Atlantic Institute of Criminology

BERWICK POLICE SERVICE:

STRUCTURE AND ORGANIZATION

by

Anthony Thomson and Lynda Clairmont

1990

Occasional Paper Series

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction

Section I Recent History Style of Policing

Structure And Organization 1. Personnel 2. Police Quarters 3. Shift Schedule 4. Communications 5. General Procedures 6. The Uniformed Constable 7. Training 8. Patrol And Traffic 9. General Investigative Service (G.I.S) 10. Crime Prevention 11. P.A.N.S 12. The Police Commission

Section II Calls For Service Criminal Code Offenses

Conclusion

The authors would like to acknowledge Chief Allan DeWolfe and members of the Berwick Police Service for their cooperation and the Donner Canadian Foundation for research funding. INTRODUCTION

Policing may be one of the most frequently studied occupations in North America. This attention derives from a number of sources, not the least of which is the inherent ambiguity of policing in a liberal democratic state. Most studies, however, have concentrated on the experience of police departments in large urban settings (Ericson, 1982). Rural policing in has been the object of some analysis since most provincial policing is done by the federal force, the R.C.M.P. One of the least studied police populations is the small . In , the majority of police departments are small organizations. Of the 26 municipal police departments in the province in 1987, 18 were small departments having fewer than 15 officers. These departments, however, account for only 18.4% of police officers. Of the 723 officers in Nova Scotia in 1987, 263 (36.4%) were in Halifax, 142 (19.6%) in Dartmouth and 67 (9.3%) in Sydney (Nova Scotia Police Commission, April 1987).1 This report is essentially a description of the structure and operation of policing in a small town. The findings are derived from the ethnographic phase of a study of policing styles and community linkages in the , Nova Scotia. The concept of policing styles is a way to classify departments and differentiate between contrasting elements in different policing environments. For example, Brown (1981, p. 223) defined operational policing style as,

how a patrol man will go about working the street and how he adapts to the contradictory requirements of behaving as a professional performing an uncertain task and as a bureaucrat subject to the stringent but uncertain discipline of the police bureaucracy.

Muir’s typology (1977) focused on the belief and attitude systems of individual police officers as a determinant of policing style. Realistically Muir did not assume that police officers would adhere flawlessly to any particular model. The basic statement of organizational police style was developed by Wilson (1970) who distinguished between three policing styles. The ―watch-style‖ of policing, which is highly discretionary and discriminatory and oriented towards order maintenance, occurs in inner cities controlled by machine politics. Legalistic policing, which is professional, obtrusive and emphasizes enforcement as a dominant quality, is characteristic of newer cities administered by professional city managers. Finally, service-style policing typically occurs in homogeneous communities. Departments take all calls for police intervention seriously and are more proactive in the sense of developing a positive community-police relationship. This style is characterized by informality and leniency. These models are seldom, if ever, encountered in such ideal forms (Muir, 1977; Wilson, 1970). Nor is it always the case that one model predominates in the various

1 Similarly, Victor Sims (1988) claims that 90% of police departments in the United States have fewer than ten officers. types (rural, small town, urban) of police organizations, or indeed, in a single department. However, Wilson’s typology utilizes a number of dichotomies which help describe, for a specific case, the style of policing. Departments, for example, may permit wide discretionary powers or circumscribe the work of officers by bureaucratic regulations and paper forms. Police officers, as ―street-level‖ bureaucrats, exercise discretion as they are relatively unsupervised, yet are ―structured by the work situations and the organizational and client-based demands faced by these officials in their day-to-day work‖ (Phyne, 1988, p. 1). Alternatively police departments can emphasize strict enforcement of regulations or advocate leniency and informal resolution of disputes (Lipsky, 1980; Wilson, 1970). With greater discretion may come the possibility of discriminatory policing. It has been argued that to some extent, in Nova Scotia as elsewhere, there has been a three-tier system of justice: a preferential system for the powerful, an obtrusive one for minority groups and another for the majority of the citizenry. As the Royal Commission on Public Policing in Nova Scotia (1989) concluded: ―Even where stereotypes encourage positive images (about honesty, hard work, intelligence, and the like), problems may emerge‖ (p. 119). To a significant degree, a particular policing style is influenced by a host of external factors, such as the relationship between political authorities and the police department. The size of the department is also an important variable and is, in part, a function of the size of the policed population (which is, in turn, related to the organization of police services, for example, the extent to which a form of regionalization has developed). Within the population, socio-demographic factors such as occupational and ethnic structures, shape policing style. The style of policing has also been found to vary according to the type of municipal contract, whether policing is done by an independent municipal police department or through contract with a provincial or federal force such as the R.C.M.P. However, all the above factors taken together do not minimize the impact, on policing style, of a myriad of internal considerations such as the personality and management skills of the chief administrator, the degree and character of unionization, the level of professionalism of the officers, the peculiarities of the department history and the make-up of the department. Given these varied determinants, whether small town policing represents a distinct and identifiable model is by no means certain. Small town policing emphasizes the order-maintenance police function rather than crime-fighting. Beyond that, to use Wilson’s typology, the traditional image of small town policing would suggest that it is more closely aligned towards the service model in which police ―intervene frequently but not formally‖ and ―there is a high level of apparent agreement among citizens on the need for and definition of public order but in which there is no administrative demand for a legalistic style‖ (Wilson, 1970, p. 200). This style incorporates ―informal, non-arrest sanctions‖. Murphy (1986) has depicted traditional policing in small as being distinguishable by a number of characteristics. He argues that definition of the ―police function‖ in small towns included a number of services which, in urban areas, have been separated from police work. With respect to the contemporary police roles, town policing was ―established as a general order maintenance operation‖. Officers were ―recruited on the basis of physical size and local citizenship‖ and were basically untrained. The law was enforced informally whenever possible and informal dispute settlement short of arrest‖ was routine. ―[P]olice departments were small, simple organizations, with minimal bureaucracy and little operational autonomy‖. The police office was in close proximity to the town hall (frequently in the basement). A police chief reported directly to the Council or Mayor ―and was almost totally dependent on them for all operational expenses‖. Consequently, police forces ―could not develop the organizational autonomy necessary to support a more independent model of operation‖. In contrast to many urban police forces, then, small town police departments had low levels of technology and training. The towns were ―isolated from outside urban influences‖ and police service was personalized (Murphy, 1986, p.p. 111-114). Predictably, Murphy’s research measured the extent to which municipal police departments in small towns had departed from this traditional image. Over the last fifteen years small town policing has experienced significant changes labeled ―modernization‖, or ―professionalization‖. In the process, some of the disparities between policing in small and larger towns and cities have eroded. To an extent, this ―professionalization‖ has resulted from the application of elements of bigger city policing into smaller departments. However, the direction of change has been two-way. During the same period, larger police departments implemented a number of programs to modify their style of policing. Team policing models, store-front operations, increased foot patrol, enhanced police-community relations and new crime prevention programmes have modified the image and practice of urban policing. The most ambitious of these changes has been community-based policing, a style which embraces many of these modifications. For example, a tendency towards emphasizing general police skills rather than specialization can potentially represent a very different style of policing (Clairmont, 1988). This appears to reverse the direction of influence. Chiefs of small towns are quick to comment that, in their view, community-based policing is the application of a small- town model to larger, urban settings. The evaluation of community-based policing in an urban setting is, to a degree, separate from the study which is reported in this brief monograph and is more complicated than reference to a small town model may imply. With respect to small town policing, the ―professionalization‖ or ―modernization‖ model is more appropriate. This can be represented by comparing the functioning of policing in a town with the recent history of the department. Dramatic changes have occurred over the last two decades. In addition, the model of the traditional characteristics of small town policing outlined above is useful as a comparison point for describing these changes, in much the same way as Murphy (1986) used this model as an analytical device in his earlier study. Ultimately, we are faced with the reality of social change and social mobility in small towns and the impact of this change on policing style. The intention of this report is to describe the style and functioning of policing in a small town. While the report is specific to one town, some of the discussion is more general to policing in the larger area included in the research project. The context indicates whether the description is specific to a single department or is characteristic of the Annapolis Valley area. The town of Berwick is located in the central region of the Annapolis Valley, between the North and South ―mountains‖. The town is 4,369 square kilometres in area, with a population of 2058. Thirty-one percent of the population is over 55, 42% between 20 -54 and 26% up to 19 years of age. It is a homogeneous community with few visible, ethnic minorities. For example, of 2058 persons 2050 speak a single language; 2025 speak English, 15 French and 10 other. Of 740 private dwellings in the town 525 are owned and 215 are rented. The average number of persons per economic unit is three, with 450 wife-husband families, 75 single parents and 185 people living alone ( 1986). Commercially Berwick is at the centre of the Valley apple industry, thus earning the name ―The Apple Capital of Nova Scotia‖. Most of the industry in the area is derived from agrarian interests. There are several fruit, vegetable and meat processing plants, a commercial bakery and a major industrial plants in and surrounding the town. The Berwick Police Department is centrally located on the main street (Commercial Street) housed in the town’s Civic Centre along with the Tourist Bureau, Seniors Centre, library and the Recreation Department. The department is run by Chief A. DeWolfe and staffed by five full-time constables and a secretary.

SECTION I

Recent History:

The early history of the Berwick Police Department has been well documented by Peter McGahan (1988) and will not be examined here. The Town of Berwick was incorporated in 1923 and the police department was established shortly afterward. Initially consisting of one officer, the police force grew by the mid-l960’s to a force of three, including the chief. Archibald Strong became Chief of Police in Berwick in 1958 after a career which began in the army during World War Two, and included experience in policing as a constable in Halifax, as Chief in Clark’s Harbour, and as Deputy Chief in Liverpool ( Advertiser, 22 September 1966). Strong resigned from the Berwick Police Department on October 1, 1966 to join the Kentville Police Force and replace Chief John Brown, who retired effective 1 January 1967. John H. Hallett, a native of Lawrencetown, Annapolis County, replaced Strong as the Chief. He began his employment with the town on 26 September 1966 under the direction, initially, of Strong. Hallett was a 12 year veteran of the Glace Bay Police Department and a former member of the Middleton Police Department. In 1969 Hallet was replaced by Edward Backman. Ten years later, in 1979, the Berwick Police Department had grown to a Chief and three constables. In the same year the Nova Scotia Police Commission did an assessment of the Berwick force. Similar assessments were done in other Valley departments at this time. The assessment of Berwick’s police department was particularly in response to a request from the Municipal Board of Police Commissioners in Berwick. There appeared to be some strain between the Chief and the municipal council. All facets of the department’s operation were reviewed. Conclusions and recommendations were submitted to Berwick’s Police Commission. The Nova Scotia Police Commission (hereafter N.S.P.C) recommended that ―in the spirit of improving the Berwick Police Department‖, the Chief and Police Commission have ―frank discussions‖ in which each side should be prepared to listen to the opinions of the other. They recommended that the Police Commission deal with the administrative direction of the police department while the Chief handle the day-to-day operation of the department (N.S.P.C. Assessment, 1980). Further recommendations dealt with manpower deployment and scheduling, training, equipment, and communications. In November 1980 Backman resigned as Chief. The main issue which prompted Backman’s resignation was the decision by Council to reduce the size of the police force. According to P.A.N.S representative Bruce Evans this threat had been raised initially at the start of the 1980 bargaining session and then again ―just before the formal agreement had been signed‖. Mayor Hayden explained the effort to cut $12,000 from the police budget in terms of ―budgetary restriction‖. Concern was expressed at this time that such cuts would diminish the department’s ability to police the town adequately (Berwick Register, 18 June 1980). The culmination of these efforts came in November 1980 when the town laid-off a constable ―in a move to reduce costs‖. Chief Backman noted that ―drastically reduced police coverage will result‖ from Council’s decision (Berwick Register, October 22, 1980). In response to what amounted to a vote of non-confidence in the police department, at a special meeting of Town Council on 29 October, Council accepted the resignation of Edward Back2nan as Chief, effective 14 November. The force was depleted to two with Backman’s resignation. The Chronicle Herald reported: ―Since Mr. Backman’s resignation, the town has been protected by an acting chief and one constable‖ (Halifax Chronicle Herald, 11 December 1981). Backman indicated that ―problems with the [local] police commission prompted his resignation‖, specifically, the issue of firing the third constable (Berwick Register, 5 November, 1980). According to Joe Ross, Executive Director of P.A.N.S, ―Small town politics and anti-union sentiments‖ were behind the resignation. Ross added: ―Policing is a necessary evil. You need it. It’s protection. If you can keep crime down in your community, it’s worth the premium you have to pay for it‖. Mayor Hayden responded to outside comments on the situation asserting: ―We are the ones who know best.‖ Applications had already been called for a new Chief of Police (Berwick Register, 5 November 1980). At its regular monthly meeting in December 1980, Council announced that, as of 1 January 1981, Richard Tennant would be the new Chief of Police in Berwick. Tennant, 34 years of age, from Kemptville, Ontario, was a 12-year veteran of police work with patrol and detective experience (Halifax Chronicle Herald, 11 December 1980). The Chief held his first meeting with the Police Commission in January. At this meeting he again raised the issue of hiring a third policeman (Berwick Register, 14 January 1981). The Berwick Register provides some indication of the type of policing which Tennant publicly intended to implement: ―Although Tennant has always worked in cities he was raised in a small town and said he prefers them. In large cities police tend to be considered a necessary evil he explained while in towns you have the ability to be part of the community‖ (Berwick Register, 14 January 1981). Tennant further stated:

