APARTHEID and UNIVERSITY El>UCATION, 1948 -1970
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Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M. -
Constitutional Authority and Its Limitations: the Politics of Sexuality in South Africa
South Africa Constitutional Authority and its Limitations: The Politics of Sexuality in South Africa Belinda Beresford Helen Schneider Robert Sember Vagner Almeida “While the newly enfranchised have much to gain by supporting their government, they also have much to lose.” Adebe Zegeye (2001) A history of the future: Constitutional rights South Africa’s Constitutional Court is housed in an architecturally innovative complex on Constitution Hill, a 100-acre site in central Johannesburg. The site is adjacent to Hillbrow, a neighborhood of high-rise apartment buildings into which are crowded thousands of mi- grants from across the country and the continent. This is one of the country’s most densely populated, cosmopolitan and severely blighted urban areas. From its position atop Constitu- tion Hill, the Court offers views of Hillbrow’s high-rises and the distant northern suburbs where the established white elite and increasing numbers of newly affluent non-white South Africans live. Thus, while the light-filled, colorful and contemporary Constitutional Court buildings reflect the progressive and optimistic vision of post-apartheid South Africa the lo- cation is a reminder of the deeply entrenched inequalities that continue to define the rights of the majority of people in the country and the continent. CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY AND ITS LIMITATIONS: THE POLITICS OF SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA 197 From the late 1800s to 1983 Constitution Hill was the location of Johannesburg’s central prison, the remains of which now lie in the shadow of the new court buildings. Former prison buildings include a fort built by the Boers (descendents of Dutch settlers) in the late 1800s to defend themselves against the thousands of men and women who arrived following the discovery of the area’s expansive gold deposits. -
An Ageing Anachronism: D.F. Malan As Prime Minister, 1948–1954
An Ageing Anachronism: D.F. Malan as Prime Minister, 1948–1954 LINDIE KOORTS Department of Historical Studies, University of Johannesburg This article tells the behind-the-scenes tale of the first apartheid Cabinet under Dr D.F. Malan. Based on the utilisation of prominent Nationalists’ private documents, it traces an ageing Malan’s response to a changing international context, the chal- lenge to his leadership by a younger generation of Afrikaner nationalists and the early, haphazard implementation of the apartheid policy. In order to safeguard South Africa against sanctions by an increasingly hostile United Nations, Malan sought America’s friendship by participating in the Korean War and British protection in the Security Council by maintaining South Africa’s Commonwealth membership. In the face of decolonisation, Malan sought to uphold the Commonwealth as the preserve of white-ruled states. This not only caused an outcry in Britain, but it also brought about a backlash within his own party. The National Party’s republican wing, led by J.G. Strijdom, was adamant that South Africa should be a republic outside the Commonwealth. This led to numerous clashes in the Cabinet and parliamentary caucus. Malan and his Cabinet’s energies were consumed by these internecine battles. The systematisation of the apartheid policy and the coordination of its implementation received little attention. Malan’s disengaged leadership style implies that he knew little of the inner workings of the various government departments for which he, as Prime Minister, was ultimately responsible. The Cabinet’s internal disputes about South Africa’s constitutional status and the removal of the Coloured franchise ultimately served as lightning conductors for a larger issue: the battle for the party’s leadership, which came to a head in 1954. -
(Prexy) Nesbitt Anti-Apartheid Collection College Archives & Special Collections
Columbia College Chicago Digital Commons @ Columbia College Chicago Finding Aids College Archives & Special Collections 9-1-2017 Guide to the Rozell (Prexy) Nesbitt Anti-Apartheid Collection College Archives & Special Collections Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.colum.edu/casc_fa Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation "Rozell (Prexy) Nesbitt oC llection," 2017. Finding aid at the College Archives & Special Collections of Columbia College Chicago, Chicago, IL. http://digitalcommons.colum.edu/casc_fa/26/ This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College Archives & Special Collections at Digital Commons @ Columbia College Chicago. It has been accepted for inclusion in Finding Aids by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Columbia College Chicago. Rozell (Prexy) Nesbitt Collection This finding aid was produced using ArchivesSpace on September 01, 2017. eng Describing Archives: A Content Standard College Archives & Special Collections at Columbia College Chicago Chicago, IL [email protected] URL: http://www.colum.edu/archives Rozell (Prexy) Nesbitt Collection Table of Contents Summary Information .................................................................................................................................... 