors in the low-rise and mid-rise 222-i buildings
Figure 4.3.2: Percentage of satisfaction by height groups of living comfortable 225 condition
Figure 4.3.3: Percentage of satisfaction of kitchen ventilation 226
Figure 4.3.4: Percentage of satisfaction by height groups of bedroom comfortable 227 conditions
Figure 4.3.5: Percentage of satisfaction by height groups of balcony protection and 228 privacy
Figure 4.3.6: Percentage of satisfaction by complex groups of storage 232
Figure 4.3.7: Percentage of satisfaction by complex groups of living comfortable 233 conditions
Figure 4.3.8: Percentage of satisfaction by complex groups of kitchen ventilation 234
Figure 4.3.9: Percentage of satisfaction by complex groups of bedroom comfortable 235 conditions
Figure 4.3.10: Percentage of satisfaction by complex groups of kitchen ventilation 236
xv Figure 4.3.11: Overview of perceptions across the subgroups of dwelling aspects by 242-i complex groups and height groups
Figure 4.3.12: Similarity of internal layout crossover scheme of Le Corbusier’s Unité 242-ii d'Habitation apartment with Airia in Victoria Park
Figure 4.3.2.1: Preferred views from dwelling 244
Figure 4.3.2.2: Means plot of view satisfaction showing difference between view 246 types
Figure 4.3.2.3: Percentage of responses by view types 247
Figure 4.3.3.1: Balcony activities 250
Figure 4.3.3.2: Balcony use by height groups 252
Figure 4.3.3.3: Louvre use in balcony by height groups 253
Figure 4.3.3.4: Balcony use by complex groups 255
Figure 4.3.3.5: Louvre use in balcony by complex groups 255
Figure 4.3.3.6: Various types of movable devices are used for environmental control 256-i in the balconies
Figure 4.4.1: Parks & court - satisfaction by height groups 259
Figure 4.4.2: Parks & courts - satisfaction by complex groups 260
Figure 4.4.3: Use of parks & courts by height groups 261
Figure 4.4.4: Use of parks & courts by complex groups 269
Figure 4.4.5: Experience evaluations across groups 263
Figure 4.4.6: EF scores in percentage by height groups 264
Figure 4.4.7: EF scores in percentage by complex groups 264
Figure 4.4.8: Top. View of internal courtyards in low-rise complexes 264-i
Figure 4.4.9: Outdoor activities during late afternoon, near the recycled stormwater 264-ii sculpture in the central park.
Figure 4.4.10: Lifestyle aspect: residents and their pets enjoying the outdoor spaces 264-iii a common feature in the precinct.
Figure 4.4.11: Outdoor activities indicate presence of families with children in the 264-iv precinct
Figure 4.4.12: BBQ gatherings on weekends, in the southern part of central park 264-v indicate social contact between residents
Figure 4.5.1: Attitudes change since moving to the area 268 xvi Figure 4.5.2: Satisfaction of behaviours related to recycling 268
Figure 4.5.3: Satisfaction of behaviours related to energy saving measures 269
Figure 4.5.4: Satisfaction of behaviours related to water saving measures 269
Figure 4.5.5: EF scores of recycling behaviour in percentage. 270
Figure 4.5.6: EF scores of energy saving behaviour in percentage 270
Figure 4.5.7: EF scores in percentage of water saving behaviour 270
xvii Appendices
Apendix 1 : List of published conference papers relating to this research, 2005- 2009. Conference paper attached: Reassessing ‘people and residential environment’: socio-spatial aspects of built forms. Conference paper attached: Where is the sustainable buzz? : design and liveability of higher density urban housing in inner Sydney.
Apendix 2 : Study area Map of Sydney showing CBD & study area Layouts of selected complexes
Apendix 3 : Survey and interview HREA (Human research ethics advisory) approval Cover letter from Landcom Project information statement Consent letter Survey questionnaire Interview questions
Apendix 4 : Statistical Analyses (SPSS) Factor analysis Regression analysis
xviii Chapter 1 : Introduction
1.1. Background history and development of the research idea
Sydney, one of the earliest cities of Australia, boomed when gold was discovered in 1851. The City of Sydney however was established much earlier, in 1842. People began pouring into the city, not only from Europe and California, but from China as well. At present the Sydney Metropolitan area is seen as one of the largest cities in the world in terms of area; at more than 4,000 square kilometres it is equal in size to London and almost twice that of New York City (City of Sydney, 2011). Today, the Sydney Metropolitan area is home to about 4 million people. In terms of cultural amalgamation, Sydney has emerged as a hybrid multicultural city with people from 180 nations, speaking 140 languages (City of Sydney, 2011; Tourism New South Wales, 2010).
Presently, the inner city areas present a unique opportunity for a sustainable and liveability housing evaluation study since this residential fabric portrays a transitional phase of morphological development. It is also evident from census data that more people now live in inner city areas than before and that recently the rate of residential development has usually been higher in inner city areas than for metropolitan areas as a whole (ABS, 1996, 2005). Moreover, inner city areas contain a mix of dwelling types: separate houses, row and terrace houses, and low, medium and high-rise apartments. Old buildings are renovated; and new constructions are on-going. Given the contemporary focus on sustainable housing solutions to cater to different socio- economic and socio cultural groups, understanding the spatial dynamics and living experiences of residents in the inner city is a vital area of interest.
With this holistic understanding and the idealistic notion that smaller systems, here smaller buildings and communities, are “both more efficient and more humane” (Sale, 1980: 18), the research started essentially as an evaluation into the social sustainability of dwellings of inner areas of Sydney. Within this general notion the study then elaborated the idea that lower-rise apartment forms (or separate houses) might be more sustainable than other larger forms of inner urban dwellings.
However, prior to the formation of any theoretical and methodological constructs for this present research, an extensive reconnaissance exploration of the dwelling forms in many Sydney inner areas was made. Other than concentrated older suburbs with their characteristic historical terraces, extensive changes in housing form were observed.
Chapter 1 | 1 Clearly, a common feature of inner city housing is the low proportion of separate houses in comparison to dwellings in higher-rise apartment blocks. Moreover, the presence of large tracts of now disused industrial land has presented the unique opportunity for the brownfield redevelopment of such inner areas with a range of mid- rise, high-rise and higher density structures. The census data too has indicated a continued sharp rise in trends toward residential buildings of four or more storeys (ABS, 1996, 1999, 2006). High-rise apartment living is now in vogue in areas near the CBD - as evident in the advertisements by developers.
Consequently, a present-day understanding is that instead of searching for one definitive sustainable urban form, the emphasis should be on how to determine which forms are suitable in any given locality. Similarly, concentrating solely on urban scale solutions offer only a partial solution to the understanding. Thus different scales, from the house, through to the block, the neighbourhood, the district, city and region all need to be considered (Frey, 1999; Jenks, Burton, & Williams, 1996; Lawrence, 2000). Sustainability of urban form discourses has also shifted away from the formalistic approach of finding a sustainable form to studying the effects of urban forms on ecology, natural resources, social conditions, behaviour and economic well-being (Blowers, 1993; Elkin, McLaren, Hillman, & Friends of the Earth., 1991; Williams, Burton, & Jenks, 2000).
Liveability of ‘place’ is increasingly considered as equally important to the formal aspects of architectural sustainability, as observed by Elkin et al. (1991:12), ‘in terms not only of its form and energy-efficiency, but also its function, as a place for living’. The generic understanding is that the focus therefore has to be not only on the efficient design of architectural and urban form (whether high-rise/low-rise/detached) but on lifestyle aspirations and expectations. Education and knowledge transfer to dwelling users, and incentives to live sustainably - and ultimately on understandings of how to satisfy deep-rooted liveability and complex habitability factors without taking away the same opportunities for later generations are also to be considered.
The continued sustenance of varied forms of multi-storied dwellings is reliant on increasing acceptability and changes in lifestyle aspirations of users in the inner areas. Distinction in aspiration of urbanites of inner areas with that of the general population, evolving over the years, is now being noted by both developers and academics (Bounds & Morris, 2006; SMH, 2003; D. P. Smith & Butler, 2007).
Chapter 1 | 2 Therefore, there is a need for a paradigm shift or extension in current urban housing solutions. With the shifting trend (as exhibited in the inner areas of Sydney towards low to high-rise forms) and focusing on the concept of sustainable design it is appropriate now to investigate - from the residents' perspectives and experiences - the success of this mix of forms of housing in such neighbourhood settings.
Simply stated, the issue motivating this present research is the apparent gap in our holistic understanding of ‘sustainable design’. The sustainable design literature appears to be polarised around arguments for architectural solutions that are climatically responsive and/or engineered to make efficient uses of all building resources (Mendler, Odell, Hellmuth Obata & Kassabaum., 2000; P. F. Smith, 2001; Szokolay, 2004; Turrent, 2007). This is also obvious in architectural practice, where sustainable design is generally construed as being ‘ecologically sustainable’, or designated as green design. But sustainable design is not only about physical and spatial features. Many misconceptions exist that have created barriers to its wide acceptance (Wittmann, 1997). On the other hand, while liveability factors have been studied with respect to residential environments generally, medium-high density inner urban housing (including the neighbourhood setting) has not been given due consideration (Abraham, Fisher, Hessmann, & Schmitz-Guenther, 1999; Mikellides, 1980; Moore, Trulsson, & Moore, 2001; Sassi, 2005; Williams, 2007). However, some studies conducted on the medium density tend be more prescriptive and to some extent deterministic hinging on designers point of view (Marcus & Sarkissian, 1983, 1986; Zeisel& Griffin, 1975). Moreover, past studies focused on Sydney suburbs or housing did not attempt to transcend and extend socio-psychological issues to the important aspect of sustainability (King, 1971; Roseth & Auster, 1983; Thorne, 1983; Troy, 1971; Young, 1976). Given the recent trends toward inner area revival in Sydney, the form and design issues of housing appear to be little studied, which is disconcerting. However, from the planning point of view there is an emergence of current studies which now include liveability aspects of apartments, and issues concerning strata developments (Easthope& Judd, 2010; Easthope, Tice, & Randolph, 2009).
Housing, as a comprehensive field of study, needs to encompass more than the building, or even the neighbourhood setting. A satisfactory definition of housing must include the expectations, experiences and post-occupancy evaluations of the people who live in the buildings and their psychosocial needs and interactions.
Chapter 1 | 3 It is argued here that comprehending the liveability of sustainably designed buildings and complexes requires a better understanding of users' perceptions and experiences in these settings.
1.2. Research rationale
NSW planning strategies and policies over the last three decades have slowly taken up the idea of urban consolidation for existing areas of Sydney in conjunction with issues of environmental sustainability (Searle, 2004, 2007). Regions surrounding the case study location (Victoria Park in Zetland) (i.e. South Sydney, East, Inner West, and Sydney City) will have approximately 50% of the 190,000 new dwellings expected to be built by 2013 (Department of Planning, 2005). It is therefore expected that Sydney City and other inner city areas are going to accommodate a significant portion of the new dwellings in brownfields of rezoned industrial areas, similar to the study area.
There is, however, a lack of studies on inner city master planned higher density brownfield developments (McGuirk & Dowling, 2007). Major Australian works to date have focused almost entirely on sustainability outcomes of outer suburban greenfield planned settlements (Blair et al., 2003). Others, in their explanatory attempt to comprehend planned settlements, noted that the particular case study area, Victoria Park, cannot be analysed by grouping it in any of the typical categories, given its complexity and its exclusive characteristics (Dowling & McGuirk, 2005).
With this premise this present research investigates higher density housing in inner Sydney taking user satisfaction, liveability and sustainable design issues as the major points of investigation.
Currently the on-going competition for land in inner city areas has increasingly favoured the development of dwellings solely in high-rise forms. The planning approach to build beyond walk-up range, universally, within all types of urban settlement patterns, without assessing the viability in a total context: environmental, social, physical and economic, may create problems with long term viability (Searle, 2004). Now is thus a critical period to assess the nature of emerging residential areas that will play a part in the issues of social and spatial sustainable environments.
However, given the current trend towards higher density environments in inner areas in Australian cities, the solutions these settings offer have not been tested considering both subjective and objective features of these complex housing environments.
Chapter 1 | 4 Some researchers have argued that the scale and density of residential redevelopment has social limits, and that there are limitations on the capacity of the urban fabric to accommodate higher densities (Randolph, 2006; Searle, 2004). These concerns are also shared by this research.
All these aspects together have contributed to the rationale for embarking on this study on an inner area residential development which has evolved as a consequence of urban consolidation. It is arguable whether the growth of such dwellings can be maintained sustainably all over the Sydney City subregion without compromising liveability aspects.
Specifically, in the designs for Victoria Park buildings and landscaping, environmentally sustainable aspects were given great importance, yet any comprehensive research on the residents’ liveability fostered by the sustainable designs remain elusive. Clearly the awards and recognitions vested on the Victoria Park designs have generated greater public interest in such designs (AILA, 2004; Architecture Australia, 2003; Hassell, 2002; Stanisic Associates Architects, 2006). But does this popular perception have bearing in users’ perceptions of the design and spaces? Most importantly, can the ideas projected here be considered as socially and environmentally sustainable design ideas for inner areas, in general?
Intended to remove the scourge of so-called ‘ugly flat syndrome’ (AAP & SMH, 2002; Delaney, 2002) from Sydney, New South Wales legislation was promulgated in 2002 in the form of the special State Environmental Planning Policy No. 65, (SEPP 65) with the intention of elevating design and ensuring the role of architects in the design of the higher density forms (NSW DIPNR, 2004; NSW DUAP, 2001; NSW Legislation, 2008). Consequent outcomes were: a Design Pattern book (a tool to show developers and designers examples of better designed apartment buildings); a Model Code (that gives clear advice and assistance on how to design the key elements of better designed flats) and the establishment of new Design Review Panels (to support Councils in the development approval process). Therefore, it becomes important to see whether these formulations have any effect on users’ approval in practice.
Designs from Victoria Park are exemplified as ‘good design’ in the pattern book and others publications from the NSW Department of Planning - from the point of view of sustainable design (essentially passive design aspects), and ecologically sensitive landscaping. The aspects which reflect on lived-in, day-to-day experiences, of the buildings in their context, however, require investigation; a further rationale for this
Chapter 1 | 5 present research. In other words, once issues of built form, architectural design and environmental aspects are taken care of, it is opportune to question the social sustainability (liveability) of the housing solutions after SEPP 65 became effective. This research therefore attempts to comprehend the preferences and attitudes of this growing population of inner city residents and to shed light on future sustainable dwelling designs in such areas.
Moreover, these publications focused on various formal articulations. However, the perimeter block was not explicitly supported. The studied precinct is a unique design paradigm where all the complexes were arranged in perimeter block configuration. This work, therefore, re-establishes the effectiveness of the perimeter form of configuration that has prevailed sustainably for centuries in the European contexts.
In the field of architecture, expert opinion, naturally, takes precedence over lay notions (Gifford, Hine, Muller-Clemm, Reynolds, & Shaw, 2000; Gifford, Hine, Muller-Clemm, & Shaw, 2002). But, many have argued that architects tend to generally ignore social – psychological issues and rarely utilise post-occupancy information in new projects(Lang, 1974; Lawson, 2006; Perin, 1970: 108; Sommer, 1983: 9-18). In the context of multi dwelling higher density designs in particular, the users are not present when the design process starts and the projects are generally commissioned by clients who are not users. The broad theoretical framework elaborated in this present research, and described in the author’s publication (see Appendix 1) has proceeded on the understanding that users have to be included, taking the ‘User – Architect’ and Built Form Interface as the basis for ensuring liveability experiences in sustainable designs.
1.3. Liveability and sustainable design: briefly defined
The word liveability has multivalent meanings and has come to reflect various user subjectivities and values (Newman, 1999; Pacione, 1990; Veenhoven, 1996:7-9; 2000). However some generalities can be made about the term that assists in operationalizing it to meet the daily life needs of residents in place.
Many studies use the city, sometimes the region, as the subject of liveability measurement (Kamp, Leidelmeijer, Marsmana, & Hollander, 2003). The understanding is that, liveability, at its roots, is about living. If a place is inhabited satisfactorily it must be to some extent liveable. Moreover, if liveability is about daily life satisfactions (access to daily services, transport and social activities, security, access to the outdoors, thermal comfort, visual pleasure, satisfactory accommodation, pride in place,
Chapter 1 | 6 sense of place and of community etc.), the argument made here is: the subject of measurement of ‘social sustainability’ and life quality should be at scale where people actually do most of their living - at dwelling and neighbourhood level.
In sustainability terms, the three pillars of sustainability are environmental (natural patterns and flows), economic (financial patterns and equity), and social (human, cultural, and spiritual). The goal of sustainable design is to find architectural solutions that guarantee the well-being and coexistence of these three constituent groups. According to the American Institute of Architects Committee on the Environment,
Sustainable design is a collaborative process that involves thinking ecologically —studying systems, relationships, and interactions—in order to design in ways that remove from rather than contribute to stress from systems (AIA COTE, 2009).
For this present study the term refers holistically to the understanding that,
Sustainable design is the philosophical basis of a growing movement of individuals and organizations that literally seeks to redefine how buildings are designed, built and operated to be more responsible to the environment and responsive to people (McLennan, 2004: 4).
In many ways, sustainable design is simply expanding the definition of ‘good design’ to include a wider set of issues (Broadbent, 1973; CABE, 2009; Vitruvius, Rowland, Dewar, & Howe, 1999).
History has shown, ‘that dwellings that are loved [and] enjoyed…become part of the community’s own culture, have long lives and are economically sustainable as well’ (Sassi, 2005: 8). Buildings should make a positive contribution to the social environment they inhabit, by accommodating user needs and psychological and physical well-being, while simultaneously enhancing and protecting their surrounding physical and spatial environments.
1.4. Aim, research questions and objectives
This thesis takes as its foundation the proposition that there is a mutual relationship between humans and their environment. Continuing on that theme, evaluation of multiple dwellings as a sustainable and liveable form involves taking into consideration the user’s and the architect’s viewpoints in a single platform.
Chapter 1 | 7 Within that framework, the research then adopts perceptual approach to liveability, reflecting on satisfaction and preferences to determine if a given place, designed sustainably, is also fulfilling expectations, meeting personal needs and providing degrees of contentment. The approach also reflects past empirical research regarding quality of life in other settings (Larice, 2005; Myers, 1988). The specific objective is to understand and measure the extent of life satisfactions, as a consequence of given sustainable design efforts and thus better comprehend the liveability experience of such dwelling settings.
As a place-based and evidence-based approach, it also aims to incorporate a variety of methods to produce triangulated results and avoid the validity problems of single method subjectivity of both researchers and respondents.
The following three exploratory research questions provide the conceptual framework:
To what extent do the height and building complex design in a higher density inner city residential precinct affect liveability experiences?
Are the sustainably designed aspects of such places also experienced as liveable?
To what extent do designers/architects of the study area consider social sustainability vis-à-vis users in their environmental design intent?
1.5. Research methods and site selection
In the reconnaissance phase of this study a visual survey of inner areas and their residential forms was made, and eventually, 5km from Sydney CBD, the Victoria Park precinct in Zetland, developed on derelict industrial land was selected. However, it is not only the aspects of integrated open spaces and the design features of the builtform which made this precinct a suitable study area but other environmental approaches associated with the history of the place (brownfield design, recycling building materials, passive design approaches, ecologically sensitive landscape and water sensitivity) which made it an appropriate subject matter. However, it must be clearly stated that the buildings are not overtly ‘green’ and do not have the typical physical features of sustainable architecture. But, from archival records and publications, it is apparent that a sustainable design vision was subtly at play both in the master plan and at individual design level. Systematic observation of the precinct prior to the design and
Chapter 1 | 8 methodology of the study revealed that the range and clusters of multi-storied buildings would allow for an evaluation of a central theme in the current work: the affect of height and formal arrangements in residential buildings on liveability. Moreover, Victoria Park was selected as the case study area since this development is considered a model of a successful transformation of a neglected inner city precinct.
Sustainable design aspects which were considered were related to orientation, layout, setting and most essentially the issue of built form. The formal aspects of the builtform were then approached in two modes; firstly relating to height and secondly relating to the building complex. By building complex the research refers to, a whole structure made up of interconnected or related structures set in a perimeter block formation around an internal court. The approach to height of builtform is widely studied in different context in different discipline, however, the building complex typology pursued in this research in the context of inner city was found to be absent (Conway, 1977).
An inter disciplinary methodological approach using convergent methods was necessary for the research, given the complex problem of assessing, eliciting and measuring user perceptions (preferences & satisfactions) with built forms and neighbourhood. Consequently, the combination of a review of pertinent literature, heuristic and professional experience, cross-disciplinary theoretical frameworks, an observational study of the area, and an extensive statistical analytic approach - have shaped the methodological framework.
Given the limitations of accessibility, and those inherent in doctoral research, a postal survey of users was given priority over other potential methods - given its effectiveness in eliciting information.
This study is not intended to test a single hypothesis of a cause-and-effect relationship between variables but to develop an accurate description and/or exploration of a situation and of relationships between variables. The affect of height and formal arrangements in a complex of residential buildings (in an integrated internal courtyard and extensive public open-space setting) on liveability were the main focus of the research design.
The research is set in the general background of studies which examined the relationships between resident’s satisfaction and physical and social aspects of the residential environments. Weidemann and Anderson, for instance, extended the model proposed by Marans and Spreckelmeyer for understanding residents’ responses especially satisfaction, to include behavioural intentions, behaviour and social aspects
Chapter 1 | 9 of the residential environment as well (cited in Amérigo & Aragonés, 1997; Galster, 1987). Here the focus is extended to inner city multi-family low-medium-high rise dwellings (higher density) in a sensitively designed landscape environment. In questionnaire design past studies have been consulted to identify the variables that are classically found to be important for dwelling evaluations, in addition to the ones on dwelling design related features which were theoretically necessary and heuristically salient for this research (Becker, 1974; Carson, 1975, Francescato, 1975,1974; Lawrence, 1987).
1.6. Limitations
One limitation of this study is its confinement to the inner area Sydney context. However, the aspects identified in this study are likely to be similar in other precincts and even other cities of Australia, with similar urbanisation patterns and lifestyles.
It must also be mentioned that this work represents attitudes, values and perceptions elicited in 2006, which are open to change since interpretations and understandings alter and evolve with time and changing circumstances, particularly regarding the salience of environmental features. At the time the survey was conducted, (2006 - 2007), the national political climate was not particularly conducive for climate change discussions and other pro-environmental actions. Notwithstanding, in Australian states and at local level, initiatives were going on without government patronisation. In 2008 after the change of Federal Government environmental issues came to prominence. One of the symbolic actions occurred within nine days after being elected, namely: the government ratified and signed the Kyoto Protocol aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Since then, a fractious debate over carbon pricing and emission controls is on-going. Therefore, the environmental attitudes that have been reflected here can be expected to be evolving now.
Another limitation of this study concerns the selection of the sample population and its size. The study data was thus compared with recently published Australian Census Data 2006 for Zetland area and Australia as a whole (NSW data, where available). Though the sample allowed for meaningful analyses thus, the comparison was nonetheless necessary to raise the quality of the collected data, and thereby make it more reliable. This supporting data also helps to theoretically generalise the sample data. On the other hand the comparison with national data (Australia and NSW)
Chapter 1 | 10 highlights the uniqueness of inner-city resident characteristics (inner areas & Zetland specifically) which are different from the average national population.
The study area, is a special case scenario, designed with sustainable landscaping and territorial enclosure in mind, etc. These results thus should not be generalized to other high or low rise buildings which are not part of a comprehensively designed complex. However, the results can be generalised to similar designed setting with close proximity to greenery in inner area edges.
1.7. Thesis structure & chapter outline
The research comprises the following substantive stages:
Critically reviewing and adaptation of material from secondary sources to establish a rigorous conceptual framework as support in the analysis of urban dwelling form (Chapter 2);
Derivation of an analytical methodology to support the evaluation of higher density dwelling forms (Chapter 3);
Empirical testing of the methodology and analysis of the results. Synthesizing the survey results with that of literature, interviews with architects and heuristic experiences, to derive conclusions concerning the evaluation and design issues of dwelling forms (Chapter 4).
Chapter outline The structure of the thesis follows the three stages of the research listed above. However, the theoretical understanding that has been developed prior to the study is outlined in the refereed paper and is not repeated here (see Appendix1).
Following establishment of the context, rationale, research questions, objectives, methodology in this introductory chapter, Chapter 2, addresses the conceptual base of the project – urban dwelling form, the context in terms of urbanites and the social dynamics.
Chapter 2, in the first section argues that the dynamic, changing quality of human- environment relations need to be considered and reflect on practitioner and researcher tendencies to act as if their designs and knowledge were fixed and unchanging through time. As exemplified here, in the context of Sydney with inner-city multi-unit dwellings,
Chapter 1 | 11 what was previously seen as a negative is now an accepted form of dwelling. The chapter then looks into possible advantages of inner areas (higher density forms) in terms of environmental aspects and thereby seeks to endorse the importance of social aspects (e.g. lifestyle issues and associated attitudes and behaviours) in achieving sustainability. The second section, within the context of consolidation policies, makes an effort to comprehend the design issues for higher density housing that have come to the forefront in the discourses and are salient for this study. It studies the role of architects in the planning process and the subsequent growing role of legislation in fostering good design as sustainable design. The third section elucidates the ‘good city’ and ‘good form’ attributes of social, environmental and spatial/formal properties elaborated by many other theorists and thinkers, having found its way into current thinking on sustainability of urban form. Ideas of form which were inspired from traditional (pre-modern) cities and were adapted for the contemporary city in their current settings, were explored to set the argument for the appropriateness of the Victoria Park precinct scheme.
Chapter 3, first, identifies the study area. The major aspects considered in this section are the rationale for the study area selection, history of the place, design strategies, ESD features, sustainable design aspects which effect users and the nature of the built forms. The two modes of typology, firstly relating to height and secondly relating to the building complex, as approached in the analyses were then explained in detail. These findings overall had distinct methodological implications for the research. The second part of Chapter 3 describes in detail the research philosophy, strategy, methods, and analytical techniques employed.
Chapter 4 presents the results, analyses and discussions. Discussions have been interwoven at the end of each section following the results and analysis. The discussions delve into the problem and associate the results to specific design aspects. Architects observations elicited from the interviews were also synthesized into the discussions to comprehend the findings from the survey.
Chapter 5 concludes by briefly recapitulating the major findings, drawing conclusions, and making recommendations.
Chapter 1 | 12 Chapter 2 : Review of literature and background
2.1. Understanding the context in time and place
Most attempts to explain human-environment relationships revolve only around experiential congruence, where the desired activity could be accommodated by the given design. Mental congruence exists if an individual thinks that a particular environment will successfully accommodate his or her personal characteristics and style of life. Both types of congruence are essential to understanding the fruitfulness or lack of it in the built environment (see paper by author in Appendix 1, reassessing ‘people and residential environment’: socio-spatial aspects of built forms). Within mental congruence, lifestyle can be understood as a choice process with a suggestive potential link with housing and its setting.
The survey in this research deals solely with the experiential side, which is concerned with how well the environment actually accommodates the characteristics and behaviour of people. But a comprehensive understanding of mental congruence helps to isolate aspects to be used in the questionnaire. For example, as the following sections reveal it is no longer essential to compare the conditions of higher density dwellings with that of suburban dwelling. Or, as in the past, higher density living is no longer associated automatically with socio-psychological pathology. As opposed to public high-rise housing when people have little choice in selecting their living environment, mental congruence becomes an important issue. The questions that arise now are: What makes people associate themselves with the inner areas? What attracts people to these areas and to live in these diverse house forms? What do they expect from the dwellings in inner areas? The following sections attempt to explain these questions.
Practitioners and researchers often tend to act as if their designs and knowledge were fixed and unchanging through time. The dynamic, changing quality of human- environment relations needs to be considered. As exemplified in the context of Sydney with multiunit dwellings what was seen as a negative now is an accepted form of dwelling to the users. It may well be that multiple dwellings do not provide the physical opportunity for active and noisy recreational pursuits, but one cannot conclude that we have a situation of experiential incongruence when there is evidence of a change in behaviour; the occupants of such dwellings may prefer not to be involved with such
Chapter 2 | 13 pursuits. Moreover shared public spaces in these settlements can accommodate other needs which a single separate house in outer suburb cannot.
The following sections deal with inner city revival and factors associated with it. A number of theories and explanations have been offered for the much-mythologized inner city turnaround. What spurred this turnaround is hard to pinpoint; however several simultaneously acting and interrelated factors can be identified to help explain it. The identified factors are seen as relevant to this study in explaining people’s attitudes toward inner city living, lifestyle aspirations and the associated impact on the development of higher density housing forms. In addition, arguments for differentiating the inner city edge lifestyle from the core city are made. The attempt is to gain knowledge of an area (not known or experienced) by extrapolating from studies and observations.
The last section briefly reviews some of the Australian studies which investigate the sustainability of higher density settlements from an ecological perspective. Moreover it looks into possible advantages of inner areas (higher density forms) in terms of environmental aspects and thereby seeks to endorse the importance of social aspects (e.g. lifestyle issues and associated attitudes and behaviours) in achieving sustainability.
2.1.1. Back to the city trend and re-popularity of the inner city From the 1920s onwards, Inner Sydney was characterised by a continual decline in its population. However, 1990s saw a reversal of this long trend with the inner city population increasing, with an accompanying shift in housing preferences and development patterns. The 1996 Census revealed this dramatic shift in the long-term growth trend of Inner Sydney. It was evident from census data that the rate of residential development was higher in these areas than for metropolitan areas as a whole (Daly, 1998). This revival was assumed to be permanent and planning - by the variety of state government departments and instrumentalities that have played a part in determining the form and functionality of the metropolitan area - has operated accordingly. Since the early 1990s, the NSW State government, by seeking to contain suburban sprawl, has furthered its urban consolidation policies as the main instrument of Ecologically Sustainable Development or ESD (Searle, 2004b). One consequence of this was the consolidation policies which were aimed at housing the growing population in the inner areas (McGuirk & O'Neill, 2002). A combination of market-led development and a state-led policy of urban consolidation took a strong grip of suburban development in Sydney. Alongside the natural shifts in demand, with an
Chapter 2 | 14 ageing population seeking accommodation closer to services and amenities, the 1990s policies of urban consolidation have provided the means by which denser living can be achieved (McGuirk & O'Neill, 2002). Despite various theories to the contrary (as argued in a later section), this has been straightforwardly achieved in the inner areas in the past. At present the turnaround and its implications on housing has become more complex than ever. This present research on inner city housing design is salient given the housing developments taking place on inner city edges.
In academic circles and popular media the attention and publicity of the shift ‘downtown’ has got to the point that it would appear many Australians are enthusiastically taking to the trendy inner city domains. Nevertheless, these new urbanites are notably a small proportion of the many who continue to choose suburbia over denser urban conditions.
A cautionary review of the figures puts this trend into perspective. The large majority of people (59 percent) still choose to live in the middle and outer suburbs of Australian capital cities. As observed by academics, suburban aspirations still remain strong among the population (Freestone, 2000; Salt, 2003; Patrick N. Troy, 1996a).