In summation ... [we) will assist with the best of our facilities and knowledge. Should any person need advice, assistance, complaints or commendations, please feel free at any time to contact the undersigned or members of the Police Force. This is Your Police Force, let’s work together! (Berwick Register, 14 January 1981).

Tennant initiated and supported the implementation of various community relations programs, such as Block Parents. Another initiative with which he was associated was the Auxiliary Police Programme. In 1982 it consisted of four ―Specials‖ (auxiliary officers). The Specials who worked in this ―ride-along‖ program were security cleared and received training, including seminars conducted by the local prosecutor and R.C.M.P Identification Unit.2 Tennant had been Chief in Berwick for about 15 months when he resigned at the end of May 1982. At the time of his resignation Tennant was ―under a cloud‖ regarding an alleged assault.3 Chief DeWolfe, the current Chief, started his tenure as Berwick’s Chief of Police on 17 May 1982. Nineteen eighty-two had been a low-water mark for the Berwick Police Department. Chief DeWolfe indicated that the Berwick Police Department was in an upheaval when he took over. He was faced with negative attitudes among both the police and the public. Like other Valley towns in the late 1970’s and early 1980’s, the police in Berwick appeared to be relatively low in public esteem. Not only was the Kentville Department approaching a major Public Inquiry, but the Middleton Police Force was similarly undergoing a public scrutiny which would lead to the firing of its Police Chief.4 It is significant to note that major changes in these three towns occurred around the same time. With the hiring of DeWolfe in Berwick, Cook in Middleton and Innis in Kentville, there was a considerable change in the professionalization of the police forces in the Valley towns. Chief DeWolfe stressed that the interests of the police and the public were the

2 The auxiliary program was terminated by the Chief because the job was becoming too technical for part— time, untrained personnel and because of jurisdictional problems, such as, whether the auxiliary members were governable under the Police Act. The Chief was responsible for their conduct but did not have enough control over their actions. 3 Tennant was formally charged with assault but was subsequently acquitted. 4 Following the retirement of Stan Halt in 1975, Don Woods was hired as Chief. He was succeeded by Robert Boutilier in 1977. Boutlier was suspended in 1981 and subsequently replaced by Ken Cook. same: ―protection of property and civil rights‖. Consequently, citizens should ―realize they can go to their local force for both protection and advice‖ (Annual Report, 1982). In his 1983 Report, following a full year and a half as Chief, DeWolfe reported that the public attitude had become ―very supportive‖, communication was open and relations with the public were ―steadily improving‖. The personnel of the police department stabilized in 1982 and there has been little turn-over since. At the same time the demands on the police force began to change. In his 1984 Annual Report, Chief DeWolfe noted an increase in vandalism, which had always been a problem in the town. In addition, investigative quality was lacking: ―We had a problem, we were not getting our investigations done.‖ That year DeWolfe installed Constable Churchill in a modified General Investigative Services (G.I.S) position to over-see the department’s investigations. The necessity of this modification was confirmed in 1986 when Berwick began to experience a number of break and enters: ―We had six in 1985 and 18 in 1986. They weren’t getting cleaned up and this tied down our investigations.‖ Not only did the number of break and enters increase, but they were of a more serious nature. Chief DeWolfe viewed this as,

the first major shift in policing. Our officers were increasingly involved in investigative complaints which reflected a decrease in patrol activity. This in turn led to a lowering of our presence on patrol, which gave more chance for criminal activity and thus, even more investigation. This trend has continued to the present (Police Department Memo, 1989).

To use the language of ―police styles‖, the department was reluctantly becoming more reactive and crime-oriented than proactive and service-oriented. In 1989, DeWolfe made a formal request to the Board of Police Commissioners for a fifth constable. This was the most significant change in the department since he became chief. Originally, Chief DeWolfe planned to approach the Police Commission with a plan for an additional constable in 1990. Several events, however, precipitated his decision to make an earlier request, one of which was the desire to retain the services of an available, experienced constable who was looking for full-time employment. Further justifications for the addition of another member included an increase in both population and traffic, a greater number of lengthy criminal investigations, requests from the public for more active patrols and involvement in community programs, an increase in criminal activity, and changes under the Police Act which broadened police jurisdiction. Chief DeWolfe noted that an additional member would allow the department to better fulfill its obligations and provide the town with twenty- four hour service. The fifth constable was hired in August 1989.

Style of Policing:

In the recent past, the standard police emphasis on professionalization implied a policy of the maximum separation of the police from the community. This policy was implemented to free the police from political interference, to limit opportunities for favouritism and graft, and avoid parochialism in the use of discretion. More recently, police forces in many western societies have developed a newer model of community- police relations. There are many reasons for this. One is to achieve better enforcement. This involves cultivating informants, receiving community assistance, and just generally creating a positive image for the police which increase the satisfaction of doing the work. Eitzen and Timmer (1985: 383) argue that, "The police are convinced of the utility of informal, personal, and trusting relationships in securing" information and social control. This means "developing personal and trusting relationships in ... bars and neighborhoods ... [and] with on-the-street informants such as bartenders or particular juveniles who know `who's hanging around.'" Greater community involvement in policing is controversial and is beset by certain contradictions. One concerns the community demands for law and order and, simultaneously, demands for civil rights and liberties. A second concerns the community demand for effective crime control, and "the increasing requests by community members for police intervention in an ever-widening array of non-criminal matters." (Eitzen and Timmer, 1985: 403). In general, Ellis argues: "The police in Canada appear to be highly regarded by themselves, the media and the public" (1987: 133). This respect is particularly true of the RCMP. Whether it is equally true of municipal forces in the valley is difficult to say at this stage of the research. In his first Annual report (1982), the present Chief declared his priority to be the construction of ―a department which will provide a basic, preventative type of policing‖ for the town. This entailed both high visibility and ―low key preventative policing‖, emphasizing the protection of public property, civil rights, and ―the citizen’s right to come to the police for advice‖. It was to be a ―community involved‖ style (Annual Report, 1982). The Chief stated:

Pro-active policing is my style. When I got here some of the fellows didn’t think they had to be answerable. The public didn’t have the right to know. You have to be visible and answerable for your actions. The members’ attitude came from the previous chief: the less you tell the better (Annual Report, 1982).

Limited resources and manpower demand that everyone be a ―constable generalist‖. The Chief added, ―We can’t afford not to be proactive‖ (Ibid.). "Small town departments don't have investigative capabilities. With the RCMP, most of this work is done in the day shift. They have the manpower and the resources. A small town department has to stop things before it happens. We had the two main breaks this summer and had all kinds of co-operation. But we are missing the ability to pull a man off shifts and tell him to go investigate. ―Consequently, everyone has to be an investigator. [The G.I.S. Constable] keeps me informed and follows up but he cannot commit himself to investigations. With the new shift schedule, I see the men more often. We can't afford not to be proactive." In terms of policing models, the Berwick Police Department is very service-oriented. The services provided are often outside the rigid realms of the Criminal Code and typical ―police functions‖. Referring to the time that he picked up a prescription for the elderly woman, a constable noted: "This was something that the RCMP wouldn't do". On one occasion, a constable delivered food from a local restaurant to the hospital and returned with the exact amount to the restaurant. At one time there had been a complaint that some constables spent too much time at the hospital, where they can get coffee at night and socialize with the nursing staff. Apparently, this has been curtailed. In contrast to larger police departments, such as the county RCMP detachment, coffee breaks are not an opportunity for groups of policemen to congregate. Among the RCMP, for example, it is not uncommon for six or eight officers to go to a local restaurant for coffee. In Berwick, since there is only one officer on during the day, coffee is frequently spent with some of the locals in a downtown restaurant. Another main source of contacts between the police and the population comes from community activities. Most of the constables are sports-minded and they play ball and hockey, umpire or coach. One of the advantages of community policing adopted by Chief DeWolfe is that the police department also has access to freely-given information from the public. Another factor in living in a small community is that the police are constantly under scrutiny, both on and off duty. This is similar to the phenomenon of the RCMP being seen to congregate at Tim Horton's, but is more serious given the small size of the department and the easy complaint from a resident that he is paying the salaries of the officers. As part of their public order function, police departments routinely check crowd situations such as wrestling matches and ball games, leading to complaints of more spectating than patrolling. This activity is, in part, justified by the opportunity to make or maintain contacts in the community. It is a departmental policy for the police to remain within town limits, with the exception of a few convenient streets that lead out of and then back into town. A short while ago even this was not allowed. Apparently, Town Council and the Chief have made it clear that if the police are out of town ―they had better be on police business‖. Apparently, the insurance company will not pay if the police car is involved in an accident outside the town limits. In addition, there was some perception that some officers were spending too much time at a bakery on Highway One, outside town limits. Town residents act as enforcers in the sense that they are quick to point out any perceived violation of this ―in-town‖ rule. One aspect of small town policing that has both negative and positive features is the often close relationship between officers and town people. As previously mentioned the close scrutiny of police officer’s lives is uncomfortable. Similarly, there is the problem of dealing with the same offending population over an extended time and the difficulties this causes even off-duty. On the other hand one officer said that he had good rapport with 80% of the people in the town. He knows everyone, ―if not by name, then by sight‖. He added that he enjoyed this aspect of his job, and likes to talk to people. It makes it ―easy to come to work‖ and thus enhances job satisfaction. ―It is important to get out and walk and talk to the people‖, he added. In theory, close contacts could lead to the development of information networks, however, many serious offenses are committed by people who are not town residents and close community ties are not helpful. Observation suggests that the constables do know the town and its residents very well. Complaints involving offenses such as vandalism are frequently settled by talking to local residents. Most of the police officers do reside in the town. Some members of Town Council argue that this ought to be a requirement for all town employees. Officers who live outside of the town argue that they are sufficiently close to be available when necessary and prefer to avoid some of the day-to-day difficulties of being readily available on their time off. A constable who lives in town complained that this proximity has often meant that people would call on off-duty hours to make a complaint or ask for police information. Situations of this nature indicate how difficult it can be for a policeman to live a private life in a small town. One member noted: ―People in the town are always watching you, which is why it is better to live outside of town.‖ One issue of police-community relations which is less significant in Berwick than some other communities in the province concerns minority groups. The Valley does not have a large population of visible minorities. One officer hired in Berwick was black, but he worked there for only two months. Apparently there are very few minority families in town and the town people are not preoccupied with issues of racial discrimination. There is a Indian Reservation in Cambridge, about five miles East of the town but according to department members, the police have little contact with the members of the Reserve.5 While relations with the towns people appears to be cordial, contact with the local media is somewhat cooler. In addition to the morning and evening papers which originate in Halifax, Berwick has a weekly community newspaper. The Chief claims, the department manages to have a professional relationship with the local paper. He says that his policy is to refuse to give out details of investigations or charges. He tells the media that if they want to know details they should show up in Court in Kentville on Monday. Concern was expressed, for example, over stories involving crime prevention activities which were attended by the press but which did not appear in the paper. On another occasion, an officer was dismayed to have the RCMP incorrectly cited in an article about a crime-prevention initiative in the town. A more serious issue in small town policing concerns the relationship with local politics. In the past in Nova Scotia the existence of police independence was problematic. The chief was beholden to the municipal authorities for his job and the police force often accommodated to political influence. Interference was also more direct through such practices as ticket fixing. These situations are not simply historical relics as the Marshall Inquiry demonstrated. Berwick has a five-man Police Commission which, according to the Chief, is unwieldy at times. The Police Act amendments call for Commissions of between 4 and 7 members. The day to day operations of the Police Department are up to the Chief. Much of the independence of the Police Department depends on the independence of the chief, but also on how good the constables are. The Chief doesn't get involved in