4 Biography ....................................................................................................................................................... 5 About the Collection ..................................................................................................................................... -
THE UNITED STATES and SOUTH AFRICA in the NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This Thesis Examines Relat
ABSTRACT THE SIN OF OMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This thesis examines relations between the United States and South Africa during Richard Nixon’s first presidential administration. While South Africa was not crucial to Nixon’s foreign policy, the racially-divided nation offered the United States a stabile economic partner and ally against communism on the otherwise chaotic post-colonial African continent. Nixon strengthened relations with the white minority government by quietly lifting sanctions, increasing economic and cultural ties, and improving communications between Washington and Pretoria. However, while Nixon’s policy was shortsighted and hypocritical, the Afrikaner government remained suspicious, believing that the Nixon administration continued to interfere in South Africa’s domestic affairs despite its new policy relaxations. The Nixon administration concluded that change in South Africa could only be achieved through the Afrikaner government, and therefore ignored black South Africans. Nixon’s indifference strengthened apartheid and hindered liberation efforts, helping to delay black South African freedom for nearly two decades beyond his presidency. THE SIN OF OMMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History by Eric J. Morgan Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2003 Advisor __________________________________ (Dr. Jeffrey P. Kimball) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Allan M. Winkler) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Osaak Olumwullah) TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements . iii Prologue The Wonderful Tar Baby Story . 1 Chapter One The Unmovable Monolith . 3 Chapter Two Foresight and Folly . -
165–69 Book Review the Indispensable Man Mark O. Hatfield
Book Review The Indispensable Man Mark O. Hatfield Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela. By Nelson Mandela. Little, Brown, 1994. 558 pp. On 10 May 1994, South Africa held celebrations to mark the inauguration of the first president it had ever chosen through nonracial elections. The new president was Nelson Mandela, a 75-year-old black man who decades earlier had initiated an armed struggle against the white-controlled apartheid regime and spent 10,000 days in prison for his revolutionary activities. His release from this long captivity in February 1990 marked the beginning of the end of apartheid. This memoir is Mandela's own story, tracing his life from boyhood to the leadership of the outlawed African National Congress (ANC), the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize that he shared with then-President Frederik W. de Klerk, and the presidency. Mandela had earlier put his story on paper, only to have it confiscated when construction workers accidentally uncovered its hiding place. The present volume, written and published after his 1990 release, gracefully and reflectively combines an account of his life with the larger story of the growth of the revitalized ANC and the efforts of nonwhite South Africans to claim the freedom so long denied them. He describes the larger aspects of the struggle against apartheid, always emphasizing that it was a collaborative effort bringing together vast numbers of people, while retaining the essential human tone and singular outlook of an autobiographer. Some passages are as striking as they are simple, such as the sentence where he tells of being allowed to embrace his wife after 21 years of enforced physical separation. -
From Long Walk to Freedom: the Autobiography of Nelson Mandela