Moreover, there has been some criticism, both within the policy and academic community, that the consolidation policy is not achieving its objectives (Lewis, 1999; Searle, 2004a), and that it can be too quickly appropriated as a universal remedy for urban problems (Bunker, Holloway, & Randolph, 2005b). Concerns have also been raised on issues of increased pressure on human services in areas where consolidation has occurred (Gooding, 1990), and about the longer term implications of consolidation policies as the number of suitable development sites decline (Bunker, Gleeson, Holloway, & Randolph, 2002) especially in the inner areas of Sydney.
Recently available census data further indicates that the population growth rate for all Australian capital cities combined in 2006-07 was the highest recorded for several years (ABS, 2008). It is thus not surprising that both suburbanization and inner city densification are occurring simultaneously. However, there is no current study on the local impact of these policies and possible implications especially on the inner city housing field. A clear gap in our knowledge of the impacts of consolidation at the local level in Sydney is apparent. This present study on a master planned residential development in a southern edge inner city comes at a time when further development is planned along this economic growth corridor.
Chapter 2 | 15 Figure 2.1.1: On left a view of Skyline of Sydney CBD from the Harbour bridge. On right a view from an inner area suburb. View of CBD reaffirms closeness of nearby suburbs to the city, where city views are also marketed as ‘stunning’ by real estate agents. Source: Rashid, 2007.
Figure 2.1.2: Harbour front amenities near Harbour Bridge add to the desirability of Sydney inner areas. Source: Rashid, 2007.
Chapter 2 | 16 2.1.2. The restructuring of the economy The restructuring of the economy in the 1980s and 90s can be seen as one of the factors in explaining the re-popularity of the city. By the end of the 1980s, the economic base and class structure of Sydney had fundamentally altered. The manufacturing sector had declined considerably and the retail, service, recreation, finance and information economy had become the driving forces of the city’s economy (Fagan, 2000; Murphy & Watson, 1997; Searle & Bounds, 1999). At the close of the 1980s the Darling Harbour entertainment precinct was developed in a former port-side wasteland which is an evidence of this shift in thinking. Inner Sydney has such a vast store of facilities and attractions that it continues to grow. It is the major centre for arts and entertainment, has the greatest variety and concentration of scenic and recreational attractions, provides jobs, and pays high salaries and wages (Daly, 1998). The City of Sydney accounts for 20% of all national employment in the financial sector, 22.4% of jobs in legal services and 12.4% in accountancy (McGuirk & O'Neill, 2002, 246).
This has had huge impacts both on the office market of the CBD (and North Sydney) and on the housing market, not least to house the metropolitan area’s rapidly increasing population. In 2001 the census indicated that the area with the highest concentration of residents living in high-rise housing was located within or adjoining its capital city's CBD, possibly reflecting the employment opportunities and lifestyle amenities in those areas (ABS, 2006a).
Besides the residential expansion there has also been a major expansion of business activity in the area, much of it linked to the new economy. In Sydney, as in other global cities around the world, the explosion of the information and service sectors has created neighbourhoods where a good deal of economic activity is connected to communication and information technology. Pyrmont Ultimo is in the forefront of this phenomenon (Bounds & Morris, 2006). As reported in Sydney Morning Herald,
“...Many high profile companies in the media, telecommunications, internet, advertising and marketing have in recent years moved their corporate homes to Pyrmont, establishing the area as a dynamic and growing commercial precinct. These include Foxtel, Nokia, the Ten Network, Optus@Home, 2SM, Quicken and News Interactive” (cited in Bounds & Morris, 2006, 107).
There are also the combined man-made and natural assets of the harbour and beaches of the inner areas, which cannot be replicated in the rest of the city. Such is the iconic ‘visuality’ of Sydney harbour and its city form that it is projected in virtually
Chapter 2 | 17 every form of event or activity happening anywhere in Sydney. Sydney’s Olympic Games in 2000 were intensively mediated with the panoramic images of Sydney CBD and its harbour. Sydney harbour foreshore and skyline were repeatedly linked with segments and events and provided attractive locations - establishing backdrops to the myriad telecasts even though the stadium for the Games was located far away from CBD on a former industrial site of Auburn (Mcneill, Dowling, & Fagan, 2005).
This unique and iconic setting is celebrated on every New Year’s eve with firework displays on the Harbour Bridge (almost the first to be televised around the world). The social events along the harbour draw thousands of people. Sydney Harbour, along with New York’s Times Square, have become equally important symbols and a part of global celebration of New Year events. Farther from the harbour the high-rise apartments’ dwellers of inner Sydney can view the stupendous fireworks from their balcony without joining the crowds.
Crucially, the iconic impact of the skyline can be felt even in the distant inner areas of Zetland (study area). Here city-views are bracketed as ‘stunning views’ in the advertisement for high-rise dwellings by developers and real estate agents. A long serving Mayor of Sydney City Frank Sartor, reasserts the iconic status,
...the brand ‘Sydney’ is much stronger than the brand ‘New South Wales’ . . . this became very apparent during the Sydney Olympic bid in the early 1990s. As I participated in the bid process I became aware of how many people knew Sydney, but did not know NSW.
... while a lot of activity does happen on Sydney harbour, because it is our No.1 natural asset, events such as New Year’s Eve are conducted for all of Sydney. Families come from near and far to be part of the event - and two million watch it on television because it is an event which belongs to all Sydneysiders. Just as Bondi or Manly residents feel ownership of the Blue Mountains, so too the residents of Penrith or Blacktown, Liverpool or Campbelltown should feel that the beaches and harbour are theirs (Sartor,2001,cited in Mcneill et al., 2005, 941-942).
Being so close to the harbour side waterfront as well as 30-minutes away from the Eastern city beaches makes Sydney city a very attractive location for new urbanites. In several States, the desirability of being close to water may have been a factor in the location of high-rise apartment blocks constructed over this period. In 2001, 42% of all high-rise residents in Australia lived in harbour-side local government areas in Sydney
Chapter 2 | 18 (an increase from 35% in 1981), while a further 18% lived in other Sydney beachside or waterfront local government areas (up from 13% in 1981) (ABS, 2004). In turn, these shifts are consistent with the location of high-rise units in often revitalised inner-city areas close to jobs and these city and CBD attractions.
Figure 2.1.3: Advancing high-rises as family friendly by developers considering the current trend for inner city lifestyle aspiration of families. Common assumptions that cities are not suitable for children are changing. Source: Sydney Morning Herald, 2008.
2.1.3. Changes in socio-demographics in inner areas Along with structural changes of the city’s features, changes in socio-demographic characteristics contributed to the revival and growth. The seemingly irresistible march to the fringe was a product of the Baby Boomers' progression through the family forming years, alongside the high levels of immigration since the 1950s (Daly, 1998). Now the prospect is for a slower growth-rate of families, accompanied by a steady upward shift in the median age. This section of population will not need the space (both land and housing) that the expanding families of the past have demanded. The varied housing options of the inner city appear to suit their family needs better now.
It has been predicted that Sydney’s average household size will drop from 2.65 to 2.36 people per private dwelling. Sydney City already has the smallest household size, with 1.9 people per household on average. This has implications for the quantity and nature of dwellings that are in demand. Over 100,000 dwellings have been required in Sydney
Chapter 2 | 19 in the last 20 years just to meet the need created by the reduced household size. Currently, 22 per cent of all households in Sydney are occupied by one person. By 2031, there are likely to be an additional 300,000 single person households in Sydney, representing 30 per cent of all households (DOP, 2005). Families with children are already a minority of all households. Over the next 15 years the fastest growing household types will be 'couple only' and 'lone person' households. They are expected to increase by more than 400,000 in this period. Together they would represent 54% of total households in 2031, while families with children would be only 32%. These households are concentrated in the older (over 50) and younger (under 30) age groups.
Randolph observes that planning decisions on house form have not been suitable for families with children. He observes, ‘In the process, it’s almost as if the family is being painted out of the vision of our new cities – or packed off to the fringe’ (Randolph, 2006; 2009, p: 2). Household types differ across the Sydney City subregion; however the subregion has a relatively low proportion of family households and relatively higher proportions of lone person and group households. Similarly with respect to family types within the subregion, families without children are more common than families with children. However, as anticipated within the Sydney subregion, Zetland (case study area) had a different formation of household than that of areas near Sydney’s CBD. In the 2006 Census half of the households in Zetland were family households compared with just over one-quarter (29%) in the areas near Sydney CBD (Sydney SLA). The proportion of families with children was also much higher in Zetland (28%) compared to areas near CBD (19%).
Overall the trend to smaller households is driven by the ageing of the population, increasing longevity and the slower rate of younger people forming couples. Also the increased divorce rate drives a demand for smaller housing as couples separate. However, Sydney City has a relatively younger population and a much higher income level than the State wide population.
These changes in household type and therefore occupancy rates mean that total demand for housing will be greater than population growth and a wider mix of housing types will be required. Assumptions that cities are not suitable for children are changing as well. As observed, within the Sydney City region itself, there is a sizeable variation, which means making broad base assumptions will not suffice. The housing types mix required for inner Sydney would be quite different from the ones near the CBD (within
Chapter 2 | 20 Sydney City subregion) or for the middle suburbs. Much detailed area-wise (individual suburb or local council) investigation is therefore needed.
People living in inner city areas do so for many reasons, such as being close to work and places of entertainment, living near friends or relatives, or simply having a preference for the ambience of inner city living. Various indicators in earlier censuses reinforce the popular stereotype that many inner city residents are relatively young and financially advantaged (ABS, 1996). It is likely that the high costs associated with inner city housing, and the general preferences for families with children to live in suburbs, would lead to differences between the socio-economic characteristics of inner city residents and residents of metropolitan areas generally. However, the current data (ABS 2006) indicates that there is a variation of socio-demographic profile even within inner areas which is an important indicator of lifestyle preference variation.
2.1.4. Disillusion with suburbia and dual aspirations This factor involves a slowly developing dissatisfaction with the suburban dream and negative externalities of sprawl. Many dissatisfied urbanites have made the move from suburbia to the city. By the beginning of the 1990s, there had been a significant cultural shift in terms of what was defined as a desirable residential location in Sydney. In academic language, this movement can be seen both as a “push” factor with regard to decreasing preferences for suburban living, as well as “pull” factor reflective of the amenities and qualities desired in more ‘authentic’ urban environments at the centre.
In an excerpt from Larice’s work on the liveability of urban North American neighbourhoods, he narrates from his personal childhood experience of suburban living which echoes the slowly increasing discontent:
“... As kids, we played in the streets – our front yards were only for “show” and parks were too far from home. Otherwise we watched a lot of afternoon television. Suburban insularity provided little opportunity for real-world discovery and personal growth. When we went to college, we all went our separate ways and voluntarily escaped suburbia for the city” (Larice, 2005, p:9).
In Ley’s (1996: 82) work this sensibility is described as ‘‘a common structure of feeling’’ for the inner city. This sensibility is also reflected in Caulfield’s (1989) work, which captured the gentry’s preference for valuing the inner city and denigrating suburbia. In the latter work, this is linked to the idea of gentrified areas as emancipator spaces, with ‘gentrifiers’ developing meaning oriented to an alternative urban future and lifestyle, while suburbs are viewed as bland, homogeneous, hierarchical and conservative (cited
Chapter 2 | 21 in Bounds & Morris, 2006, p:100). Writing 30 years ago, Gouldner (1979) prophetically identified the distinctive characteristic of the new urban middle class as its ‘cosmopolitanism’ (cited in Bridge, 2001). Others have picked up this identity and portray the global Sydney resident as a cosmopolite (Wark, 1999; Macken, 2002b), a figure who, equipped with various class and taste capacities, performs ‘worldliness’ through consumption. It has been described that the urbane resident of global Sydney embraces and accepts willingly the challenge of new media flows, whereas Sydney’s suburban culture ‘is a museum of past modes of urbanity, filtered of anything too frivolous or hare-brained, but denuded too of a certain complexity and innovative spirit’ (Wark, 1999: 152). As journalist and academic Craig McGregor (1999) writes in the Sydney Morning Herald :
Sydney, the Global City is a sprawling slums-and-citadels megalopolis which is divided against itself: between the underclass Infoproles, the new information proletariat which has been locked out of the century by lack of the skills/education/resources that the new era demands, and the Global Surfers, the techno-elite who surf the internet, the computer world and post-industrial society with consummate ease. (cited in Mcneill et al., 2005: 938)
To comprehend inner urbanite evolving preferences for dwelling and associated changes in lifestyle it was necessary to study the process of gentrification, since the inner city turnaround started in ‘working class’ neighbourhoods. With the shifts in industrial and manufacturing bases towards the outer suburbs, in the inner suburbs which housed the working class, class dynamics of neighbourhoods began to change - involving working-class displacement or voluntary departure. A substantial proportion of Sydney’s population either desired or was prepared to live in newly designed higher density developments in the inner city. Suburban living was no longer viewed as necessarily a superior option (Bounds & Morris, 2006).
Later as the revival gained momentum higher density residential developments in the form of isolated apartment buildings and large complexes took shape. With continued pressure as the inner core was ‘condensed’ large brownfield areas were converted into residential developments in and around the inner city edges.
However, all inner areas of the city should not be seen as one single entity in terms of character of urban form and lifestyle. Distinctions between the dense core and lower density surrounding areas became more visible. Two decades ago Joel Garreau, a reporter by profession and chronicler, based on his exploration observed the
Chapter 2 | 22 distinctiveness of similar types of edge spaces in cities in America in his book ‘Edge City: Life on the New Frontier’ (Garreau, 1992; The Garreau Group, 2008),
How many people in America, after all, live right in the old downtown? Fewer than live within sight of that Edge City landmark...... At the same time, Edge City often does not meet the expectations of traditional suburbanites, either...... It is the creation of a new world, being shaped by the free in a constantly reinvented land.
In similar vein, Architect Chris Johnson (Johnson, 2002a), formerly Executive Director of Urban Renewal (NSW) contends that there is a differentiation of people’s preferences for dwellings between inner areas. He implicates mixed lifestyles with aspirations of suburbia and the city. He suggests that people in the very centre may prefer garden-less apartments, while an increasing number are looking to combine a small suburban garden with an urban lifestyle.
The following sections will therefore make an attempt to understand the disconnection between the lifestyles of people of core areas and areas near to it. However, the discourses are limited to the effect of lifestyle on their aspiration for their form of living.
Figure 2.1.4: Having an outdoor seating for coffee shops is common characteristic of Inner areas. Sydney inner urbanites take pleasure in outdoor seating, whether it is in large public space or in a small street corner coffee shop. Source: Rashid, 2007.
Chapter 2 | 23 2.1.5. Changing form of gentrification aesthetics Suburbs which are very close to the core city were most desirable in the early stage of inner city revival. Districts in inner Sydney— Balmain, Rozelle, Glebe, Paddington and Newtown which consisted of Victorian and Edwardian terraces and detached houses, some with their characteristic iron-lace balconies - went through a process of gentrification (Bridge, 2001).
In the early days, gentrification was carried out by lower paid professionals (teachers, academics, nurses, writers, creative staff in advertising or managers) and involved modest upgrading of the property (Zukin, 1982). In his article, Jager pulls together the links between social class, aesthetics and housing form (Jager, 1986). It points to tension between economic capital and social representation. It is originally thought to arise from the desire for certain sections of the new middle class to achieve social distinction. They have insufficient material capital to do so through obvious displays of wealth (considerable wealth is its own social marker). The new middle class mark themselves out through a cultural strategy that involves displays of discernment and ‘good taste’. This cultural strategy relies on the deployment of cultural capital. Many of them were interested in good food and arts – the type of cultural construction that came with gentrification. It made inner urban neighbourhoods interesting again to a broad section of middle class.
Sydney is ever talking of Sydney: its food, fashion, football, news, style, architecture, language, film, schooling, health, books, religion, sexuality, drugs, music. This talk is propelled in and around the conversation creators and leaders: electronic media presenters, articulate popular politicians, business leaders, community activists, newspaper columnists and those that run the arts. These are the agents of inner Sydney’s creation and re-creation as a spatial community of practice . . . (O’Neill and McGuirk, 2002: 248).
Moreover, to transform working-class houses into a display of bourgeois ‘good taste’ involved emphasizing the historical qualities of the house by stripping back to the original and renovating the interior according to their contemporary modern ‘taste’. Jager observes: ‘In this way the retrieval of history becomes an instance of modernity’ (Jager, 1986, 88). This new-romanticism of urban conservation incorporates the most modern functional elements.
Bridge (2001) in his qualitative research conducted in three districts in Sydney’s inner west — Balmain/ Rozelle, Glebe and Newtown - narrates some of the observations as
Chapter 2 | 24 made by real estate agents involved in dealing with gentrified properties and the reasons for these alterations:
In their original form, in these Victorian terraces status was seclusion, now status means opening up the home to the outside and the appropriation of the outside world within the home. Several agents talked about the importance of skylights to ‘open up’ the house.
There has been a move from seclusion to display by relocating the kitchen inside as opposed to a traditional layout where it was hidden in the back. As mentioned by one estate agent ‘. . . but now kitchens are on display . . . aromas or whatever, it doesn’t matter if they fill the house now, that’s part of it (Bridge, 2001: 96).
The highest status inclusion of the outside in Sydney is a harbour bridge or city skyline view. The structure of the Victorian terrace may undergo considerable structural renovation to capture this asset.
Finally, the greater informality in contemporary living of middle classes means that separate dining and living rooms are unnecessary. Furthermore, the open-plan living space leading into a courtyard or veranda captures most of the sunlight, ‘to bring the outdoors in’, as one agent put it. Whereas the original design and cultural resonances of Victoriana emphasised privacy, the contemporary gentrification aesthetic in Sydney seeks to capitalize on the natural resource of the Australian sun and open up the house to light. Internally they used primary colours in interior walls to highlight or to focus on some spaces. Most of the interiors were done in the modernistic way of having light colours and straight line fixtures and furnishings.
Interestingly, the modernization activity of the gentrified properties involving alterations made to the traditional forms and plans were in response to their cultural needs and climatic reasons to suit Australian conditions. These actions of passive design of bringing natural light can be seen as a tenet of sustainable design (Szokolay, 2004). These alterations are based on a modernist design rational as exemplified by the residential works of modern masters like Corbusier and Aalto. They rejected the modern planning tradition of repetitive forms of suburbs and modern aspects of architecture helped shape their cultural aspirations in house form.
In Bridge’s (2001) study the agents claimed that the resistance to 1960s and 1970s mass-produced fittings and its effect on the perception of the value of the house even extends to investment properties (ones bought to rent out rather than occupy).
Chapter 2 | 25 Gentrifiers buying investment properties do not want to be associated (even as landlords) with 1960s and 1970s tastes. Gentrifiers’ dislike of the alterations and fittings of the 1970s has been further noted in Ley’s work. Ley (1996) argues that 1970s fittings represent mass production and homogeneity. For Ley this extends to the nature of location. The suburbs were mass produced and homogenous. The gentrified inner urban neighbourhood stands apart from the suburbs and symbolizes particularity and authenticity. In Bourdieu’s language it represents distinction, a setting apart from the conformity of the middle-class suburbs (Ley, 1996). Since the gentrifiers are seen as trendsetters it is assumed that these ideas and preferences have found their way into new residential buildings of later developments (Bridge, 2001). These issues are indicated by agents in their marketing advertisements of apartments in the inner areas and in the case study area.
However, as gentrification evolves, these social groups have been increasingly excluded and the wealthier professionals have bought into the aesthetic where ‘taste’ has been converted into ‘price’ (Bridge, 2001:93). As the process consolidates, higher paid professionals are attracted. Bridge (2001) in his study of the gentrification of three Sydney inner neighbourhoods found that the socio-demographic profile of the incomers was now overwhelmingly professionals involved in business, bank or engineering firms. Another study on the Sydney inner areas of Pyrmont and Ultimo has shown that gentrification no longer invariably means the displacement of an industrial working class and its replacement by a wealthy, young middle class who restore the traditionally working class housing. Rather, it is now a multi-class phenomenon and the accommodation offered is often in apartment blocks built by major developers that differ significantly in quality, prestige and view (Bounds & Morris, 2006).
Now gentrification can take a variety of forms including 'the construction of new condominium towers' near the CBD as observed by Smith (1996:39) in North American cities. The process is also more ‘commodified’, involving investors with local builders turning over properties in a gentrified style. When the core city neighbourhood was fully ‘established’, side by side large developers got involved in converting large former industrial or commercial land to new inner-city residential communities. When the States became involved larger and larger amounts of capital followed the gentrification aesthetic. Several inter-related factors lie behind this transformation, including economic restructuring; urban consolidation or compact city policies; State intervention in the development of brownfield sites using principally the housing demand of the new middle class; the rent gap of rust belt zones and the windfall profits of private
Chapter 2 | 26 developers who restructure and redevelop inner-city areas (Bounds & Morris, 2006). Rather than the process being driven by the gentrifiers themselves, urban regeneration at this stage has been driven by influential construction companies cum-property developers in collaboration with the Federal government, the NSW State government and the Sydney City Council. As articulated in Smith’s rent gap hypothesis this renewed type of gentrification is driven mostly by economic forces as opposed to cultural process (Smith, 1996:51–91). Bounds and Morris (2006) have defined it as ‘second wave gentrification’. Appealing to the ‘second wave’ middle class taste in inner city edges, developers and estate agent promote apartment living lifestyle along with ‘green’ environmental ideals.
Figure 2.1.5:Top & below on left. In Victoria Park, greenness of neighbourhood is highlighted in advertisements. Below on right. Apartment living being promoted as lifestyle aspect in a current development in the precinct. Source: Rashid, 2007.
Chapter 2 | 27 What these studies show is that there is a need to reconsider the definition of gentrification in the contemporary context — as Smith and Butler (2007) argue, it has now moved beyond its origins in which one could identify a place (the inner city) and a specific class process (working-class displacement). They argued that the term gentrification should not be extended 'to embrace such forms of development', since this 'stretches it beyond the point at which it retains utility or meaning' (2007:4). Instead of displacement it has become a question of inclusion.
2.1.6. Environmental sustainability, lifestyle, and pro-environmental values The question of the ecological sustainability of suburban lifestyles is a global issue with distinct local ramifications. In the Sydney context, these environmental factors pose many challenges, among the most pressing being the need for water conservation, the need to reduce the reliance on fossil fuels, and the benefits or disbenefits of medium- high density housing.
The act of moving back into the inner-city is in itself a direct form of sustainable action. The reuse of inner-city houses and the subsequent revival of other disused industrial areas have made brownfield development a major component of sustainable development of cities. Consequently urban consolidation is seen as a major force in resisting suburban sprawl, since using pristine greenfields is seen as unsustainable in current planning strategies. For example, in Sydney, it is planned that up to 70 per cent of future development will be within the existing urban area through higher density developments. This indicates a big saving in new land and associated infrastructure that would have otherwise be used for new development. In most state capital cities in Australia (Sydney, Adelaide, Brisbane, Melbourne) increasing residential densities especially in inner areas are presently the major form of urban development being pursued through metropolitan policies. Again, whether such strategies achieve the results envisaged is still a matter of debate (Birrell, O'Connor, Rapson, & Healy, 2005; Fay, Lamb, & Holland, 2002; Gray, Gleeson, & Burke, 2008; Searle, 2006).
The urban revival which was a consequence of the process of moving back to the city has become a planned development strategy resulting in pull factors as described in an earlier section (see Section 2.2.1). This section briefly reviews some of the Australian studies which investigate the sustainability of higher density settlements from an ecological perspective. Moreover it looks into possible advantages of inner areas (higher density forms) in terms of environmental aspects and thereby seeks to endorse the importance of social aspects (e.g. lifestyle issues and associated attitudes and behaviours) in achieving sustainability.
Chapter 2 | 28 Sustainability of higher density settlements. Let us consider some of the arguments over the nature and form of sustainable inner-city higher density housing in Australia. During the 1990s, a number of urban researchers searching for sustainable forms of settlement concluded that urban form could have a significant effect on urban energy use, air pollution, and greenhouse gas emissions (Moriarty, 2002; Newton, 1997). Some urban form changes, such as higher density development in the outer suburbs, or ‘urban villages’ formed by redevelopment near public transport stops, were found to result in reduced transport and domestic energy use, and lead to lower greenhouse gas emissions. At the same time, only a minor part of the savings resulted from changes in location (e.g. inner areas) or increases in residential density (e.g. high-rise, mid-rise or low-rise developments). Undoubtedly the greater part of the calculated transport savings came from a better mix of land uses, with a higher level of local retail and job opportunities than is otherwise the case. Domestic energy savings came mainly from the better thermal performance of buildings, as measured by energy ratings, which can be greatly improved for all building types, since it is largely independent of housing density, or location.
More recently, Holloway & Bunker (2006) in their attempt to bring together recent research in Australia on energy use in different forms of housing, observed that there is a limited amount of information available to model the impacts of residential developments as well as information about the perceived environmental benefits of pursuing initiatives aimed at increasing residential densities. In moving towards more sustainable urban forms the ability to model how different kinds of urban development might perform in terms of land, energy, water and other resource use would be a significant tool in enhancing sustainability. This is a complex and extensive task as there are a number of considerations including transport, infrastructure, water, the operational (day-to-day) energy consumption of households, as well as the energy embodied in the housing structure itself. Since no complete study on Sydney has yet been conducted, to get at the whole picture, the following section looks at current studies (and data) which cover specific resource use individually. Moreover, despite sustainability becoming a central concern of urban planning in recent years, few estimates have been made of the per capita use of water or energy by dwelling type.
Resource use in Inner City opposed to Outer Suburbs. Inner urban residents are also less likely to live in separate housing than the overall metropolitan population. Nonetheless, their higher density living does obviously mean that they require less residential land, road space, and water per capita (see water use section, later) than
Chapter 2 | 29 the average resident. A clear link seems evident in that residential densities are much higher, and public transport use is greater in the inner areas (Newman & Kenworthy, 1999).
Within the large cities themselves, inner area households at present use less domestic and travel energy, and water, than households of similar size and income in the outer area of the same city (Moriarty, 2002). For the largest and densest cities of Australia, Sydney and Melbourne, these differences appear most striking. Moriarty analysed land, road space, water and energy use in the inner and outer rings of the five major cities (State capital cities), other urban areas and rural areas, and contends that:
... inner urban residents directly consume less than the city-wide average of inputs such as energy and water, when adjusted for income. However, when indirect inputs are considered, the differences are small (Moriarty, 2002: 233).
The main finding of this study was that although alteration of the relative location and density of populations will usually produce only minor benefits for future sustainability, such changes can afford significant reductions in urban transport oil use and resulting air pollution. Paradoxically, when direct and indirect requirements are combined, they reveal that the more affluent suburbs, typically close to the CBD, have almost twice the per-capita energy requirement of the less affluent suburbs, usually in outer areas. Most studies on cities only consider direct or end-user energy consumption. Indirect energy use in cities, or energy embodied in the consumption of goods and services by its residents can be regarded as being as important as direct energy use. However, physical models of cities are extremely complex and there have been difficulties in dealing with boundary issues, and hence with indirect resource requirements and take- out.
The following section attempts to unravel this paradox by looking at each resource use in the inner city as opposed to outer areas.
Per Capita road provision. One definite benefit of the higher population densities of the inner city is the need for much lower per capita road provision. Per capita provision of road space is presently much higher in the non-urban areas of Australia than in the cities (Berry & Kneebone, 1997; Newman & Kenworthy, 1999). Highways in rural areas are not only used by the local population, but Victorian data show that even when only local government-controlled roads are considered, per capita provision is still several times higher than in large cities (ABS, 2001).
Chapter 2 | 30 Water use. Lower water use per capita is another benefit of higher density living. Although complete data are not available, residents of separate houses probably use more outside water per capita because of bigger gardens (front and back) to water. Outside use is a significant share of the total; it varies from 30% (Sydney) to 56 per cent (Adelaide) of total household water consumption (State of the Environment Advisory Council-SEAC, 1996 cited in Moriarty, 2002). The inner area residents of Sydney, a high proportion of them flat dwellers, do use less water overall per dollar income than those living in the outer suburbs (ABS, 2002).
Reworking the published IPART data by Troy, et al. (2005) indicates that there was effectively no difference between the per capita consumption of those who live in separate houses compared with those who live in flats, once allowance is made for the number of occupants. But, simultaneously, household morphology data from the study indicates that, on average, people in separate houses consume 304 kilolitres (kL) per year compared with 211 kL for those in semi detached dwellings or town houses, 192 kL for those in low rise flats and 148 kL for those in high rise flats. For instance, the study also shows that people living in high-rise flats consume less than half those in houses.
The savings would have very little effect on overall water usage given that the direct use of water in households in quite small compared to other indirect uses. In 1996–97, Australia used 18,767 gigalitres of water, of which only 11% (2,108 gigalitres) was used directly by households— whereas use in agriculture is six times greater – 65% (12,191 gigalitres) (National Water Commission, 2005). Interestingly, household water use has decreased by 8% in 2004-05. Sixteen per cent of households were reusing or recycling household water, representing a significant increase from 11% in 2000–01. Sydney had the lowest per capita water use among the capital cities.
Since 1997 inflows to the water storages of Australia’s five largest cities was cut in half. Sydney’s dams had received 43 per cent of long-term average inflows (DECC, 2009). Increase in the frequency and severity of drought, declining water flows into the Murray-Darling Basin, reduced rainfall across eastern and far south west Australia – all of these are probably having greater effects on Australians than other concerns of the environment (In 2010-2011, in contrast, there have been floods and over-abundant rainfall in Sydney). In 2006 in a sample in NSW (see Figure 2.1.6) it was found that people value the environment highly and almost 90% are concerned about environmental problems, with water related issues - water supply, conservation,
Chapter 2 | 31 management and drought - being the top environmental issues, with climate change and energy issues growing rapidly in importance (DECC, 2006b).
Figure 2.1.6: Who Cares about the Environment in 2006? - A survey of NSW population’s environmental knowledge, attitudes and behaviours. Source: DECC, 2006.
Domestic energy use - operational and embodied. The Australian Building Codes Board (ABCB) estimates that energy used in all buildings accounts for almost 27 per cent of all energy-related greenhouse gas emissions (EcoLibrium, 2005). Therefore one of the critical issues associated with sustainability, including urban sustainability, is how to reduce use of energy and therefore greenhouse gas emissions. However, in NSW, when it comes to the environmental issues people are concerned with, energy lags in fifth position. Some of the studies on this foremost issue of energy use (direct & indirect) are presented here.
Moriarty’s (2002) study on five state capital cities found that domestic energy use per capita in Australia overall is only 10 percent less for higher density houses (flats/units/apartments) than for detached houses. Consequently, the marked housing type differences between the inner and outer areas in Sydney and Melbourne seem to result in little difference in domestic energy use. The inner Melbourne SSD had real domestic energy costs per capita (i.e. net of the fixed charges in gas and electricity bills) that were only about 3 per cent less than for Melbourne overall (ABS, 2000, cited in Moriarty, 2002). These differences in real energy costs translate directly into similar differences in actual energy use. Nevertheless, Moriarty was able to conclude that domestic energy use per dollar of total expenditure was lower in the inner suburbs.