5 Only two Reserves in the province come under the jurisdiction of municipal police departments. They are located in Sydney and Truro. enforcement or investigations and therefore, he said, he can talk about problems about enforcement in a fair manner. "Complaints come to me and I handle them as I see fit." At times, the police have to settle disputes between individuals who are both town officials. This emphasizes the need for a police force which is not tied to individual favours. The town solicitor is used to prosecute by-law complaints although he is not paid a retainer for this. The issue of police independence may be more problematic in some Valley towns than others. In Berwick the police force appears to be quite independent. Revisions to the Police Act in 1974 determined that there is no employee-employer relationship between a police department and the town that funds it. The police are expected to be politically neutral. Chief DeWolfe said that he had a good working relationship with the Board of Police Commissioners in the town. Town Councilors may call the office with suggestions, ―the same as any other citizen‖, and every complaint and suggestion is taken seriously. He stressed that the final decision is made by the police department on appropriate grounds and the police are not unduly influenced by local politics.

STRUCTURE AND ORGANIZATION

1. Personnel

At the time of our initial contact with the Berwick Police Department in 1988, the department consisted of a Chief, four full-time constables and one regular constable who worked on a part-time basis. Late in the summer of 1988 a second part-time constable was hired. The part-time constables worked largely week-end evenings and also covered vacations and sick leave, approximately 700-800 hours per year. On August 1, 1989 one part-time constable became a full-time member, increasing the complement of the police department to six, including the chief. The other part-time constable left the department to pursue an alternative career. A full-time secretary6 and a cross-walk guard complete the departments manpower complement. The only hierarchy in the Berwick Department is seniority. There is no corporal’s position, nor any intermediate rank. The senior constable is not second in command, although he may be left in charge of the department if the chief is away for a extended period of time. In the past the senior constable has served as ―acting chief‖ while the department was between police chiefs. If the Chief is ill or away for a short time, the man on duty is left in charge. As of January 1990, the senior constable had over twelve years experience. The other three full-time constables had ten, eight and seven years respectively. Only the last of these officers was hired by the present Chief. All constables have first-class status.

2. Police Quarters

6 Prior to 1988 the secretary worked 20 hours per week, and in 1988 the hours were increased to 30 per week. The position was made full-time in the Summer of 1989.

In January 1986, the town commenced work on new police quarters. Although the Chief regarded the former station as ―basically sound‖, it lacked adequate space and there were no private interrogation rooms (Annual Report, 1982). The Chief requested that the Commission consider enlarging the office. Chief DeWolfe noted: ―The move to a larger modern station greatly enhances the morale and working attitude of all concerned‖ (Annual Report, 1985). The present location is equipped with a Breathalyser room, Chief’s office, interview room, a staff room, an exhibit room, and a large general office space. It was ―an excellent work area ... with ample storage space‖, described by the Chief as ―a major improvement in working conditions‖ (Annual Report, 1986).

3. Shift Schedule

The Berwick constables work eight hour shifts in accordance with Section 7 of the P.A.N.S Collective Agreement. Normally, constables are required to work not more than one shift per day. The exception is the shift change from midnight to 8 a.m., to 4 p.m. to midnight. There is only an 8-hour turn-around here, and a constable could work 16 hours in one calendar day. Constables work a total of 2080 hours per year (the equivalent of 52, 40-hour weeks). According to the Collective Agreement: ―The Town ... shall consider implementing a shift schedule to be submitted by the Union, with a view to allowing members weekends (Saturdays and Sundays) off from time to time.‖ In August 1989 the department secured its sixth full-time member. At that time, the Chief instituted a 24-hour policing schedule for the town. Overtime is paid at the rate of one and one-half times normal hourly pay with the exception of Sundays and Holidays, which are double time. Members may take time off in lieu of overtime pay, provided such time off does not ―seriously impair the efficient operation of the force‖. Seventy-two hours notice is required should a member wish to reschedule his shift. If a member is called out, he must receive a minimum of 3 hours pay at the appropriate overtime rate (or take the equivalent in time-off). There is also a ―stand-by‖ clause (Collective Agreement, Section 14) which states that if a member is instructed to ―stand-by‖, he is to be paid a minimum of 2 hours pay, at the regular rate, except if he is called out, when the call-out clause takes precedence.

4. Communications

In 1982 the department’s communication system consisted of two mobile radios, 2 portables radios with chargers, and one base station. The Chief recommended ―the system should be replaced with one which would give better safety and security ... when additional funds become available‖ (Annual Report, 1982). Since 1983 the Department has used the Kentville Answering Service as a dispatch agency. The Chief noted that he had ―no complaints regarding their service‖, and added that the Kentville and Middleton Police Departments also used this service, ―giving the three departments a joint communication system‖ (Annual Report, 1983). Until 1990 the , Berwick, Middleton, Kentville and Police Departments all used the Kentville Answering Service providing instant, emergency coverage from Hantsport to Annapolis Royal. In 1990 Middleton and Annapolis Royal Police Departments did not renew their contracts with the Kentville dispatch office and reached an agreement with a local answering service. The Berwick Police Department is not, as of yet, computerized. Plans exist whereby within the next two years the department will have an IBM compatible computer, rather than a terminal which is connected to a town system. The Chief plans to have a computer system that is compatible with other Valley departments thus furthering the efficient sharing of information. Berwick does not have its own Canadian Police Information Centre (C.P.I.C) terminal so this information is received from the Kentville Police Department during the day, or from Kentville via the answering service during the evening. Information is either sent over the radio or messages, such as records of convictions, are mailed from Kentville to the other towns. The absence of the C.P.I.C terminal is partly a function of the size of the department. In Kentville, department personnel use the C.P.I.C terminal themselves during the day shift. The Answering Service makes queries at night. In Berwick the Police Station is not manned during most of the evening shifts. In the 1983 Annual Report, the Chief reported that: ―The Department had the enviable position of having an error free audit during 1983. The audit conducted by the R.C.M.P. concluded that of the 622 open fields or places of possible error, none were noted. The Chief ―complimented the members for their reliability and accuracy‖ (Annual Report, 1983). Audits are consistently error-free and the percentage factor for accuracy ―is well above average in Nova Scotia (Annual Report, 1987). There are three trained operators in the department. The secretary maintains the Berwick C.P.I.C. files in the Kentville office on a weekly basis. Presently, the Chief added, the Berwick department is second on the list in the province for the installation of C.P.I.C. The proper use of the information system is an important factor in allocation, he said.

5. General Procedures

Complaints are relayed to the police department in a variety of ways, including by mail and in person, but most commonly via the phone. From 9 am. - 5 pm. complaints and requests for service are taken by the secretary and passed to an officer. Members, including the Chief, may take calls directly if they are in the office. When the office is empty, a diverter is activated and phone calls are transferred to the answering service in Kentville. Calls are tape-recorded by the answering service and members are dispatched by radio. A summary of the complaint or information is written into the Daily Occurrence Log in Berwick and assigned an occurrence number. The following information is recorded: occurrence number, date, time, reported by, nature of event, location, class [scored], member assigned. The details of the occurrence are written up either on a ―General Occurrence Report‖ or an ―Investigation Report‖. Two copies of the ―Investigation Report‖ are made. If it is a complaint requiring investigation, the second copy goes to the General investigative Section (G.I.S.). Each recorded occurrence is either concluded or assigned a ―diary date‖ by the Chief. Each occurrence is then filed according to the classification of the offense, rather than by occurrence number. Details of the individuals involved in offenses are kept in a card file for later reference. The Chief works day-shift, usually eight-to-four. While routines may be hard to maintain, the Chief sometimes patrols through the town in the early morning, does a foot-patrol down-town and reserves the latter part of the morning for paper and ffice work, such as reports and communications. Police Chiefs in different towns approach their work in a variety of ways. Some do direct enforcement work themselves; others are active in community and police organizations, leaving much of the day-to-day supervision in the hands of non- commissioned officers. In Berwick, where there are no members of corporal rank, the Chief is primarily an administrator and supervisor, leaving the direct police work to the constables. There are several reasons for this. The Chief explained that this division of labour, in which the Chief is removed from directly enforcing the statutes also frees him to act as a mediator between civilians with complaints and the police constables. He is able to take more of an objective look at the issue. Consequently, reaching a resolution is easier in the absence of his personal involvement. According to the Chief, other than day-to-day administration, his job is basically PR. In addition to his official duties, he said that he works with Minor Hockey and serves on several boards. The Chief says that he refrains from getting too close to the other members of the department. He will socialize with them sometimes, for example having them to his house for a barbeque, but generally they leave early. Similarly, he leaves early during other joint functions. This distance is necessary, in his view, for maintaining the proper atmosphere for supervision. Unlike the practice of one former Chief in the Valley, the Chief does not regularly monitor the work of the department when he is off-duty by listening to the radio. He believes that he has a good department of experienced constables, he said, and they should be able to supervise themselves like professionals.