Name ___________________ Date _____ Class _____ Africa South of the Sahara Primary Source Reading A Interpreting the Source Reader's Dictionary Nelson Mandela (1918- ) was trained to politicized: involved in politics be a leader of the Thembu people. Later, epiphany: a sudden understanding he received a Western education. In 1952 of something important Mandela became one of the leaders of the revelation: the act of revealing a African National Congress (ANC). The ANC at divine truth first followed a policy of nonviolent resistance slights: humiliating slurs to white rule and apartheid in South Africa. castigated: criticized Later, itsupported more violent methods. Mandela was arrested in 1962 and sentenced Guided Reading to life imprisonment. During his 28 years in In this passage, Mandela tells how he became prison, Mandela's reputation grew throughout interested in fighting for civil rights in South Africa and the world. Finally, the South African Africa. Read the passage, and then answer government released him and agreed to hold the questions that follow. free elections. In 1994 Mandela became the first black president of South Africa. From Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela I cannot pinpoint a moment when I became ner of Dr. Pixley ka Seme, one of the founders politicized, when I knew that I would spend of the ANC. my life in the liberation struggle. I had no Lembede said that Africa was a black man's epiphany, no singular revelation, no moment of continent, and it was up to Africans to reassert truth, but a steady accumulation of a thousand themselves and reclaim what vyas rightfully slights, and a thousand indignities produced in theirs. -
One Hundred Years of the Kwazulu-Natal Bench by LB Broster SC, a Coutsoudis and AJ Boulle, Kwazulu-Natal Bar
SA JUDICIARY100 YEARS OLD Juta, Kotzé and rule from 1949-1959), and Munnik CJ (from 1981-1992). Hlophe Menzies who were CJ, the first black JP of the division, is perhaps the best-known of either judges of the the current group of Judges President in the country. Amongst court or members of other things, he was responsible for the controversial decision in the families of judges of dispute between the Pharmaceutical Society of South Africa, New the court. Clicks South Africa (Pty) Ltd and the Minister of Health (New Clicks Perhaps the most South Africa (Pty) Ltd v Tshabalala-Msimang and Another NNO; well-known advocate Pharmaceutical Society of South Africa and Others v Tshabalala- ever to practise in Msimang and Another NNO 2005 (2) SA 530 (C)). the Cape was Harry The CPD also made important contributions to the development Snitcher QC, who also of the new constitutional law in cases such as the Grootboom deci- acted for appellants sion that enforced the right to housing (Government of the Republic Judge President John Hlophe, in the Harris decision, and Cape High Court of South Africa and Others v Grootboom and Others 2001 (1) SA 46 many another similar cause (CC)) and the Metrorail decision which enforced the right to life (Rail celebre. Commuters Action Group and Others v Transnet Ltd t/a Metrorail Of the Judges President of the court, several stand out purely and Others 2005 (2) SA 359 (CC)). because of the long duration of their tenure. These were Van Zyl CJ In this way the division has contributed to a process of constitu- (who took the court through the difficult years of the aftermath of tional development - from Slave Lodge to beacon of Good Hope. -
Natalia V28 Obituaries Didcott.Pdf
Obituaries John Mowbray Didcott (1931-1998) John Didcott spent 23 years as a judge, first in the Natal Supreme Court and, since 1994, as a member of the Constitutional Court. He became a human rights legend because of his strong support ofjustice and individual liberties. During the worst years of apartheid his scathing attacks on the unjust policies of the previous government were pored over with delight by opponents of those policies. Chief Justice Ismail Mahomed recalls his 'sparkling moral courage' and says Judge Didcott's instinctive abhorrence of injustice will ensure he is remembered as one of the greatest figures of South African law. John Mobray Didcott was born in Durban on 14 August 1931, and matriculated in 1948 from Hilton College. He graduated from the University of Cape Town with a B A degree in 1951 and an LI.B in 1953. But he was not merely a successful swot he also flourished in student politics. In his first year he was elected to the Students' Representative Council and served as its president from 1952 to 1954. He was also vice-president of the National Union of South African Students in 1953 and 1954, and its president for the next two years. Durban attorney Graham Cox, a long-time friend, recalls those days with relish. 'He was a brilliant fellow, but in addition to being an incredible scholar, he was a magnificent speaker - quite superb as a demagogue. When he, Zach de Beer and Sharkey King (now judge-president-elect of the High Court in Cape Town) debated the government's race policies, there would be standing room only in Jamieson Hall. -
By John Lazar Balllol College Oxford University Michaelmas Term, 1987