Chapter 2 | 32 In another study in 2003, the NSW Independent Pricing and Regulatory Tribunal (IPART 2004, cited in Holloway & Bunker, 2006) surveyed 2604 households across the greater Sydney area to collect information about household energy requirements. Households that lived in houses (detached houses/ semi-detached dwellings/town houses) used 74 per cent more electricity than those in multi-unit dwellings. The study contends that this is mainly due to the larger household sizes in houses. Nonetheless, on a per capita basis IPART found that houses use 18 per cent more electricity than multi-unit dwellings (3086 kWh for houses compared to 2608 kWh for units).
Recently in 2005 the Southern Sydney Regional Organisation of Councils (SSROC, cited in Holloway & Bunker, 2006) contend that houses produce more greenhouse gas emissions. They surveyed 4572 households in the southern and eastern areas of Sydney (Canterbury, Hurstville, Kogarah, Rockdale, Waverley and Woollahra local government areas) and concluded that detached houses should be targeted by initiatives and strategies that encourage lower energy use by these households. In their calculation of greenhouse gas emissions and energy costs they found that:
Houses produced 15.9 tonnes of greenhouse gases compared to 12.0 tonnes for multi-unit developments. Average annual household greenhouse gas emissions were 16.1 tonnes compared to a national average of 15 tonnes.
Households in Hurstville (approx.15 tonnes) produced more greenhouse gas emissions than those from Kogarah or Rockdale (around 14 tonnes). Since Kogarah and Rockdale have larger number of higher density houses than Hurstville, these data support the higher density-lower energy-use thesis.
However, if the indirect energy use in lifts and shared space lighting in foyers, halls, gymnasia, car-parking and heated swimming pools for higher density housing is considered, the savings are likely to be smaller.
Some studies show mixed results if energy per person is calculated instead of per dwelling. Pears (2005), supported by work by NSW Department of Planning, Infrastructure and Natural Resources (DIPNR), maintains that there is evidence to suggest that when energy per person is calculated instead of energy per dwelling, high- rise apartments can generate above average energy consumption per capita if total energy is used. He contends that a number of factors can lead to increased energy consumption in higher density dwellings. This includes, but is not limited to, the use of lifts, inefficiencies in equipment (including centralised systems, reticulated air conditioning and appliances, and the thermal performance of the building envelope). To
Chapter 2 | 33 balance these factors to some extent, higher density housing leads to a reduction per dwelling in some aspects of infrastructural energy use, such as street lighting; and insulate each other against the weather due to their contiguity.
The results of a pilot study comprising six case study areas (including Adelaide City) in Adelaide by Troy et al. (2002, 2003) also reflected on the mixed influence of built form and household characteristics on the use of energy, with socio-economic factors influencing consumption patterns (cited in Holloway & Bunker, 2006). It used the operational and embodied energy used in these areas and the primary energy needed to produce the different forms of energy— vehicle fuel, electricity and gas as a basis for estimates. Embodied energy includes not only that used in the dwellings but in the supporting local infrastructure and vehicles. It shows that on a per capita basis (instead of household basis) the differences in operational energy use are less significant. However there have been some arguments regarding this study, for instance that,
...‘the calculations of transport life cycle energy/emissions are rather too reliant on averages of averages’ (Perkins, 2003:283).
It seems logical that higher density dwellings might reduce the amount of emissions and energy needed for the construction of dwellings and associated infrastructure. However, Fay and others (Fay et al., 2002) in their study have also shown that compressed living does not necessarily mean reduced embodied energy use. They found that as the house size decreases the proportional benefit decreases, if embodied energy is considered. Although the calculations have shown that separate houses are the highest, the townhouses are intermediate, and the semi-detached the lowest in embodied energy, this variation becomes negligible when it is calculated in terms of usable space.
Again, it is important to understand that embodied energy is only a small fraction of operational energy, which is user dependent, and accumulates energy all through the life of a residential building. Australian Commonwealth Scientific and Research Organization (CSIRO) has found that,
...the average household contains about 1,000 GJ of energy embodied in the materials used in its construction. This is equivalent to about 15 years of normal operational energy use. For a house that lasts 100 years this is over 10 percent of the energy used in its life (Department of Climate Change and Energy Efficiency, 2010).
Chapter 2 | 34 A popular lifestyle preference of inner-city dwellers is eating out. Household members, therefore, can freely choose to eat at home or at a restaurant, for example. Eating out saves domestic energy, but increases commercial energy use. Electricity use by service industries such as accommodation, cafes and restaurants, education, and real estate is higher in inner areas (Lenzen, Dey, & Foran, 2004) than those located in outer areas.
Transport energy use. The densest metropolis, Sydney, has per capita public transport levels three times those of Adelaide and Perth (Newman & Kenworthy, 1999). Moreover, given that higher income households are increasingly to be found in the inner suburbs, travel per dollar income there is still lower than the city-wide average (Moriarty, 2002).
However, for the important case of urban transport energy at least, much of the difference between inner and outer travel energy per unit of expenditure cannot be wholly credited to inner high density living or lifestyle. When considering transport energy use for inner area residents, we need to take into account that this calculation should also include travel energy consumed outside that urbanized area itself.
In a research paper Lenzen et al. (2004) used input–output analysis and detailed household expenditure data to yield comprehensive energy use breakdowns for the 14 Statistical Subdivisions of Sydney. Multivariate regression and structural path analysis (SPA) were used to interpret the results. With comparable household expenditure the following observations on inner and outer SSDs are made:
Energy expenditure and energy use on all forms of public transport including air travel is considerable higher for the inner SSDs.
For transport, the most significant difference is the very large expenditure of the outer SSDs on cars;
The Inner Sydney and Eastern Suburbs households are much more likely to not use a car to travel to work, than are the households in Fairfield–Liverpool and Outer South-Western Sydney. (Lenzen et al., 2004: 375- 399)
These results show that even with similar total expenditure, household lifestyles in inner and outer areas of Sydney can vary significantly in their energy requirements.
Chapter 2 | 35 Inner area residents on average are seemingly likely to use more energy for air travel than outer area residents. Because they live in the higher density inner city area, it is also at least possible that inner area residents are more likely to buy holiday homes away from the city, and thus travel by air for holidays (or drive, presumably). Data in a study from a European city shows that extreme densities statistically correlate with high energy use for long-distance leisure-time travel. On the other hand, it showed that increased densities lead to low energy use for both housing and everyday travel (Holden & Norland, 2005).
In terms of car ownership, ABS (1996) data shows Inner Sydney SSD residents had fewer vehicles per capita than the city-wide average. Since the inner city residents use public transport more, this trend is probably continuing. Inner-city residents have the advantage of using bicycles, walking or public transport (train/tram/bus) which together significantly lower the emissions of CO2. It is commonly understood that using trains instead of cars reduces travel emissions.
Domestic waste disposal. Per capita domestic waste disposal is, on average, lower in the capital cities than in the non-metropolitan areas of the state. For example, in 1989, Adelaide produced 307kg per capita, the rest of SA 407kg per capita. Moreover, in spite of their higher waste output, non-metropolitan councils are far less likely to have domestic waste recycling programmes (Moriarty, 2002).
Sydney residents consider water conservation and air quality or pollution as two of the most important environmental issues for action by the NSW Government. Those who said that in the past year they had often taken steps to reduce their fuel consumption and air pollution (by for example driving a smaller/more fuel efficient car, carpooling, using public transport, walking or cycling) increased by 10% from 38% in 2003 to 48% in 2006. While this behaviour ultimately results in cleaner air, saving money was the most common reason given (by 51%) for starting to do this (DECC, 2006b).
The above studies reveal that there is no clear-cut advantage (quantitatively) in inner city architectural forms (separated from users) when the most important issue of energy is considered; while there is clear evidence from both intra and inter-city comparisons that higher density, transit-oriented cities have lower per-capita transport energy use. Logically, by virtue of higher density living, inner area residents tend to share more open space, infrastructure and transport, a clearly sustainable system.
Troy’s (1991) assertions that the gardens in houses were seen as aesthetically pleasing, a source of food, an expression of status, a source of recreation and a secure
Chapter 2 | 36 place for children to grow and experience contact with nature are however not shared by everybody. Larice (2005), for instance, we have seen, disagrees: ...‘As kids, we played in the streets – our front yards were only for 'show' and parks were too far from home', which also points to the inefficient use of outdoor spaces and public spaces in suburban environments. Any one driving through outer suburban neighbourhoods might easily identify that front yards of detached houses are often on display, as a “show”, and largely unused, while however the backyard is likely to be used much more, for laundry drying and animals and a kids play area, and on weekends as a barbecue space.
The outdoor garden areas, nonetheless, are rarely used for growing food, contradicting Troy’s assumptions of sustainable gardening practice at home (Troy, 1996b). Where major areas of the front yard and back yard are grassed, besides the higher water maintenance, mowing probably contributes to higher fuel consumption in detached houses in outer suburbs. Only thirty per cent of Australian households saved water in the garden by using grey water (ABS, 2007). Very recently it has been acknowledged,
...suburbanisation of Australian cities carried with it the seeds of the present crisis in urban water consumption (Randolph & Troy, 2008:442) .
Moreover gardening, if seen as a traditional lifestyle activity (Troy, 1996b), can be partly satisfied in higher density precincts by large balconies as detailed by ex- Government Architect Chris Johnson (2003) in his garden apartment concepts, which can use recycled grey water. Similarly, though comparative data is not available it can also be assumed that public parks, playfields etc. are used more in higher density areas than outer areas (e.g. Hyde Park, Sydney CBD) indicating the effective/ efficient use of urban spaces. It can be assumed that maintenance for the public spaces can be done more efficiently in higher density areas.
Importance of attitudes toward pro-environment lifestyle. The previous ambivalent section findings show that urban researchers favouring higher density living can find ample evidence that average per-dwelling energy use is lower there, while others arguing against increasing density can find ample evidence that average per-capita energy use is lower in detached dwellings. By relying on summary average statistics, and selecting the basis for comparison (per capita, per unit area, per dwelling, etc.), researchers can find the particular ‘evidence’ they need to support a particular position.
To begin to answer the question ‘what is the most sustainable urban dwelling form’, simplistically we need to redefine the strategy to include lifestyle approaches and
Chapter 2 | 37 liveability factors relating to these forms as a whole, or holistically. For the environmental management of households in Sydney, it is apparent that a policy focus on reducing the direct component of energy use, while praiseworthy, is probably inappropriately addressed since direct energy use in buildings constitutes a remarkably small portion of the total energy requirement over a range of incomes. For example, application of renewable energy technologies, energy conservation and solar architecture, energy efficiency standards for housing and reconstruction projects are all focused towards reducing/meeting only direct energy use in both higher density and detached houses.
This is also indicated in the ABS (1999) where it is apparent that despite homes becoming more energy efficient, Australians are using increasing amounts of energy in the home: 20GJ per person in 1999 compared with 18GJ per person in 1980. Current residential energy efficiency measures are projected to only slow the rate at which this residential energy consumption increases. The ABS (ABS, 1998) notes,
Increasing per capita energy consumption in the home may be related to the trend towards smaller households with larger houses.
Another factor may be the increasing standard of material wellbeing enjoyed by most Australians, reflected in the plethora of electrical appliances on shop shelves.
In a similar vein, Lenzen et al. (2004) explain in a generic sense, the combined direct and indirect requirements for energy increasing steadily with per capita income, as shown for total energy requirement in Figure 2.1.7. The per-capita energy requirement (direct and total) and energy intensity as a function of annual per capita income for all Sydney households in the Household Expenditure Survey (1998–1999 HES, ABS 2000, cited in Lenzen et al., 2004) is shown in the Figure 2.1.7. The power law curve fit shows the important trends.
Direct energy requirements are inelastic with income—the main driver for the increase in total energy requirement with income results from indirect energy required for goods and services.
The second important result is that the energy intensity diminishes towards higher incomes, reflecting the fact that wealthier households purchase proportionally more services, which are characterised by lower energy.
Chapter 2 | 38 Figure 2.1.7: Energy requirement and energy intensity as a function of annual per-capita income. Source: Lenzen et al., 2004.
Moreover, IPART also contended that higher income households use more electricity than lower income households but suggested that this is due more to the larger number of household appliances in their dwellings. Since both the inner areas and outer areas have their share of higher income households who enjoy the benefits of a higher standard of living it is probable that they consume more energy than others in the same area.
Interestingly, almost twenty years ago, an in-depth evaluation of energy efficient houses in four capital Australian cities indicated that ‘prescriptive design solutions and standards do not necessarily lead to the consequences expected’ (Ballinger, Samuels, & ERDC, 1991:139). For instance, many ‘standard’ houses performed better energy- wise than architect designed solar efficient homes, because of the lifestyle factors that distinguish them. Findings from the study reinforce the notion that the household as well as the house should be foci of attention in promoting energy efficiency. Accordingly noted:
Energy efficiency seems more likely to be consequence of a thermally comfortable and amenable house inhabited by energy-literate and ecologically responsible individuals, than a driving force in its own right (Ballinger et al., 1991:6).
Lenzin et al. have the same opinion as Ballinger et al. where they made similar conclusions by stressing that,
Chapter 2 | 39 ‘The real challenge lies with ‘‘wants’’ rather than ‘‘needs’’ or in the progressive dematerialisation of the ‘‘wants’’ of city residents’ (Lenzen et al., 2004).
Similarly Perkins notes,
‘...[bringing] into focus the bigger philosophical issue of over- consumption...there is the potential to better inform people of the sustainability implications of lifestyles’ (Perkins, 2003: 284).
The majority of approaches aiming at easing environmental pressures exerted in cities concentrate on direct effects, such as domestic energy consumption and local transport, which can be misdirected. What has been shown for energy can similarly be applicable for other resources: water, land and infrastructure. Whatever benefits might be reaped by efficient design can be neutralised by lifestyle changes based on consumption philosophies which drive the modern economy. With higher incomes comes increased affordability and desire for consuming goods and materials, whether it is electrical energy consuming appliances or furniture or clothes.
Australians spend over $10.5 billion annually on goods and services that are never or hardly ever used (DECC, 2006a). The consumption of goods and services by Australians and other industrialised countries is the largest single driving force for both the current level and the increase of global greenhouse gas emissions (Lenzen & Smith, 1999).
It has been shown by Lenzen & Smith (1999) that breakdowns of Australian emissions into production and consumption categories differ markedly (Figure 2.1.8). Of all the produced greenhouse gases, 54% (575 Mt CO2-e) are due to fossil energy use in factories, vehicles, homes, offices and shops, of which only 10% is in homes. Another 39% comes from land use changes and enteric fermentation in animals, while the remainder of 7% is from landfills and non-energy industrial processes. However the results of an input-output analysis of consumption categories show a different picture of household emissions. The emissions occurring in production can be traced according to the inter-industrial flow of the produced commodities, and allocated to final consumption categories. This procedure is often expressed using the view that emissions become 'embodied' in consumer products. Embodied emissions can be calculated using an economic technique called input-output analysis, which employs national statistical data on inter-industrial transactions and on emissions of industry sectors. In the results of an input-output analysis, 32% of consumed emissions (total
740 Mt CO2-e, including imports) are embodied in exports, whilst government
Chapter 2 | 40 administration and defence account for about 10%. Only 11% of total emissions occur through direct energy use by households, while a much larger portion of 47% is embodied in household purchases. It is thus argued that, in accordance with Adam Smith's classic statement in 1776 that ‘consumption is the sole end and purpose of all production’ (Lenzen & Smith, 1999: 69), that the consumer who buys a product is eventually responsible for the emissions the product has entailed in its production.
Figure 2.1.8:Australian greenhouse gas emissions, (Left) production and (Right) consumption categories. Left. Of all the produced greenhouse gases only 10% is in dwellings. Right. Only 11 % of total emissions occur through direct energy use by households, while a much larger portion of 47% is embodied in household purchases. Source: Lenzen et al., 2004.
Summarising the previous sections, we conclude that the focus therefore has to be not only on the efficient design of architectural (and urban) form (whether high-rise/low- rise/detached) but on lifestyle aspirations, public education and knowledge transfer to householders, incentives - and ultimately on understandings of how to satisfy deep- rooted liveability/habitability factors without removing the same opportunities for later generations.
As indicated in various studies, the possible steps and strategies in this direction can be summarised as below (Cherulnik, 1993; Gatersleben, Steg, & Vlek, 2002; Lenzen et al., 2004):
Attitude change-persuasion/provide consumer education. Many studies suggest that the provision of information does not necessarily motivate behavioural changes in the community (Greenfield & Williams, 2008; Lenzen & Smith, 1999).
Chapter 2 | 41 Obligatory behaviour. Analysis of obligatory and coercive initiatives (especially those where avoidance was difficult) showed that consumers complied with the initiative program where they had no choice but to act in an environmentally responsible way.
Economic measures / social benefits, addressing behaviour. For example the Residential Rebate Program by the Department of Environment, Climate Change and Water (NSW DECCW, 2009) offers various types of rebates. It is stated that 70,000 household claimed rebates from February 2009. Some of these rebates are: the ‘Washing machine rebate’ for buying 4.5 star water efficient machines, the ‘Second fridge buyback’ for old fridges (one of the biggest energy user in the home), consuming up to three times the energy of new fridges. However there is the distinct possibility that this may not change behaviour in higher income households whose incomes are more elastic.
Creating conditions for the reshaping of lifestyles. It has been observed that a prerequisite for fostering pro-environmental behaviour appears to be allowing participation, that is, allowing users to find their own areas, reasons, and procedures for conserving behaviour (Lenzen & Smith, 1999; Lund, 1998).
Some emissions such as from fuel use in private cars or in homes occur directly at the place of consumption. It is therefore not surprising that there is a spreading awareness of personal responsibility for these emissions, resulting in efforts to save energy in homes or to reduce private car use (Lenzen & Smith, 1999).
It has been shown that the inner area revival is now a multi-class phenomenon and there is a higher aggregation of well educated residents in inner areas. Past studies (Vining & Ebreo, 1990) have shown that recycling behaviour tends to vary with education and income. Since inner city urbanites are often trendsetters (Bridge, 2001) it is assumed that pro-environmental ideas and preferences would be higher in new residential buildings of later developments such as Victoria Park, the ‘observatory’ for this study.
The relevance of these studies in the generation of the doctoral research conducted here is pertinent. At the time the survey was conducted, (beginning in 2006), the national political climate was not conducive for climate change discussions and other pro-environmental actions. Notwithstanding, in Australian states and at local level, initiatives were going on without government patronisation. In 2008 after the change of Federal Government, environmental issues came to prominence. One of the symbolic actions occurred within nine days after being elected, namely: the government ratified
Chapter 2 | 42 and signed the Kyoto Protocol aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Australia's overall contributions to global greenhouse gas emissions are small, but it is one of the largest polluters per capita and its stance on Kyoto was strongly symbolic. It is probable, that the prevailing negative political climate towards environmental issues at the time of survey may have had a tacit influence on individual household’s attitudes and behaviours.
2.1.7. Conclusion I would prefer to explain the processes of change and their affect on other inner areas not as a result of a single set of factors from a single theory, but as the culmination of a very complex set of events, trends and preferences, social, economic and environmental which combine and contrast in different ways and to different degrees to encourage inner city redevelopment and the improvement of inner city housing to occur (Ley, 1996; N. Smith, 1996). Most importantly the relevancy of gentrification was that it can be seen as one such process, a shift from the working-class city and the desirability of the middle-class suburbs to one in which inner urban living became once again invested with ideas of status, style and cosmopolitanism. Living in an improved inner city home also comes across as a kind of conspicuous consumption, with an apartment in a region such Victoria Park being seen as a highly regarded symbol of social status. Living close to a cultural hub was eventually perceived as interesting as living in historic cores.
Moreover, the surge of apartment living in general should not interpreted as only a current phenomenon. The emerging culture of higher density living has been prevailing since the early 1900s in inner Sydney, and has been reviewed in a paper by author (see Appendix 1) and also noted by others (SMH, 2003).
Summing up, the analysis of the revitalisation of inner area surroundings has shown that the later processes of change differ from earlier gentrification, and that it:
- is guided by the State and developers;
- takes the form of new medium to high density housing on redeveloped sites;
- creates a more diverse tenure and demographic mix than earlier wave gentrification;
- lifestyle aspirations differ in areas near CBD from in core living precincts;
Chapter 2 | 43 - inner city urbanites are often trendsetters (Bridge, 2001) it is assumed that pro-environmental ideas and preferences would be higher in new residential buildings of later developments.
However amongst the reasons for this, which forms the focus of much of this research, is that some of the changes taking place nearer to the centre of Sydney have taken on some characteristics traditionally associated with suburbanization in ways that might be influenced by ‘new urbanism’ (see Sections 2.2.1 & 2.3.2).
Chapter 2 | 44 2.2. Overview of inner area housing scenario - changing paradigm
This part of the chapter proceeds in five sections. The first section briefly reviews how the issues addressed in the move to more compact cities have been represented in the Australian scene and how they have been addressed in Sydney. It revolves around certain theories influencing and affecting the strategies. The popular sentiments and changing attitudes towards higher density forms in inner areas are also examined here. This was an important aspect since future trends for housing form can be anticipated from these reviews. With the influence of theories and public consciousness, how then did ideas of liveability and sustainability proliferate in the planning processes?
The second section deals with the emergence of ESD, liveability and design related issues in the policies and strategies. This section establishes the inherent link between these and the generation of the urban form especially higher density housing in Sydney.
Thirdly, dwelling characteristics, medium-high density forms and future demand for new housing in inner areas are discussed.
The fourth section studies the creation of policy aimed at improving the design of higher density housing. It studies the role of architects in the planning process and its subsequent growing role of legislation in fostering good design. For example SEPP 65, an Environmental Planning Policy was concerned solely with the design quality of residential flats. During the assessment of any Development Application, the SEPP specifies design related matters which must be taken into consideration. Ex-NSW Government Chris Johnson was once Executive Director of Urban Renewal and was also instrumental in developing the Residential Flat Design Pattern Book and is currently involved in promoting the NSW Metropolitan strategy. Therefore the current form and design of higher density dwellings are to a great extent dependent on the planning processes.
The final section outlines the implications of living in higher density and the rationale for including those in the study. It discusses, if urban consolidation is to continue sustainably then how liveability of the future dwellings is to be construed in the designs. Eventually, this section makes an effort to comprehend the design issues for higher density housing that have come to the forefront in the discourses and is salient for this study.
Chapter 2 | 45 However, two common themes which are directly relevant to this research run through all the sections, that is, the comprehension of the form of higher density dwelling in inner areas and attempts to place the case study area in the context of the arguments.
2.2.1. Shifting views - form to place based cognition There has been growing support in public planning circles for the concept of a ‘compact city’ or consolidation which was also seen as a way of achieving a sustainable urban form. In the UK, planning policies in late 1980s advocated such consolidation processes (Burton, 2000). Likewise, in NSW planning strategies and policies, as briefly shown in the next sections, these ideas of consolidation in conjunction with other issues of sustainability were slowly taken up. Before proceeding directly to the plans and policies it is necessary to review the literature, both in academia and the popular media on consolidation in the Australian scenario. I then argue how they have been addressed in Sydney with respect to housing scenarios and to what extent these have influenced the direction of NSW plans and policies.
The process of achieving urban compactness is generally termed ‘intensification’, ‘consolidation’ or ‘densification’. It involves the re-use of brownfield land, more intensive use of urban buildings, sub-divisions and conversions of existing development and an increase in the density of population in urban areas. Compactness can be achieved in existing cities primarily by two methods: increasing their densities and increasing their mix of uses. Both processes imply the use of policies of ‘containment’ and ‘consolidation,’ whereby growth is accommodated within the city boundaries instead of in greenfield areas (Lawrence, 2000).
In general it also suggests a relatively high-density, mixed-use city, based on an efficient public transport system and dimensions that encourage walking and cycling. It contrasts with the car-oriented ‘urban sprawl’ of many modern towns and cities, seen by many as an unsustainable form of urban development. In their influential Cities and Automobile Dependence, Newman & Kenworthy (1989) argued that low-density cities relied on the car, and higher density cities of compact form reduce energy used in travel and transport. Newman (1992) especially applied this line of reasoning to Australian cities. They also showed how low density American and Australian cities use comparatively more petrol per capita than higher density European and Asian cities.
Broadly, it is now widely acknowledged that a relationship exists between the shape, size, density and uses of a city and its sustainability (Jenks, Williams, & Burton, 2000). However, consensus is lacking about the exact nature of this relationship. Hence, the
Chapter 2 | 46 current understanding is that instead of searching for one definitive sustainable urban form, the emphasis should be now on how to determine which forms are suitable in any given locality (Jenks et al., 2000). Similarly, concentrating solely on urban scale solutions only offers a partial solution to understanding. So different scales, from the house, through to the block, the neighbourhood, the district, city and region all need to be considered. A ‘sociological approach to the city’ as posited by Wirth long go in 1938 (cited in Gutman, 1972:55), was largely sidelined from sustainability discussions for some time until the turn of the century. As argued by the author in a paper (see Appendix 1, Reassessing ‘people and residential environment’: socio-spatial aspects of built forms) it took a long time before the social issues ultimately gained prominence in the sustainability discourses, and place-based research along with liveability issues were recognised as issues for sustainable urban form. Elkin et al. (Elkin, McLaren, & Hillman, 1991: 12) describe such a configuration as:
a city that is “user friendly” and resourceful, in terms not only of its form and energy-efficiency, but also its function, as a place for living’.
Economic Arguments. In the core and edges of inner areas where space is at premium economic aspects are always a priority. Not surprisingly, if economic thinking pervades the whole society, even simple non-economic values like beauty, health or liveability can endure only if they prove to be “economic.” Schumacher (1999) argued that profitability alone is not an adequate measure of whether something is “economic” or not. A new economics has thus been posited that takes into account not only profitability of a given activity, but also its effect upon people and the environment, including the resource base. Sassi (2006) argues that buildings that are liked, enjoyed and satisfied become part of the community’s own culture, have long lives and are economically sustainable as well. The concept of economic sustainability is now well understood among developers & architects. Successful buildings make money, sell quickly, command more rent, have long lives or help induce regeneration of the area. Sustainable buildings are those that are an asset for many years to come (Sassi, 2006). By being used for a long time and over and over again without being abandoned is also an objective of sustainability.
Two doctrines related to economics: about the contemporary city - ‘the global city’ and ‘the creative city’ - which were widely circulated both in academic circle and the mass media have had an impact in policy circles (Neilson, 2005). Emphasising at once the role of the city as a node in the global network of finance capitalism and its concentrated cultural diversity, Sassen’s (1991) notion of the global city, developed
Chapter 2 | 47 most fully in her book, began to impact upon academic analyses of Sydney’s transformation in the early 1990s (McNeill, Dowling, & Fagan, 2005). By 1996, the term had begun to circulate in policy discourses, for example in the NSW Planning publication Sydney as a Global City. The publication points out that ‘Sydney is Australia’s only global city’, and used the term 'global' widely in the discourses (Department of Planning, 2005d: 3). The current strategy identifies the ‘global arc’ as a critical feature of Sydney and Australia’s economy (Department of Planning, 2005d: 33). Over the last two decades, the global economic corridor - Sydney’s ‘global arc’ - has emerged as the place of concentration of linked jobs and gateway infrastructure from Macquarie Park through Chatswood, St Leonards, North Sydney and the CBD to Sydney Airport and Port Botany. However, the main thrust of the ‘global’ rhetoric has been primarily based on economic development rather than on cultural diversity.
Green Square / Zetland
Figure 2.2.1: A section of Sydney’s ‘global arc’. The corridor of concentrated jobs and activities is seen as the powerhouse of Australia’s economy. Close to Sydney CBD, study area Zetland and Green Square falls in this highlighted zone. Source: Department of Planning, 2005.
Chapter 2 | 48 By contrast, an economics professor, Richard Florida’s The Rise of the Creative Class (Florida, 2002) had a more instant impact in policy circles and its major focus was on people not the economy. While its acceptance among academics was less enthusiastic, his idea was publicly promoted by the NSW Deputy Premier and taken up by local governments in Sydney and other Australian cities. Florida’s association of urban economic prosperity with the rise of ‘creative industries’ won him a high profile visit to Sydney in 2004 (sponsored by the Sydney City Council, the Sydney Morning Herald and the Year of the Built Environment). The general idea of this is an argument against an older economic idea that believes cities should compete to attract companies; instead, Florida argues, companies will follow where creative professionals are, and they in turn will settle where they want to live rather than necessarily following the companies (Murphy et al., 2004). It hinges on the separation of class from core and periphery similar to the arguments made in an earlier section based on Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital.
To define this class' economic function, it is what others have called the professional/managerial class or the knowledge class; while Florida calls it the creative class, and distinguishes between a core of scientists, engineers, programmers, academics, writers, artists, and intellectuals, and a periphery of professionals or technicians working in the knowledge industries: high-tech, finance, the law and health- care, business, and so on. Interestingly, the study area as well as the Sydney CBD has a higher percentage of the group as evident from census data. What differentiates the core from the periphery is the extent to which workers are 'producing new forms or designs’ (Florida, 2002: 69) or otherwise being more creative than those on the periphery. What follows from this is his suggestion for cities (Sydney and Melbourne), in order to foster an emergent creative class, for strategies based on an analysis of the values — in brief, those of 'lifestyle' — that members of this class espouse and a set of strategies for economic regeneration structured around fostering the conditions that will encourage their settlement in particular communities. He advises building communities that have a strong cultural life, are diverse, physically attractive, and have some of the values of 'authenticity' that creative class members appreciate; for example, historical inner-city architecture rather than new malls (Murphy et al., 2004).
Early Discourses and Developments. In Australia, encouraged by federal government incentives, post-war suburban development was almost entirely in separate house form and with a high level of homeownership (Paris, Beer, & Sanders, 1993). While post-war suburban development was predominantly in the form of the separate house on a
Chapter 2 | 49 single plot, there was a small number of medium density housing built, although predominantly for rental. The achievement of homeownership, most desirably in the form of a separate house on its own lot, has been a distinctive feature of Australian cities (Troy, 1995). However, in the late 70s before the sustainability discourses began, the need to reassess patterns of urban growth and development was being felt somewhat strongly, and a particular object of attention was the low density suburban style of residential development (Young & MSJ Keys Young Planners., 1976). In the context of the planning for new towns, this has led to consideration of the amount and distribution of various housing types, in particular the amount of medium density housing that might be desirable. Since the detached dwelling was the most preferred option for most of the people the discussion did not get much importance until the 80s. The basis for reassessment was the criticism that sprawling suburbs are harmful to the community in two ways:
One is that they lead to various psychological and social problems on the part of the residents; the other that they squander valuable resources through uneconomical forms of development (Young & MSJ Keys Young Planners., 1976).