6. The Uniformed Constables

With a force of five full-time constables, who work largely alone except on the week-ends when shifts overlap, it is inevitable that a great deal of formal division of duties would not exist. Nevertheless, there is a degree of specialization. For example, one constable is primarily responsible for firearms and firearms training, and another is the crime prevention officer. Basically, however, out of necessity the constables are generalists in their work. In Berwick a rudimentary structure has been developed determined as much by the proclivities of the constables as by any design. Much of the day-to-day activity of the uniformed members in the department consists of routine patrol creating a visible police presence in the town. This is commonly regarded as a crime prevention technique. The majority of patrol work is done in the police car. However, officers regularly spend time (foot patrol) on the main street, Commercial Street, during the day. Normally during the Christmas season foot patrol is emphasized to increase police visibility and discourage shop-lifting. The amount of routine patrol depends considerably on how busy the town is, but constables patrol on foot and in the car on both day and night shifts. One aspect of the routine policing activity of a service-oriented department is a funeral escort, in which the police cruiser leads the procession from the Service to the burial ground. This particular task is very time consuming. In addition to assisting with traffic control, which is often necessitated by a funeral procession, these escorts are a highly visible service provided by the police and a courtesy to the public. Valley departments generally perform this service within town limits. With respect to order maintenance, there are no particularly notorious areas within the town boundaries. In fact much of the trouble in the town is generated by persons from surrounding regions. This is inevitable given the service role of the town in the surrounding area and the presence of a drinking establishment. The policed population, therefore, is greater than the population of the town and offenders are more likely to be from outside the town boundaries. This is true despite the fact that in Berwick, unlike most other Valley towns, the main highway does not pass through the town but rather by-passes it to the south. Berwick was described by officers as, usually, ―a very slow town‖ in terms of crime. The day shifts are routinely slow and it is not unusual for there to be no calls on a Friday or Saturday night. One officer noted how small the town was and how tedious the patrol work. Police work is often fairly routine and the constables frequently deal with the same people and problems repeatedly. Nevertheless, Berwick does experience periods of increased activity. For example, during one particular weekend the department dealt with several incidents of vandalism, two impaired drivers, a bar fight and apprehended a child from neglecting parents. This was, however, described as unusual. The busiest time of the year is over the Labour Day week-end when Berwick holds its Gala Days Celebration. Much of the constable’s work is self—generated, pertaining to traffic enforcement. One officer noted that the work is steady if the officer is performing conscientiously. For example, in addition to checking vehicles and property, he said, officers are expected to make note of people who are out and about in the late hours, and note unfamiliar people and vehicles. One aspect of policing in the town which generates considerable public support is the policy of checking private property, including vacant houses. The department checks business property at night, an activity very popular with local business people. In this respect the department exercises a ―watch—man‖ function. There are two rounds, one on foot around the centre of Commercial Street near the police station, and the other around the outer-lying business area by car. This involves driving to a business, getting out and ―rattling the doors‖. The constables are expected to check the doors twice during their evening shift. During the evening, particularly on the week-end, it is department policy to have two men working (possibly three, if scheduling permits). One officer patrols on foot while the other remains in the car. When the bars close it is common—practice for the constables to double—up since disturbance calls are most likely to occur at this time. One problem is that the County Lock-Up is a 15 to 20 minute drive away and it is time consuming to process an offender who has been arrested. If necessary, the Kentville police will see to the processing if the Berwick member has to return to town immediately, but in the interim the second officer is alone to cope with any complaints. A similar problem arises since the County Seat is also in Kentville and paper work is generally processed at the Municipal Building, again taking the officer out of the town for considerable periods of time.

7. Training

In Berwick, all the full-time constables are graduates of the Atlantic Police Academy. The traditional stereotype that municipal policemen were trained on—the-job rather than formally is increasingly not the case (Loree, 1989). In addition to the training received at the Police Academy the department sponsors supplementary training courses, such as effective presentation, investigation and interrogation techniques, driving, a breathalyser technicians course and the operation of radar (offered at the Atlantic Police Academy in Charlottetown or at the Police College in Ottawa). In many of these courses, municipal police officers and R.C.M.P members train side-by-side. Specific information on police training in the department is available from 1982 to the present. Analysis of this information indicates that most members have received the basic police training courses, such as Breathalyser Course, Aerosol Sensory Irritant (Mace) Training Course, Workshop on Drugs, and the C.P.I.C Terminal Operators Course. In 1983 the Chief reported that the ―Department had a very active training schedule. For its size, we can be proud of the extensive use made of training facilities, which are available to provincial police departments‖ (Annual Report, 1983). In his 1984 Annual Report the chief indicated that ―the Department took part in many lecture and seminars on Child Abuse, Care of Exhibits, Young Offenders Act, Drug Intelligence and Firearms Training‖ (Annual Report, 1984). The Chief stressed the importance of selectivity in training. ―The Department training program is limited by manpower and budgets, however, we can continue to offer a basic training package in 1985‖ (Annual Report, 1984). In 1985 ―the Department took advantage ~f a wide range of workshops and training seminars. These covered such topics as Child Abuse, Young Offenders Act and Police Stress Management (Annual Report, 1985). ―A small arms training course is being put together by several Valley Departments and this will be offered as an on-going project starting in 1986‖ (Annual Report, 1985). Although budget restrictions limited training in 1987, members participated in ―local seminars covering such topics as drug abuse, drinking and driving and transportation and storage of hazardous goods‖ (Annual Report, 1987). In 1986 and again in 1987 the Chief reported: ―At present forces are awaiting the government training plan which will provide a basic standard of training for each officer. The plan will follow each member as he progresses through his career‖ (Annual Report, 1986). One common grievance of municipal police departments is limited allocation of funds from both the province and the N.S.P.C. to facilitate the improvement of municipal policing. The N.S.P.C. was deemed to be disorganized, requiring a more structured definition of its mandate and priorities. Municipal police officers in the province still require more training and better equipment. One of the functions of the N.S.P.C. is to coordinate the training of municipal police officers. N.S.P.C. initiatives do not appear to have been effective to date. Some chiefs are optimistic that the ―fall-out‖ from the Marshall Inquiry7 will prompt the government to implement improved The Marshall Inquiry was a Royal Commission Inquiry into the illegal prosecution of Donald Marshall Jr., a native from Nova Scotia who was incarcerated for 11 years for a murder he did not commit.

8. Patrol and Traffic

In Berwick, as in most small towns, the constables spend a considerable amount of time enforcing traffic regulations and on routine patrol. Officers patrol the streets of the town numerous times during the day. The general argument is that, by so doing, they increase their visibility and act as an effective deterrent against crime and public order violations. The actual effectiveness of patrol may be in question according to a variety of studies, but it is regarded as an essential component of small town policing. Furthermore, insofar as the police department is responsive to citizen demands for service, traffic complaints make up a considerable number of citizen-initiated police contacts. This includes speeding cars, squealing tires, and improper parking. Loree et al. (1989) make the following observations about traffic enforcement in small towns: ―The enforcement of traffic laws is frequently one of the most bothersome aspects of small town policing. Police can be seen as too aggressive or not effective enough by different segments of the community at the same time. Traffic is an activity that consumes a considerable proportion of police resources and time and the wise use of these resources is essential‖ (p. 133) All the constables in the department routinely conduct traffic enforcement, however, ticket production among the officers is variable. While three of the four constables in the department routinely run radar and traffic control, one of them is responsible for the majority of Motor Vehicle SOTs handed out in the town. This is primarily a personal preference -- the officer would ideally like to work in something like the New Brunswick Highway patrol -- but it also reflects training since he has attended a course on motor vehicle accidents. There is no formal quota system for tickets, rather most constables have devised their own definitions of acceptable enforcement levels. There exists significant variation in individual enforcement productivity and style. For example, one officer feels he should generate one ticket per shift (20 per month), while others view ticket production as less important. Finding violations are not difficult because there are hundreds of violations every day and he could write many more tickets than he does. He doesn't give out written warnings preferring that they be verbal. Some officers prefer written warnings while other officers prefer that they be verbal. Another officer also thought that warnings should be verbal because if you warned someone and they had a written notification, you might get into trouble if you then decided to charge someone for an identical offence. Verbal warnings are preferred because they alleviate having to explain why variant punishments are dispensed. This speaks to the discretion which all police officers exercise and the sharing of information about policing by the public in a small town. One constable said that he knew the Motor Vehicle Act exceptionally well (he called it his "Bible") and added that he is sometimes contacted by other police officers in the Valley if they have a question concerning the Act. The officer who is informally in charge of monitoring traffic enforcement statistics in Berwick submits a monthly report to the Chief. He has designed a form to record traffic patterns in the town, for use especially in areas where there have been problems or complaints. In problem areas the officers set up radar for a specified period of time and record speeds to collect data for the traffic profile. Optimally these radar checks are done once per day. Each month the results are compiled and presented as part of the department’s monthly report to the local Police Commission. These statistics are detailed, including breakdowns such as the average speed, the number of cars speeding and the number of tickets issued. Speeds are calculated in miles and kilometres per hour for the use of the Town Council. The monthly traffic reports are useful because they provide a concrete demonstration of police productivity. In addition, they usually indicate whether traffic complaints in particular areas are accurate or unfounded and show that the police take public complaints seriously. The monthly traffic report provides an indication to the Town Council that the police are effectively doing their job.