CONFORMITY AND CONFLICT: AFRIKANER NATIONALIST POLITICS IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1948-1961 by John Lazar Balllol College Oxford University Michaelmas Term, 1987 One of the principal themes of this thesis is that it is incorrect to treat M Afrikanerdom" as a monolithic, unified ethnic entity. At the time of its election victory in 1948, the National Party (NP) represented an alliance of various factions and classes, all of whom perceived their Interests in different ways. Given, too, that black resistance to exploitation and oppression increased throughout the 1950s, apartheid ideology cannot be viewed as an immutable, uncontested blueprint, which was stamped by the NP on to a static political situation. The thesis is based on four main strands of research. It is grounded, firstly, in a detailed analysis of Afrikaner social stratification during the 1950s. The political implications of the rapid increase in the number of Afrikaners employed in "white-collar" occupations, and the swift economic expansion of the large Afrikaner corporations, are also examined. The second strand of research examines the short-term political problems which faced the nationalist alliance in the years following its slim victory in the 1948 election. Much of the NP's energy during its first five years in office was spent on consolidating its precarious hold on power, rather than on the imposition of a "grand" ideological programme. Simultaneously, however, intense discussions - and conflicts - concerning the long-term implications, goals and justifications of apartheid were taking place amongst Afrikaner intellectuals and clergymen. A third thrust of the thesis will be to examine the way in which these conflicts concretely shaped the ultimate direction of apartheid policy and ideology. -
Chapter Eighteen Recognition 1907-1909 This Was the Time
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN RECOGNITION 1907-1909 THIS WAS THE TIME the Kindergarten had long been awaiting. Lionel Curtis, Patrick Duncan, :::1. Richard Feetham and their colleagues now applied themselves privately to the study of South African political problems in terms of the current climate of 'Closer Union', 'Federation', 'Centralisation' or 'Unification'. They were thought substantially to have influenced the men who might determine the country's future and in turn were influenced by the trends of the times. There was not an Agricultural Union in the sub-continent that did not advocate a Central Research Laboratory for animal and other diseases and when Curtis' 'The Government of 2 South Africa' was published in 1908, it included the recommendation. The tendency of thinking men was toward a future unified in some form; but the present reality was bitterly dissuasive. While Selborne had squabbled with the Colonial Office on the 3 possible outcome of the forthcoming Transvaal election based on a problematic census (com piled under the direction of George Turner), the whole country had sunk deeper into deathly depression. Heavy Government and private retrenchmwt of staff was imposed. Unemployment escalated. Suicides abounded- some in de<;pair through destitution, others in fear of prosecution for fraud, theft and other charges. Many of all races died of starvation or exhaustion. Smuts who had said in electioneering speeches that destitute servants of the Old Republic then walking the streets would be re-employed if Het Yolk were returned, now told starving deputations that he Lf: could offer only temporary relief in pick-and-shovel work on roads. -
The Devlinite Irish News, Northern Ireland's "Trapped" Nationalist Minority, and the Irish Boundary Question, 1921-1925
WITHOUT A "DOG'S CHANCE:" THE DEVLINITE IRISH NEWS, NORTHERN IRELAND'S "TRAPPED" NATIONALIST MINORITY, AND THE IRISH BOUNDARY QUESTION, 1921-1925 by James A. Cousins Master ofArts, Acadia University 2000 Bachelor ofArts, Acadia University 1997 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Department ofHistory © James A. Cousins 2008 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Summer 2008 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission ofthe author. APPROVAL Name: James A. Cousins Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Title ofProject: Without a "Dog's Chance:" The Devlinite Irish News, Northern Ireland's "Trapped" Nationalist Minority, and the Irish Boundary Question, 1921-1925 Examining Committee: Chair Dr. Alexander Dawson, Associate Professor Department ofHistory Dr. John Stubbs, Professor Senior Supervisor Department ofHistory Dr. Wil1een Keough, Assistant Professor Supervisor Department ofHistory Dr. Leith Davis, Professor Supervisor Department ofEnglish Dr. John Craig, Professor Internal Examiner Department ofHistory Dr. Peter Hart, Professor External Examiner Department ofHistory, Memorial University of Newfoundland Date Approved: 11 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Declaration of Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users.