The other strong argument for more compact cities in Australia was that housing forms, tenures and choice of location were too restricted (Bunker, Holloway, & Randolph, 2005a). This argument became obvious in more recent times as demographic trends, immigration, cultural changes and globalisation have led to a much wider variety of household types than the former dominant nuclear family. It has also been shown that urban consolidation may have led to more choice and variation in housing supply in Sydney. But again side by side it was concluded that planning for additional higher density housing must fully take into account the local socio-spatial context in which this development will take place (Bunker et al., 2005a). The research reported here therefore also emphasizes that this issue is more salient for inner city edge areas similar to the study area, Victoria Park.
Experiencing Higher Density. Long before the debates of urban consolidation policies, there was a history of building medium density housing in Sydney and a considerable presence of older housing of this kind (Cardew, 1980; Spearritt, 1978). It must be clear that flats had been an important feature of the urban form in Sydney long before the ideas and discussion on sustainable urban form proliferated. The flat boom that started in the 1960s was spurred on by strata title legislation introduced in 1961. Many uninspiring blocks were built during that time: three-storey walk-ups in textured, liver-
Chapter 2 | 50 coloured or blond brick that changed the character of the inner, middle and outer suburbs. Generally viewed as housing for young people who’d just left home or for the elderly who didn’t want the burden of a large house and garden, and for returned soldiers, the dreary sameness of these buildings, combined with often poor-quality finishes and fittings, gave apartments and apartment living an unsavoury reputation. So, too, did the dull prefabricated concrete tower blocks erected by the NSW Dept of Housing in the mid to late 1950s on land cleared of poorly maintained inner-city terrace housing (Burns, 2004). The legislation that enabled strata titling of multi-unit residential buildings for sale and the widening of the availability of housing finance led to the formation of the ‘six-eight pack’ flats (red/yellow/white brick buildings of typically six or eight flats), in noticeable numbers, by redeveloping the larger plots, especially in higher cost areas and some local centres (Bunker et al., 2005a).
As observed in an article by the author the overall impressions of these forms were not favourable in those times (see Appendix, 1, Reassessing ‘people and residential environment’: socio-spatial aspects of built forms). The designs of the buildings (apartments) were very utilitarian and generally lacked appropriately designed outdoor settings. For instance, the car parking areas would get more preference than the outdoor areas on the ground floor. The lifestyle preferences of these earlier higher density residents were quite different to the current inner urbanites. It is quite easy to assume that these earlier forms therefore did not have much appeal to the educated middle class who were moving into the inner city. Similarly Bridge’s (2001) study reaffirms that the ‘gentrifiers’ buying investment properties do not want to be associated (even as landlords) with this 1960s and 1970s taste and typology.
Burns (2004) states in her book Apartment Living: Australian style, that apartment design itself has altered over the years, reflecting changes in lifestyles and shifting fashions. She (2004: vii) notes the trend towards apartments: ‘In some ways, it has come full circle...’ and remarks,
Australians today are more design-conscious than before, and many who choose to live in an apartment want a building that reflects a smart, stylish and sophisticated image. Savvy developers have at last realised that good design sells and are harnessing the creative talents of architects towards this end. This, in turn, has helped to raise the profile of these low-and high–rise havens even further.
Chapter 2 | 51 The value of ‘good design’ and having creative architects was, however, not a preferred option for developers until the State Environmental Planning Policy (SEPP 65) came into effect in 2002 to enforce those issues.
Impact of higher density housing on neighbourhood character. The visual impacts of consolidation policies however, were not much felt in Sydney until more recently at the turn of the 20th century. During the late 1990s a combination of market-led development and a state-led policy of urban consolidation took a strong grip of suburban development in Sydney and Melbourne. Especially in the core inner areas where space is at a premium, economic aspects were always a priority promoting the tendency toward higher density high-rise residential buildings. With high-rise coming to tower over medium density forms in older inner areas protests grew against the high rise forms.
Figure 2.2.2: There goes the neighbourhood. A newspaper article on the Horizon, a 44 storey apartment designed by one of the most prolific Australian architects, Harry Seidler. The noticeable landmark of Sydney was considered as a blessing and an irritant by Darlinghurst residents. Source: The SMH, 2003d. Bottom. A screen shot of web page, created as a campaign against the two 14 story apartments planned in Double Bay. Source: http://doublebayhighrise.com.au
Chapter 2 | 52 Figure 2.2.3: Towering forms of apartment buildings hovering disproportionately over lower density inner neighbourhoods. Source: Rashid, 2007.
In Melbourne a movement called 'save our suburbs' emerged, determined to defend, 'the world's most liveable city' (Lewis, 1999). The resistance, which was also seen in Sydney, focused on the perceived destruction of ‘urban character' in the older and relatively greener suburbs, and opposing inappropriate development of higher density high rise forms. However, the protests were not just against designs but also in opposition to the height of the buildings. The most common public criticism was regarding the size of the buildings. Typically higher than other surrounding nearby forms, new apartment blocks either dominate the landscape, or fail to integrate with the
Chapter 2 | 53 streetscape or sit uncomfortably with heritage buildings (Searle & Byrne, 2002; SMH, 2003b, 2008). In an interview published in an local daily paper, Glen Searle, senior lecturer at the School of the Built Environment at the University of Technology, makes a similar observation, ‘Scale is the problem’, (SMH, 2008). Searle indicates that in some cases, councils used powers under the State Environmental Planning Policy (SEPP 1) to allow residential developments that exceeded height and floor space ratios set in local plans (Searle, 2007).
Interestingly, most of the studies of urban form have generally focused on the form in isolation, analysing it separately from the context (Butler-Bowdon, Pickett, Dupain, Sierins, & Historic Houses Trust of New South Wales., 2007). Since most protests were against the contextual fit (settings) of these forms it is pertinent that studies in inner areas take into account the issue of surroundings.
The State's response was to require that new development be intensified in 'activity centres' and respect the 'neighbourhood character' (as elaborated in a following section). Yet this was done without clarifying what 'activity centres' or 'character' might mean. In Melbourne, while neighbourhood character studies were commissioned for most of the metropolitan area these were generally limited to physical descriptions related to planning code requirements. As observed (Dovey, Woodcock, & Wood, 2005),
While the protection of character was legislated as a key criterion for residential development, definitions remain slippery—a slipperiness that is strongly related to the social dimensions of ‘character’ and place identity.
At the same time market-led developments on former industrial sites and on the urban fringe have been engaged in meeting this quest for 'character' via 'new urbanism' and based on historic themes, and are designed, built and marketed as having a strong sense of 'place' and 'community'. Their appearance is tightly controlled and privately legislated in the form of covenants which insulate residents against change. Following these events, in the current strategy, eventually much emphasis was given to public feedback regarding the impacts of consolidations. However it is important to note areas similar to the Victoria Park which are disused industrial land are not exposed to public scrutiny as they are located in a previously zoned industrial area. These may not provoke the level of protest that other areas have done in the past. Therefore it is important to ensure that in the future misdirected and unscrutinised approaches are not taken here.
Chapter 2 | 54 Design strategies in these areas will have a direct influence on how ‘sustainable development’ relates to what is visible, form-wise. The acceptance of these design strategies will be governed by people’s perception of ‘what it is they like’ and ‘what it is they don’t like’ – or the aesthetic. The growing response is to work with the physical conditions and natural resources in both landscape and architecture to achieve favourable human thermal comfort and turn problems brought about by climate change to environmental advantage (Phillips, 2003). Ideas from interrelated fields of architecture, landscape, and master planning, all have to work together to intervene physically within the environment. These are concerned with physical conditions and societal needs. Political processes are required to respect these, exhibit sensitivity to cultural identity and support physiological and industrial activity. Taking this and interconnectedness of sustainable development issues into consideration, both in identifying problems and providing solutions to those problems, it would seem logical to elaborate on the hypothesis of ‘place-based cognitions’ as the core of human activity and satisfaction. Against this background, changes in approach, attitudes and methodologies are evolving in landscape, architecture and master-planning disciplines. The next section will show that over the years, slowly, concern about these issues appeared to have an effect on policies and strategies for higher density residential developments.
2.2.2. Emergence of ESD, liveability and pro-design arguments in strategy and policy discourses The compact city idea, as a sustainable approach was central to both Sydney's 1994 and 1999 Metropolitan Strategies, and is in turn reflected in Sydney's most important planning policy, urban consolidation. Fuller accounts of policies and the strategies are provided elsewhere (Bunker, Gleeson, Holloway, & Randolph, 2002; Searle, 2004b). The NSW urban consolidation policies have developed gradually from rather straightforward beginnings in the early 1980s into a much more highly developed and accommodating policy framework, in response to issues surrounding the implementation of the policy on the ground and pressure at the local level.
Defining urban consolidation. In a document published in 1984 Planning Issues in the Sydney Region: Urban Consolidation, the NSW State Government defines urban consolidation as: increasing the density of dwellings or population, or both. It does not refer to one single policy, but rather a number of related land use measures and housing initiatives that can increase residential densities (Bunker et al., 2002). Bunker et al. observed that in practice, urban consolidation has taken two main forms: firstly, higher density development of new greenfield development on the urban fringe, and
Chapter 2 | 55 secondly 'densification', including 'spot densification', of existing urban space through redevelopment of brownfield and in-fill sites for residential use at medium to high densities. The research reported here focuses on policies that have an affect on the latter of these two forms of consolidation, that is, the densification of existing urban space.
Strategies in the Past. Following the revival of inner-city urban consolidation, compact city themes were becoming a major part of strategy and policy. At the end of the last century in inner areas, with increasing scarcity of available land for residential growth, large disused industrial brownfield areas (for example: Jackson’s Landing and the Victoria Park study area) were identified as possible future developments. This section briefly describes the strategies and urban consolidation policies of the NSW Government regarding urban consolidation which have been developed and applied since 1980 and their implications for housing in inner areas. Fuller accounts are provided elsewhere (Bunker et al., 2002; Searle, 2004b).
In the Cities for the 21st Century (1994) strategy, in addition to urban consolidation, efficiency, equity and environmental sustainability were basic goals. Themes from the past documents of the Integrated Transport Strategy (Department of Transport, 1993, 1995) Sydney's Future (Department of Planning, 1993) and 1988 Strategy were continued in this strategy. Like the 1988 strategy, the Cities Strategy had a target for multi-unit housing (65 per cent of total housing) and for greenfields housing density (15 dwellings per hectare). While the Cities strategy identifies surplus non-residential sites for multi-unit housing, it does not define the boundaries of future urban development.
The UN's Brundtland report had been influential in the introduction of ESD concerns into planning around the world since the time of the previous Sydney metropolitan strategy (1988). Following this, the ESD approach is held to include the triple bottom line integration of environmental, economic and social considerations, and fostering economic growth and economic systems which are resilient in the face of change. Thus the Cities Strategy seems to merge ESD with economic development under the broader notion of ‘sustainability'. A discussion is also evident in the Strategy on ecologically sustainable development and, more generally, the preservation of the natural environment.
The fundamental message in the Strategy is closely related to environmental sustainability: that of the compact city. In response to a focus group finding, the “spacious urban environment'' was considered one of the most special features of the
Chapter 2 | 56 region and the acknowledgment that detached housing is still the goal of most households. The arguments made in favour of compact developments were (cited in Searle, 2004b:380):
First, higher density development is highlighted with very positive quality especially that of being “vibrant”.
Next, positive equity and environmental outcomes from more compact development are stressed, particularly those resulting from better use of public transport.
Finally, the arguments for a more compact city are made by critically indicating that infrastructure and service provision cost savings will result.
The Strategy, although stressing that a high standard of urban design is vital to achieving its major goals, puts forward no proposals to address the issue of ‘poor design’, as much of new higher density housing’s inferior design was becoming a major issue when the Strategy was being prepared. Such was the case that architectural critic Elizabeth Farrelly in a newspaper column (SMH, 1993) frustratingly predicted the re-emergence of 1960s-style concrete blocks whose first two storeys would be ‘dead’ car parking space and would not be able to revitalise street activities in a former industrial inner area development of Pyrmont-Ultimo (cited in Searle & Byrne, 2002). It was almost a decade later, in 2002, that this was addressed by a NSW government building design code (SEPP 65), where car garages in front of unit blocks were to be underground or be screened from main roads.
Next the Shaping our Cities Strategy (1999) had emphasised the need for ‘good urban design’ to be part of consolidation strategies and urban development generally, setting out the basic principles to be followed. This reflected rising public concern about the quality of recent higher density housing. The promotion of good urban design is now seen as part of the creation of the ‘lively’ neighbourhoods which the 1995 strategy assumed would follow naturally from urban compaction.
The compact city discourse here remains predominant. The key principle of compacting cities is continued from the previous strategy but is asserted rather than argued despite a vigorous community debate on this. As stated in the strategy (cited in Searle & Byrne, 2002:382):
Chapter 2 | 57 To accommodate new homes, the choice between low density or more compact cities is clear. Rapidly expanding urban areas will have dire environmental, social and financial consequences....
Moreover, the virtues of compact cities are excessively elaborated and asserted to be “critical” to improving air quality. A compact city strategy is seen as reducing the “dire” environmental impacts that come from rapid urban expansion. A healthy environment is purported to be an important competitive advantage for the region. And unless car use is moderated, air quality will deteriorate as will equity of access and road congestion.
With Sydney being selected for the 2000 Olympic Games the idea of integrating environmental and economic objectives was seen as advantageous. Accordingly noted,
...environmental quality was critical in Sydney being selected for the 2000 Olympic Games. This setting is unique and important in attracting international commerce and tourism.... A high quality urban and natural environment improves the attractiveness for business investment and tourism. (Searle & Byrne, 2002:382)
At one point the two discourses are presented as mutually supportive: not only is a healthy environment claimed to have a competitive advantage but, equally, a strong economy is needed to actively protect and enhance the environment.
In housing it is clear that the government will lead this association by quantifying local priorities and identifying local options, and requiring local councils to introduce potentially contentious plans and controls to increase choice (in regard to higher density) and affordability. But again it moved aside the strong local opposition to urban consolidation via State directives in rhetorical fashion under “key planning principles'':
... we will continue to build partnerships to provide greater strategic direction in order to mesh metropolitan aims with local aspirations and circumstances... (cited in Searle & Byrne, 2002:382).
In the Shaping our Cities (1999) strategy, the compact city discourse in turn interconnects the ESD discourse and equity statements to underpin another planning discourse, that of public transport. This intersection of discourses produces a document in which a lot of the strategies are mutually supportive, strengthening its legitimacy and
Chapter 2 | 58 persuasive power. Over and over again Searle (2002: 384) observes that: ‘Nevertheless the discourses are just that, and there is little attempt to seriously justify their basic premises’. The most striking difference between these strategies (as well as in 2005) and its predecessor is the way its text, structure and visual presentation are used to promote it and existing achievements of the government. The visual dimension of the Strategy was especially noteworthy. Like the Strategy structure, it was intended to allow a wide audience to be reached, especially as the Strategy was made available via the Internet. However, Searle notes that instead of closely argued identification of issues and matching strategies and actions embedded in key discussions, the document makes much greater use of rhetoric, to declare rather than argue, and relies much more on visual cues to get its message across.
The compact city discussions at the centre of both strategies were reflected in a range of state government policies and actions to intensify urban consolidation (Randolph, 2006a). In the lead up to the 1994 strategy the government had promulgated state policies (see later section) requiring the rezoning of most residential areas to allow town houses and villa houses, and requiring councils to rezone obsolete industrial areas for medium and high density housing. The government also set up a development corporation and a planning framework to achieve major urban consolidation in the old industrial area of Pyrmont-Ultimo. New housing subdivisions were required to increase their density from the previous 10 dwellings/hectare to 15 per hectare. The NSW government continued this push, initiating Sydney's largest urban consolidation project in South Sydney using a new development corporation and its Landcom agency as major developer. Importantly, planning control of remaining significant consolidation development sites on the harbour and Parramatta River was taken away from councils.
Large-scale, fast-tracked consolidation has also been pursued by the NSW government on urban brownfield sites with the assistance of special-purpose development corporations empowered to oversee the redevelopment of former industrial land. Ultimo-Pyrmont, immediately west of the CBD, has been redeveloped at high density drawing on generous funding from the federal government’s Building Better Cities Scheme over the course of the 1990s, under the auspices of the City West Development Corporation (McGuirk & O'Neill, 2002). The Better Cities program ran from 1991 to 1996 as an example of direct federal intervention in urban policy. It aimed to develop a series of projects to demonstrate ‘how higher-density, planned
Chapter 2 | 59 urban development integrating housing, services and employment will help the three aims of economic efficiency, environmental sustainability and social justice’.
Similarly, high-density redevelopment at Green Square, close to Sydney airport, and proximate to the Victoria Park research site, is being driven by the South Sydney Development Corporation. Such projects have served multiple purposes and have been comprehensively attuned to both the ideological and the pragmatic settings of the contemporary public policy paradigm. They have enabled progress towards urban consolidation goals while also realising substantial profits for State governments via private-sector-led redevelopment of public land. City West Development Corporation has again been involved in providing affordable housing in a section of the Victoria Park master plan. However, since this study is not focused on any form of subsidised housing, it is not elaborated further.
The prominent ESD discussion in both strategies was only partially reflected in ongoing planning priorities and actions. Since the early 1990s each NSW government has seen its urban consolidation policies as the main instrument of ESD, principally via reduced air pollution resulting from assumed lower car use associated with consolidation. The main ESD planning achievement over this period was the remediation of a contaminated industrial area for the main 2000 Olympic Games facilities, which incorporated solar power and water re-use, and rehabilitation of adjacent remnant woodland. Five years after the 1999 strategy, the government introduced a requirement for new housing to meet a minimum rating in water and energy use.
However, only very recently, forms other than detached dwellings were required to follow BASIX – the Building Sustainability Index. The Sustainability Unit is responsible for SEPP 65 and also delivers the BASIX. From October 2005, a BASIX Certificate was required as a part of a development application for any residential flat building in NSW (NSW Department of Planning, 2008b; NSW Legislation, 2008).
City of Cities Metropolitan Strategy (2005), NSW Metropolitan Strategy indicates that over two-thirds of future residential developments would be in existing areas.
Extensive greenfield development has been avoided by developing under-utilised sites in the existing urban area in the current strategy. To minimise Sydney’s urban footprint the Metro strategy determines that only 30 to 40 per cent of new housing will be provided in greenfield areas over the next 25 to 30 years. The remaining 60 to 70 per
Chapter 2 | 60 cent (420,000 dwellings) will be in Sydney’s existing areas. These are to be targeted at existing town centres and higher density transit corridors.
However, any reference to words likes ‘densification’ or ‘compaction’ has been cautiously avoided in the NSW Metropolitan Strategy, but is outlined as a ‘Plan for increased housing capacity target in existing areas’ which is in reality a form of urban consolidation. In line with earlier (since 80s) policies and strategies, regarding increasing dwellings in Sydney, the strategy is aimed at the consolidation of existing areas.
Figure 2.2.4: Top. The Sydney Opera House highlighted in the cover of current strategy for Sydney, City of Cities Metropolitan Strategy. Bottom. 420,000 dwellings will be in Sydney’s existing areas. These numbers are to be targeted at existing town centres and higher density transit corridors. Source: Department of Planning, 2005
Location of new dwellings. Since 2000, around 75 per cent of new dwellings have been built in established areas of Sydney while 25 per cent were in new greenfield areas (Department of Planning, 2005a). In the past five years, 43 per cent of new dwellings in existing areas have been in locations with easy access to public transport.
Chapter 2 | 61 In another estimate, it is reported that by 2013 forecasts, 190,000 new dwellings will be built in existing areas (Figure 2.6) under current planning controls. Regions surrounding the case study location (South Sydney, East, Inner West, and Sydney City) will have approximately 50% of new dwellings. By 2013 Sydney City is further expected to house a large portion (31,380) of new dwellings, almost as much as low density outer region of West Central (35,900). Until 2004 Sydney City had seen a 71% increase in dwellings. By 2013 the increase is expected to be another 41% while the majority of areas will have only 8-24% change. There is thus going to be colossal change in the physical capacity and nature of the city area.
It is expected that Sydney City and other inner areas are to accommodate large portions of the new dwellings in rezoned industrial areas. Over the years, it should be noted, inner Sydney’s traditional industrial activity has been diminishing.
There is also continuing pressure for conversion of land for residential development. In 1971, Sydney's central industrial area was home to 42 percent of the region's manufacturing jobs; by 2001, the share had dropped to 17 percent. The amount of land zoned for industry has reduced, with space converted to warehousing, distribution and commercial uses and residential development.
This indicates that existing areas will have diminishing capacity to accommodate the new dwellings over the years. If this trend continues there is a likely possibility that most of the brownfield sites will be targeted to house Sydney’s growing population. This research, therefore, concentrates on a residential development in this part of the inner city where future developments are likely to take place.
The Victoria Park (study area) in Zetland, a brownfield development, was developed on a derelict industrial lot of inner Sydney. Located adjacent to a major thoroughfare, South Dowling Highway, it has easy access to bus and train routes. Other adjacent inner suburbs of Waterloo, Rosebery and Marrickville which have areas with a similar industrial past as Zetland and with easy access to public transport route have potential to be developed as new residential sites.
Chapter 2 | 62 Figure 2.2.5: Existing housing density in Sydney city. Map showing dwelling density. Areas closer to the CBD, in the darker colour have higher density. Zetland and Green Square, in lighter shade, at the bottom have much lower housing density. Source: Department of Planning 2005.
Chapter 2 | 63 Figure 2.2.6: Existing housing density and future trends in Sydney city. Top. Future trend of dwellings in Sydney in 2013. Bottom Increase in the existing dwelling number from 1994 – 2004. Source: Department of Planning 2005.
Another public project in Zetland, the Green Square urban renewal area, was among the major redevelopment or renewal sites identified in the plan. Identifying the areas, the plan states that these sites have the potential to accommodate a share of planned growth in dwellings and will have a strong influence on the future of the subregion (Department of Planning, 2005b, 2005d; DOP, 2005, p. 78). It added that these areas will,
...continue to provide a mix of housing types towards 2031, especially in centres with good accessibility, which can support higher–density forms of residential development, to suit the changing demographics of the subregion (Department of Planning, 2005b: 82).
However, unlike Victoria Park it was envisaged as a mixed use high-density development. It was observed in the brief that from the outset the Green Square project was to be a high density development. This research, therefore, contends that the high density high-rise solutions for areas near the CBD may not be appropriate for areas which are further away, if we take into account the socio-demographic factors, issues
Chapter 2 | 64 of liveability and lifestyles. The design ideas practiced in these ambitious projects with large public land can be repeated to some extent since the area has a mix of both public and private sites. It is therefore very important how these residential projects are received by the public (users) which can act as an example for private developers in building future residential projects.
Enhancing liveability. In a noticeable departure from previous plans the current strategy had ‘enhancing liveability’ as one its six aims. As argued, it is possibly influenced by current discourses on the connection between city development and societal issues. The plan states:
Enhance Sydney’s liveability, by ensuring a diverse choice of housing for an ageing and changing population, close to services, while protecting the character of our suburbs and communities (Department of Planning, 2005d: 3).
However, in the separate housing section of the strategy no such description or detail was laid out for ‘enhancing the liveability’ of higher density housing in inner areas. Similar to the observations made by Dovey et al. (2005) in reference to the strategy for Melbourne, ‘protection of character’ which is strongly related to the social dimensions of ‘character’ and place identity, still seems to be ambiguous.
According to the Housing section of the plan in addition to protecting the region’s resource lands, some of the benefits of locating new ‘dwellings in existing areas’ (code words for consolidation) are (Department of Planning, 2005c: 130):
Strengthen the local economy Optimise use of services and infrastructure More sustainable transport Allow for multiple uses of facilities Improved local planning More interesting places to live Improved design quality Improved housing mix Healthier environments Preserving the character of some places.
It is encouraging to observe that the latter six of the above benefits are connected to liveability. It is stated that by improving design quality new buildings can make a constructive contribution to public areas, and assist the development of pedestrian
Chapter 2 | 65 friendly streets connecting to open space. This is also being practiced in the study area of Victoria Park.
It continues with existing initiatives to improve the design of higher density housing to be extended to lower density housing, including the development of design quality criteria (Searle, 2006). Consolidation has been promoted as having the potential to address some wider urban problems including reducing the use of cars and increasing access to employment. The impact of Sydney’s ‘global arc’ economic corridor plan which runs over the area of Victoria Park and other residential areas has not been elaborated.
Community feedback. Given the rising concern with consolidation, the current strategy places greater importance on public feedback - unlike previous strategies. Instead of brushing aside the strong local opposition to urban consolidation as seen in previous plans it makes an effort to harmonise popular sentiments. Craig Knowles (2004), when Minister for Infrastructure & Planning Minister for Natural Resources reasserted the importance of feedback,
A plan for Sydney is not one plan, it’s a rolling series of actions and decisions that reinforce what the community has been telling us.
In late 2004, around 1000 people from across the Sydney and the Central Coast, Lower Hunter and Illawarra regions took part in a series of forums on the Metropolitan Strategy. They were asked to discuss what they valued most about where they live, to identify things which will make Sydney an even better place to live over the next 25 years and to say what they wanted Sydney or their region to be like in 25 years.
Among the issues three emerged to be the most important in the following order,
• Natural environment, • Urban planning, • Public transport.
The natural environment was the vital theme that emerged at every forum. Different people had various ideas, depending on which part of Sydney they live in. At the North and South forums, people talked about green space, local bushland and access to national parks. People from the East forum related to Centennial Park, Royal Botanic Gardens, to smaller local parks, open space and the harbour foreshore and beaches.
Chapter 2 | 66 People talked about protecting, preserving and having access to the natural environment. People identified strongly with their local environment — beaches, parks, bushland, waterways and reserves. Unsure about future generations one of them remarked,
“Any further deterioration of the natural environment will lead to Sydney losing the qualities that make it the attractive and liveable place that it is today.” (Department of Planning, 2005d: 17)
Lack of open space and overall liveability in future (sustainability) were the issues with utmost importance for people participating in the forum.
A dilemma seems to be presented where there is push for higher density from sustainability issues of growth which would signify loss of open spaces while, on the other hand, a majority of Sydney residents tend to prefer more open green spaces. These issues can be tackled to some extent only in inner city edges where disused industrial and other brownfield land are available.
Figure 2.2.7: Vertical villages in the city, a feature in a local daily on the recent surge in the development of higher density apartments in Sydney. In areas close to the CBD high-rises vary from 8 storeys to 75 storeys high. Close to the study area the apartments in Redfern, Surry Hills and Kings Cross are 14- 19 storeys high. Source: Sydney Morning Herald, 2003.
Chapter 2 | 67 Policy background. In 1980 in a review of existing multi-unit development in Sydney, the NSW Department of Environment and Planning began to examine other ways of increasing the densities of existing suburban areas. Subsequently broad-brush densification policies like the Sydney Regional Environmental Plans (REP) focusing on dual occupancy were developed (Bunker et al., 2002). In early stages, these did not bring about the required result of a marked increase in the density of development of existing areas. Later, the NSW Government created a broad-based Draft State Environmental Planning Policy (SEPP) permitting general medium density housing in all residential areas. This faced strong local opposition and instead, in 1982, a target of 12,000 medium density dwellings to be constructed across Sydney was set. Following on from this, a policy was published to include medium density housing for the aged and disabled in all residential zones (with some exceptions) through SEPP No. 5 in 1982; reduction of minimum lot sizes and introduction of integrated housing' (SEPP No. 25 of 1987); and improved and more flexible conditions under which dual occupancy could take place (REP No. 12 in 1987) (Bunker et al., 2002). Another State Environmental Planning Policy (SEPP No. 28 of 1989) enabled townhouses and villa houses to be built in all residential and special use zones. Councils were also given flexibility to apply to the Minister for exemptions from SEPP No. 12 and No. 25 if their Local Environmental and Development Control Plans contained provisions consistent with the government's urban consolidation policy.
From 1993 onwards there has been an even wider variety of responses to the densification of the city. There has been a greater mixture of policy assistance coming from the state level with a number of design control guidelines. Importantly, this phase has seen a more prescriptive approach to the location of higher density forms with the explicit promotion of development around key transport nodes and urban centres.
In 1995, the State Government required local government to prepare Residential Development Strategies (RDSs) to allow additional dwellings of a suitable type to be developed within the existing urban area to minimise sprawl. The objectives and requirements for these strategies were set out in State Environmental Planning Policy SEPP 53: Metropolitan Residential Development (Department of Planning, 2005a). The strategies were required to identify local housing opportunities and to zone land to allow for increased residential development. These strategies have been reflected in land use zones in Local Environmental Plans. These RDSs have been successful by both providing a sufficient amount and appropriate location of supply. In the past five
Chapter 2 | 68 years, 43 per cent of new dwellings in existing areas have been in locations with easy access to public transport.
In 1997, the NSW Department of Urban Affairs and Planning (NSW DUAP) combined all existing consolidation policies into one document published as SEPP No. 53 - Metropolitan Residential Development. This in essence provided for exemption from the whole, or parts, of the policy for councils adopting suitable residential development strategies and supporting local environmental plans.
In 2002 there has been another policy, SEPP No.65, which solely deals with design issues of the higher density residential forms, and is elucidated later in a separate section.
2.2.3. Forms of higher density dwellings Dwelling Characteristics. There is a diverse mix of housing within the Sydney inner city areas, ranging from high rise apartments even within parts of Sydney CBD to terrace houses in Erskineville and Zetland, some warehouse conversions in Surrey Hills and Chippendale and a small number of detached houses in locations such as Beaconsfield and Rosebery. Post war growth saw development in Surrey Hills of public housing and, later, different forms of medium density dwelling in different areas of the inner city. Since the turn of this century areas close to the CBD, (Glebe, Pyrmont, Ultimo) and a little farther away to the south in Zetland and Waterloo, have witnessed the rise of considerable numbers of medium to high density (low-rise to high-rise) residential developments as the population growth gained momentum.
Sydney city (defined as a subregion in the ABS), in comparison to the other subregions, is home to the smallest number of residents, and it is the most densely populated. The subregion comprises the highest proportion of flats and apartments in Greater Sydney, 77 per cent per cent of dwellings, and the smallest proportion of single dwellings, with 2.4 per cent of the remainder, approximately 21 per cent, comprised of semidetached dwellings, such as terraces and town houses (Department of Planning, 2005b).
While the mix of dwelling types in inner city areas (such as separate houses, row/terrace houses, shop top houses, low-rise and high-rise flats/apartments) varies, a common feature of inner city housing is the low proportion of separate houses. On average, 7% of all occupied private dwellings in the five inner city areas were separate houses, compared to 74% for the metropolitan areas as a whole. As well as the development of medium density housing (e.g. medium density houses close to the
Chapter 2 | 69 CBD in Sydney), the on-going competition for land in inner city areas has favoured the development of adjoined dwellings and, increasingly, dwellings in high-rise blocks (ABS, 1996, 1999). Almost two thirds of all dwellings in inner Sydney (64%) were in buildings of four or more storeys high.