9. General Investigative Section (G.I.S.)

One of the problems associated with the constable generalist role is that investigations opened by an officer get temporarily derailed while the officer is off duty unless the investigation is handed over to another officer. This is one of the reasons that larger departments have tried to implement an investigator's position, with a member who works mostly on day shifts to follow up investigations. Developing this detective function is largely a matter of manpower and budget and the option is normally not available in very small departments. According to a commonly held view among policemen, it is much better working as a detective than in uniform. You work regular hours, handle only the more interesting investigations, and do not have to deal with the petty stuff which made up so many of the complaints. Another of the benefits of plain clothes work is the regular hours, usually 8:30 to 4. However, this is sometimes deceptive in practice. It is not uncommon for plainclothes constables to put in plenty of overtime, but this often amounts to an hour here and an hour there, which might not be claimed for, but adds up. In the view of Ericson, detectives have a high degree of autonomy and considerable freedom to pursue their objectives. (Ellis 1987: 143). Generally speaking, plain clothes work has a higher status attached to it than uniform work. One Valley constable thought that uniformed members may perceive that such is the case, but that it was not necessarily true. It was more a case of different duty appearing more desirable. The point remains that many members perceive this work as desirable. In Berwick there is no full time, plain-clothes investigator’s position. A type of intermediary position was developed to minimize the breach in investigative work. Since 1986, in addition to his uniformed duties, one constable has performed a limited G.I.S function. He reviews all the investigations and files, after the Chief has scored them and given them a diary date. The G.I.S. constable does follow-up investigations on other members files as well as his own. He does not act as a supervisor or assess the other officers. The relationship between the investigating officer and G.I.S. constable is subject to some negotiation. The G.I.S. member does not commandeer another officer’s file, rather his role is to assist members with their files. He was described by the Chief as the busiest officer. This officer chooses to be relatively lenient in traffic enforcement. He said that his job of investigator in the town would be hampered if he ticketed people overly much because this would just get their backs up and he would have difficulty getting information. This same point was made by the investigator in Middleton who works plain clothes, drives an un-marked car, and has gotten out of the habit of paying attention to routine traffic violations. In Berwick, the GIS constable recognized that he errs on the side of laying few charges, although he obviously does not ignore the more blatant violations. In his view as well, overly strict enforcement conflicts with his investigator's role and therefore he gives out few SOTs. The purpose of a SOT, he said, is deterrence and this can be done in other ways. It is different if you have given someone a few breaks and they persist in offending. Then a charge is justified, he added. In Berwick, the G.I.S. constable checks the files received from the Chief and gives suggestions, working on the files if necessary to assist the member originally dispatched. The relationship between the original investigating officer and G.I.S. is subject to some negotiation. The G.I.S. officer said that he does not want to appear to be taking over someone's case, tries not to offend anyone, and views his role as largely providing assistance. The G.I.S officer is responsible for chronicling local crime pattern, thus developing a level of investigative expertise (criminal intelligence). This provides continuity and a pool of general knowledge from which other members may benefit. For example, if a member had a suspect, he may not be aware of his past dealings with the police and offense patterns. In 1982 a file—card system was developed for amassing information on suspects and complaints to enhance investigative quality, despite the fact that in Berwick the encyclopedia of names and incidents contained in the officers’ memories usually suffices. Officers routinely exercise their memories when confronted with individuals, recalling the circumstances of their past dealings. In addition to a file card system, the department has a Criminal Investigative Intelligence Report. This report contains lists of criminals and their associates, including information on dates of birth, addresses, types of charges laid, convictions, sentences, as well as C.P.I.C data and intelligence from other police departments. To assist current investigations the department maintains the previous year’s unsolved files arranged by offence as well as a record of unsolved cases (2 years). Although these files are seldom used the theory is that the older cases could be valuable. The information may be useful when something common occurs, and new information may help clear unsolved files. In addition to a file card system, one constable has initiated a Criminal Investigative Intelligence Report. This consists of a binder containing lists of criminals and their associates. Details on many other people are included, including dates of birth, addresses, types of charges laid, convictions, sentences, as well as CPIC information and information from other police departments. Maintaining this file is a continuous process. The G.I.S. officer also keeps a copy of all investigations in his files, listed by years and the nature of the offence. This is to facilitate the process of cross-checking information. In addition, the officer is in the process of establishing a valley-wide mug-book for use in Berwick or any other local department. The idea is to centralize Valley-wide intelligence since criminals tend to operate in several jurisdictions. For example, in October robbers entered a store in Middleton and took money from the unlocked safe. On the same day the same pair performed a similar robbery in Greenwood, in the jurisdiction of the Military Police. It is considered highly likely that the same suspects were responsible for similar incidents during the summer in Berwick and in the Kingston area. A number of similar incidents occurred between Kentville and Middleton in the spring of 1989 To further enhance intelligence gathering the G.I.S. officer is in the process of establishing a Valley-wide ―mug-book‖ for use in Berwick and other local departments. The idea is to centralize Valley—wide intelligence since conventional criminals tend to operate in several jurisdictions. For example, in October 1989 robbers entered a store in Middleton and took money from an unlocked safe. On the same day the same pair performed a similar robbery in Greenwood, in the jurisdiction of the Military Police. It is considered highly likely that the same persons were responsible for similar incidents during the summer in Berwick, Kentville and Kingston. Since 1987 representatives from all the Valley police forces have an exchange of criminal information at a monthly ―Valley Investigative Meeting‖. Most town police departments send their G.I.S. officer. New Minas and Kingston R.C.M.P detachments also send a representative. The Berwick Police Department views these meetings as informative, useful and good for heightening interdepartmental cooperation. Some department members, in Berwick, would like to see the department have a full-time, plainclothes investigators position. One problem with this has been the size of the departmental budget. In addition the number of investigations in the town may not warrant a full-time, detective position. According to the Chief, although small towns are trying to get dedicated sections, Berwick does not have enough work for a day—shift, plain—clothes officer. A full-time uniformed investigator who performs other police functions may be a workable alternative. Given the transient nature of offenders, inter-department information about crimes and suspects is also shared through the Valley Investigative Meeting. This began in 1987 on about a quarterly basis and consists of representatives of the Valley Municipal departments and RCMP detachments. Most town police departments send their G.I.S. officer. Kingston RCMP usually sends their G.I.S. corporal. The New Minas detachment usually sends a detachment officer on an informal rotational basis. The Berwick member concluded that these meetings are very informative and useful for information exchange and Valley-wide co-operation. The Middleton police force was the first in the area to implement a full-time investigator's position. Plain clothes duty is, in principle, rotated every two years. Kentville has a similar position and principle. However, when the department was down one member, the plain clothes officer went back to uniformed shift work. In Kentville, the job of investigator was opened to applications from members. It is regarded as a relatively desirable job and therefore competition ensues. In Kentville the choice of a relatively junior man led to a grievance from a more senior constable, on the grounds that his seniority had been violated. However, the contract did not specify how this role was to be filled; it only allowed the possibility of developing it. In Middleton, the investigator's role has also had benefits and problems. It is regarded by most members as desirable and apparently improves morale. However, this is partly off-set by a decline in morale as the officer gets shifted back to patrol work. In order to work, the Chief said, the uniformed officers have to accept their roles as patrol officers and do a good job but this was not always happening. Among the advantages of a full-time investigator which were mentioned were continuity of investigations and the factor of motivation. Plain clothes work is largely day-shift work and regular time off compensates for the loss of overtime which the investigator's position entails. Until the summer of 1989, the Berwick police department had one fewer full-time officer than Middleton. The constable responsible for investigations in Berwick expressed a desire to have an additional, full-time investigator's position. He thought that this might occur should the department expand and take in another full-time position. The Chief, on the other hand, who is aware of this officer's desire, had maintained that this was not possible given the departmental budget. As noted under "Personnel", however, the chief did pursue the issue of the fifth constable vigourously. In part, he said, he may have become too complacent over the last year or so. But the negotiations he entered into with the town about his job when he applied for the position of Chief of Police in Kentville acted as a stimulant and the chief successfully argued for additional manpower. The number of investigations in the town did not warrant a day-shift, detective position. According to the chief: "We don't have enough work [in Berwick] for a full-time plain clothes officer, but I would like a full-time uniformed investigator. Small departments are trying to get dedicated sections, but a plain clothes officer, working 8 to 4, doesn't make sense. You have an extra man working day shifts to investigate what happened the night before. The R.C.M.P. are top heavy in the day shift." Part of the justification for the fifth constable was to provide the town with 24-hour coverage and this meant that the constables would continue to be constable-generalists. As the chief explained: "The town wanted increased coverage, from 5 to 8 in the morning." Consequently, Berwick will maintain a uniformed investigation officer, working regular shifts. To assist the investigations which are necessary in Berwick, the department maintains the previous year's unsolved files arranged by offence, and also keeps a file for unsolved cases from 1986 and 1985. They are referred to rarely, but the principle is that new cases may relate to older ones. The information may be useful when something common occurs, and new information may help clear older cases. Since Berwick does not have a full-time investigator, the constables are responsible for their own investigations. Recently the Chief reiterated the importance of each officer following up their own files. Constables are sometimes asked to work on files that were not originally their own, normally to maintain file continuity. For example, one constable was asked to take a paint sample from a vehicle involved in an accident, despite the fact that the file was not his. In short, the constables in the department are generalists, although some degree of specialization has developed because of the need for continuity of investigations as well as the proclivities of individual officers.

10. Crime Prevention

In 1984, one constable was appointed community relations and crime prevention officer (C.P.O). He also describes himself as busy, and spends some off-duty time doing crime prevention work, part of which is done in conjunction with the other departments. The C.P.O. has a small budget for crime prevention work. Since 1984, several members have rotated through this position. The C.P.O assumes the crime prevention workload but is not exempt from his regular duties; however, the arrangement is flexible. The present CPO in Berwick said that the previous CPO worked very hard for the first six months of this posting and had his picture in the paper every week with something or other. However he shot his budget and was burned out in six months and afterwards did very little crime prevention activity. He said that he would spread the work out over the year. His interest in this post was at least in part the result of the promise of a three-week course in media presentation in Ontario. He was concerned, however, that the Town may not be able to afford this trip. While the local media is an important source for disseminating information about crime prevention talks and programmes run by the department, some members of the department feel that the local paper is not conscientious in providing accurate information. For example, the department initiated a ―stop-shop-lifting‖ educational program and, while the local paper reported most of the information accurately, they gave some credit to the R.C.M.P, not the department. The various C.P.O’s have initiated safe driving programs, Halloween safety in the schools and anti-shop-lifting campaigns in November. During November and December 1989, the Department increased foot—patrols in the town’s commercial area in an attempt to maintain a visible presence in the downtown to deter shop-lifters. This included handing out pamphlets to store—owners on preventing shop—lifting and stickers indicating that violators would be prosecuted. One officer said: ―There is little crime prevention you can do in Berwick because there is so little crime. Most of what we do is really public relations‖. One new idea that the CPO favoured was to have Safe Driving Certificates printed up and, during one week (safe driving week or police week), to hand these out to citizens who do something exemplary in the way of good and safe driving. He said that the certificate programme should be limited in time so that it would be meaningful, rather than extend over too long a time. But in a short time it could get maximum publicity. He also suggested seminars in the school around specific events, such as hallowe'en safety in October and an anti-shop-lifting campaign in November. During November and December, the Department increased foot-patrols in the town in an attempt to maintain a visible presence in the down-town to deter shop-lifters. Part of this crime prevention programme included handing out pamphlets to store-owners on preventing shop-lifting, as well as stickers indicating that violators would be prosecuted. Really, he said, there is little crime prevention you can do in Berwick because there is so little crime. Most of what he does is really public relations, he said. Operation Identification and Bicycle Registration programs were described as ―on—going‖. Lectures were requested by the Recreation Department for anyone owning bicycles and interested in safety. Bicycle safety days and rodeos are held regularly in the town and are well attended. In 1983, a grant provided by the federal and provincial governments funded a Community Crime Prevention Programme in which ―[flour workers spent eighteen weeks on a door to door canvass of the Town‖, marking or assisting the home owner to mark ―articles for future identification.‖ According to the Chief: ―Citizen response was tremendous with very few negative results.... The program is ongoing with residents now dropping in to pick up forms and engravers.‖ Typically the department organizes Halloween safety programs on a yearly basis. Visits to the Police Station are held for school classes, cubs and scouts. Other crime prevention projects have included home and personal security talks for women, a Child- Find programme, child finger-printing, talk to local high schools on career day, workshops on Sudden Infant Death and a Poster and Essay Contest during Police Week. Members of the department have attended various church groups, Children’s Service Clubs, specialized classes and lectured on a variety of topics ranging from safety to drugs. The main obstacle for the implementation of crime prevention programmes is the scarcity of resources. Despite limited funding, the Chief noted that: ―The services offered are without a doubt important in both preventing crime and maintaining police—public relations‖ (Annual Report, 1987).

11. The Police Association of Nova Scotia (P.A.N.S)

The Berwick Police Association is a member of P.A.N.S. In late August 1977 the Berwick Police Commission voted not to oppose the application of local 214 of P.A.N.S as the bargaining unit for Berwick’s ―guardians‖ (McGahan, 1989). While most members are supportive of the Union and appreciative of the benefits which derive from unionization, there is a strong feeling that, in the absence of binding arbitration, the Town has the union ―over a barrel‖. Although they have the right to strike, a strike would be ―suicide‖ in Berwick because the police force could be kept out indefinitely. According to one officer the R.C.M.P would police the town and eventually the force could be disbanded. The major issue in the last round of negotiations was the pension plan. One member complained that police officers should not be expected to work until they are 65. Another complaint concerned deductions for the pension plan. The union wanted the town to pay 5% pension, however, the town was only willing to pay 3.5% as it does for other town employees. Department members were not satisfied with the union’s negotiating team. At present there is some uncertainty regarding the future of the union since the largest local, Halifax, dissatisfied with P.A.N.S, has left the latter and established a new union - The Metropolitan Association of Police Personnel (M.A.PP).

12. The Police Commission

One of the most important steps taken to enhance the professionalism of policing in the province was the proclamation of a Police Act (1974). Prior to this Act, the police department was managed by a committee of Town Council. In 1964 the town of Berwick set up the ―Police, Social Assistance, License and Insane‖ committee to replace the town’s committee on ―Poor, Police, License‖ (McGahan, 1988). This committee was responsible for all law and order within the town and had direct control over the police department. In 1974 changes in the Nova Scotia Police Act required that all towns with municipal police departments establish a municipal police commission. In 1977, the required by—law was passed and Berwick established its own Police Commission with the responsibility for the ―enforcement of all criminal laws, federal statutes, provincial statutes and town bylaws and ordinances‖ (McGahan, 1989, p.3). As Peter McGahan (1989) noted the Police Commission departed from it predecessors in several ways. The Police Commission is composed of the Mayor, one councilor, two citizens and an appointee of the Attorney General’s office, whereas the previous committees included only members of Council: the Police Committee was the Town Council. The Police Commission sought ―to operate independently of Town Council, [however], the Commission did require the latter’s approval for the yearly budget it recommended for the police force‖ (Ibid., p.4). Examination of the Berwick Police Commission minutes also reveal that the new body required a monthly report for the Chief of Police and planned to schedule public meetings to discuss community concerns regarding the policing of the town.7 Since its inception, the Commission’s chief concerns have been the unionization of the force in 1977, a continual review of personnel recruitment and the size of the department, service coverage, budget, technology and various problems requiring police assistance (see McGahan, Berwick’s Board of Police Commissioners 1977 — 1987, 1989). The Commission also examined the cost-effectiveness of contracting out policing to the R.C.M.P. The Commission ultimately concluded that the cost of R.C.M.P service was comparable to that of a municipal department but ―also pointed out that the level

7 McGahan (1989) lists several of the questions raised by citizens at the first public meeting held by the police commission. The chief concerns included: cost of police service, the current roles of the council and the police commission, drugs, break and enter, vandalism, the jurisdiction of the R.C.M.P, curfew and cross—walk enforcement. of service may not be the same since complaints and family disputes that are followed up by our force may not be investigated by the R.C.M.P.‖ (Ibid., p.17) The key issue in small town policing relating to municipal police commissions has generally been the jurisdictional ―clash‖ between police independence and the Commission’s mandate for town law enforcement. The history of the Berwick Police Department indicates that such conflicts did arise with some regularity in the past, however, the generally acceptable premise of the independence of the police department appears to be the norm. In short, the Board sets the general guidelines and policies for the department, but otherwise the Chief is relatively independent. The most significant functions of the Police Commission are contract negotiations and the preparation of the annual budget. Otherwise, the powers and the responsibilities of the Commission are determined by the provisions of the Nova Scotia Police Act.

SECTION II

Police productivity as defined by Huper (1978) is ―any activity that uses resources of one kind to produce a result of another‖ or ―the relationship between the resources used and the results produced‖ (Lunney, 1978, p.5). Two generally recognized indicators, effectiveness and efficiency, combine to produce productivity. Simply stated, effectiveness is doing the right thing and efficiency is doing it well. Measuring police productivity is of important because of budgetary concerns and the development of rational, competent management (Lunney, 1978). The difficulties in the measurement of police productivity and performance are numerous and traditional indicators (crime statistics, case load, ticket production) have proved inadequate.8 In small town police departments, especially those engaged in a ―service-oriented‖ style of policing, productivity measurement becomes even more obtuse exacerbated by policing style and inefficient recording and reporting systems. A legalistic style of policing combined with sophisticated reporting/recording procedures may be easier to evaluate. Evaluating the problems inherent in measuring police productivity, Chief Lunney concluded that the ―bottom-line‖ is public satisfaction with police service but, again, ―measurement is nebulous‖ (p. 10). Assessment of public perception of and satisfaction with police service is one way to measure police effectiveness. The public survey is one method of analyzing public perceptions and attitudes toward policing. For example, a recent public survey in Berwick indicated that the public was very positive regarding the quality and style of policing in the town (Clairmont and Murphy, The City And The Valley, 1990). On the other hand, the linkage between public perception of police service and the reality of

8 Problems in determining/measuring police productivity include; lack of uniform reporting and reporting, inter—city comparison, budget and organizational variance, alternative policing styles/objectives, inadequate development of measurement systems, experienced ―data handling‖, geographic and regional variation and difficulties with measuring public satisfaction. police service are unclear. The following discussion of Berwick’s crime statistics and calls for service can, therefore, be interpreted as the level of demand for police service.

Calls For Service:

A Call For Service is essentially a request for police service from an individual or a group. It is departmental policy to respond to all complaints from the public, Clearly, however, some complaints do not require police service. Some calls for service can be dealt with entirely over the phone. Generally, the departmental secretary, who answers the telephone, exercises some degree of discretion in how the complaint is directed. If it is possible for the police to respond they make an effort to do so. This includes calls for service such as lost animals and funeral escorts. Citizens advance and police accept a wide mandate for police service. The operative policing philosophy is that the department’s main objective is public service, and personal contact generates the most effective public relations. In Berwick much of the demand for police assistance is service— oriented as opposed to crime-fighting. As one officer noted; ―99% per cent of municipal policing duties in a small town are above and beyond the call of duty‖. On the whole, one officer said, ―Berwick is a quiet town. ..They really like to see you enforcing the handicapped parking zones in front of the bank.‖ Among the types of complaints which the secretary or dispatcher may head off are those of a clearly civil nature. Even these, however, may warrant a visit. The complainant has to be assured that the matter is, in fact civil. For example, a Berwick constable investigated a complaint from the owner of a video store who had a video recorder returned in damaged condition. It appeared to have been dropped. The complainant was informed that this was a civil matter, although had the damage been deliberate, the police would have had to take a closer look at the case. The constable spoke with all those concerned, including the person who damaged the property. The owner had expected that the matter was not criminal and was satisfied with the police response. The Police Department records much of its activity in a daily occurrence log. In the Annual Report, the Chief summarizes the complaints according to general categories (See Table 4-1). As the statistics indicate, a considerable proportion of occurrences are accounted for by ―Assistance‖ calls or ―Calls For Service‖ as opposed to Criminal Code Violations (see Tables 4-7, 4-8).

Table 4-1 General Occurrences, 1982 - 1989

Occurrence Year 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 RCMP Assist 57 111 109 126 172 273 284 284 Munic. Pol. Ass’t 17 34 48 58 72 97 103 74 Alarms 14 31 37 43 40 41 46 52 Suspicious Vehicles 2 20 15 6 9 7 8 21 Vacant Residence 30 72 63 60 71 58 61 84 Unsecured Premises 26 59 92 52 62 43 122 87 Warrants Executed 5 36 26 11 0 1 0 2 Lost Property Rep’ts 12 17 25 12 18 14 13 24 Domestic Complaints 1 16 6 9 11 11 10 21 Fire Dept. Assist. 5 0 2 0 2 2 1 3 Child WelfareAct 1 0 0 2 4 5 3 2 Parole-Prob. Report 2 18 24 10 20 9 14 4 Suspicious Person 4 27 17 47 44 47 26 25 Assistance Other 977 189 186 180 166 131 131 136 Recovered Property 12 41 36 42 34 32 57 37 InquiryAct 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Summons Served 34 26 21 22 30 15 Town of Berwick Asst. 1 8 2 6 8 28 33 46 Young Offenders Act 2 1 3 7 11 12 2 Missing Persons 5 14 9 11 14 5 12 10 Mental N.S Hosp. Act 0 3 1 4 6 11 7 6 SuddenDeath 1 0 1 3 0 1 1 1 Escorts 13 23 42 39 39 36 57 47 Drug Intelligence 4 0 3 4 0 0 0 3 Liquor Premises Compl. 2 8 2 0 0 0 1 0 Non-Reportable Accid’ts 17 16 5 23 13 13 13 13 MV Complaints - No chg. 5 23 39 46 44 40 28 29 Departmental Investiga. 1 1 1 1 0 1 1

TOTAL 1214 1051 826 824 877 938 1074 1030

Assistance to other police departments covers a wide range of police activities. In some cases, the Berwick Police Department has provided information to the R.C.M.P, actively searched for automobiles on Highway # 101, provided pertinent information of a local nature, or accompanied R.C.M.P members outside the town boundaries. In many other cases, however, information relayed from C.P.I.C is simply recorded in the Occurrence Log. In addition to these calls for service, several other police activities are recorded and compiled in the Annual Reports, including town by-law complaints (See Table 4-2).

Table 4-2 ―Other‖ Calls For Service 1982 — 1989

Year 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 Nature of Occurrence

Firearms Acquisition Certificates 34 24 18 27 25 19 9 14 Replacements 1 Town-By-Laws Charged 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 Other Provincial Statutes Reported 2 0 0 0 0 0 Charged 2 0 0 0 0 0 Warned 0 0 0 0 0 0 Snow Vehicles Act Charges 2 0 0 0 0 0 0

By—Law enforcement is one of the duties of municipal police departments. In 1987, for example it was noted that,

the Chief met several times with a Committee of Council with respect to up- grading and revising the dog by-law. The Department is becoming more active with the investigation of dog complaints, however, the apprehension of dogs at large is hampered by not having a readily available control officer (Annual Report, 1987).

Other studies of small town policing (Murphy, 1986) indicate the most common arrests made by municipal police officers are drunk in a public place or for causing a disturbance. Table 4—3 demonstrates that the number of reported violations of the Liquor Control Act.

Table 4-3 Public Order: The Liquor Control Act. 1982 - 1989

Year 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 l989 Reported 92 95 62 59 55 50 31 43 Charged 82 88 48 49 44 43 23 29 Warnings 10 7 14 10 11 7 8 14

The number of charges laid under this provincial statute declined from 1982 to.1987. Many of these incidents involved underage drinkers. In 1987 the Chief reported:

The Department investigated several complaints of parties involving young people and alcohol. It was necessary, at times, to call off-duty Officers for assistance in handling these complaints. Most cases involved young people left at home by parents and trying unsuccessfully to host alcohol related parties (Annual Report, 1987).

Another common small town complaint is damage to property, although some officers reported that there is less vandalism than in the past, presumably, in their view, because the newer generation have discovered other distractions. This observation aside, vandalism is a fairly common complaint in the town. On one weekend, for example, four complaints of vandalism were investigated. In two cases, coloured water was splashed on the outside and inside of cars. Vandals had urinated on the back seat of a third car and defecated on the rear bumper. There does not appear to be a loitering problem in Berwick. According to one officer, there was more of a problem when the video arcade was in the centre of the town, but now it is at the south end of the town and out of sight. Another constable, however, suggested that this lower visibility was double-edged. On the one hand, the police received fewer complaints from residents about loitering as the arcade keeps the teenagers off the streets, he said. On the other hand, the lower visibility increases the opportunities for illegal activities. It might simply be a case of hiding the problem, he concluded. Nevertheless, he added, drugs do not constitute a major problem in Berwick. A considerable proportion of the self—generated work of the police department involves motor-vehicles (see Table 4—4). Speeding is a problem on some streets, especially the Main Street which connects to a major highway in the area. In other parts of town, residents complain of excessive speed. In one case, a man complained about speeding and the Chief ordered extra patrols and random speed checks. The maximum speed discovered was 51 kilometres per hour, he said, and he took this information back to the Police Commission. The Police have implemented a programme of traffic checks throughout the town and the resulting statistics are compiled and presented to the Police Commission.

Table 4-4 Offenses Under the Motor Vehicle Act1 1982 — 1989

Year 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

Reported 300 354 276 308 194 227 313 290 Charged 272 258 185 191 149 155 205 159 Warnings 28 96 91 117 45 72 108 131

The officers who routinely monitor traffic and issue SOTs also monitor the use of seat belts. This is a controversial area in the Valley since not all officers are fully in agreement with a strict enforcement policy. Nevertheless, this is certainly a case in which there are far more violators than convictions. However, it opens up the question of discretion. The use of discretion here is interesting. Often tickets are only given out following some verbal warnings. On other occasions, an officer will give a partial break to a motorist by giving a warning on the excessive speed and an SOT on a lesser infraction such as a seat belt violation. One constable indicated that most of the officers in Berwick had not enforced the seat belt law strictly, until directed to do so by the Chief. Another frequent offence involving a motor vehicle is impaired driving, although this is a federal •and not a provincial crime, coming under the provisions of the Criminal Code. According to one constable the number of impaired drivers has decreased in recent years: ―A few years ago there was no trouble finding a car with an impaired driver. Now you have to go out and look for them‖. Tables 4-7 and 4-8 (below) support this observation. The Police Department also responds to accidents which have remained steady over the last few years (See Table 4—5).

Table 4-5 Motor Vehicle Accidents, 1982 — 1989

Year 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 Over $500 18 24 21 21 27 14 28 21 Under $500 17 16 8 21 16 17 13 13 Injury Accid’ts 3 2 2 2 3 4 5 Injuries 5 7 2 2 2 3 4 5

Charges under provincial acts which are successfully prosecuted result in town revenue. The police force is a generator, as well as a drain, on town revenues. The amounts of these fines, including the level of government to which the amount is paid, are compiled annually. They are summarized in Table 4-6.