Studies have found that currently in Sydney different consolidation policies and strategies over the years resulted in, typically, the following types of dwelling (Bunker et al., 2002):
Dual occupancy. Two independent buildings on a single plot are defined as dual occupancy. The dwellings may be in the form of an extended single house under one roof, two separate dwellings, two new attached dwellings or one dwelling above another. Multiple small lot housing. This refers to separate dwellings each with their own title, built on small lots and arranged in groups. Housing for the aged and disabled (State Environmental Planning Policy, SEPP 5, Housing) is usually arranged as attached dwellings in groups of varying size, and of single, or more rarely two-storey construction. Townhouses and villa homes. Villas are generally single storey, and townhouses usually of two or three storeys. These forms are self-contained dwellings with open space, attached to one another in groups or in clusters. Flats and units (apartments). These consist of attached dwellings in various configurations of height and number within an individual building.
All these can be referred to as medium density housing (Judd & Dean, 1983), although the latter types are often regarded as 'high density'. Depending on the height of the forms the latter forms (low-rise or high-rise) are classified as high density or medium density. These forms have been to some extent prevailing in Sydney long before the consolidation policies. For the purposes of this study, the terms medium and high density housing interchangeably refer to all the five forms of dwelling listed above. However, the forms of Victoria Park are referred to as medium-high or higher density forms, since it has a varied mix of low-rise to high-rise forms.
Chapter 2 | 70 Figure 2.2.8: Selected dwelling forms of Inner Sydney. Source: Rashid, 2007. Top. Terraces varying in style and detail - a recognisable earliest dwelling form of inner areas. Divided by partition walls the individual dwellings interact with the street and create a ‘neighbourhood character’. Middle. Medium density walk-ups of 60s-70s, another noticeable dwelling form of Sydney’s inner area, lack the quality & sensitivity of connectivity with the street shown by the terraces. The banal forms/facades do not correspond to any orientation. Here in one example the inner court is entirely given to paved parking ignoring demands for outdoor green areas. Normally the street level is either blocked by garages or does not interact with street. Bottom. Continuous stretch of facade of repetitive elements of current higher density high-rise forms fails to respond to the neighbourhood and street.
Chapter 2 | 71 2.2.4. Uplifting ‘good design’ through legislation Over the ten-year period 1986 to 1996, the majority of the development in Sydney's inner area was in units in buildings above four stories (ABS 1996). The NSW State Government’s urban consolidation policies have generated a dramatic increase in the development of medium and high-rise apartment buildings in Sydney.
Consolidation policies in the past, however innovative, could not ameliorate the mediocre level of higher density housing solutions especially in the inner areas. Such was the level of ‘ugly flat syndrome’ (AAP & SMH, 2002; Delaney, 2002) prevailing for more than a decade, that the Premier of NSW criticized the development industry for its ‘degrading’ of residential apartment developments – labelled ‘brick shoeboxes’, and commissioned the government’s Urban Design Advisory Committee to carry out a design review (Searle, 2007: 10).
A debate was also held on residential flat design issues in March 2000, based on the Premiers initiative, which brought together more than 200 planners, architects, developers, builders and local government officials in a single forum (NSW DIPNR, 2004). Based on this forum the government’s Urban Design Advisory Committee recommended the following four specific actions which were subsequently taken up by the NSW Government. These were:
• A new State Environmental Planning Policy which, among other things, ensures that only designers with the proper experience and qualifications are able to design these particular buildings; • Design Pattern book which acts as a tool to show developers and designers examples of better designed flat buildings; • A comprehensive Model Code that gives clear advice and assistance on how to design the key elements of better designed flats and • The establishment of new Design Review Panels to support councils in the development approvals process.
Then NSW Premier Bob Carr maintained that the objective was also to improve overall liveability,
It shows how some very simple design principles can not only greatly improve the appearance of buildings but, more importantly, make them better places to live (AAP & SMH, 2002).
Chapter 2 | 72 The result was new legislation in 2002 in the form of the Special Environmental Planning Policy (State Environmental Planning Policy No. 65 (NSW Legislation, 2008).
During the assessment of any Development Application, the SEPP specifies three matters which are to be obliged:
• the ten design quality principles contained within the SEPP; • the Residential Flat Design Code; and • advice received from a 'Design Review Panel'.
Accordingly any application to which this SEPP applies must include detailed information specifying how the application meets both the design quality principles and the Residential Flat Design Code. Within social dimensions and housing affordability, virtues of good design are noted in conjunction to social issues,
Good design responds to the social context and needs of the local community in terms of lifestyles, affordability, and access to social facilities (NSW Legislation, 2008).
The ten Design Quality of Residential Flat Buildings, solely aimed at improving the design quality of low-rise, medium-rise and high-rise buildings are,
Context, Scale, Built form, Density, Resources, Energy and water efficiency, Landscape, Amenity, Safety and security, Social dimensions and Housing affordability, Aesthetics.
Interestingly, the environmental sustainability and design issues are considered to be linked (NSW Department of Planning, 2008b; NSW Legislation, 2008), which is one of major hypotheses of this research. For example, BASIX recognises good cross ventilation for an individual dwelling with a quantitative reduction in estimated cooling loads and therefore greenhouse gas emissions. Simultaneously, cross ventilation may continue to be required for the purpose of ‘Amenity’ under SEPP 65. Similarly, good orientation for daylight access may also be required, and may continue to be required for the purpose of ‘Amenity’ under SEPP 65.
These are issues (with the exception of social issues) that architects, in theory at least, normally consider when designing any building. Therefore, the legislation required that qualified designers be engaged to design, or direct the design of, all residential flat development above three stories. A key element of SEPP 65 is the establishment of Design Review Panels, which may be established for a region or for one or more local
Chapter 2 | 73 government area. Each Panel consisted of up to five people, with expertise in architecture, urban design, environmental planning, and landscape architecture. The Regulation also requires a statement of environmental effects accompanying a development application for residential flat development.
A Residential Flat Design Code was issued as a resource tool to assist councils, planners, developers and architects to improve apartment design. The Design Code sets broad parameters for good flat design by illustrating the use of development controls and consistent guidelines. Aspects of local context, site and building design are covered in the Design Codes. The Design Code document description maintains that the codes endorse a ‘place-based approach’, by providing guidance in defining suitable building types and designing place-specific building envelopes, development controls and guidelines.
This document concentrates on residential flat development in relation to three different scales:
Local context, Site, and Building.
A Residential Flat Design Pattern Book was published in 2001 illustrating ten case studies of best practice in Sydney, and presenting principles for good design for three typical apartment types (NSW Department of Planning, 2008a). The pattern book presents a range of built and virtual examples of well designed (selected) residential apartment buildings and by describing the positive contribution each makes to its urban context. A helpful resource book, its objective was to provide base-level information of good quality design that was accessible to the community of the building industry, to regulators and councils and designers. The higher density designs similar to the Victoria Park Study Area designs were also exemplified as ‘good designs’ in the pattern book.
Later in 2004 another publication Improving Flat Design: a progress report (NSW DIPNR, 2004), was produced to review the quality of residential developments that have occurred mostly in Sydney inner areas and its surroundings. It studies 20 built projects since the Premier issued his challenge over designs of apartments in 2000 that demonstrate a visually observed improvement in design quality. Two designs from Victoria Park were illustrated as ‘good examples’ of perimeter block development set around an internal court in a master planned redevelopment area.
Chapter 2 | 74 Figure 2.2.9: Resources by NSW Department of Planning illustrating good design practices. Top image. Residential Flat Design Code (2002), Resource tools for improving the design of residential flat buildings. Middle image. The Residential Flat Design Pattern Book published in 2001 illustrates ten case studies of best practice. Bottom image. Improving Flat Design: a progress report in 2004, reviews the quality of residential developments that have occurred since the Premier issued his challenge over designs of apartments in 2000. Source: NSW Department of Planning, 2001, 2004
Chapter 2 | 75 Figure 2.2.10: Pages from Improving Flat Design: a progress report. Among 20 projects featured, two low-rise designs (Centric and Nova) from the study area are illustrated as examples of ‘good design’. Source: NSW Department of Planning, 2008
Chapter 2 | 76 In other words this Residential Flat Design Code (2002) booklet - through built examples - promotes the effectiveness of SEPP 65 and associated resources. Without conforming to any particular style or design, various aspects of design, surface articulation, built form and sensitivity to context have been indicated. The majority of the aspects shown are also applicable for the designs of Victoria Park. These are (NSW DIPNR, 2004: 1- 48):
• Form and block design
Block edge built form gives good street definition. Perimeter building form defines the central courtyard. The massing and strong horizontality of the apartment block provide a strong sense of enclosure. ‘Perimeter edge’ provides good street definition. Defined corner helps to modulate form. Provides a range of apartment types and sizes. Variety in roof forms Distinct top, middle and base with contrasting forms (for higher forms).
• Street level treatments
Good street definition where facade follows street alignment. Good definition of street edge also enables passive surveillance from retail premises at street level and from the first floor screened terrace. Human scale at pedestrian level is enhanced by setting tower elements back behind a low rise form. Multiple entries ensure only a small number of apartments per lobby (for lower forms). Ground level apartments are raised half a level above street level to enhance privacy but still provide visual passive surveillance. Retaining existing trees enhance privacy and outlook of apartments as well as creating a beautiful park-like streetscape and noise buffer. Mixed uses with retail at street level. Good definition of street edge also enables passive surveillance from retail premises at street level.
• Orientation
Cross-ventilation of apartments.
Chapter 2 | 77 Orientation to optimise solar penetration. Facades respond to orientation, setting and context. West facing sunscreens add amenity, contribute to identity, and shield against over-heating.
• Facade and fenestration
A range of complementary colours / materials helps provide definition and form to facades. Use of colour accents on structural party walls adds visual interest. Facades with strong formal lines and sleek materials enhance streetscape. Louvers provide excellent solar control to apartments whilst still providing outlook. Materials include bricks, clear and opaque glass and metal cladding which provide detail to the facade.
• Balcony design and material
Adjustable sliding louvered panels and balcony balustrade design allow for all-weather utilisation of balconies. Balconies provided with sliding louvered screens for sun protection and offer an alternative apartment style. Balconies provide both recessed and a projecting form which allows for weather protection as well as facade interest. Recessed balconies provide enhanced privacy and weather protection and sliding louvered screens enhance useability. Deep recessed balconies provide residents with enhanced privacy and more useable outside area. Recessed and projecting balconies give variety and modulation to the facades. Variety in balustrades: solid, grilles and glazed. Balcony balustrades of clear glass maximise views.
• Courtyard design
Dramatic landscape elements and planting schemes provide a pleasant courtyard environment for residents. Courtyard entirely located on ‘deep soil’ zone and provided with pergolas, water features, native and exotic planting.
Chapter 2 | 78 By locating parking under buildings in a ‘donut’ shape, the courtyard can provide deep soil to allow for substantial trees.
• Car Parking
Concealed car parking below courtyards. Semi-basement parking (for high-rises) without mechanical ventilation. Discreet car parking entry off side streets.
Even though the intention was to raise the minimum standards, these attempts were prescriptive (formalistic, concentrated more on individual building outlook) in their approach and were done from the perspective of expert designers based on the assumptions that these would be accepted widely and would benefit the users. With the exception of some of the street level formal qualities, Urban Design aspects of access to open spaces and greenery - integral to form design, especially in those of master planned settlements similar to the study area - were largely overlooked.
In addition there were some concerns that the pattern book would limit the creative ideas of architects; that it could be used as a document to force something to be designed in a negative sense. It might also be used to constrain an established architect or stop a talented young designer because the planners may wield greater control and demand a specific apartment typology ‘by the book’. Ex-NSW Government Architect Chris Johnson who was involved in the publication however argued against that notion and expressed his view regarding creative expression in an interview:
I think we need a certain amount of civic decorum and order and pleasant, well- mannered background for much of the city. Obviously you’ve got to have spark and difference, and there will always be fabulous things on special sites...
...obviously we don’t want it to be used in that way. It’s all about getting some decent creativity and good thinking into the design of our cities and suburbs. This is certainly not intended to say this is the only way; the fabulous one-off designs should and will occur anyway. (Johnson, 2002a)
Initially concerns were raised by some developers regarding the acceptability of non- economic values such as aesthetics, health, or liveability (SMH, 2001, 2002). They mentioned that the extra design work and consultation would raise the cost of apartments. The Urban Taskforce, including Mirvac, Meriton and a few other major
Chapter 2 | 79 developers in the multi-residential development industry, protested about being shut out of the design panels (SMH, 2001, 2002). They asserted:
While an improvement in urban design standards would be a good thing...the extra design work and consultation will make inner city developments a domain of the rich.
However, in the first place, if the pattern language had been generated from users feedback or users’ perspectives it would have made design related approaches more desirable (from the buyers viewpoints) and would have added value to the design efforts. Then, economical viability would not have been an issue. The research reported here, for instance, weighed the importance of these concerns and investigated whether these apartments are considered as good value for money/a good investment as well as relating to affordability issues (see Questionnaire in Appendix 3).
Once issues of built form, architectural design and environmental aspects are taken care of, it is opportune to question the social sustainability of the housing solutions of inner areas after SEPP 65 became effective. More importantly, from a societal point of view, most people opting for more consolidated living seek the urbanity that inner city areas provide (Daly, 1998). Social (socio-psychological) issues need to be addressed for long term liveability (social sustainability) of these designs.
Since the designs in Victoria Park followed and expanded the design ideas laid out in the pattern book this research also provides a societal insight into the impact of physical design guidelines. It investigates the features from the users’ perspectives that have been portrayed as good and positive in addition to the aesthetics. This research therefore attempts to comprehend the nature of inner city living, and the preferences and attitudes of this growing population, to shed light on future dwelling designs in those areas.
2.2.5. Summing up– implications of higher density city living Consolidation seemingly offered a solution to a wide range of pressing urban problems – the high infrastructure costs of low density sprawl, excessive car use, declining housing affordability, lack of housing variety, and serious air and water pollution (Searle, 2006). By the turn of the 20th century the urban consolidation programs had been operating at a significant level for two decades. This led to several academic (Bunker, Holloway, & Randolph, 2005b; Searle, 2004a) assessments of the outcomes of the policies and strategies, particularly concerning the social impacts of urban consolidation. Searle in his article asserts,
Chapter 2 | 80 The scale and density of residential redevelopment have arguable social limits, and there are constraints on the capacity of the urban fabric to accommodate ever-increasing densities (Searle, 2004a: 12).
These concerns are also shared by this research. They have formed the rationale for embarking on this study on an inner area residential development which has evolved as a consequence of urban consolidation. Without compromising liveability aspects, it is arguable whether the growth rate of new dwellings can be maintained sustainably all over Sydney City subregion as determined by the plan.
Then the questions arise, what would be the forms of these new dwellings in which areas? Can the negative effects of higher density forms be neutralised by innovative design ideas in a master plan, building forms and apartment plans? How can ‘good designs’ (surrogating for sustainable design) enhance the liveability of whole settings and not simply concentrate on the forms of housing devoid of setting?
From the outset, in some areas there is a predisposition from the planning point of view that only higher density forms can accommodate the new dwellings in inner areas. If the liveability of new residential areas is under consideration, providing diverse sets of dwellings in terms of only apartment size in high density forms would be myopic. The whole setting of higher density residential areas needs to be part of the plan, not just building forms. Ways and means need to be explored to ensure those higher rise built environments are liveable while providing a varied range of units and facilities. As we have seen the saliency of design issues that have come forth over the years in the planning policies and strategies for densification of the city, is not merely a question of providing certain number or density it becomes an issue of how these are provided through appropriate design. In similar vein Judd, argues that good housing and urban design becomes more critical as housing densities increase,
... in low-density residential environments the landscape dominates and privacy, solar access and on-site parking can more easily be achieved through the low scale and separation of buildings. As density increases, the form and character of buildings is more dominant in the streetscape and solar access, privacy and the increase in vehicle numbers require more sophisticated design solutions. Likewise, the more limited opportunities for landscape require more strategic and careful consideration.(SMH, 2003b)
Chapter 2 | 81 Figure 2.2.11: Effects of density can be reduced skilfully by design. Top left. In Victoria Park a five storeyed form is broken up into two fragments with each having separate surface treatment. In the background the 20 storeyed high-rise is seen. Top right. Distinctive approaches in the designs of high density apartment forms are clearly visible in the streetscapes. Moreover, horizontality is accentuated by design elements. Effects of high density can be counteracted adeptly by design, as seen on the views from Victoria Park. Note the high-rise form at the far end is 20 storeys. Bottom. Whereas, on the lower two street views of an adjacent precinct (with similar density) appear to have very higher density & congested forms even though some of the forms are lower than Victoria Park. Also note the absence of trees which scale and humanise the streetscape.
Chapter 2 | 82 There needs to be much more sensitivity to local circumstances and housing needs in planning for future medium and high-density development (Bunker et al., 2005b). Evidence from Sydney suggests that this process of revitalization is spatially very selective and as a result it is overly simplistic to talk about the inner suburbs as a whole. Within inner city areas there exists a very considerable mix of both land use and building quality. Moreover the socio-economic characteristics of residents and their attitudes towards the issues of preservation, rebuilding and high-rise tend to vary between the different types of residential environments. Consequently no single planning prognosis can exist for all inner suburban areas. Standardisation ‘is fatal because great diversity in age and types of buildings has a direct, explicit connection with diversity of population, diversity of enterprises and diversity of scenes’ (Jacobs, 1964: 225). Very high densities, such as Le Corbusier’s famous scheme for rebuilding inner Paris, and as witnessed in modern day Hong Kong for instance, are sometimes plagued by the issue of a standardised form being repeated over and over again. Beyond this, there is a considerable danger of standardised buildings, of ‘rank upon rank of virtually identical massive elevator apartment houses’ (Jacobs, 1964: 228), generating large purposeless open areas between them.
Much of the necessary local analysis seems based on estimates of physical capacity. However the findings of the research reported in an article show that housing needs and social conditions should inform the setting of targets and selection of locations for intensive renewal. It is also noted that over ambitious targets and zoning changes extrapolate and enlarge concentrations of existing housing sub-markets formed by households in difficult circumstances, and this can aggravate social problems and build the ‘slums of the future’ (Bunker et al., 2005b: 24).
Lifestyle aspirations. As mentioned, there is a tendency in studies to aggregate all of the inner areas as one. In addition to the forms of housing as argued in a previous section, lifestyle aspirations would be somewhat different from people living near core inner areas. The socio-demographic profile is also shown as being different from core areas. There is also a presence of higher numbers of professional and managerial classes in the area of study from that of core areas. This again brings us back to the arguments by Florida (2002) of the rise of the creative class. He argues, we have seen, that companies will go where creative professionals are, and they in turn will settle where they want to live rather than necessarily following the companies. If creativity is an important aspect of urban development, how is it to be understood or positioned with respect to the communities that inhabit the city? Therefore, one approach would
Chapter 2 | 83 be the successful commodification of this class’s need by providing appropriately designed living environments along with other infrastructure that support creativity.
What most studies have overlooked was the issues of good design and liveability coming to the forefront in later strategies and policies, as shown here in the previous sections. Since this research also sees these as core ideas, these issues are further highlighted by going through the lifestyles aspirations of the urbanites.
To date, many studies assume that, in Australia, higher density housing has been perceived as a temporary housing option for most people before they move on to the house in the suburbs or beyond (Randolph, 2006b; Troy, 1996b). However this absolute statement may not be always valid, for instance, for urbanites seeking inner urban lifestyles.
The survey questionnaire developed in this current research has included ‘future preference of area’ (inner location or suburbs) and of ‘built form’ (high-rise low-rise or mid-rise). This should reflect on the general perception that at a certain age or lifecycle stage people move back to the detached house in suburbs. If the conditions are there they may move to a similar form of dwelling. The developers are taking advantage of this psyche by building more child friendly apartments and by focusing on ‘the city as their backyard’. It seems the estate agents are also interpreting works on these social dynamics and so their practices and spoken accounts of these issues are potentially of great value. Certainly the accounts given by agents in Sydney newspapers show a good degree of consistency and sociological awareness.
Variety. It is recommended that higher density developments should include a mix of flats of various sizes and town houses (Randolph, 2006b). Since, it is noted, that to meet the predicted numbers, new smaller households may be planned for. Planners do not seem to have understood that planning for thousands of flats in higher density town centres may well lead to a degree of urban spatial segregation based on lifestyle or life stage that is new for Australian cities (Talen, 2008). The implication is that DINKS (Dual/income, no kids), singles, YUPPIES (young upwardly-mobile professionals or young urban professionals) and ‘empty nesters’ will become concentrated in flats in high density centres, while families are consigned to houses in lower density suburbs. This would be contrary to the prevailing notions about the importance of socially inclusive cities with more balanced communities (Talen, 2008). To avoid this, the plans and strategies could ensure that a range of higher density housing opportunities are delivered that encourage a wider social mix for all household types and needs. This
Chapter 2 | 84 means the inclusion of a substantial proportion of larger affordable family size dwellings in the new higher density stock. If not, then families will be effectively excluded from this form of housing.
However, it is important to note that, simply providing larger apartments and providing facilities indoors would not bring in families. Families with children need a safe residential environment where there are facilities for their children in addition to the needs of schooling and child care facilities. But increasing the attraction of these areas for children also means the provision of appropriate safe space for play and recreation areas—and not just play grounds for pre-schoolers. Over the longer term, children become teenagers. Importantly, the higher density residential developments should consider facilities that cater to their needs too.
Outdoor greenery. Outdoor spaces are limited in core inner areas locations. The severity of the shortage of open areas has been mentioned in several studies (Randolph, 2006a; Searle, 2004a, 2006). Sydney inner city areas have insufficient local open space even with below-peak population levels. For example, the inner Leichhardt municipality in Sydney has 1.66 ha of open space per 1,000 people compared to the standard in the NSW planning act of 2.83 ha per 1,000 (Searle, 2004a). In the major Pyrmont-Ultimo zone of residential redevelopment in Sydney, calculations based on government planning documents indicate that there will be 0.48 ha of local parks and squares per 1,000 residents in 2021. Such data imply that there is a shortage of open space in inner areas, and that new open space needs to be provided with new residential development in those areas.
In the study area which is a large master planned residential development the demand for more open space and local services may be higher and different to core areas. More people and higher residential densities will inevitably create a demand for local open areas in these developments.
Do Australians have to change their attitudes towards open space when they move in new higher density urban centres? Councils will need to plan for appropriate levels of open space which may be difficult unless sites are put aside for such use. It is not just the issue of providing open areas such as public parks; the residential areas need to provide outdoor green space too. And where open space is provided, it may become increasingly contested, for example, between those families with children that may live there, people of different age who need it for socialising and sport, people who want it for peace, quite and relaxation, and those who need space to exercise their dogs.
Chapter 2 | 85 These are the few functions of the outdoors that have been observed in the reconnaissance survey of inner area residential developments, and need to be considered.
Furthermore outdoor spaces can be accommodated in the designs, by the inclusion of internal courtyards and larger balconies. Johnson, as mentioned, argued that people in the very centre may prefer garden-less apartments, while an increasing number are looking to combine a small suburban garden with an urban lifestyle. Apartment designs can fill these needs...
"But I think that if we can change the image of what an apartment is to be more about gardens and outdoor spaces and things, then we get a much different kind of reading by communities about apartments" (Johnson, 2002b).
Moreover, having outdoor space would encourage families with children to relocate to apartments. Outdoor facilities that vary from accommodating pre-schoolers to teenagers are also considered here. This issue of variety in dwelling types has been considered in the Victoria Park designs. Here the range of dwelling types are town houses and one bedroom to three bedroom type apartments, and these are distributed in the different complex types of varying heights. Moreover, here variety is pursued in the form of the design ranging in aesthetics to plan level organisation.
Taking the aspects discussed here into consideration the study therefore makes an effort to elicit from users the extent of suitability and satisfaction derived from the designs of higher density apartments and the overall setting.
Chapter 2 | 86 2.3. Conceptions of ‘good’ urban form, aspects of liveability and sustainable design
The sections which follow are a synthesis of the literature and an attempt to comprehend the context of the study area from master plan level to individual block level including outdoor spaces in courts and parks. However, overall, the perimeter block is always a central theme, appropriately in this research - and everything else is related to and connected to that form, space and its design.
The section on functionalities of urban block and spaces reviews two examples of perimeter blocks from past precedents showing how this typology can be varied to suit different urban contexts and design ideals. This section explores whether and how the prevailing ideas of urban design and urban form are echoed in the design of projects in Victoria Park.
In order to understand the economical dynamics and the transformation of urban models, a careful analysis of the architectural models of the urban block is necessary. Not only does the urban block transform under the influence of changes in socio- cultural and economic contexts, but also the relation between the private space of dwellings and the public domain of the city turns highly relevant. Since stand-alone forms were developed to create more outdoor spaces in opposition to perimeter block forms, spaces created by both of these typologies and their implications are also investigated. Again some of the positive outcomes of the stand alone form schemes, devised by Le Corbusier which found its way into current designs of perimeter blocks, are brought to light and exemplified through a design from Victoria Park.
The next section, qualities of urban residential form and liveability goes through the arguments of contemporary theorists and thinkers on the physical structure of urban form and its liveability. In doing so, this part connects physical design and place- making to societal capital.
The ‘good city’ and ‘good form’ attributes of social, environmental and spatial/formal properties elucidated by many others theorists and thinkers, have found their way into current thinking on sustainability of urban form. On the other hand, all of these ideas of form were inspired from traditional (pre-modern) cities and were adapted for the contemporary city in their current settings. This section specifically focuses on physical
Chapter 2 | 87 aspects of the sustainable design of the block typology promoted by studies and legislative bodies.
The next section focuses on outdoor spaces (courtyard and parks). One of the exclusive features of the Victoria Park design is that all complexes have green inner courtyards and all complexes are in close proximity to the green park spaces. The perimeter blocks of Europe may have similarity of formal quality but the character (greenness) of public and private spaces created here in Australia would be different from dense European examples, given the climatic and socio-cultural variation. There is a perception that Australians have a strong affinity for natural features or greenery and the bush and that is reflected in their lifestyle choices (Department of Planning, 2005d: 17). Therefore, this section looks into the environmental/ecological gain to psycho-social capital from greenery experienced positively by users of urban areas. Finally, the involvement of design in creating outdoor spaces is revisited.
When environmental design approaches put too much emphasis on design, this tends to negate the users. From the outset this final section clarifies the position taken in this research, in that regard.
2.3.1. Functionalities of urban block and spaces Camillo Sitte, an Austrian art historian and architect, a century ago in 1901 commented that the main ornaments of the city are its streets and blocks (Moughtin & Shirley, 2005). According to his observations the most important consideration is not the architectural shape or form of each building but the inherent creative quality of urban space. Notwithstanding, it is the street block above all else which forms the boundaries of public space. The street block is also an interface between the public world of the street and, for instance, the inner life of a courtyard and its surrounding buildings. As shown in the commentary on earlier historical precedents, perimeter development clearly seems a most effective way of arranging buildings in an urban setting - to act as a filter between the public facade and the private activities which are pursued within the block.
Perimeter blocks earlier urban contexts. From antiquity, courts in houses have been in use, both in rural and urban house forms. Various types of courtyard houses in the ancient cities of Mohenjo-Daro, Kahun and Athens, were documented by Schoenauer (2000) in his encyclopaedic work 6,000 years of housing. Moving from ancient times to later times, the following examples from two cities show the transition of types of court use, and characteristics of perimeter block design.
Chapter 2 | 88 Figure 2.3.1: Paris example of courts and urban form. Top. Drawing by Mathie Marien showing the inauguration of Place Royale, one of the oldest planned squares in Pre-Haussmannien Paris. Source: Cameron & Salinger, 1984. Bottom right. The court is now known as Place des Vosges. The courts in surrounding forms are enlivened with greenery and bring light to the inner areas. Source: Cameron & Salinger, 1984. Bottom left. Street character on Rue de Birague. A common feature of French apartments is balconies, with doors that open to a railing with a view of street below. Source: Google Streetview, Google Maps, 2010.
Figure 2.3.2: Aerial views of close knit urban blocks and courts. As seen in the aerial views, the emphasis was on providing a cohesive streetscape and the courts were reduced to function only as light wells. The strong lines of the diagonal grids are highly visible. The public face was more intent on creating a monumental effect. Left. Source: Cameron & Salinger, 1984. Right. Source: Bing Maps, 2010.
Chapter 2 | 89 This section is not an exhaustive review of all possible courtyard and block arrangements prevailing in history but an attempt to provide some of the historic precedents which are prevalent in high density urban settings. A few other precedents can be found elsewhere (Moughtin & Shirley, 2005; Williams, Burton, & Jenks, 2000).
In the 1800s in Paris, in the very close knit urban blocks, the courts were carved more out of necessity than for any social role (Panerai, Castex, Depaule, & Samuels, 2004). Many of these blocks were transformed into a cohesive streetscape following the Napoleonic and Haussmannien interventions from the 1850s, including the creation of triangular grid forms, with the intent of giving a modern image, appropriate to a commercial and cosmopolitan world city. Block level details became secondary to larger global ideas of urban design – including military-civilian functions (ease of surveillability of potentially troublesome citizens). To facilitate natural daylight in the deep buildings, inner courts (more or less functioning as light-wells) as well as ventilation shafts were widely used. Previously, these were small, disproportionate, lacked proper vegetation and were less accessible to the occupants.
...there were no private social relationships in the courtyards and no more hidden or barely tolerated activities. There was no other place in the plot where these activities were tolerated either; the plot had lost its depth and the succession of spaces towards the interior had been truncated (Panerai et al., 2004: 24).
Compared to the traditional, now contemporary, Parisian blocks these blocks had only a reduced multi-functionality. Nonetheless, in the traditional Pre-Haussmannien blocks the dense edge, intimately connected with the street, was understood as a ‘place for exchange and as the presentation space’ – having a vital social function, despite its possibly insalubrious nature.
It was also observed that the block court was then ‘capable of an internal complexity that, without being codified in explicit manner, could be explored’ (Panerai et al., 2004: 25). In the heart of the block, one could find workshops, garages, sheds, gardens, parks, or in some cases a public facility - which may have been a primary school or administrative building. Therefore, in the same block, living quarters, exchange and workplaces and collective facilities were found mixed together. What began to disappear with the Haussmannien block was the interior of the block with its functional properties and the vividness of it articulation. The figures (Figure 2.3.1, 2.3.2) compare the pre-Haussmannien Paris with its hierarchy of form and spaces and the closed
Chapter 2 | 90 tightly knit Haussmannien blocks arising from triangular grids (Cameron & Salinger, 1984).
It was in the perimeter block where densification took place. Much more concentrated than London, Paris was also socially stratified vertically. An apartment building might contain shops and workshops at ground level, over which there would be grand high- ceilinged apartments on the first floor. Living costs fell as one went up in the building, and the ‘variously indigent occupied the roof space, or mansards’ - named after the well-known seventeenth century architect, Francois Mansard, who made popular the two-slope curb-roof that even now dominates the roofline of most French and other European cities (Rykwert, 2004: 77).