Table 4-6 Fines Levied, 1982 — 1989

Date Motor Veh. Liquor Town By-Law Narcotic* Criminal Act Cont. Act Cont. Act Code**

1982 8,268 1,170 1983 7,911 2,618 14,525 1984 7,512 3,730 81 19,900 1985 7,461 4,228 50 19,375 1986 6,443 5,350 1,500 19,725 1987 5,940 4,600 25 300 21,095 1988 6,925 2,540 950 19,785 1989 5,915 4,090 200 7,775

* Assessed to Government of Canada, Narcotic Control Act ** Assessed to Province of Nova Scotia

Although the Berwick Police Department is relatively small, the town is closely policed. Within a small perimeter there is frequently a police car on patrol increasing the likelihood of observing motor vehicle violations. In contrast, communities half the size of Berwick in the county seldom see the police. In Berwick, then, the local population is subject to relatively closer control. The question is what effect this has on police— community relations, since the target of enforcement would appear to be town people? On the other hand, complaints about traffic make up a significant proportion of the calls to the police department, indicating that residents are concerned about traffic violations in their community. In addition, the Chief argues that traffic enforcement is largely directed at people from outside the town, reinforcing the protective rather than the control aspect of the work. If it is true that most SOTs go to people who do not reside in Berwick, this may reflect selective enforcement. That is, community people who are well known to the officer may be more likely to receive warnings (verbal or written) or have their infractions ignored. We do not have systematic information on this exercise of discretion. Nevertheless, our observations indicated the main criterion in the officer’s discretion appears to be the degree of speed. The real test would be cases in which the violator was close to the officer’s discretionary boundary between a warning and an SOT. Even here, observation suggests that the one main criterion in the exercise of this discretion is the observed attitude of the offender. In other words, some people react aggressively and obnoxiously and, in effect, talk themselves into a ticket. These could be towns— people as well as outsiders. It is also possible, of course, that certain people who are well known to the police and are highly visible may experience selective enforcement.

Criminal Code Offenses:

Typically, small towns in this region are not plagued by the types of potentially violent crimes which seem to be becoming more common in larger, metropolitan centres. Over the course of a year, most of the common Criminal Code offenses do occur, although only some occur with regularity. For example, armed robberies, murder, and attempted murder are very rare the Valley. In 1987, the Chief remarked that, in Berwick, most major criminal complaints had been cleared, however, ―incidents of mischief and minor property damage continue to plague the Department and due to their nature, are difficult to conclude‖ (Annual Report, 1987). In 1986, 297 Criminal Code complaints were recorded in the Department; including 35 drinking and driving charges (―Press Release‖, Annual Report, 1986). In 1987, 224 complaints were registered with the Department: Of these, 190 were founded, ill were cleared and charges laid against 36 people. Fifty-three Criminal Code complaints involving motor vehicles were also investigated, resulting in 39 charges, 35 of which were for impaired driving (Annual Report, 1987). Table 4—7 depicts crime statistics in Berwick for the years 1982 - 1989. No general pattern emerges except to note the yearly variations. Total Criminal Code violations (exclusive of drinking and driving) peaked in 1983 (n = 205), then declined for two years before rising again in 1987 (n = 192). The majority of code violations are contained in the ―Other Criminal Code Offenses‖ category. Tables 4-7 and 4-8 provide a detailed breakdown of offenses. Apart from the ―Other‖ category, which consists mainly of mischief and disturbance charges, the most significant violations were for theft under, and fraud.

Table 4 - 7 Berwick Crime Statistics 1986 – 1989

Offenses Year 1986 1987 1988 1989 Robbery 4 0 0 0 B&E 15 9 6 8 Theft (M.V) 2 1 2 2 Theft Over* 3 1 0 4 Theft Under* 58 53 44 55 Stolen Goods 2 1 1 0 Fraud (total) 15 41 22 41 Homicide 0 0 0 0 Att. Murder 0 0 0 0 Assault (total) 9 11 14 11 Sexual Off. 2 2 0 0 Off. Weapons 0 1 0 0 Other C.C** 77 72 66 102 Cannabis 9 3 2 0 Other Drugs 0 0 0 0 Prov.StatuteS*** 1 0 30 0 Traffic (total) 60 53 36 35 Impaired Drivers 27 25 20 20

* Prior to 1985 the category was theft under $200 as opposed to theft under $1,000, similarly theft over $200 was changed to theft over 1,000. ** Other Criminal Code Offenses include;disturbances, mischief, obstruction, kidnapping, indecent acts, bail violation, counterfeiting and arson. *** No longer valid

Table 4-8 Berwick Crime Statistics 1982 – 1985

Offenses Year 1982 1983 1984 1985 Robbery 0 9 0 1 B&E 13 0 15 6 Theft (M.V) 4 7 3 2 Theft Over* 2 8 13 10 Theft Under 34 42 35 43 Stolen Goods 0 0 0 0 Fraud (total) 7 35 22 18 Homicide 0 0 1 0 Att. Murder 0 0 0 0 Assault 13 9 8 13 Sexual Off. 0 0 0 1 Off. Weapons 0 0 0 0 Other C.C** 76 95 87 63 Cannabis 2 10 0 2 Other Drugs 1 0 2 0 Prov. Statutes 0 0 11 3 Traffic (total) 53 46 71 50 Impaired 25 28 36 29

* Prior to 1985 the category was theft under $200, as opposed to theft under $1,000, similarly theft over $200 was changed to theft over $1,000. ** Other Criminal Code Offenses include; disturbances, mischief, obstruction, kidnapping, indecent acts, bail violations, counterfeiting and arson.

Tables 4-9 and 4-10 indicate the clearance rates for the various offenses (1982 - 1989) distinguishing between the laying of charges and other means. In general, then, just over half of all offenses are ―cleared‖. Of these, between one eighth and one quarter are cleared by a charge being laid.

Table 4 - 9 Berwick Crime Statistics: Clearance Rates 1986 — 1989 (Cleared by Charge/Cleared Other)

Offenses Year 1986 1987 1988 1989 Robbery 2/2 - - - B&E 5/3 3/2 - - Theft (M.V) 1/0 1/0 - 2/1 Theft Over 2/1 - - - Theft Under 10/10 9/10 7/6 7/7 Stolen Goods 2/0 1/0 0/1 - Fraud (total) 2/12 16/16 8/11 11/19 Homicide - - - - Att. Murder - - - - Assault (total) 5/3 2/8 6/7 4/6 Sexual Off. 2/0 2/0 - - Of f. Weapons - 1/0 - - Other C.C 8/35 12/30 10/21 14/49 Cannabis 9/0 3/0 2/0 - Other Drugs - - - Prov. Statutes 0/1 - 22/8 - Traffic (total) 47/9 39/2 28/5 28/4 Impaired 27/0 25/0 20/0 18/2

Table 4 — 10 Berwick Crime Statistics: Clearance Rates 1982 — 1985 (Cleared by Charge/Cleared Other)

Offenses Year 1982 1983 1984 1985 Robbery - 3/1 - 1/0 B&E 7/2 - - - Theft (M.V) 2/0 2/2 1/1 - Theft Over — 0/2 2/0 0/1 Theft Under 3/4 5/5 8/10 3/8 Stolen Goods - - - - Fraud (total) 2/2 5/21 5/12 5/10 Homicide - - 0/1 - Att. Murder - - - - Assault (total) 8/1 0/7 1/6 5/8 Sexual Of f. - - - - Of f. Weapons - - - - Other C.C 18/28 14/38 16/45 6/29 Cannabis 2/0 10/0 - 2/0 Other Drugs 1/0 - 2/0 - Prov. Statutes - - 2/9 0/1 Traffic (total) 46/3 41/1 58/1 42/2 Impaired 25/0 28/0 36/0 29/0

There are signs that criminals based in the are operating more widely in the Valley. People commute from the Valley to the Metro area for work and, as the rural life style gets transformed, it is predictable that crime patterns may also change. Berwick is within the limits of these developments and the most serious recent break and enters were most likely have been the work of Metropolitan professionals. These included an early summer break into a retail store and a late summer break that netted thieves such items as chain saws and work boots. Police report that teams of criminals sometimes work the entire Valley. Narcotics come under the federal government, although the Food and Drugs Act and Narcotics Control Act are statutes which the municipal police enforce. Generally speaking, drug use is evident in Berwick but not widespread. In the late 196O’s Chief Backman had indicated there was a glue sniffing problem in Berwick. According to the current Chief, 1986 saw a great increase in charges under this Act. As a result of decreased R.C.M.P. involvement in street level drug work our force has become more active in this field. This force works closely with Drug Section members from New Minas. This co—operation has resulted in several joint charges for drug offenses‖ (Annual Report, 1986). It is difficult to enforce sections of the Narcotic Control Act with a small Department and all being uniformed members. However, all officers are very aware of the continuing problems drugs have in our society and make every effort to curtail the use of illegal and non—prescription drugs‖ (―Press Release‖, Annual Report, 1987). Berwick does not have a drug officer. Table 4 - 11 for indicates the recorded drug activity of the Berwick Police Department.

Table 4-11 Berwick Police Department: Narcotics Control Act, 1985 – 1989

Year 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 Reported 4 10 3 4 1 Actual 2 10 3 4 1 Charged 2 10 3 4 1 Charged: Possession 9 3 4 1 Charged: Trafficking 1 0 0 0

CONCLUSION

The traditional model of policing in small towns is characterized by general order maintenance and a service style (Wilson, 1970) of policing which involves a wide definition of the ―police function‖ and includes a number of services, which in urban centres have been separated from police work (Murphy, 1986). In small towns members of the public are quick to call the town police about such things as loitering, squealing tires and barking dogs. In Berwick ―the police take seriously all requests for either law enforcement or order maintenance‖ (Wilson, 1970 p. 200). Traditional models of small town policing suggest that officers are recruited on the basis of physical size and local citizenship. While both factors may be taken into consideration, they do not constitute the main hiring requirements (Loree et al., 1989). Attitudes which condone the use of force as a deterrent, as symbolic of community outrage or as a routine part of order maintenance, tend to be associated with more traditional and less professional policing styles. A tendency to enforce rules physically may have reflected past recruitment practises (for example, an emphasis on size) and lack of training. Many contemporary town police officers, however, approach potentially dangerous situations more discreetly as they are likely to be working alone or, at most, have a single partner. Presumably, greater professionalism will reduce the need for physical prowess, but the latter will always be an aspect of the job especially in a situation where the use of weapons is unlikely or counter—productive. Prowess, however, does not only mean size and the town police force has put some training emphasis on hand—to—hand combat, pressure point tactics and the careful use of mace, although Berwick officers no longer carry mace routinely. At present, the generalization that town police who are recruited are basically untrained seems to be largely unfounded in the Valley towns, for example, all full-time members of the Berwick force have received formal training from the Atlantic Police Academy. Moreover the following observation increasingly holds true throughout the Valley: ―Given mandated and centralized training institutions, local constables often no longer have their roots in the community they police‖ (Loree et al., 1989, p. 128). In Berwick, for example, no officer is from the town itself, although half of the members are from the Valley. Part of the justification for town policing is that it can provide a model which combines the professionalism commonly associated with the R.C.M.P and the service orientation of traditional small town policing. Professionalism is enhanced by the acquisition of formal training and modern equipment. Police Chiefs often judge their relationships with town officials, at least in part, by how well the town meets the demands of the Chief to up-grade the police force through better equipment and improved training. In Berwick the turning point came in the late 1970’s with unionization. It was not simply that the town was being asked to pay higher salaries for police officers but rather to pay for more professional policing. The unionization entailed a commitment on the part of municipal governments to increase the police budget in other areas as well, such as training, equipment and quarters. One concern is whether specialized training and equipment will, in fact, be used in a small town. Training in the extensive use of firearms, in emergency response and hostage negotiation, may contribute to heightened expectations of the job and, in the long run, dissatisfaction with the realities of small town policing. On the other hand, many of the skills are generalizable and may enhance the overall professionalism of the individual officer. For example, courses involving negotiations are useful in interrogations and police—community relations. The hiring of the Chief is probably the single most important role of the Police Commission. While traditionally Chiefs were beholden to the Town Council, and ―locals‖ were usually hired, this has not been the practise in the Valley in the last decade. The search for Chiefs outside the town and, in some cases beyond the Province, indicates the desire for professional, independent policing. Loree et al. (1989) conclude that this phenomenon is one facet of the social change and social mobility in small towns. The present Chief, who was hired from outside the Valley area, continues this policy of professional management in his dealings with the Police Commission and Town Council. Traditionally, the maintenance of good community relations in small town policing involved the use of informal, non—arrest sanctions whenever possible. In the Valley informal dispute settlement is routinely used. In the standard comparison between bureaucratic, legalistic policing and small town models, it is common to assert that legalistic policing involves the imposition of a justice model on disputes which may have been resolved, or ―smoothed over‖, in less formal ways. The assumption that the R.C.M.P employ a more legalistic style of policing style may be qualified by the actions of individual town police officers who are equally legalistic and the possibility that some R.C.M.P officers may informally resolve certain problems. Other factors may lead to informal resolution across jurisdictions. For example, the complex procedures of the Young Offender’s Acts may compel officers, whether R.C.M.P or municipal, to handle complaints informally as much as possible to avoid the lengthy paper-work involved. At the level of ethnographic research the matter of informal or formal handling seems to relate to individual styles of policing and the proclivities of Chiefs and supervisors. Muir’s attitudinal models (1977), using the ―passion‖ and ―perspective‖ measures, explained individual variation in terms of the inherent belief systems of police officers. Certainly, in the Valley, there is observable variation with respect to selective enforcement, for example, of the Liquor Control Act. The definition of public intoxication is subject to considerable interpretation. Part of this variation in Berwick relates to the distance from the jail (20 minute drive) and the concern about leaving the town unprotected while transporting the culprit. When statistical information on charges laid is taken into account, there is evidence to suggest that the town police continue to handle some matters informally. For example, cheque frauds are frequently resolved without the laying of charges in some towns. Other evidence indicates that in some towns in the Valley domestic disputes are frequently resolved informally. To some extent, a small town style is unlikely to correspond flawlessly with any particular policing model. In fact, despite the similarities among the small town Valley police departments, there is also considerable variation in policing style brought about by the characteristics of the towns, the philosophy of the Chiefs, and the personalities of individual officers. The smaller the organization, the more particularist factors appear to contribute to the development of a specific policing style. Beyond these specific factors, small town policing is similar to Wilson’s (1970) ―watch-style‖ policing as it is highly discretionary, although not necessarily discriminatory. However, the service—style model most accurately depicts small town policing in the Valley in the sense that policing is proactive and community—oriented. The professionalization of small town policing has tended to place a greater emphasis on the legalistic aspects of policing, with its accent on laying charges and enforcement, although when compared to the R.C.M.P small towns are still less enforcement— oriented. While some larger cities are adopting elements of a service style in their community-based policing initiatives, often interpreted as a small town policing model, in many ways the direction of influence has been the reverse. Small town police departments have developed G.I.S functions, for example, and to some extent copied big city models of specialization. Berwick has gone far less in this direction than some small town departments. The constables here are essentially generalists, although a certain degree of specialization has developed. All officers are expected to contribute to positive police—community relations and other tasks. Political interference in municipal policing has been reduced by the introduction of local Boards of Police Commissioners (Nova Scotia Police Act, 1976), to which police departments report and to which they are accountable. However, the Council retains control over the police budget. Political interference is not confined to municipal forces. One factor that separates town police from the R.C.M.P is funding. Despite this, as the Marshall Inquiry indicated, the R.C.M.P is not immune to political pressure from the Province. The level of political interference varies from town to town. As Murphy (1986) indicates police organizations are dependent on the local municipality for resources. Towns with municipal police departments presently fund 87% of the total cost of such services, with the remaining 13% provided by the Province. Consequently, the Police Chief is required to be politically sensitive in his discussions with local power brokers in the effort to have his budget approved as the acceptance or rejection of the budget ―can be used to reward or punish the performance of the entire police department‖ (Murphy, 1986, p. 198). This was certainly the case with the former Berwick Chief, Edward Backman, who faced a substantial reduction in his budget and staff. The present Chief has been successful in his negotiations with Council, with respect to increasing the size of the department and up-grading training. While police professionalism and unionism helped remove the police from the political influence, ―resource dependence is at least some degree of political responsiveness‖ (Murphy, 1986 p. 188). One consequence of increased demands for revenue is the reciprocal demand from Council for accountability, quantifiable evidence of police productivity. This means that policing styles are, necessarily, transformed from a peace—keeping orientation to a more legalistic style emphasizing close monitoring of complaints and calls for assistance, as well as proactive management of public order complaints. Although they ask the advice of local political authorities, and meet with them both formally and informally, the style and level of policing is, at the explicit level, determined by central authorities within the department more than by the local municipalities. Concern about the precise role of extra—departmental authorities was expressed in the recent Marshall Inquiry report on public policing in Nova Scotia. The limited resources of many small town departments has facilitated a certain degree of dependence on the R.C.M.P. Specialized services are available to all municipal Valley police departments. In some cases, for example, major crimes such as murder, the R.C.M.P have official jurisdiction. All of the small towns in the Valley region utilize R.C.M.P identification (forensic) services. As federal and provincial budgets tighten, however, these services will be provided increasingly at cost. For example, identification services, the use of tracking dogs and lab work may well, in the future, be billed to the municipal police departments. In a very fundamental way the dependence of the town police on political authority and the resources of the R.C.M.P is reflected in the potential threat to disband the municipal police force and bring in the federal force. In Berwick this threat has surfaced on occasion, especially during the period of unionization when the police department came close to a strike. Presently, however, the department is assured of its functioning. The most obvious advantage of the municipal R.C.M.P contracts has been the high level of subsidization of town policing by the government. However, as the Federal government moves to recover an increasing proportion of its expenditure from the municipalities, the cost benefits of an R.C.M.P contract will diminish and subsequently the importance of local control over the police force will be enhanced. The appropriate role for the community to play in determining and supervising policing is very controversial and the police departments themselves have been emphasizing organizational autonomy to avoid political interference. Certain reformers, however, who envisage a democratic community structure, believe that the police should be responsive to the needs and demands of their constituency. Chiefs guard their autonomy from the elected officials, public interference, media misrepresentation and even threats from other police departments, for example, in the case of proposals for regionalization. Small town policing is likely to continue to experience change in the next decade. The question of police budget will be pivotal. Town citizens pay taxes directly for policing, as well as other municipal services. These special taxes are not paid to the same extent by County residents who are policed by rural R.C.M.P provincial contracts. Municipal politicians are likely to take on the challenge of this unfair tax burden and, in the process, changes in provincial policing will be high on their agenda. Some forms of regionalization of policing in areas such as the Valley may well be one of the consequences of the Marshall Inquiry. The essential problem for towns such as Berwick would be to make some changes while retaining the traditional strengths of small town policing. It will be a delicate balancing act pushed by forces outside the municipalities which may have a more legalistic and intrusive style of policing in mind.

REFERENCES

Clairmont, Donald. Community-Based Policing and Organizational Change. Halifax: Atlantic Institute of Criminology, 1988.

Clairmont, D. and C. Murphy. The City and the Valley, Halifax: Atlantic Institute of Criminology, 1990.

Brown, M.K. Working The Street. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1981.

Ells, Desmond. The Wrong Stuff. Toronto: Collier Macmillan Canada, Inc., 1987.

Ericson, Richard. Reproducing Order: A Study of Police Patrol Work. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982.

Lipsky, M. Street-Level Bureaucracy. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1980.

Manning, Peter. Police Work; The Social Organization of Policing. Cambridge Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1977.

McGahan, Peter. Crime and Policing in Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth-Century Kings County, Nova Scotia. Halifax: Atlantic Institute of Criminology, October 1988.

Crime and Policing in Kings County. Nova Scotia: 1920’s — 1930’s. Halifax, Atlantic Institute of Criminology, November 1988.

Crime and Policing in Kings County, Nova Scotia: 1940’s — 1960’s. Halifax: Atlantic Institute of Criminology, December 1988.

Crime and Policing in Maritime Canada. New Brunswick: Goose Lane Editions Ltd., 1988.

Berwick’s Board of Police Commissioners 1987 —1989. Halifax: Atlantic Institute of Criminology, January, 1989.

Muir, W.K. Police: Streetcorner Politicians. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1977.

Murphy, Chris. Social and Formal Organization of Small Town Policing; Comparative Analysis of R.C.M.P and Municipal Police. Toronto: University of Toronto (Unpublished P.H.D. Dissertation), 1986.

Phyne, J. Discretionary Strategies and Social Conditions. Newfoundland: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1988.

Sims, Victor. Small Town and Rural Police. Springfield: Charles C.Thomas, 1988.

Wilson, James. Q. Varieties of Police Behaviour. New York: Antheneum, 1970.

The Nova Scotia Police Commission Assessment of the Town of Berwick Police Department. 1980.

The Royal Commission on the Donald Marshall, Jr., Prosecution.: Public Policing in Nova Scotia - A Research Study 1989. Province of Nova Scotia, 1989.

Berwick Police Department Annual Reports, 1980 - 1989. Berwick Police Department, Collective Agreement, 1987.

Kentville Advertiser. Kentville, Nova Scotia. September 22, 1966, December, 1989.

Berwick Reaister. Berwick, Nova Scotia. June 1975 - January 1981.

Chronicle Herald. Halifax, Nova Scotia. 1980 - 1982.

Appendix la

Berwick Police Department: Budget Expenditures 1987 - 1989

1987 1988 1989

Administration Salaries 173,177 181,018 171,720 Office.Exp 2,442 3,371 3,264 Telephone 10,499 11,309 9,819 Legal Fees 1,200 1,200 1,250 PANS* 6,800 7,882 7,332 Worker Coinp. 3,036 2,680 3,240

Automotive Equipment Gas & Oil 5,596 5,624 6,221 Repairs 3,201 5,727 2,971 Insurance 1,044 1,204 2,605

Other Police Protection** 5,995 6,605 6,395

Tot. Expenditure 212,779 226,900 214,817

* This includes P.A.N.S insurance and the pension plan.

** Included in this category are expenses related to mileage, cost of training courses, clothing, and various equipment and repair.

Note: In 1987 the projected budget was $168,000 while the actual budget as represented above was $5,177 more. In 1988 the projected budget was $176,000 and expenditures totaled $181,018, representing a $5,018 deficit. In 1989 the actual budget (as above) was $26,538 less than the projected budget of $198,258.

Appendix lb

Berwick Police Department: Budget Expenditures 1984 – 1986

1984 1985 1986 Administration Salaries 143,618 152,754 161,245 Office Exp. 2,168 2,746 2,439 Telephone 8,005 7,263 9,687 Legal Fees 1,000 2,946 1,000 PANS* 2,520 2,839 6,385

Automotive Equipment Gas & Oil 6,804 6,471 5,821 Repairs 2,450 5,929 2,450 Insurance 1,568 1,661 1,304

Other Police Protection** 7,320 6,116 6,910 Corrections*** 11,419 44,826 15,128

* This includes P.A.N.S insurance and pension plan. ** Included in this category are expenses related to mileage, training courses, clothing, equipment and repair. *** Prior to 1987, there was a cost of $64 per day for each person committed to jails. This classification appeared in the police budget up to 1986. Thereafter, the jails were taken over by the Provincial Government.

Note: In 1984 actual budget expenditures exceeded the projected budget by $2,418, by $54 in 1985 and in 1986 actual expenditures were $1,255 under the projected allocation.