In Rotterdam, in a schematic form of a masterplan for the Spangen Polder in 1903, de Jonge put forward the notion of housing development through dense configurations of closed perimeter enclosures with interior stairs and single-floor dwelling units. These housing blocks were uniform, whole blocks that combined to create a monumental effect, as opposed to the Haussmannien Parisian idea of a picturesque, urban landscape. Various architects were commissioned to work in different sections. In 1918, Michiel Brinkman was commissioned to design housing for two blocks in the Spangen Polder in Rotterdam’s north-western fringe. In a radical departure from the typical closed block arrangement, Brinkman envisioned a process of opening the perimeter block, thus providing places of meeting and creating a second overhead street in the form of the gallery - that might bring together the occupants. As an architect Brinkman had provided a powerful design scheme that promoted social change, especially for those in the socialist movement in this city of workers. It was observed that early residents generally applauded the controversial broken perimeter block, and courtyard, elevators, common bath and laundry, individual garbage chutes, shops, central heating plant, front-door delivery of milk and vegetables, and 3,000 foot long gallery. These attributes provided for common, everyday contacts that brought individual residents to acknowledge their social potential in the form of concrete engagement, interdependence, and visibility. However, these designs ignored the traditional notion of direct connection between dwelling and street in the public domain. ‘By turning its back on the street’ – by disengaging from the public street it became in itself an internal miniature city (Lambla, 1998: 6).
Chapter 2 | 91 Figure 2.3.3: Perimeter blocks in Rotterdam. Top. Spangen Polder plan, showing Justus van Effenstraat project on left. In early last century this area of Rotterdam saw the development of urban blocks of monumental proportions taking various shapes. Source: Bing Maps, 2010. Middle. The aerial photo shows the courtyard with white walls of the block. Source: Bing Maps, 2010. Bottom left. On the street, the form does not interact with the public space. The external surface of the block is faced uninterestingly in dark brown brick. Pedestrian entry to court is seen on left. Source: Google Streetview, Google Maps, 2010.
With continuing use over the years in Europe (much later in North America) perimeter block characteristics and the internal court shape, size & scale have been evolving based on their varying social role and environmental functions. Architects have been constantly juggling with different schemes where design and form of blocks play a crucial role in maintaining (or, inadvertently) neglecting connection with the outer public realm and the level of effectiveness of inner private realms. There is indication that this form has an ability to be adaptable over time, corresponding to different socio-political conditions in history. By not conforming to any specific physical order this adaptability makes it more interesting. There is a viewpoint that sees ‘sustainability as process rather than an end state’, and therefore suggests that changes in urban forms should be open for adaptation over time, as more information is gathered, and social, economic and environmental changes occur (Williams et al., 2000: 353).
The pre-industrial traditional cities grew incrementally and, more importantly, unhurriedly as the result of the decisions of individual people, enterprises and local authorities (Frey, 2007: xiii). This gave each new project sufficient time to study its urban context and shape it such that it would be compatible with the existing methodology, construction system, materials, and facades to maintain continuity of
Chapter 2 | 92 urban form and structure. There was time for each block to be specifically designed and detailed to generate architectural and functional variety within continuity. Likewise design and development of the public realm, and some of the most beautiful and popular squares, took hundreds of years to be completed or to be adapted to their present-day form.
Stand-alone forms and segregation of urban activities. The key characteristic of the perimeter block, however, is not its context but rather that it represents a fundamentally different conception of space from stand-alone forms in a large plot, a trend that has prevailed strongly in North America and the Australian urban scene. The sequence of street, edges, courtyards and end of plot that had ordered the old structures and had already been reduced due to Haussmann’s grid in Paris, and in Rotterdam, for example - is finally, purposefully compressed into a block. It was remarked that it ‘... appeared to us as negation of the city and the last metamorphosis of the block’ (Panerai et al., 2004: 121).
One of the most influential models for modern urbanism was the 1942 Athens Charter, issued by the Congrés Internationale des Architects Moderns (CIAM), which laid out specific guidelines for the design of cities. The Athens charter of CIAM provided the basis of much planning in the coming half-century. It declared that any city should be segmented and separated into four basic functions: habitat, work, recreation and circulation (Rykwert, 2004: 175). The perimeter type of development, which integrated several functions, was thus ‘anathema to Le Corbusier, Gropius and the Avant-garde movements in architecture and planning’ (Le Corbusier, 1947; Moughtin & Shirley, 2005: 201).
Le Corbusier had been largely instrumental in laying out the Athens guideline, drawing on ideas he had published earlier (Le Corbusier, 1931). It informed much of the post war European cities and American efforts around 1950s, to rebuild cities for urban renewal. The Athens Charter favoured high-rise apartment towers that gave every resident air, light, and a view outward to the horizon, three qualities that many found lacking in traditional urban streets and buildings. Large dwelling blocks were envisaged, to free up the space for parks and garden. In Le Corbusier’s own words, ‘its presence in the city is a sort of caress, a kindly thing in the midst of our severe creations’ (Le Corbusier, 1947: 237).
Chapter 2 | 93 Figure 2.3.4: Top. Le Corbusier’s idea of a contemporary city. Top. Sketched view showing a large housing scheme, where ‘every window of every room looks onto open space’ Source: Le Corbusier, 1947: 239). Bottom. View of Skyscrapers of CBD and lower forms of residential blocks in the contemporary city scheme. Source: Le Corbusier, 1947: 173. Bottom. Overall view of stand-alone forms of Pruitt-Igoe in St. Louis, USA and its demolition in 1972. The public housing project (1956) was designed by architects George Hellmuth and Minoru Yamasaki. Source: Oscar Newman, 1996: 10-12. Top. The freed up large spaces eventually became ‘lost spaces’ or neutral spaces, since the streets were not enclosed, and the areas in between free standing buildings were neither public nor private. Deemed as an unsuccessful, unliveable project, by users, the forms were eventually demolished in 1972 incurring a loss of 300 million dollars. Source: Oscar Newman, 1996: 10-12.
Chapter 2 | 94 Dwellings lifted up in gigantic forms, on the other hand, disconnected them from the collective realm. The green spaces were meant to be viewed from windows only, without any sort of formal feature of connectivity. The quality of public spaces eventually decreased because the collective green spaces were not understood by the new inhabitants, and were left unused. In most cases the parks were vandalised or proved to be unsafe, since they could only be viewed from far without any intervention. These large spaces eventually became ‘lost spaces’, since the streets were not enclosed, and the areas in-between free standing buildings were neither public nor private (Frey, 1999: 87). Lengthening the distance between dwelling and public realm of the city, by decreasing the density of the neighbourhood and eventually expelling any other economic activity (rejecting multi-functionality, separating functions) was its other inadvertent consequence. The neighbourhoods were not able to transform and provide a public domain and spaces for small-scale economic activity for inhabitants with a variety of backgrounds (Komossa, 2009).
Figure 2.3.5: Architect’s conception of communal corridor and the actual vandalised conditions of Pruitt-Igoe project. Source: Oscar Newman, 1996: 10-12.
Chapter 2 | 95 What had been seen in the more public area was also repeated in internal public domains, inside the buildings, as observed in the case of Pruitt-Igoe. Although this project won its architect a design award, it was soon observed that corridors, lobbies, elevators were not safe to use. They were covered with graffiti and were in filthy condition ‘littered with garbage and human waste’ (O. Newman, 1996: 10). Ultimately, it was imploded. People eventually refused to live there.
This design philosophy was eventually understood as creating more social problems than solving the physical problems of noise, congestion, greenery etc. Such spectacular failures and overall negative impacts of the modernist planning ideals in Europe and North America rekindled interest in traditional forms. Interest in traditional urban forms, especially in perimeter block designs was resurfacing in studies and these were seen as a more sustainable form of dwelling design. Not only in planning, but in architectural detail, where and how forms connect the public sphere, and in the articulation of inner areas, became central elements in contemporary design.
Nevertheless, one should be reminded that Corbusier’s Unité d'Habitation block in Marseille (1945-52) was a singularly distinctive example of multiple-use high-rise dwelling. The typology he created was seen as novel, for its creation of internal streets (elaborate hallways) and accommodation of social and communal functions— kindergartens, medical facilities, and recreational spaces, often at rooftop, as well as for its formal qualities (large pilotis and roofscape) and subtle use of ‘polychromatic colours’ on facades (D. Gans, 2006: 112- 119; Sbriglio, 2004). The idea behind this form was that the users would meet their social needs within the form which was conceived as a small city. Le Corbusier designed several variations of the famous unité d’habitation, many not implementing all of his ideas to the full. The vertical forms were also copied en mass by other architects but without the formal qualities and any obvious understanding of the creative insights that Corbusier instilled in those designs. One of most negative examples of the general typology without integrated functionalities and human focus was Pruitt-Igoe.
However, some of Le Corbusier’s social ideals did not have the intended results, albeit his architectural conceptions were highly admired (Kampen, 2010; Toronto Star, 2010). Currently architects in Australia (as seen in the Victoria Park designs) have reinvented some of his formal ideals without having any visual similarity with Corbusier’s form, such as: using colours in facades, connecting two levels in a single apartment, utilising roof spaces (as penthouse deck), creating interesting roof outlines, using sun shading louvers (brise soleil), etc. Many of these are not just an aesthetic exercise but concern
Chapter 2 | 96 practical functional aspects. These to an extent reflect some of Corbusier’s ideas generated almost 75 years ago.
Similarly in his later designs of dwellings (Villa Shodhan or Villa Sarabai) he sought to integrate natural elements with that of the dwelling form (Menin & Samuel, 2003). In the field of architecture he is revered as one of the master architects of contemporary times. His contribution to architecture in general should not be confounded with his planning ideals, which failed.
Figure 2.3.6: Le Corbusier’s Unité d'Habitation block in Marseille. Top. Activities on roof. Source: Kampen, 2010. Bottom left. Facade and internal layout variations, with brise soleil (louvers for sun shading) and colour variation. Bottom. The width of the linear form was dictated by apartment length, where all the apartments had cross ventilation and natural daylight. Source: essential-architecture.com, 2010.
Chapter 2 | 97 A very contemporary reflection - having a crossover, cross ventilated apartment, is seen as vital in designs nowadays, featuring as a sustainable aspect. The concept of cross ventilation and sun shading louvers is also illustrated as good design features in the Residential Flat Design Pattern Book and Improving Flat Design: a progress report (NSW DIPNR, 2004; NSW DUAP, 2001).
In regard to climatic perspectives, the orientation of the stand alone forms were more appropriate with their long side facing north. Whereas, in perimeter blocks the section facing north (in Australian condition) would be more favourable than the sections facing east or west. However, in the study area, the orientation of the blocks in the master plan and the actual design scheme was considered with solar and natural ventilation in mind. The Victoria Park Master Plan orientates the blocks at an angle to the cardinal axis, where most blocks have two sides facing north, either north-east or north-west.
Planners, even before modernist ideas pushed for social and economic recognition, believed in developing patterns of segregation (of functions) that now frequently characterise contemporary cities. Lewis Mumford argued in the 1950s that the mechanisms largely put into place with the help of planners. Zoning and highways, for example had reduced a city’s capacity to foster its primary function of human exchange – ‘the maximum interplay of capacities and functions’ (Talen, 2008: 9). By disregarding the logic that each system is inter-linked, one feeding into and sustaining the other, separation and segregation were conceived.
Through transportation, land use, zoning, housing, mortgage lending, energy, school finance, and many other types of policies, planners have been notoriously complicit in the sorting of social groups and economic functions (Talen, 2008: 9).
2.3.2. Social attributes of urban dwelling form and liveability Ahead of current arguments on sustainability of urban form, Jane Jacobs discussed in her seminal works the nature of the physical structure of the city where economical innovation and new businesses emerge as opposed to modernist planning notions of separation and segregation. Although her arguments were made to counteract the modernist planning ideals prevailing at that time, they did not make a case or develop a line of reasoning for sustainability issues nor did she make any specific reference to any type of form of urban dwelling (such as perimeter block form). She did clearly favour, short blocks, with many intersecting streets, as well as peopled streets. However, current thinking on the qualities of sustainable urban form from a social
Chapter 2 | 98 perspective happens to coincide with some of her observations. Jacobs (1972) makes a realistic argument in the same way as in her earlier book (Jacobs, 1961): relating to the wisdom of encouraging smallness, variety, and experimentation in cities especially the ‘downtowns’. She eventually connects physical design to societal and economic capital. She argues that,
...the physical arrangements that promote the greatest profusion of duplicate and diverse enterprises serving the population of the city... lead therefore to the greatest opportunities for plentiful division on which new work can potentially arise.... (Jacobs, 1972: 100).
By ‘physical arrangements’ she advocates: vicinity and connectivity, and the mixture of functions like cafés and shops that are used by everybody. High density of users and visitors, short routes and mixture of uses, different types of buildings, big and small, new and old, cheap and expensive also form some of the preconditions for her appropriate physical conditions. In her earlier book (1962) she captures the life of traditional cities, and transported the ideas to contemporary downtown settings,
Under the seeming disorder of the old city, wherever the old city is working successfully, is a marvellous order for maintaining the safety of streets and freedom of the city. It is a complex order (Jacobs, 1962: 50).
Instead of taking the apparent complexity of traditional cities as chaos, she sees the inherent organic order as an order of life, the only kind that can contribute to the actual liveability of neighbourhoods and city (P. Newman & Kenworthy, 1999). In a similar vein, taking cues from historical precedents, contemporary practitioners connected to New Urbanism, smart growth, Liveable Communities and related movements are calling for physical design that explicitly supports diversity (Talen, 2008). Jacobs (1962) made this argument fifty years ago, that two issues are central to maintaining the social capital of any place: diversity at the neighbourhood level; agreeable and easily accessible settings for casual public contact. She stresses that by including sidewalks, public spaces, and neighbourhood stores, intricate webs of human relationships build up over time and provide mutual support in time of need, ensure the safety of the streets, and promote a sense of civic responsibility.
By the 1960s and 1970s dissatisfaction within Modernism led to more nuanced but also diverse humanistic approaches, drawing on work by Kevin Lynch and Christopher Alexander (Alexander, Ishikawa, & Silverstein, 1977; Lynch, 1960). This was part of a wave of work that looked at how cities actually functioned, that examined how residents
Chapter 2 | 99 actually experienced the city, and that included such influential analyses as that of Jane Jacobs.
Lynch's argument in his short but relatively complex work Image of the City, based on studies of middle-class professionals in the downtown areas of Los Angeles, Boston and Jersey City, is that, it is possible to identify a public or shared image of an environment, and that some environments are more legible to the general public than others and ‘can be recognized and can be organized into a coherent pattern’ (Lynch, 1960: 2-3, 9-10).
Lynch emphasizes that legible environments ‘allow for new experiences over time’, are easier to get around, easier to invest with meaning’, will seem ‘well formed, distinct, remarkable’, and will be valued by people in the neighbourhood and outsiders alike (Lynch, 1960: 10). Lynch designates the elements in a city providing this sense of legibility as paths (along which the observer customarily, occasionally or potentially moves), edges (linear elements not used or considered as paths), districts (medium-to- large sections of the city…which the observer mentally enters 'inside of', and which are recognizable as having some common identifying character), nodes (strategic spots that one can enter into, junctions, concentrations of activities, cores of districts), and landmarks (a reference point like a node, but where the observer does not enter, that can be physically noticeable, or locally important) (Lynch, 1960, pp. 47-48). He suggests that in order to appeal to different people city designers should strive to provide many of these elements.
In Alexander's view, the pattern languages have broken down in our time and urbanites have lost touch with the deep patterns which are capable of generating ‘life’ in places where they live and work. The patterns are suggested to reflect the network of connections that are so fundamental in nature (Alexander et al., 1977). He calls for certain amounts of densities (mainly medium density) and mixed use development. Among other features one aspect which is relevant for the research reported here was that Alexander suggests a general limit of four storeys for any building (with limited exceptions allowed for non residential buildings). He argues this is due to the apparent psychological effects on people who live and work in tall buildings resulting from the detachment from society that occurs the further away from the ground one lives. Above four storeys one cannot comfortably walk down, call out or otherwise feel a part of the street scene below. This psychological aspect of height was shared by one of the architects in Victoria Park, where he defined the height of buildings in terms of the
Chapter 2 | 100 height of trees. Accordingly, forms which are within the height of tree canopies (approximately 40-50feet) were defined as low-rise.
Many studies and urban regeneration plans now invoke the phrase, ‘there must be eyes on the street’ attributed to Jane Jacobs, to make arguments about the relationship between safety and design (Jacobs, 1962: 32; NSW DIPNR, 2004; Wekerle, 2000). Works by Oscar Newman and others built on Jacobs’ insight into the relationship between urban design and crime (O. Newman, 1972; O. Newman & Center for Urban Policy Research, 1996). They restructured the physical layout of communities to allow residents to control the areas around their homes. This includes the streets and grounds outside their buildings and the lobbies and corridors within them. The program helps people preserve those areas in which they can realise their commonly held values and lifestyles.
Originating in the 1980s, but coming to prominence in the 1990s, the New Urbanist movement of North America and the urban village movement in Europe took advantage of into these professional debates and also popular dissatisfactions with conventional city layouts, proposing a return to the urban designs of the early periods (Bohl, 2000).
With regard to suburban development, it has been criticized for its aesthetics and seen as monotonous, bland and tasteless. Indeed, one book on suburbia written by an architect in the 1960s was straightforwardly titled The Australian Ugliness (Boyd, 1960), reflecting the overall negative aspects of sprawl from an architectural perspective. It was critical of the sprawl and advocated regional planning; and proposed a multifunctional city by making proposals about economic, social and administrative issues, as well as about the physical form of the metropolis. New Urbanist design principles, meanwhile, have been adopted for many housing developments and in the revitalization of inner-city neighbourhoods in American cities (Bohl, 2000). There is still, however, a widespread perception that New Urbanism is a suburban experiment. Nevertheless, in North America, applications of New Urbanism for inner-city revitalization have developed rapidly recently and involve a wide variety of conditions.
... including the replacement or retrofit of public housing projects, brownfield redevelopment efforts, transit-oriented development, and garden-variety urban infill projects of different shapes and sizes (Bohl, 2000: 766).
Some of the specifics of the visions are — mixed use, a return to traditional blocks and streets, more local styles ‘seamlessly linked to their surroundings’, ‘interesting to the
Chapter 2 | 101 pedestrian’, emphasising passive design features of local climate and topography, and on resource efficient ‘natural methods of heating and cooling’ (Congress for the New Urbanism, 2001). Lately, in 2009, in an addition to the 1996 New Urbanism Charter, in Canons of Sustainable Architecture, the same ideals are reiterated. They state,
...sustainable design must be rooted in and evolve from adaptations to local climate, light, flora, fauna, materials and human culture as manifest in indigenous urban, architectural and landscape pattern. (Congress for the New Urbanism, 2009: 2)
Even though there is no straightforward mention of perimeter block development, New Urbanists also advocate the setting configuration of urban blocks, which, combined with a build-to-line requirement, results in perimeter block development (Tiesdell, 2002).
New Urbanist developments often include architecture with modern styles, especially if their context is modern, but the underlying philosophy is of responsiveness to locality and inference from ‘enduring architectural principles and typologies’ rather than new, yet universal design principles (Forsyth & Crewe, 2009; Tiesdell, 2002). In relation to the Victoria Park designs, no attempts were made to transpose elements like a front porch, gable or sloped roof, which are believed (by post-modernists especially) to evoke a home-like quality, or to put up any superficial ornament mimicking past traditional or vernacular forms (in neo-modernist styling). As far as style is concerned, the buildings in the case study setting clearly conform to contemporary modern styles. Since various architects were engaged, variations in visual and functional aspects were achieved.
Importance of place based ideas. Place is a complicated term with many meanings (Talen, 1999; Vanclay, Higgins, & Blackshaw, 2008). However, in dealing with the sense of place it “connotes the myriad values, beliefs, feelings, hopes and fears the human beings attach both individually and collectively to certain settlements, regions, environments and landscapes” (Bullock & Trombley, 1999: 652). Therefore, 'place' denotes an emotional connection which is broad, and includes sensory experiences. Mental mapping or environmental awareness - a related notion - of a sense of place is also promoted by contemporary urbanist form. In other words it helps the users to identify themselves with the physical setting. Jacobs, Lynch and new urbanist have more to say about places communicating specific meanings. Lynch’s ideas are more abstract and based on perception, and New Urbanism valorises local conditions.
Chapter 2 | 102 Lynch’s idea of legibility links the physical place to collective symbols, providing elements that can provide a rich sense of the city, and new urbanists advocate
...urban places should be framed by architecture and landscape design that celebrate local history, climate, ecology, and building practice. (Congress for the New Urbanism, 2001)
Relating such place-based concepts to the Victoria Park precinct, in particular, it is essential to know that it is located in a disused industrial area adjacent to industrial warehouses to the North and South. There was thus a pre-existing setting that could be used as a reference point. Preserving part of a pre-existing racecourse structure, (a Toteliser building) and reutilising it as a Landcom (the land developer) office - can be seen as an attempt to communicate the historical significance of the place. Side by side the history of the area is being narrated by introducing indigenous landscape elements in the park areas.
Thus an attempt to evoke pre-settlement history is done through the master planning and landscaping of the green areas. Early historical descriptions of the Victoria Park and Green Square area (of which it is a part) describe an image of meadows which were considered to be amongst the finest in the world (Johnson & Gerada, 2003). It was suggested that its park-like quality could have arisen from the burning of the area by the Australian Aborigines. This was taken as an inspiration for the development of master plan in Victoria Park,
...what we are trying to do in the swales was pull back the original landscape into the urban development. We used the same plants to create these same meadows. (Johnson & Gerada, 2003: 54)
Moreover, the concept of ecological sustainability is integrated with the place based imagery of the development. As sustainable ecological practice, a collection pond uses wetland species of plants to clean the water before it is recycled across the landscape. These indigenous plants are found in wetlands in and around Sydney’s Botany Bay and in turn attract native fauna. The harvested water is then used in watering the greenery and the water features. It was anticipated that the linkages of public spaces around these will contribute greatly towards a sense of meaning and place in the public domain, by providing physical links for movement as well as links to the natural and past industrial aspects of the area.
Chapter 2 | 103 2.3.3. Sustainable design practices and perimeter block In a similar vein to the ‘good city’ and ‘good form’ attributes of social, environmental and spatial/formal properties elucidated by Alexander, Lynch, Jacobs and many others, but in a much more practical attempt at urban design and architecture, in the book Responsive Environment the perimeter block is taken as an exemplar in most of their exploratory suggestions (Bentley, McGlynn, & Smith, 1985). Here, the issue of permeability, variety and robustness provided by this typology is illustrated comprehensively. However, their main argument was to accommodate socio-political issues and its implication on form,
As a starting point, we are interested in why modern architecture and urban design are so often criticised as inhuman and repressive...the tragedy of modern design, it seems to us, is that designers never made a concerted effort to work out the form implications of their social and political ideals. (Bentley et al., 1985: 9)
In current practices and studies of urban design, the design principles embodied in the perimeter form is progressively being seen as a sustainable approach (Frey, 1999; Moughtin & Shirley, 2005; Thomas, 2003; Williams et al., 2000). Architects also view this form along with its urban design potentials as advantageous for design. In his Finding future urban form article, Joe Holyoak an architect and urban designer and reader at the Birmingham School of Architecture, sees it thus: ‘the answer is sustainable, fine–grained, permeable, mixed use perimeter blocks’ (Holyoak, 1999: 48).
A similar interpretation from a sustainable perspective was made by arguing that it is a sustainable design of urban form,
The conclusions derived from the debate on sustainable development support the idea of small-scale city blocks composed of compatible mixed activities or mixed land uses, surrounded by a perimeter block of two, three or four storeys. Sustainable forms of this type also provide a framework for the development of city vitality but with a friendly human scale; that is, a scale normally associated with the morphology of the traditional European city. (Moughtin & Shirley, 2005: 215).
Earlier studies by Martin and March (1972) have shown that perimeter buildings give the most effective relationship between building volume and usable open space. Moreover, when compared to other forms of housing it was stated that,
Chapter 2 | 104 Perimeter development in street blocks is clearly the effective method of allocating space in a sustainable city. (cited in Moughtin & Shirley, 2005: 202)
The Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment (CABE, 2005) in 2003 undertook a study of housing intensification and sustainable living in London and South-East England. In its literature review section included were research, toolkits, guidance notes and policy statements. It commented that a number of publications drew attention to the value of the perimeter block in the design of intensified schemes, because of its flexibility/adaptability, efficiency and legibility, within a varied urban grain (CABE, 2005: 12). Moreover, a central conclusion of a number of publications was the rediscovery of the importance of the street as the central organising element of urban areas. It was found that strong block structures (e.g. perimeter blocks) result in clearly defined spaces and places between buildings and give spatial continuity to routes connecting surrounding neighbourhoods, centres and established routes, street, place and space patterns - thereby providing a high degree of urban integration. The findings were comparable to an earlier CABE (2001) publication, Better Places to Live, which clearly advocates perimeter block development. Recognizing that perimeter block structures have proved robust over time, the guidance stresses that such a form allows for:
Good connections to the surrounding area; Efficient use of land; Clear demarcation between public and private realms; Legible environment; Good natural surveillance of the street. (CABE/DTLR, 2001: 42; Tiesdell, 2002)
Consequently, many Councils in the UK in their design development guides identify it as a good city form as opposed to the pavilion type form (Communities Scotland, 2004; Wokingham Borough Council, 2008).
Thomas (2003: 19) is his book Sustainable urban design an environmental approach argues that perimeter block by creating ‘active street frontage’ has the potential to be sustainable urban form.
Though not being explicit, the Department of Planning in NSW in their publications, Residential Flat Design Pattern Book and Improving Flat Design included case studies of perimeter block in Sydney inner areas among other examples of good designs (NSW Department of Urban Affairs and Planning, 2001; NSW DIPNR, 2004).
Chapter 2 | 105 Figure 2.3.7: A section (page 12) from Residential Flat Design Code, indicating courtyard apartment (perimeter block) variations. Source: NSW Department of Planning, 2002.
Chapter 2 | 106 The Residential Flat Design Code (2002) document concentrates on residential flat development in relation to three different scales: local context, site, and building. In the section titled building design it refers to the sustainable practice of passive design features as Better Design Practice, which gives,
The ability of the residential flat development to optimise thermal performance, thermal comfort and daylighting will contribute to the energy efficiency of buildings, provide increased amenity to occupants and reduce greenhouse emissions and, with them, the cost of supplying energy. (NSW Department of Planning, 2002: 93)
The Code (2002: 12) in block level illustrates the various configurations of perimeter blocks among other block typologies where it explains the design practices they have promoted can be met by certain conditions of formal configuration (Figure 2.3.7).
In Residential Flat Design Pattern Book and Improving Flat Design the layout, referring to specific examples of perimeter block aspects of layout, orientation, cross ventilation facade/ fenestration, balcony design/material, courtyard design, parking, form, and streetscape, has been illustrated graphically (elaborated in section 2.2.4).
2.3.4. Sustainable design of green open space in higher density setting Australians, historically, have a great enthusiasm for the urban garden, so that principal cities are graced with generous public parks, green belts and reserves (Gleeson & Low, 2000: 2). There is a clear perception that Australians have a strong affinity for natural features or greenery and the bush and that is reflected in their lifestyle choices (Burnley & Murphy, 2004; Salt, 2003). These perceptions complement the fact that a great majority of Australians are still living in detached houses (83% in 2001, ABS 2004). Clearly, there is still an archaic preference for detached houses with their front gardens and back yards (Gleeson, 2005; Troy, 1996; Troy, ANU, & URP, 1991).
It is commonly understood that the main advantage of suburbs over cities is the generous provision of open spaces; but, when ‘usefulness’ is considered, the fewer open spaces which are integral into a higher density neighbourhood design are relatively more ‘appreciated’. In an urban setting (especially in populous inner residential areas) their relative scarcity ensures their intensive use. In detached houses, frequently front yards can be conceived as more or less display spaces – for the fleeting viewing pleasure of people driving past suburban houses. But medium density forms of the 1960s-70s also rarely produced effective shared common space (Burns, 2004). And observation reveals that the shared spaces which are often
Chapter 2 | 107 concreted and barren, around which buildings of this era are generally grouped, have little potential to materialise as social space. Similarly to the detached house model, setbacks from the street also do not foster any effective use. The same conclusion was also arrived at for the stand-alone urban forms of earlier decades, as seen in the previous sections. Since open space is a scarcity in inner areas the question of its effective use becomes paramount. The value of shared green spaces for developing social relationship in urban settings has been referred to in various studies. Contemporary Australian architects are beginning to recognise the importance of integrating green spaces in the design of the private and semi-private spaces in dense urban settings – including courtyards, larger balconies and green roofs (Johnston & Newton, 2004; SMH, 2002a).
Early studies in the 60s and 70s on high-rise, higher density forms tended to focus on social psychological consequences (mostly negative) of these forms, while the effect of the setting itself was largely ignored (Homenuck, 1975; Young & MSJ Keys Young Planners., 1976). The socio-physical urban context, including the design impact of outdoor spaces and lifestyle choice implications was overlooked in the evaluation of resident’s well being and liveability. Further, studies have shown that high densities can be achieved by low-rise buildings as well as high rise (Churchman, 1999).
More recently, developers and designers of medium density precincts (like Victoria Park) have appreciated that green space can be a factor in housing choice. In this research, satisfaction with neighbourhood greenery is assumed as an important predictor element. The empirical analysis of environmental experience (importance, satisfaction, environmental fit, and use) consequently addresses the importance of having greenery in a higher density urban setting and its potential benefits for residents.
As elaborated in another section (Revival of Inner Areas), given the push for consolidation in NSW planning policies - as a sustainable approach to city growth, in the last few decades - the issue of natural features and green spaces has become of great concern among both urban residents and academics (Department of Planning, 2005; Searle, 2004). Moreover, in brownfield developments like Victoria Park where there was no pre-existing greenery, there is potential to reduce the existing deficit of greenery in inner urban areas and, most probably, the impact of this greenery could be felt beyond the precinct’s boundary (McGuirk & Dowling, 2007).
Chapter 2 | 108 Reviewed in this section, therefore, is the inclusion of greenery as a sustainable design practice for inner area brownfield residential redevelopments and implications for social, environmental and economic benefits for future generations.
A literature search reveals that psychological and social implications of inner city urban space as a part of sustainable urban design practice have not been comprehensively studied previously in the Australian context.
Sydney, however, has a long tradition of planned residential development, following the British ‘garden cities’ approach of the early 1900s. Daceyville, a social housing neighbourhood in the Eastern suburbs – now close to the inner suburbs - was planned before World War 1. Much more recently, at the turn of the twentieth century, there has been a revival of master planned settlements all over Sydney (Dowling & McGuirk, 2005; Freestone, Butler-Bowdon, & Randolph, 2006). And, there have been studies which focus on sustainability aspects of master planned settlements, but only on greenfield developments.
Two major projects to date by the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (Blair et al., 2003) and by a multidisciplinary research group at the University of Queensland (Muirhead et al 2003, cited in Dowling & McGuirk, 2005) were mainly concerned with, among other aspects, whether and how these developments might generate and sustain social capital and cohesive community. This vision of master- planned residential development shares common ground with the New Urbanism approach. The thrust here is the presumption that social capital can be engineered as an outcome of design and infrastructure, and particularly the provision of communal civic and community spaces. These research projects, in part at least, critically explored that proposition. Logically, having a designed green space in a lower density greenfield area would impart a different perception than space created in dense urban inner areas. In any event, brownfield developments and impacts of their green spaces have been ignored in the studies.
Moreover, there is a gap in assessing implications because of a common misunderstanding that design involves only the appearance of these new areas. In some studies, superficiality (by appearance) of design issues tends to be more in focus than the overall impact of design (Gleeson & Low, 2000; Randolph, 2006). The review following therefore presents the underlying complexity designers (architects, landscape architects and urban designers) tackle and take into consideration apparently simple issue of greenery.
Chapter 2 | 109 Historically, architects have been interested in green design and have understood the benefits which often tend to be sidelined (Menin & Samuel, 2003) when architecture dominates nature rather than serving it. In Le Corbusier’s words,
We have seen how a tree is a thing that pleases us all, since, however remotely, we are still children of nature; we have seen urban manifestation which completely ignored Nature would soon find itself at odds with our deepest primeval impulses.
It would seem that the tree is an element essential to our comfort, and its presence in the city is a sort of caress, a kindly thing in the midst of our severe creations. (Le Corbusier, 1947: 237)
The following sections will further elaborate on its implications on environment, economy and the users. Given the multidimensionality of the effect of green space the review incorporates different disciplines.
Economic and ecological gains from outdoor greenery. There is an understanding among some developers that natural beauty results in added real estate value – a fact reflected by property prices in greener areas. A survey in Manchester, Connecticut, investigating residential property values in similar areas with and without trees, showed that the presence of a sizeable number of trees did enhance property values (Morales, 1980). It indicated that good tree cover added about 6% to the value of the homes. This figure compares with a contribution of between 7-15% to property values in a study conducted by the US Forest Service, and a general consensus expressed by some British developers of an increase of around 10% (Johnston & Newton, 2004).
Perimeter type blocks with green inner courts are likely to contribute to the overall perception of greenery in, for instance, Victoria Park, and increase the economic return. Elizabeth Farrelly, the Sydney Morning Herald's writer on architecture, comments on a marketing strategy that focuses strongly on greenery of the given precinct,
Slick marketing is clearly the go at Victoria Park, with names, like Esprit, Centric, Sublime and Arc, and a heavy deployment of words like visionary, pure, dynamic, ecosystem, renewal, sustainable, natural and unique. Yet some of it is true. (SMH, 2002b)
Chapter 2 | 110 Environmentally sustainable urban design approach. Many studies have focused on aesthetic enjoyment, well-being and environmental benefits that green-space-oriented redevelopment can bring to urban areas. Included are: improving environmental quality, restoring natural habitats, enhancing recreational opportunities, improving the appearance of urban areas and strengthening neighbourhood social ties.
In Victoria Park, additionally, a feature hidden below all the greenery is its novel water management system, and other associated activities beneath the landscape. The ‘environmental strategies came first’ in reversal of typical master planned designs where the road layouts and location of built masses are usually thought-out first (Bryant, 2003; Johnson & Gerada, 2003: 52). The approaches to water management and landscape design as seen here are similar to the new urbanist principles of designing with local environmental setting. Filtering stormwater, even in high-density urban locations, was later stated as an important aim of sustainable urbanism for America (Farr, 2008). The environmental strategy was seen as integral to the placed- based approach of the master plan design. As critiqued by a prominent Australian landscape architect:
The formalism of these large-scale works is provocative, but incidental to the big idea of Victoria Park – the water-responsive design of the streets and public parks.
... has produced a distinctive streetscape and a distinctive expression of constructed ecology – one-dimensional in terms of the true demands of sustainable design, but certainly significant as a development scheme shaped by the creative manipulation of water. (Weirick, 2004)
Energy conservation and air quality. The issue of air quality is of serious concern for Sydney inner city living (Searle, 2004). Studies have shown that urban trees offer significant benefits in reducing building air-conditioning demand and improving urban air-quality (H. Akbari, 2002). Similarly, Johnson outlined the environmental effects of urban structures and illustrated the various environmental benefits of including greenery by design in different studies (Johnson & Gerada, 2003). It is likely that because of his thorough comprehension of the issue he was instrumental in encouraging various environmental measures in the Victoria Park master plan designs. Likewise, in an excerpt in a newspaper article (SMH, 2003a), he points to the advantages of greenery in reducing urban pollution,
Landscaping helps biodiversity...
Chapter 2 | 111 ...It cleans the air by removing toxins and benzene and we know people feel less stressful in green environments than they do in non-green environments.
It is now commonly understood that greenery helps reduce the heat island effect which is typical of any city built up of solid and thermal mass. One direct study has been found on the actual research location confirming the exceptionally cooling nature of vegetation compared to other coolants…such as reflective colour and even water (Samuels, Randolph, Graham, McCormick, & Pollard, 2010).
Trees and shrubs can help reduce overall energy use in buildings. Savings on energy costs by careful planting of trees for a conventional house over a one-year period, can be as much as 25% (Heisler, 1985). A practicing Australian architect, Stephen Lesiuk in his doctoral research (1982) People, Plant and Buildings, has shown that one mature tree potentially provides as much cooling as five, three-kilowatt air conditioners (cited in Johnson & Gerada, 2003). Also, house shade trees provide significant seasonal cooling energy savings (Hashem Akbari, Kurn, Bretz, & Hanford, 1997).
It is probable that Victoria Park, because of greenery and trees in parks, along the streets and in courtyards, could also provide energy saving advantages and improve air quality.
Mixing vegetation layers. This mixing of greenery provides for formal variations in landscape design while giving viewing pleasure, and psychological and physiological benefits, as stated earlier. Moreover, there is an ecological benefit in using greenery and having such variations in vegetation. Lesiuk argues that in addition to the concept of having natural landscaping for energy conservation, it maintains the ecological balance of species,
...if a landscape contains many layers such as tall trees, medium sized shrubs, small shrubs, bushes, grasses and ground covers, various animal species are able to use different levels of vegetation (cited in Johnson & Gerada, 2003: 124)
In the Victoria Park precinct, creative use of various vegetation types, mostly of indigenous origin, has been included - instead of mainly providing a large green turf area as seen in typical public neighbourhood parks. Having a variety of vegetation layers was one of the most important features in the planning and landscaping of the green park areas and courts (Johnson & Gerada, 2003; Weirick, 2004). Landcom newsletters claim that over 1000,000 trees and shrubs are used here (Landcom, 2005).
Chapter 2 | 112 Psycho-social capital of greenery. Humans have lived the vast majority of the time surrounded by nature, being a part of the natural world in very real ways, not apart from it. If geological time is considered, it is only a tick of the clock that has been spent in highly urbanised settings, working in concrete buildings, driving in climatically controlled cars, living in densely populated areas relatively devoid of nature. It would be surprising if modern city life unconnected to nature did not have some negative effects associated with it, or that being exposed to nature has positive effects. Mostly green spaces are associated with physiological benefits induced by activities such as walking, jogging, playing etc. but psychological benefits are quite separate.
There is a growing body of studies on psychological benefits associated with direct and indirect experience of nature. Though the definition of nature varies from gardens to wilderness parks, overall outcomes indicate that any type of greenery exposure can be expected to be beneficial. Different studies have shown that connectedness to nature increases positive emotions and ability to reflect on life problems (Mayer, Frantz, Bruehlman-Senecal, & Dolliver, 2009); contact with nature is related to effective functioning, emotional and psychological well-being (Herzog & Strevey, 2008; Hinds & Sparks, 2009; Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989); overall elderly residents in a long term care facilities, in higher density urban areas, place a high value on access to green spaces (patio gardens, rooftop gardens and courtyards with varying vegetation layers and landscape design) and derive a number of benefits from these spaces, even though they spend relatively little time in these settings (Kearney & Winterbottom, 2006); nearby natural environment plays a far more significant role in the well-being of children and cognitive functioning of children residing in poor urban environments than has previously been recognized (Wells, 2000); green space immediately outside the home can help children lead more effective, self-disciplined lives (A. F. Taylor, Kuo, & Sullivan, 2002); residents in public housing living closer to courtyards with natural elements (e.g., grass, trees), as compared to those living near courtyards that were mostly paved, enjoyed a range of benefits including higher overall satisfaction with their home, better relationships with their neighbours, and a lower level of domestic violence (Rodiek & Schwarz, 2005: 9).
Visual access to nature. Many studies point to the importance (psychological benefits) of view content. A study carried out in the context of hospitals has demonstrated the role of nature-view and content from windows in speeding recovery (Ulrich, 1984). Studies in the workplace, prison or dormitory setting, described in Kaplan (2001), indicated different forms of positive effects of natural views on people.
Chapter 2 | 113 In the residential context, the role of the view from the window is reflected in economic indicators such as rent, price of housing, and even hotel rate structures. View is generally mentioned as an amenity in advertisements for apartments in the context inner Sydney. Cooper-Marcus and Sarkissian (1986) pointed out that the primary basis for judgments of the attractiveness of one’s neighbourhood is what can be seen from the window of one’s home.
The extent that nature view, compared to other views, effects satisfaction of users has been studied by Kaplan and others in 1983 and 1991 (cited in Kaplan, 2001) showing greater satisfaction with the neighbourhood when residents of apartment complexes could look out onto more natural rather than more built settings. At the same time, however, satisfaction was far greater when residents could see even a few trees than when their view was of large open spaces. In another context of a master-planned community outside Seattle, the findings of a study by the same researcher (Kaplan, 2001) provide considerable support for the premise that the content of the view from the window in the home setting makes a difference. Nature content contributed substantially and differentially to residents’ satisfaction with nature and with their neighbourhood; while the availability of gardens and well-landscaped areas was particularly salient to these satisfactions.
However, in empirical studies, the impact of nature views from apartments in the context of inner city areas has received very little attention. Nonetheless, in the context of Victoria Park, an effort has been made to maximise visual access to parks and green trees wherever possible. This study therefore ascertains which types of views from apartments are considered most preferable to the residents.
Perception of density. Increased density may or may not have direct negative social and psychological consequences but may also lead to a sense of crowding and an accompanying host of problems.
The perception of crowding in the neighbourhood has been found, for example, to be a significant negative factor in overall residential satisfaction. The results of the study by Bonnes, Bonaiuto, & Ercolani, in 1991 (cited in Kearney, 2006) also point to the strong saliency of the crowding evaluation within overall satisfaction and the inhabitants concern with the ‘spatio-social openness – closedness’ of the neighbourhood environment. The nature of open spaces is also a major factor determining how the space is perceived. There is a strong likelihood that a barren space would not produce the same psychological effect as a green outdoor space.
Chapter 2 | 114 Rapoport (1975) contradicted the popular method of ascertaining urban density for an area in planning goals, suggesting a more subjective perception of density. He hypothesized that the inclusion of natural or green elements could reduce the perception of density. Although few studies directly explore the relationship between shared nature space and perceptions of density, Churchman (1999) suggests that designing or planning to lower the level of sensory stimulation from human activity could decrease perceived density.
The result of another study suggests that higher density may be more acceptable if matched with nature views (Kearney, 2006). The study asserts that negative feelings about higher density are not an unavoidable outcome. An important finding of this study was that regardless of density level, the presence of nature views and the reduction of views of neighbours’ houses reduced negative feelings about density. In other words, independent of actual lot size, residents who had more view of nature and less view of each others’ houses were less likely to feel their lot was too small, that they lacked privacy, or that the neighbourhood homes were too close together.
Pro-environment behaviours & connectivity to nature. Besides the psychological benefits, yet other work also indicates that people who feel more connected to nature are more likely to engage in eco-friendly acts (Dutcher, Finley, Luloff, & Johnson, 2007; Hinds & Sparks, 2009; Mayer & Frantz, 2004). This attitude is understandable since connectivity with nature reflects a sense of empathy. Thus, ‘connectivity is not only seeing the environment as part of ourselves but also ourselves as part of the environment’ (Dutcher et al., 2007: 489). These findings are relevant for Victoria Park, since it was expected beforehand that along with a preference for an inner urban lifestyle the residents would exhibit some kind of empathy towards the environment because of the specific connectedness to designed outdoor green areas in the precinct. On the other hand, however, with high incomes it was also shown in studies that people’s lifestyle tends to be less environmentally friendly. Again, another comparative study between a new urbanist neighbourhood and a traditional neighbourhood found no appreciable difference in pro-environmental behaviours (Youngentob & Hostetler, 2005).
Therefore, to tackle these contradicting findings, the research analysed here elicits from users the importance and satisfaction they accord to different eco-friendly behaviour and actions. Moreover, as a consequence of the setting, the extent of the environmental behaviour was also investigated in this research by enquiring whether their attitudes towards the environment have changed since living there.
Chapter 2 | 115 Social interactions, social relationships & greenery. Trees help create fundamentally neighbourhood-friendly spaces in inner areas. In an inner-city neighbourhood study, for instance, results suggest that by increasing face-to face contact and the number of individuals involved in social interactions, trees and grass in inner-city common spaces contribute to the social cohesion and vitality of a neighbourhood (Sullivan, Kuo, & Depooter, 2004). A positive link between greenness of neighbourhood spaces and the number of individuals involved in social activity within such spaces was demonstrated in the study. Moreover, in the context of an inner city they found more individuals are involved in social activity in green areas compared to barren spaces.
Other studies conducted in the inner area show that the use of green outdoor common areas (areas with both trees and grass) predicted both the strength of neighbourhood social ties and sense of community among older adults (Kweon, Sullivan, & Wiley, 1998).
In the context of high-rise and low-rise apartment buildings, both direct and indirect evidence suggests that trees and greenery promote residents’ greater use of neighbourhood outdoor spaces. These findings bolster previous understandings of the physical characteristics that influence social contact among neighbours (Coley, Sullivan, & Kuo, 1997). Their results also suggest that the presence of trees and grass in neighbourhood spaces increases the use of those spaces. High level of design and good maintenance, views of water, and nice places to sit can also increase this use- frequency, in addition to the greenery. Results of a previous study conducted in Chicago public housing developments consistently indicated that natural landscaping encourages greater use of outdoor areas by residents (Coley et al., 1997). The findings suggest that natural elements (natural landscaping) such as trees promote increased opportunities for social interactions, monitoring of outdoor areas, and supervision of children in an impoverished urban neighbourhood. Spaces with trees attracted larger groups of people, as well as more mixed groups of children, youths and adults, than did spaces devoid of nature. It is likely that the presence of adults both increases the children’s supervision and also increases their opportunities to interact personally with other adults in the neighbourhood.
Moreover, outdoor spaces can also be used by residents with pets. As well as green spaces contributing to an urban neighbourhood’s social connectedness, pets have been found to facilitate social capital too. A study completed by Wood, Giles-Corti and Bulsara (2005) investigated the role that pets can play in promoting social capital, by surveying a random sample of 339 Australian residents. They found that pets promote
Chapter 2 | 116 opportunities for their owners to have social contact with other pet owners, neighbours and members of their community. Furthermore, pets were found to motivate owners to participate in community events and to make use of community facilities (Wood et al., 2005).
From observation it has been found in Victoria Park that people with pets use the parks and pavements for walking or for exercising their dogs. It has also been observed that people with pets converge in the specific location of the central park (Joynton), indicating possibly a form of social interaction between owners while their pets are exercising.
Landcom in their effort to promote community development in Victoria Park, in newsletters came up with creative strategies to bring residents together by promoting activities in various open areas. Some advertisements were,
New mums meet in Tote Park to offer friendship and support to each other through the ups and downs of parenthood. Or if you’re a dog-lover, why not meet up with like-minded residents and take advantage of the open space while putting your pooch through its paces? You can find fellow dog-lovers meeting near the west Water Stairs in Joynton Park, around 5:00pm most evenings. (Landcom, 2005a)
... Want to increase your flexibility and stay stress-free? The traditional Chinese exercise of tai-chi involves slow movements which instil a sense of relaxation. Now you can join other residents for tai-chi in Tote Park commencing Saturday 22 April 2006, at 9.00am. (Landcom, 2006)
Increased presence of residents in outdoor public areas eventually leads to more passive surveillance of the area, greater feelings of safety, and decreased criminal activity, as suggested by Newman and others (Newman, 1972; Newman, 1973). The consequences of this increased interaction may include more opportunities for children to play in the presence of adults, higher levels of social cohesion among neighbours, and a greater sense of safety and territoriality among neighbours.
In Victoria Park, it is not just the parks and trees lining pavements that make the spaces usable. They attract people to go outside, and in doing so, they increase the chance of casual social encounters among neighbours. Such encounters have been shown in previous research to foster neighbourliness and social relationship (Yancey,
Chapter 2 | 117 1971). Accordingly, in Victoria Park this research puts importance on evaluating the use of outdoor space and ascertains resident’s use-frequency of these spaces.
Paying attention to all of these, the research investigates the use-frequency (in addition to the satisfaction and importance) of parks and courts - to examine the extent to which greenness interacts with other features that make outdoor space comfortable and engaging – a powerful liveability and sustainability factor.
Neighbourhood satisfaction and greenery. Kaplan (1985) and Kaplan and Austin (2004) showed that the presence of nearby nature was important to neighbourhood satisfaction in a broader sense as well. Particularly important was the availability of forests and other trees, well-landscaped grounds, and places for taking walks. Works by Sullivan, Kuo and colleagues at the University of Illinois (Kuo & Sullivan, 1996; Taylor, Wiley, Kuo, & Sullivan, 1998), for example, have shown that the presence of nearby nature in urban housing projects is related to better relations among neighbours, decreased violence, and greater overall satisfaction with one’s home. Kaplan (2001) recently surveyed residents at six low-rise apartment communities and found that nature views from residents’ windows contributed substantially to both their own sense of well-being and to their satisfaction with their neighbourhood.
In a study in an outer urban area, a master plan development in this suburban context established that the presence of shared outdoor spaces, opportunities to visit these areas and the nature views they afford were most important to neighbourhood satisfaction (Kearney, 2006). Contrary to the popular perception that people place a high value on large plot, low density residential development, this study indicated that density might not affect neighbourhood satisfaction as much as assumed.
Bringing design back. Design of green areas ultimately turns out to be a very important factor - as most studies indicate - as a catalyst to achieve the aims of social and psychological benefits. Issues of economic or ecological benefits are easily attributed to design issues, but the social benefits are difficult to directly point to design factors.
Studies which are from a non-architectural perspective, moreover, provide recommendations for sensitive design approaches. While stressing alternative development frameworks, Kearney, (2006) asserts that greater attention to design details and planning could promote greater neighbourhood satisfaction:
...in particular, housing clusters should be strategically positioned around shared outdoor space, and convenient access points should be provided to
Chapter 2 | 118 facilitate use of the spaces. Shared space should include both less developed nature areas and areas with some amenities (e.g., playgrounds, ball fields), providing opportunities for both nature and social interaction. In addition, residences should be thoughtfully oriented on the lot to maximize nature views, particularly of forested areas and landscaping, and minimize views of busy roads and neighbours’ houses (Kearney, 2006: 136).
If we consider Pruitt-Igoe, it is not just a matter of providing green spaces and trees, but how green spaces are integrated with built forms in the master plan which also plays a significant role in creating social interaction. Yancey’s (1971) work on the demolished Pruitt-Igoe projects points to the role that shared spaces play in providing community members with opportunities for social interaction. The lack of semi-private shared space in the projects was associated with a decrease in positive social interactions and, ultimately, to high rates of vandalism and crime and a low sense of community. Even though there was an abundance of outdoor space, the outdoor greeneries here failed to convey its meaning as shared space (Moughtin & Shirley, 2005). In other words, for whom these spaces were intended and what would be the likely uses of these areas were not built-in. It was found that many former residents in Pruitt-Igoe were initially attracted to the new projects because of their amenities (e.g., heating, working plumbing, more space...). What new residents did not anticipate, however, was the lack of opportunity for social interaction created by the layout of their new neighbourhood. In the end, many residents expressed significantly less overall satisfaction with their new (high-rise project) neighbourhood than with their old neighbourhood even with inferior living conditions (Yancey, 1971).
In a similar vein, another study established that residents of a new urbanist community had a greater sense of community than those of a nearby traditional suburban development (Kim & Kaplan, 2004). It was shown that the presence of more natural features and shared spaces in the new urbanist community, as well as differences in overall layout of the community, architectural style, and other physical features - attributed to the differences. Churchman (2003) in arguing for children’s needs for open space in the city, argued that the elements of the city and the neighbourhood need to be integrated with the ‘open-space system’. Cities need to do more than the ‘cosmetic change’ of adding playgrounds in fenced off or separated areas. All outdoor spaces of the residential environment need to be planned and designed in such a way that children can play in them, with playgrounds forming only one part of a wider open- space system, while other activities of adults can go on simultaneously.
Chapter 2 | 119 People generally tend to keep their windows shut and shades drawn for privacy or to inhibit crime opportunities and noise, and so cannot watch what happens outdoors (Coley et al., 1997). Although, some researchers have even suggested that trees and vegetation might decrease the perception of safeness of an area, for instance, by reducing sightlines provide cover for people to hide behind and by making the area shaded or darker at night (Coley et al., 1997; Samuels, 1995). Design decisions regarding foliage, canopy and selection and specific placement of trees thus become important in a multidimensional sense. The role of design in inhibiting or promoting use of open spaces has been often studied and many design guidelines are available for designing suitable settings (Kearney & Winterbottom, 2006; Marcus, 1970; Marcus & Barnes, 1999; Marcus & Francis, 1998; Rodiek & Schwarz, 2005).
Buildings relate to the outdoor spaces via the arrangement of the forms, through the balconies and windows, entry points, etc. Moreover, in inner city areas, perimeter blocks provide the opportunity for contact with the natural environment which is otherwise only available in urban parks.
In any event, circumspection needs to be brought to the issue of aesthetics, whether from the viewpoint of the layperson or the designer:
...the recent trumpeting of design signals more than a simple resurgence of environmental determinism – the proposition that appearance of built environments determines the quality of social life and the nature of human experience (Gleeson & Low, 2000:190).
In reviewing the above cited book, Kate Crowley (2002), notes that the planning outlook was highly criticised for its attribution of environmental design achievements, which it conflates with ‘urban design fetishism’, and ‘environmental determinism’ - that reduces planning to ‘a politics of surfaces’ (Gleeson & Low, 2000:190). Others from the same discipline acknowledge that design does matter, not just as an image making upmarket product. By laying out the importance of design in revitalisation of master planned areas, Randolph remarked,
While good design will not solve social problems, it may assist in improving “liveability” and thereby enhance peoples’ lives, rather than depress them (Randolph, 2006: 2 ).
On the other hand, some researchers, (Coleman, 1985) for instance, have excessively stressed design improvements ignoring social factors like health and well being, while
Chapter 2 | 120 others have been more critical of this view (Mikellides, 1980). Citing these extreme views Oscar Newman (considered by some as a determinist) acknowledges in his later works that attention to social factors interacting with the physical needs to be considered. Indeed, his (O. Newman, 1980) later work was entitled: ‘Communities of Interest’.
‘Design determinism’ is not a view this current research endorses, and acknowledges that design (architecture, landscape architecture and urban design) cannot solve but assists in advancing social and psychological benefits for people by consciously designing a residential environment which includes environmental design-behavioural opportunities.
2.3.5. Position taken on deterministic approaches Since the vision of the master-planned residential development of Victoria Park shares some common ground with that of the new urbanism and other environmental design (possibly deterministic) ideals it is important to clarify the position taken by this study. Claims and criticisms of design based strategies of New Urbanism and other similar approaches and the long-standing debates over the extent to which physical planning and design can affect human behaviour are revisited in this section.
Even if all those theories (as explained in later sections) are in-built into places does not mean it is necessarily going to work as expected – because the human condition intervenes. For example: regarding eyes on the street, people may be less interested in street activities or may not be as sociable as those in Greenwich Village of yesteryear. Moreover, in a series of essays beginning in the early 1960s, Gans and other social scientists concluded that the effect of the built environment on human behaviour was negligible compared with more powerful predictors like social, economic, and cultural factors (Gans, 1962, 1967, 1972). While the majority of criticisms were directed at CIAM influenced urban renewal, Gans in his 1961 essay on ‘Urban Vitality and the Fallacy of Physical Determinism’, also rejected the opposing paradigm embodied in Jane Jacobs’ work (cited in Bohl, 2000: 777). From this time forward, the use of physical planning and design for addressing policy issues became labelled and generally discredited as physical, environmental, or architectural determinism in social studies.
To date, however, the New Urbanist literature has not involved social scientific theory building and empirical testing, but rather marketing and manifestos (Bohl, 2000). Similarly in one of the aims of the South Sydney Local Environmental Plan 1998
Chapter 2 | 121 (Amendment No. 2) - Green Square (includes Victoria Park), is assumed, rhetorically, that physical factors were creating 'a vibrant and sustainable community’. It noted,
to facilitate the development of a vibrant and sustainable community, which is based on accessibility, reduced car dependence, a mix of land uses, friendly and safe streets, high quality public domain and active commercial centres (Gilbert, 2001: 10).
There have been these disagreements because of the sometime overemphasis on determining physical factors in environmental approaches; especially when it is claimed that the physical environment alone can create (as opposed to contribute to) a sense of community or provide a sense of security. New Urbanist principles specifically either support or contradict the idea that a sense of community will follow the physical form of cities and neighbourhoods generally (Talen, 1999).
Moreover, place-based ideas have also been critically viewed by psychologists differentiating between ‘designing spaces’ and ‘creating places’ (Sime, 1986). Architecture, urban design and planning, in concentrating on the physical dimensions of space and form, are in danger of neglecting the patterns of behaviour and experience which instil built forms with meaning. Psychology has traditionally been removed from the physical environment of building processes, yet it is essentially a part of our everyday behaviour and experiences. ‘Designing spaces’ is a process ascribed to architects who, in concentrating on the properties of geometric space, may pay insufficient attention to the activities and experiences those spaces are likely to engender for other people. ‘Creating places’, in contrast, is what ‘good’ architecture should aspire to, given it reflects everyday life.
It has been argued that physical factors alone cannot be solely relied on to preserve local order and feelings of security (Samuels, 1994). Studies have shown that block- level linkages between local social ties and territorial attitudes may contribute to the development of group- based norms regarding appropriate behaviours in on-block settings (R. B. Taylor, Gottfredson, & Brower, 1984). In general, the role that urban and architectural design elements play is frequently a supportive role for other more influential situational conditions, such as social networks, home ownership and territorial responsibility.
Another work demonstrated how a 'series of subtle design features can undermine' an otherwise defensible design; and how ethnic heterogeneity, for instance, can result in a general anonymity that defuses a sense of community spirit that a design might
Chapter 2 | 122 otherwise enhance (Merry, 1981a, 1981b). Physical defensible space features (barriers, surveillance opportunities etc.) can help boost neighbourhood identification, but cannot do everything when it comes to ensuring safety and security (Merry, 1981a, 1981b). In other words, in an architectural sense, spaces may be potentially defensible and secure, but are not ‘watched over’ because the socio-cultural and community fabric is weak. It is also possible that if they were aware of the implications of aspects of the design that professionals judge as important, it would then be considered important by the residents. For example, a study has shown that residents ranked ‘safety and security’ as the most important aspect they want from a development, but they did not always agree with professionals about whether the design and layout of developments made it feel safe (CABE, 2007). It is important to understand how situational opportunities and environmental cues are interpreted by users, for instance:
... defensible design features [in-built surveillability and accessibility/occupancy potentials], and territorial markers [signs of personal, neighbourhood, community and civic appropriation of, or responsibility for, places]... (Samuels, 1994: 4)
It has been purported that New Urbanist principles either support or contradict the idea that a sense of community will follow the physical form of cities and neighbourhoods generally (Gilbert, 2001; McGuirk & Dowling, 2007). It has however been shown that intermediate variable roles are important in achieving social goals,
... while some research supports the idea that resident interaction and sense of community are related to environmental factors, the effectuation of this goal is usually only achieved via some intermediate variable. (Talen, 1999: 1362)
Some of the intermediate variables may be resident homogeneity, affluence, social position, length of stay, home ownership or family composition (Talen, 1999). These types of designed settlements may simply be attracting residents with certain similar characteristics, or residents of new urban developments may view their communities as commodities, and thus the commitment to them may be based on economic rationality as opposed to a socially based sense of community. Sense of neighbourhood, it seems, diminishes in importance with increasing social position. Poor people more readily form into communities, in contrast (Talen, 1999).
Most social effects take time to incubate; and length of residence is also found to be a key variable in the formation of a sense of community. One strong variable which surfaces repeatedly in the quest to determine why and where sense of community is
Chapter 2 | 123 found, is this period. Conversely, residential transience has been linked to areas with low social integration. Home ownership has been found to be an important part of nurturing a sense of community, since, the argument goes, residents who have more financial commitment to their neighbourhoods will have a stronger sense of community. Family composition, especially the presence or absence of children, in turn is associated with residents’ degree of autonomy and couples’ joint work status is also implicated (Talen, 1999).
One way out of this impasse would be to soften the argument regarding social aspirations (some social goals) and declare that they are simply meeting the human requirements of physical design, rather than actively creating certain behaviours. Physical design need not create a sense of community, but rather, aim to increase its probability, as rationalized by ‘environmental probablism’ (Bell, 2001). Spatial arrangement is therefore a medium rather than a variable with its own effect. Creating an environment where desired forms of behaviour (i.e. social interaction and sense of community) are possible may be a laudable enough reason to build planned settlements. As posited,
Architecture and urban form do not cause behaviour (in a deterministic sense), but can increase and decrease the likelihood of behaviours occurring. It is not enough to examine design feature alone. We must understand how people perceive or interpret the meanings embodied in such places (Samuels, 1994: 3).
In one study, Clare Cooper Marcus (2000) suggests specific aspects of the physical form of cohousing may enhance the ability of residents to meet casually, and to feel themselves blending in or standing apart from the neighbourhood context in which they are located. Each of the communities described were visited for three to five days, during which time the author lived in a community guest room, observed the day-to-day activities in shared spaces, participated in shared meals, and interviewed five to eight residents selected by the host-contact as forming a typical cross-section of the community. In other words the users’ were involved in all phases.
This current research therefore is more interested in the users’ interpretations and experiential aspects of spaces (both internal and external). Their interpretations are the sum of their expectations, experiences and evaluations (emerging as satisfactions, preferences...). It seems at least possible that physical effects are encompassing enough to apply in practice, despite some moderate variations in social patterns, or
Chapter 2 | 124 even to be general in their application, because of certain regularities in the nature of human beings and their cultures.
It is obvious, however, that community cohesion can be augmented by physical design, by the provision of in-built potentials for community interaction (Samuels, 1994). Examples are: high quality and integrated outdoor spaces (people are more likely to use outdoor space that is both thermally comfortable and secure), community vegetable gardens, sport and leisure facilities, and child and teenage-dedicated spaces (e.g. day-care centres, children’s play areas). It is equally self-evident that potentials for both privacy and community must co-exist, and that residents should have access to both when they so desire.
Extreme physical conditions can be cited in which form (e.g. Pruitt Igoe) has its influence independent of social context. Most social patterns also have no significant independent influence, beyond extreme cases. But in most realistic cases, the influences of physical and social parameters are difficult to disentangle. To understand the effect on a person of some social institution we must have a notion of its typical physical spatial setting. This understanding is shared by Kevin Lynch and accordingly in his work Theory of a good city form, he posits,
Social investigators rarely legalize this fact and analyse social patterns as if they occurred in spaceless point. Spatial investigators are more timid, and hardly dare to neglect people in analysing space. Yet it is evident that physical patterns have important effects on people, given a set of social patterns, and that an analysis of these physical effects is important to understanding the whole (Lynch, 1981: 101).
Many studies (Kim, 1997) have selected high-rise residences distributed all over a country in their search for satisfaction with high-rise high-density dwelling forms. However, the social formation and lifestyle aspirations and experiences of people living in a high-rise building in a city centre, in areas near the city, or in a peripheral suburb are likely to be quite different even though the form of dwelling remains constant. This is elaborated in another section in this dissertation - on inner-city lifestyle and its associated ‘creative’ class.
Moreover, the psychological impact of an 18 storey high structure rising up from low- rise forms (for instance in a place like Victoria Park), however, is still not high-rise when considered among other high-rises in the context of the Sydney CBD. Therefore the
Chapter 2 | 125 overall perception of size is also dependent on the context, meaning urban design does have influence on peoples’ perceptions.
2.3.6. Conclusion Three different variations have been explored here within the perimeter block typology. The overall understanding is that perimeter form can be successfully repeated but its size, scale and form must respond to the demand from citizens for different uses and agendas. The logic of layout, form heights, designs etc should be site specific and contextual.
As argued, this form has an ability to be adaptable over time, corresponding to different socio-political conditions in history. It is necessary to give new projects sufficient time to integrate into their urban contexts. To maintain continuity of urban form and structure is a way to sustain heritage but could be stifling of creativity if taken to extremes. It is important to see the development here as a process rather than reproducing form and design as an end product.
When the concepts and ideas reviewed in the above section are related to the study at hand, it can be seen that Victoria Park designs are based on the Green Square Development Control Plan 1997 Urban Design (Amendment) Stage 1, and Green Square Draft Structural Masterplan (Stanisic, Turner and Hassell, 1997, cited in Gilbert, 2001). The detailed design and environmental standards provide for a layout of public spaces and streets for the creation of a ‘high quality’ public domain and buildings with an emphasis on site responsive design - based on the principles of sustainable development (Gilbert, 2001). The broad principles outlined in the planning documents guiding redevelopment in this area appear to reflect important urban design qualities noted in the literature. However, as always with urban design, it is only after an examination of the detail, that one can gain an appreciation of the extent to which the design details are appropriate and likely to result in a quality environment. In Victoria Park the use of the block and its urban design implications are studied by illuminating some the current ideas, studies and public guidance which consider it as sustainable design.
Chapter 2 | 126 Chapter 3 : Design and methodology of the study
3.1. The study area
The major aspects considered in this section are the rationale for the study area selection, history of the place, design strategies, ESD features, sustainable design aspects which effect users and the nature of the built forms, and are described below. These findings had methodological implications for the research. This section is an amalgamation of archival information on the precinct and observations on the study area. This section explains, first, why the study area has been selected as the object and subject of investigation, and then elaborates the master plan design. The sustainable parameters that have been included in the master plan scheme and in the design of the blocks are also outlined. Finally the rationalization of the grouping of the blocks and complexes are elaborated.
3.1.1. Justification for the study area selection In the reconnaissance phase of this study a visual survey of inner areas and their residential forms was made. The study area, 5km from the CBD, which was part of a larger rezoned industrial area was eventually selected. A representative range of residential buildings in the precinct was selected as case studies - since this development is considered a model of a successful transformation of a neglected inner city precinct. Sydney’s ‘global arc’ economic corridor plan runs over the area towards the airport in south (Department of Planning, 2005d: 33)(see section 2.2.1 & 2.2.2). However, it is not only the aspects of open spaces and the design of the builtform which were instantly noticeable that made this precinct a suitable study area but other environmental approaches associated with the history of the place. Systematic observation of the precinct prior to the design and methodology of the study revealed that block design and broader urban design potentials were utilised in the Victoria Park configurations. Moreover, the residential buildings in Victoria Park were selected as case studies since this development is considered as a model of a successful transformation of a neglected inner city precinct, as previously outlined. Also, the range of multi-storied buildings allows for an evaluation of a central theme in the current work: the effect of height and formal arrangements in residential buildings on liveability.
Victoria Park has had a long and varied history. Originally it was known as the Waterloo swamp, during the 19th century and later it became the Victoria Park pony club racecourse. With continued reuse over the century it can be considered as a
Chapter 3 | 127 classic brownfield development example in an inner urban setting, even before sustainability arguments began to proliferate.
However, given the current trend towards higher density environments in inner areas in Australian cities, the solutions by these settings offered have not been tested. There is a lack of current studies on Sydney inner city medium & higher density housing which evaluates user perspectives including both subjective and objective features of housing design and setting. Moreover there is lack of studies on inner city master planned higher density brownfield developments (McGuirk and Dowling 2007). As noted, major Australian works to date have focused almost entirely on outer suburban greenfield planned settlements (Blair et al., 2003). Others, in their attempt to comprehend planned settlements, observed that Victoria Park cannot be analysed by grouping it in any of the typical categories, given its complexity and its exclusive characteristics (Dowling & McGuirk, 2005). Within this premise this research investigates higher density housing in inner Sydney taking user satisfaction, liveable and sustainable design issues as the major points of investigation; and height as a parameter of special interest.
In 2001 Landcom considered its Victoria Park project in Zetland as, ‘a model strategic project delivering the Government’s renewal policy for inner-city sites’ (2001: 14). Moreover, Landcom sees the Victoria Park development as their ‘best practice for waste management’ where it was indicated that over 90% of the material from previous buildings and other infrastructure were recycled into the project (Landcom, 2002: 9). During 2001-2004 it won various awards for urban design; Water Sensitive Urban Design (WSUD), ESD, and for its landscape designs (AILA, 2004a; Architecture Australia, 2003; Hassell, 2002). One of the mixed use mid-rise complexes, named ‘ARC’, in 2002 received the South Sydney Development Corporation award for energy efficient design, and for the design of its open spaces. ‘Centric’, another complex, in 2001 received the South Sydney Development Corporation design and innovation award (Tonkin Zulaikha Greer Architects, 2006). ‘ECO’ another, low-rise, complex was awarded for architecture and landscape design (AILA, 2004b; Stanisic Associates Architects, 2006). The ‘AIRIA’ scheme, with the checker board patterned deep balconies, has been featured in the popular media even before it was completed (Johnson, 2002; SMH, 2002a) (Figure 3.1.1). Clearly, in the overall designs of Victoria Park, the environmental aspects were highly commended by professionals and the media. However, given the importance attached to the project any comprehensive research on the residents’ liveability fostered by sustainable design ideas remained elusive. Clearly the awards and recognitions have generated greater public interest..
Chapter 3 | 128 Figure 3.1.1: The design scheme has been featured in the popular media even before it was completed. Top. A virtual view from the central park of a low-rise scheme designed by Turner Associates. Below. Newspaper article promoting a design of a section AIRIA, by then NSW government architect Johnson, illustrating his concept of greening within and outside the form. Source: SMH, 2002a, 2003c & Turner Architects, 2006.
Chapter 3 | 129 From the speedy sales, economic returns, and profitability of the apartments developers have also perceived these as highly successful projects But does this popular perception have bearing in user perceptions of the design and spaces? To what extent do users of the precinct consider the design in their appreciation or otherwise? Can the ideas projected here be considered as environmentally and socially sustainable design ideas?
Landcom lays downs four key sustainability guiding principles: 1. Deliver a sustainable quality of life 2. Conserve resources 3. Protect biodiversity 4. Minimise pollution (Landcom, 2003b). However, compared to their urban design initiatives which were comprehensively elaborated, sustainable aspects in the designs of individual building forms are less thorough and lacking in detail. Out of 15 Project Indicators (Landcom, 2003b: 23) intended to provide a measure of the sustainability of Landcom’s current development, only 3 deal specifically with the built form. One possible reason was that their focus was more on societal aspects (social sustainability) than on physical fabric. For example, in relation to greenhouse gas emission reduction, instead of concentrating entirely on physical aspects of built form Landcom tends to aim for ‘energy smart communities’ (Landcom, 2003a). This coincides with the view this research conveys, yet actual user studies have not been the basis of these aspects nor whether these are actually working. There is a gap in knowledge, where user feedback could be used as ways to approach the issues of reducing household greenhouse emissions, via behavioural and attitudinal surveys for instance.
Overall multiple common threads can be also be drawn between some of the urban design theories in the literature review and study from an Australian urban planning perspective reviewing the Green Square Draft Structural Masterplan (Stanisic, Turner and Hassell, 1997, cited in Gilbert, 2001). Some of the aspects identified in that study were: sense of place; reasonable densities; limit on building heights; mixed and compatible uses; human scale; public-private domain; linkages and relationships (permeability and legibility); and compatibility with the natural environment. Since this study analysed the master plan documents before the development took shape, it is salient to see whether these habitability criteria have materialised or not. To see to what extent these aspects, which are currently seen as social sustainable parameters of urban design, along with those described in this research, have contributed to the liveability of the area. Side by side, visual observation through photographs has been carried out to corroborate these links. These are further reflected upon in the analyses of the responses of the users in the area.
Chapter 3 | 130 Figure 3.1.2: With continued reuse over the century even before Landcom took over the site, it can be considered a classic brownfield development example in an inner urban area. A phase-wise strategy was taken by Landcom to develop the precinct. Source: Rashid, 2007.
Chapter 3 | 131 3.1.2. History of the place Prior to European settlement, the site was a lagoon and swamp (Waterloo Swamp), part of the sand dune and swale formations of the Botany sand beds which drain from Centennial Park and Moore Park to the tidal estuary of the Cooks River and Botany Bay. Around 1910, the lagoon was drained and filled to create the Victoria Park Race Course, a private pony track promoted by the newspaper proprietor, property developer and gambling man, Sir James Joynton Smith. The Figure 3.1.2 elucidates the continuous reuse of this area until the late 1990s when Landcom took over the site.
Since the 1990s the conversion of old industrial sites to residential use has been a key component of the NSW Government’s urban consolidation policy. Consequently in 1997 Landcom, the former Land Commission and the NSW government's greenfields development section, added inner-urban renewal to its business operations. The new objective was to acquire and re-develop large industrial and derelict sites in established areas for new residential and commercial accommodation. In doing so Landcom set itself two primary aims for all of its projects: to establish new benchmarks in urban design and development best practice through good planning and design, and to achieve a reasonable return consistent with the level of risk involved. With this vision, Landcom entered its new business with the acquisition of several medium-sized sites around Sydney. In 1995 the Department of Defence put its 24.5 hectare Navy Stores site at Zetland on the market - a key area in the emerging Green Square regeneration district and in itself a large site suitable for urban renewal. With the increasing importance of brownfield redevelopments in the western & inner Sydney context, Landcom acquired the site at the end of June 1997.
3.1.3. Aspects of the master plan scheme In February 1998, Landcom commissioned a planning team headed by Cox Richardson (Architects) to prepare a master plan for Victoria Park, that was consistent with the 'Green Square Structure Master Plan' prepared for the new South Sydney Development Corporation. The Victoria Park Master Plan was completed and adopted by South Sydney Council in December 1998, following a period of public exhibition. By that time Landcom’s focus has shifted toward a design for the site that blended environmental principles, flexibility and community and social spaces within a standard redevelopment budget.
Once more, following a design competition the Government Architect’s Office and Hassell Architects were selected to redevelop the master plan for the site. In later stages a revised master plan with Built Form Design Quality Objectives was prepared
Chapter 3 | 132 Figure 3.1.3:The Victoria Park master plan, showing the stages of development. Commercial section on right of the master plan is not developed. Note, the blocks are oriented in an angle to the cardinal axis (the north is upward). Almost all blocks have two sides facing north, which is either north-east or north-west. Central park is the focus of the whole scheme. Bottom Left. Location of the precinct in Zetland Suburb. Source: Landcom, 2004.
Chapter 3 | 132-i by Hassell Architects (Hassell, 2000). This new document uses as its basis the street as ‘a place’ and illustrates graphically with case study projects, how the interface between the built form and the public space of the street may be achieved. Other potentials - traditional ideas of providing a coherent streetscape, managing the public and private realms, mixed uses etc - to an extent shaped the scheme, and were employed in the designs. The approach illustrated here was quite similar to the later publications by NSW government of good design examples which was associated with the legislations (State Environmental Planning Policy No. 65). As stated in the document,
An important design objective for the built form of Victoria Park is to insure not only innovative and imaginative housing design, but that the built form defines and addresses the street character and contributes to the quality of the public domain (Hassell, 2000: 1).
Presently, as observations reveals, it is seen as a master-planned ‘new town’ medium- high density community but one that appears to be physically integrated into its surrounding urban fabric and its surrounding established communities. The purpose was not to have a gated or fortress community but one which would blend in with the surroundings. It was intended to have mixed housing types, and perhaps some socio- economic diversity in terms of tenure and household type. The original building, Totalisator remains on the site and has been incorporated into the development. Extensive renovations have been completed to this heritage listed building (adjacent to Tote Park) to commemorate the site’s history.
3.1.4. Phase strategy At the outset a phase-wise strategy was taken by Landcom to develop the precinct. The initial stages of the residential project were developed in partnership with a number of developers, who in turn engaged different architectural firms to design the dwellings which are still being marketed progressively to the public (Landcom, 2001).
For example, the low-rise complexes were built in the first phase along with parks. The high-rise complexes were completed later. The process is still on-going, with complexes still under construction (Figure 3.1.3 & 3.1.4).
The current research considers only the complexes that were completed by January 2006. From 2008 onward the other areas of the master plan are slowly being developed for residential and mixed use design. The perimeter block design principle appears to accommodate long-term objectives of adaptation and change without
Chapter 3 | 133 disruption of the original urban intention. However the articulation of the blocks and court design quality of each complex varied from the master plan schema, depending on each architect’s design intentions. While flexibly and adaptability were prime motives in the planning framework, they are translated at the level of physical provision. By the actions of gradual development the design schemes were able to give sufficient time for designs to mature. This strategy avoided the appearance of the precinct being a mass production and endless repetition of facades and stereotypical high-rise (stand alone) blocks, while introducing formal and visual variety and to some extent bringing vibrancy to the urban setting.
Currently, a mid-rise complex is being completed, which is part of the phase marked as stage 5 (located northern part of master plan). In an earlier phase high-rise complexes were constructed, to judge the market viability of such forms. Clearly phase-wise development offers the flexibility of changing the formal configurations to suit market conditions. For example, in any global slowdown of market economies, construction can be scaled down, if needed, without affecting the usability of the overall precinct.
The Government’s shifting position on global warming and rising public awareness on these issues may have led to the introduction of newer features into the new structures at Victoria Park (DECC, 2006). The newer structures now accommodate other principles of sustainability which are becoming more accepted commercially by developers. For example: using a roof top terrace as a communal space in the building called ‘Prominence’ or installing solar panels on the high-rise section of the ‘ECO’ complex.
Economics. Financial reports from Landcom suggests that it achieved its targeted rate of return and also provided affordable housing at the numbers required (Landcom, 2003b). The Property Council of Australia remarks on the economic benefits achieved by Landcom in Victoria Park,
Due to the extraordinary master planning input the notional land value has almost doubled in comparison to what it would be worth had it been subdivided and sold on without the quality and value-adding planning and design investments made (Property Council of Australia, 2002).
Master planned residential developments are getting growing recognition from property developers since they achieve sales targets from typical small block developments. These are seen as long term commitments to development as opposed to the short term of small scale ones. These are called master planned communities (MPCs) and a
Chapter 3 | 134 host of environmental and social objectives have become part of developer marketing strategies (Property Council of Australia, 2003, 2005). Some of these aspects are: lifestyle features, protection of the environment and a range of residential, recreational, commercial and job opportunities.
3.1.5. Energy-efficiency and passive design features Passive design features were given high priority in the Victoria Park designs. Cross flow ventilation was a key element in achieving principles of energy efficiency. Architects were encouraged to design ‘slimline’ built form instead of deep plans in the master plan (Hassell, 2000). Cross-over apartments that would maximise natural cross ventilation and permit natural daylight is a feature that was also followed in the designs.
Similarly, in Landcom’s ‘Energy smart communities policy’ (2003a) attention was given to the passive design feature of building orientation in reducing greenhouse gas emissions. These were indicated as mandatory requirements:
Apartment blocks should have a north/south aspect, with main living areas located to the north.
Apartment blocks should be designed to maximise cross flow ventilation.
A thermal performance study should be carried out at initial design stage and designs modified, where required, to minimise potential heating and cooling loads.
Exterior shading must be provided for all north and west facing windows by means of either permanent overhangs (suitably dimensioned for the height of the glazing) or operable external blinds/shutters. (Landcom, 2003a: 5-7).
It was indicated in the above guideline that most of the buildings were targeted to achieve a Nathers star rating of 4.5 or greater (out of 5 stars). Completed in 2002, ARC, a mid-rise complex was the first apartment complex in Sydney to achieve a five star rating (Tonkin Zulaikha Greer Architects, 2006).
It was also indicated that ‘a project-specific cooling strategy appropriate to the climate zone must be developed’. For this reason, the installation of air-conditioners was not
Chapter 3 | 135 permitted under the building’s by-laws in apartments with cross ventilation (ARC, 2010).
Building orientation also improves natural lighting and dependence on artificial lighting thereby reducing energy needs (as exemplified in Residential Flat Design Pattern Book and Improving Flat Design) .
Having higher star rated energy efficient appliance use was encouraged. Dishwashers and clothes dryers must have a minimum 3.5 rating, a refrigerator must have a 5* rating. In Canada, interestingly, dwellings are normally equipped with these basic appliances. Since in Australia appliances are not supplied with the dwellings these controls are difficult to enforce.
On the other hand passive design ideas which accommodate the simple function of clothes drying can help to minimise the use of dryers, especially in Australian climatic condition. Having too small balconies with too much transparency can deter users from using these spaces in apartments effectively. Accordingly noted as mandatory requirements,
Facilities for exterior drying (e.g. rotary hoist, clothes lines) must be provided in an area with good solar access. Apartments are to be provided with low level pull out lines on balconies (or screened areas of balconies), which must be designed to accommodate these without adverse visual impact. (Landcom, 2003a: 8)
Other aspects of water efficiency, by using AAA rated taps/shower heads (as per Water Services Association Australia standards) and using gas for heating water, are mandatory in Landcom’s guidelines.
Renewable energy. Landcom found co-generation was not economically viable for developers, even though it was technically feasible for the projects in the precinct (Landcom, 2003b: 60). It was also indicated in another Landcom report that, ‘the solar system provides a minimum of 60% of hot water needs unless constraints such as insufficient roof space for panels make this impractical’.
It was anticipated that further retrofitting of energy saving material can be done, when the technology/material becomes financially more viable and accepted. However, it was a requisite from Landcom that all buildings must be pre-wired to accept future
Chapter 3 | 136 Photovoltaic (PV) panel installations. The apartments were to facilitate roof installation in the designs.
Photovoltaic panels were installed only in one high-rise (ESP) and were added at a later stage after completion. This was however found viable for hot water use for half of the apartments’ needs. None of the low-rises were observed to have solar panels despite having large unused roof space.
3.1.6. Courtyards, outdoor spaces & greenery in the scheme One of the notable perceptible aspects is the greenness as one walks into the precinct. A feature in the Victoria Park master plan was that all complexes have green inner courtyards and all complexes are in close proximity to the green park spaces. The initial observations, as well as from examining the master plan schemes, clearly revealed the extent to which open green spaces is a central concept in the urban design.
These site characteristics therefore allow for the research to concentrate on the appreciation of natural design - as evaluated by users, by assessing their perceptions of satisfaction with the same, the congruency of that satisfaction with the importance they afford to this , in a word: its ‘environmental fit’. And, if they use the outdoor spaces in great numbers, this is taken to indicate the functionality of the design, and a vindication that these spaces have ‘served their purpose’. Moreover, in the current research the concept of ‘place’ is generally ascribed to a physical location which engenders a positive, satisfactory experience. ‘Creating places’ would mean ‘places’ which potential users of the ‘spaces’ actually ‘like’ through their experience of them (measured via environmental fit and frequency of use).
The current study does not intend to investigate any types of psychological benefits directly (as noted in the literature review); in recognition of these, it anticipates outdoor greenery would have some positive impact on resident’s overall satisfaction with the Victoria Park precinct. Here it is seen not just as breathing space for dense urban space but a resource of empirically proven yet intangible psychological benefits.
Economic benefits of open space. As indicated in a Landcom report (2003), in the current master plan almost 40% of this 25 hectare site is devoted to the public domain, featuring four large and functional green community spaces.
Chapter 3 | 137 According to Waltcorp’s Marketing Manager Lisa McCutchion, the strong sales are the result of a diverse selection of properties featuring ‘innovative floor plans’; but it is also mentioned that almost half of Waltcorp’s sales (in 2005) in ‘Form’ (a high rise complex) have been to first home buyers who showed preference because of Victoria Park’s extensive parks, playgrounds and proximity to the city. In an independent survey commissioned by Landcom, of Victoria Park residents, three benefits stand out as particularly important: it’s well-planned design, great location and green and leafy setting (Landcom, 2005a). Unfortunately, the details of that survey could not be accessed because Landcom was not prepared to make the whole survey publicly accessible. Earlier in their sustainability report of 2004, which was accessible online, they reiterated some partial results without going into details. It claims that residents consider the development is well designed and constructed, and they particularly like the open spaces and parks.
These are seen to foster a sense of community ownership and provide a more relaxed and peaceful environment. It was noted that the green spaces help to create a more suburban feel for city living. 35% of survey respondents indicated that the existence of parks and the quality of landscaping influenced their decision to live at Victoria Park. (Landcom, 2004: 19)
Influenced by land developers, real estate agents in their advertisements of Victoria Park apartments very frequently highlight the fact that 40% of the area is green parks. Most of the sales brochures highlight the greenness, or connect the aspects of liveability with that of greenness. Advertisements in Victoria Park often highlight a 'green outlook', from living room views onto streets or toward courtyards with trees. Superlatives like ‘green with envy’, ‘garden grandeur’, ‘leafy outlook’, ‘quiet park aspects’ or ‘picture perfect’ were some of the popular expressions used when promoting greenery in the surroundings (REA Group Australia, 2008). Perimeter type blocks with green inner courts probably contributed to the overall perception of greenery here.
Courts as communal space. As observation revealed, the courts here were created mainly for their environmental functions and, to an extent, to promote opportunities for some social roles and interaction in the private domain.
As shown in studies and in history, building form with a continuous, uninterrupted block edge defines the linear street better than pavilion buildings (CABE, 2005; CABE/DTLR, 2001; Panerai, Castex, Depaule, & Samuels, 2004). Thus a perimeter building form
Chapter 3 | 138 developing around an inner court has two domains: a public domain and private court domain. The private domain generally provides refuge from street activities and noise especially in an active urban setting. However, in Victoria Park, the private domain of the court was probably not conceived for refuge from noisy on-street activity, because of the relatively calm atmosphere in the precinct. It does provide a private secured area but its potential was not fully explored by the designers. Other than providing environmental advantages to the layout and form its other uses remain less developed. The courts in the design schemes appear to be created mainly for their environmental functions rather than to promote social roles. In line with current thinking, the scale of the blocks has been much reduced, to more human proportions, opposed to creating monumentally large schemes. However, other potentials - traditional ideas of providing a coherent streetscape, managing the public and private realms, mixed uses etc - to an extent shaped the scheme. As elaborated, in the literature review, currently the perimeter block principle is seen more as a design solution for sustainable urban housing than as generic urban design schema.
Perimeter blocks with a central communal open space are particularly suitable for children’s play, especially if access from the street is controlled. The landscaping and orientation of play areas can contribute significantly to their amenity value. However, the noise from the courtyard play areas can diminish residential amenity, particularly in smaller schemes, and designers need to find solutions which balance all factors involved. Possibly the noise factor discouraged designers from creating children areas in the courts in Victoria Park. The presence of a separate play lot (Tote Park) in close proximity probably has deterred designers from providing internalized children play areas. All things considered, allowing for this different type of social use could be considered as a missed opportunity to make the inner court livelier.
Water sensitive urban design . However, hidden in the central park is the main feature of a water sensitive urban design (WSUD) approach which is rarely noticed (Bryant, 2003; Wong, 2006). In some of the roads rain water is channelled through central swales, which cleans the water by filtering and slowing down the flow, and then directing it into a central collection pond. The harvested water is then re-used to water the greenery and feed the two aesthetic water-step features. As a result precious potable water is not used to irrigate any of the green spaces. The site’s natural heritage, where the Waterloo Swamp once worked as a wetland system, detaining and cleansing the water flowing through the site, was thus reworked in the WSUD designs.
Chapter 3 | 139 Indeed, reworking an earlier Cox Richardson master plan, landscape architect Penny Allan (NSW Dept. of Public Works & Services), from the Government Architects Office of NSW, & Hassell (Architects) articulated the road layout, open park spaces and finally determined building placements too, based on water management principles (Johnson & Gerada, 2003; Weirick, 2004).
So this current development approach ensures that Victoria Park can continue to function in a similar way to a wetland today.
3.1.7. Perimeter block scheme – orientation, appearance & urban design potentials Within the apartment block formation, the varying types of dwelling and design variations comprising the internal layouts within each height group are the other noticeable features which were documented and purposefully focused on in this research. Three different variations have been employed here within the perimeter block typology.
Since various architects were engaged in the designs by different building developers this contributed to the variations. There are repetitions of form and height with both low- rise and high-rise forms represented (AAP & SMH, 2002; Delaney, 2002). The inherent design variation and complexity was one main aspect of the Victoria park designs. Moreover, lower floor dwellings in low-rise structures are different to lower floor dwellings in high-rises.
Orientation. The orientation of the blocks in the master plan and the actual design scheme was considered with solar and natural ventilation in mind. The Victoria Park Master Plan orientates the blocks in an angle to the cardinal axis. As a result almost all blocks have two sides facing north, either north-east or north-west. Again the other two sides facing south are designed in such a way that they have most of their usable space facing towards the inner courts, which is either north-east or north-west.
From the point of view of architectural design, again, balance is needed between maximising climatic potential with that of views or natural surveillance of the street or public-private interface of the street edge, or other design objectives. Crucially, a balance is needed between seeking the optimum condition for winter and summer based on climatic conditions for Sydney. All these aspects, which require lived-in experiences to appreciate, are investigated via the users' responses in the survey.
Chapter 3 | 140 Variations in building heights and breaks in the building line can reduce shadowing and increase solar access or natural daylight within the block and the court. These again create a robust perimeter block form with continuity in regard to the relationships between public realm and private realm. As per the master plan requirements, the internal courtyards in Victoria Park precinct must achieve the minimum 2 hour solar illumination on the winter solstice. Solar orientation also influences thinking about the internal layout of the individual dwellings within the block.
Appearance - style and aesthetics. Borrowing styles not coming from the region, or a general European vernacular, or nearby town or historical vernaculars, the overall setting is given an appearance of a contemporary development.
By not having the same architect for all block designs the precinct avoided being stylistically monotonous or repetitive. Even in a single block each side/facade was treated differently (elevation, surface treatment, balcony privacy etc.) by architects depending upon the exposure to the public realm. In ‘Centric’, for instance, the north- west block with exposure to a busy road was dealt with differently to the north-east block which faces an internal precinct street.
Block design & urban design potentials. Systematic observation of the precinct reveals how block design and broader urban design potentials were utilised in the Victoria Park configurations.
In line with the current Built Form Design Quality Objectives by Hassell Architects (Hassell, 2000), the scale of the blocks has been much reduced, to more human proportions, opposed to creating monumentally large schemes. As a general principal it has been suggested that the city block should be as small as practicable (Bentley, McGlynn, & Smith, 1985). There is general agreement that street blocks of mixed uses result in vital and interesting cities. There also appears to be wide agreement that street blocks should be as small as is reasonably possible in order to maximise the ‘permeability’ of city districts. A city with small street blocks gives the pedestrian a greater choice and variety of routes between any two points. Smaller street blocks in cities increase the visibility of corners which announce the junction of paths and in consequence both physical and visual permeability are increased (Bentley et al., 1985).
3.1.8. Explanation of the groups Height groups & complex groups. Generally, studies dealing in housing and user satisfactions with residential forms, identify two types of form, low-rise or high-rise (Davis, 1977; Francescato, 1979; Macsai & Hidvegi, 1982). However, the advantage of
Chapter 3 | 141 Victoria Park is that two different paradigms can be studied in a single locality. Previous studies tend to compare residents of higher floors to lower floors or the forms themselves without taking into consideration the setting (Francescato, 1979; Kim, 1997; Oh, 1999). Importantly, this current study compares complexes which take into account the setting and does not isolate a single form (e.g. low-rise or high-rise).
In terms of height of the builtform, three types were identified (low-rise, mid-rise and high-rise) and in terms of perimeter block configuration three types of complexes were identified (low-rise, mid-rise and high-rise complexes).
Two lines of thinking were taken into consideration for the groupings. First, conceptually, how these forms are seen in size or in volume and their functional role with the surroundings. Secondly, the groups have to meet statistical assumptions of minimum group size and similarity in size.
Conceptually, high-rise and mid-rise are normally seen to be linked beyond the neighbourhood level to city level, while low-rises having more relationship with the ground and surroundings (Alexander, Ishikawa, & Silverstein, 1977; Jacobs, 1962). Architects of Victoria Park also share a similar viewpoint; they for instance conceptualize one group of buildings within the canopy of trees and one beyond that; ie the high rise components (Johnson, 2006). Architect Nick Turner, whose firm was involved with designing several complexes in the precinct, identifies the low-rise as groundscapers and the high-rise as skyscrapers (SMH, 2002a; Turner Associates, 2006).
On the other hand, considerations for robustness of statistical tests, group sizes need to be reasonably similar (Pallant, 2005:198). Forms were, therefore, collapsed into two groups having reasonably similar size. Considering the above arguments, the groups were eventually established as follows.
Height groups. Fundamentally the height groups and complex groups are different. The height groups only include floor level (height) of the building. The effect of height on the relationship to the variables was tested here. For height groups, the respondents from different floors were grouped into two groups: