Sixties Scoop

First Peoples Child & Family Review A Journal on Innovation and Best Practices in Aboriginal Child Welfare Administration, Research, Policy & Practice

Volume 3, Number 1, 2007, pp. 65-82

Identity lost and found: Lessons from the sixties scoop

Raven Sinclair

Abstract Introduction The “Sixties Scoop” describes a period in Aboriginal history in Canada in According to the adoption literature, transracial which thousands of Aboriginal children adoption (adoption of a child from one ethnic were removed from birth families and group into another ethnic group) usually placed in non-Aboriginal environments. concludes with positive adjustment outcomes Despite literature that indicates for adoptees (Bagley, 1993; Fiegelman and adoption breakdown rates of 85-95%, Silverman, 1984, 1990; Bagley, Young, and recent research with adults adopted as Scully, 1993; Bagley and Young, 1984; McRoy, children indicates that some adoptees Zurcher, Lauderdale and Anderson, 1984; Simon have found solace through re- and Altstein, 1981, 1992). The implications of acculturating to their birth culture and these findings might be that they are applicable contextualizing their adoptions within to all transracial adoptions and that the colonial history. This article explores experience of success is life-long. Aboriginal the history of Aboriginal adoption in transracial adoption, however, presents a Canada and examines some of the problematic situation. Although transracial issues of transracial adoption through adoption in general results in positive outcomes the lens of psychology theories to for the adoptee and their adoptive family, for aid understanding of identity conflicts Aboriginal transracial adoptees, adoption tends facing Aboriginal adoptees. The article to result in consistently negative outcomes concludes with recommendations (Adams, 2002; Fournier & Crey, 1997; Bagley, towards a paradigm shift in adoption 1993; RCAP, 1996; Stevanato and Associates, policy as it pertains to Aboriginal 1999). The success rate and outcomes in the children. teen years are extremely poor regardless of age of placement. For the most part, these adoptions start deteriorating relatively quickly statistic since a forum for those statistics to be and current statistics indicate a breakdown rate compiled has not yet been created. Exceptions of 95% (Adams, 2002) by the time the adoptee to the statistics on disruption are now emerging is in the mid-teens. Of course, adoptions that as more research is undertaken with adults who, do not breakdown are going to be a hidden as children, were adopted transracially. Those 65 Identity lost and found: Lessons from the sixties scoop stories are currently being told in dissertation (Johnston, 2005). The term, “Sixties Scoop”, and thesis research nation wide (Carriere, 2005; was appropriate because, first, Johnston Sinclair, nd; Nuttgens, 2004; Swidrovich, 2004). observed in the statistics that adoption as the mechanism to address problematic child welfare In the Aboriginal transracial adoption literature, issues had resulted in notable increases in there are factors that the research has yet to Aboriginal child apprehensions in the decade account for. These include socio-economic of the 1960s. Secondly, in many instances, factors, as well as psychological, emotional, Aboriginal children were literally apprehended and mental factors that confront the adoptee as from their homes and communities without the an adult. Most importantly, racism and racial knowledge or consent of families and bands identity issues that are alluded to in the literature (Johnston, 1983 Timpson, 1995; RCAP, 1996, are not yet adequately addressed in terms Saskatchewan Indian, 1977). Johnston recalled of impacts and remedial approaches. These being provided with the term by a BC social dynamics combined create tremendous obstacles worker who told him “…with tears in her eyes to the development of a strong and healthy sense – that it was common practice in BC in the of identity for the transracial adoptee. Although mid-sixties to “scoop” from their mothers on recent studies are indicating that many adoptees reserves almost all newly born children. She may develop strong identities in adulthood was crying because she realized – 20 years later despite the challenges and turmoil alluded – what a mistake that had been” (Johnston, to in the literature (Sinclair, nd; Nuttgens, 2005). 2004), for the children who are currently in adoption placements or will be in the future, At that point in time, Aboriginal children were specific changes in adoption theory and practice apprehended in disproportionate numbers are needed to address the problematics of throughout Canada and adopted primarily Aboriginal adoption in Canada. The historical into non-Aboriginal homes in Canada, the context of the adoption of Aboriginal children United States, and overseas. Approximately provides the framework from which Aboriginal 70% of those children were adopted into non- transracial adoption has evolved. Aboriginal homes (Fanshel, 1972, York, 1992; Timpson, 1995; Fournier & Crey, 1997). By The Sixties Scoop the 1970s, one in three Aboriginal children The adoption of Aboriginal children in Canada were separated from their families by adoption between the years of 1960 and the mid- or fostering (Fournier & Crey, 1997). This 1980s was first coined the “Sixties Scoop” in decade marked a rapid increase in Aboriginal a report written by Patrick Johnston (1983) children in care in Canada – 44% in Alberta, published as Aboriginal Children and the Child 51% in Saskatchewan, and 60% in Manitoba Welfare System by the federal department (McKenzie and Hudson, 1985, p.126). of Social Policy Development. Johnston At the same time as we may be alarmed by the undertook extensive and thorough research statistics, it is important to recognize that the and his findings were vetted through the many “Sixties Scoop” was not a specific child welfare groups that provided him with statistical program or policy. It names one segment of a data, including various levels of government, larger period in Aboriginal child welfare history Aboriginal organizations, and band councils,

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where, because questionable apprehensions policies (see also Chrisjohn & Young, 1997). and adoptions figured prominently, a label The UN Convention on Genocide (1948), was applied. The “Sixties Scoop” has evolved Article 2 (e) states that “forcibly transferring as a descriptor that is now applied to the children of the group to another group” whole of the Aboriginal child welfare era, constitutes the deliberate destruction of a simplistically defined here as roughly the time culture, and defines an element of genocide that from the waning of residential schools to the is punishable (UN Convention, 1948; Chrisjohn mid-1980s period of child welfare devolution & Young, 1997). Children were apprehended by and last closings of Indian residential schools. the thousands, in questionable circumstances, Sadly, the involvement of the child welfare with economic incentive rather than neglect system is no less prolific in the current era. Dr. or abuse emerging as the motive for removing Lauri Gilchrist of Lakehead University noted children from their homes. that given current child welfare statistics, the The white social worker, following on the heels “Sixties Scoop” has merely evolved into the of the missionary, the priest, and the Indian “Millenium Scoop” and Aboriginal social agent, was convinced that the only hope for the workers, recruited into the ranks of social salvation of the Indian people lay in the removal services and operating under the umbrella of of their children (Fournier & Crey, 1997). Indian Child and Family services, are now the ones doing the “scooping”. Economic incentive for newly established child welfare agencies fit well with ongoing Resistance government political agenda towards Aboriginal In 1981, a young, charismatic Aboriginal people (Fournier & Crey, 1997). Adams leader of the Shushwap Band in BC, Wayne (2002) elaborates, “the obscene marketing of Christian, was outraged at the high numbers Aboriginal children had stopped in the 1960s of apprehensions and subsequent transracial and 70s. These children were marketed in local adoptions of children from his own community. newspapers and on television, but it was done His efforts initiated a movement among in a way that did not draw attention to the Aboriginal leaders to voice discontent about government policy of assimilation”. Rather, child welfare approaches (McKenzie & adoption was touted as a way to provide a Hudson, 1985). Aboriginal people charged that loving and secure home for a “disadvantaged government authorities were adhering to the child” (Wharf, 1993; Johnston, 1983). assimilationist colonial model that assumed Resistance to child welfare involvement Aboriginal people were culturally inferior and emerged during the Indian social movement of unable to adequately provide for the needs of the 1960s that came on the heel of the 1960 Bill their children (Kimmelman, 1985; McKenzie of Rights in Canada. Perhaps as a result of the & Hudson, 1985; Timpson, 1995; Sinclair, Bill and then acquiring the franchise in 1961, Phillips, & Bala, 1991). These authors describe Aboriginal people became more politicized in the forced removal of the children as an act of matters concerning them. Lobbying efforts of genocide, which was deliberately implemented the social movement that began in the field of upon the demise of the residential school system education with the dissemination of the position to perpetuate the governments’ assimilation paper “Indian Control of Indian Education”1

© Raven Sinclair 67 Identity lost and found: Lessons from the sixties scoop by the National Indian Brotherhood (1972) had family life. The context referred to is the history a direct influence in the area of child welfare. of government-Aboriginal colonial relations, Assuming “control” thus extended to other specifically, the residential school system. social spheres. The ideology behind the residential school system was to “civilize” Aboriginal people The discontent with child welfare practices and to assimilate them into the mainstream vocalized by Aboriginal people across North body politic (Milloy, 1999; Miller, 1996). America led to two actions that culminated in Consquently, Aboriginal communities and moratoria on Aboriginal transracial adoptions families have now faced several decades of fall- in the United States and Canada. In the United out from the Residential school period, which States, tribes forced in implementation of included, as by-products of an assimilationist the 1978 Indian Child Welfare Act which agenda, the deliberate destruction of disallowed the transracial placement of Indian traditional family, social, and political systems, children without band consent. In Canada, intergenerational abuse, and social pathology growing unrest and dissent about the transracial in many communities. A logical consequence placement of children led to two publications of the replacement of traditional socialization that voiced the concerns of the Aboriginal with institutional abuse and trauma3 over population and led to moratoria on the adoption several generations is the current high level of of Aboriginal children. The first, already child welfare involvement in the Aboriginal mentioned, was Johnston’s (1983) report that population. Child welfare intervention that provided the first statistical overview of child began in the late 1950s, referred to in retrospect welfare concerns pertaining to Aboriginal as the Sixties Scoop, was the tip of the emerging children. The second was a judicial review of iceberg of what is now the institution of Aboriginal adoption in the province of Manitoba Aboriginal child welfare. Currently, Aboriginal led by Justice E. Kimmelman in 1985. The children are still “in care” in disproportionate report of the review was a harsh condemnation numbers, but for a multitude of reasons beyond of some of the child welfare practices in just apprehensions by “overzealous social apprehending and placing Aboriginal children workers”4. and the province placed a moratorium on Aboriginal adoption2. Subsequently, other A significant difference, however, exists provinces followed suit and long-term foster between the Sixties Scoop era and the current care has been the norm in most provinces since “Millenium” era of child welfare. Currently, that time. Aboriginal children are being institutionalized through long term foster and institutional care Colonial Context with little chance for adoption. This is perhaps As we look back on that dark period in the most deleterious outcome of the moratoria Aboriginal child welfare and critique the fact on transracial adoptions. Long-term childcare that child in care statistics increased rapidly, and foster care statistics for Aboriginal children and many children were removed under have skyrocketed while transracial adoption questionable circumstances, it is important to statistics have plummeted. In the United States, remember the context in which the child welfare an attempt to address this issue took place system became heavily involved in Aboriginal through implementation of the Multi-ethnic

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placement Act (MEPA) of 1994, along with out birth family and cultural ties (Fournier & the 1996 Removal of Barriers to Interethnic Crey, 1997; Hall, 2003). According to Bagley adoption (IEP)5. These pieces of legislation were (1993), the crux of the issue for adoptees is designed to reduce the practice of race matching being “reacquainted with the most marginalized in adoptive placement and the MEPA-IEP and oppressed group within Canadian society”. relies on the notion that it is better for a child This, he argues, exacerbates the already to be in a transracial adoptive home rather than problematic identity issues that Aboriginal languish in long-term foster care. The policy adoptees experience. was designed to “eliminate discrimination in the Literature on Aboriginal Adoption practice of adoptive and foster care placements on the basis of race, colour, or national origin” A review of adoption literature, Aboriginal (Adams, 2002). In Canada, no such legislation transracial adoption in particular, is important in was implemented, and as a result, there are understanding how transracial adoption practice extremely high numbers of Aboriginal children has played out and impacted on Aboriginal in long-term foster and institutional care, with children. Reviewing the early literature might limited possibility of adoption placement. lead one to believe that adoption outcomes for Optimistically, there is the potential that this “Indian” children were positive (Fanshel, 1972; situation will shift given a recent Saskatchewan Simon and Altstein, 1983), although Simon and Court of Queen’s Bench ruling (December Altstein (1992), in a follow-up study, concluded 2004) by Justice J. Ryan-Froslie, who argued that Aboriginal adoptions seem to comprise that denying a child the opportunity for an a “special case”. Adjustment to adoption in adoptive home is unconstitutional6. As a Aboriginal children appears to deteriorate result, the provincial government is in the as the children get older, with a reported early stages of developing strategies to address adoption breakdown rate of 85% (McKenzie transracial adoption in ways that will meet the and Hudson, 1985) with Adams (2002) noting needs of adoptable children and First Nation that rate is as high as 95%. No studies examine communities. the experiences or long-term adjustment of Aboriginal adults who were transracially Repatriation adopted as children (Jaffee and Fanshel, 1970; Many transracial adoptees of the Sixties Scoop Bagley and Young, 1981: Hall, 2003). The most era, now adults, have encountered Aboriginal recent research and literature on Aboriginal child welfare agencies as they seek to repatriate adoption express growing concerns about the (reunite) with birth families. A large proportion damaged self-esteem and identity confusion of former adoptees’ ﬁrst point of contact is in Canadian adolescent Aboriginal adoptees through addiction services and street agencies (Bagley, 1993; Hall, RCAP, 1995; Stevenato (Gilchrist, 1995). Many adoptees are facing and Associates, 1998, 1999; Adams, 2002). The identity issues because of being socialized and voice of adult Aboriginal transracial adoptees acculturated into a middle-class ‘white’ society has been absent in the literature, with the (Hall, 1995; Gilchrist, 1995; Richard, 1998). exception of a small body of grey literature that For transracial adoptees, identity issues are can be found on the internet (see, for example exacerbated by the factors that arise in seeking The Aboriginal Adoptee website at http://www.

© Raven Sinclair 69 Identity lost and found: Lessons from the sixties scoop ncf.carleton.ca/~de723/adoptee.html). There only 3 had self-identiﬁed as having mental are also an increasing number of dissertations health problems (p.59). This type of reporting and Master’s theses recently completed by and in research seems more indicative of racial bias with Aboriginal adoptees across Canada and than valid research. the United States (Carriere, 2005; Sinclair, nd; The evidence of prejudice in studies is Nuttgens, 2004; Swidrovich, 2004). frightening in its implications for Aboriginal Within the early literature, quite outdated at this adoptees, particularly when the bias is evident point, the political agenda was evident in the from the responses of adoptive parents. Simon unequivocal support of Aboriginal transracial and Altstein (1992) questioned parents about adoption (Lyslo, 1960, 1961). Fanshel’s (1972) their child identifying with their Aboriginal Far from the Reservation, study examined the culture. One couple responded that it was experiences of 97 adoptive families. The Bureau unlikely their child would identify with their of Indian Affairs as well as the Child Welfare culture because “there is no contemporary League of America, which wanted to promote American Indian culture…” (p.88) [emphasis the Indian Adoption Project, funded this study. is mine]. Such an attitude might have serious Although the authors hypothesize that parents consequences for a child’s ability to identify who adopted transracially would be politically with and feel positively about their ethnicity more liberal than same race adoptive parents, given the implication that a parent who holds it appears that the true intention of the study the belief that there is no Aboriginal culture is was to promote the adoption project itself. A highly unlikely to be able or willing to teach the summary of the project reported, “It has been child anything about that culture. Conversely, gratifying to see the opportunities afforded these several studies found that a positive parental Indian children through adoption, as well as attitude towards the child’s ethnic group, as well the full acceptance which they have received” as some form of social involvement with that (p.18). ethnic group in the family’s life, is signiﬁcantly correlated with a child’s positive adjustment and The fact that the creators of the Indian Adoption positive sense of ethnic identity (Ladner, 1977; project commissioned Fanshel’s study makes Morin, 1977; McRoy and Zurcher, 1983, 1984: the results of the study questionable, as is the Lee & Quintana, 2005). author’s reference to the money saving aspects of adoption. He notes that each adoption saved Christopher Bagley, an adoption researcher the government $100,000 per child, who would out of Canada, found in many studies that have otherwise ended up in foster care or a outcomes for transracial adoption are generally boarding school. excellent. He noted, however, that outcomes for Aboriginal adoptees in Canada were distinct The study also implicates negative social from the norm. Bagley’s (1993) research attitudes. Fanshel gathered demographic data on Aboriginal transracially adopted youth on Aboriginal birth mothers based on adoption concludes that outcomes for this group were agency data. Fanshel states that “almost 45% extremely poor. Bagley suggested that, as were described in terms which indicated that the result of widespread discrimination and they suffered from quite severe personality prejudice, adoptive parents cannot transmit disorders”, although out of 95 birthmothers,

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an adequate sense of ethnic identity to their Racial and racial identity issues discussed children. This concept is supported in several sparingly in the research shed some light on studies that theorize that adoptive parents the challenges facing Aboriginal adoptees and cannot adequately role model coping skills for serve to highlight that attention to the area of the discrimination that adoptees face in society transracial identity development is needed. (Bensen, 2001; Triseliotis, 1989); skills which Hayes (1993) criticizes the measures used may be vital for minority adopted children (see in many studies of transracial adoption as also Kim, 1978). Bagley’s study found that by inadequate and unable to “get at the richness the age of 15, 20% of the Aboriginal adoptions and complexity of a sense of identity” (p.303). had broken down, and two years later this figure It is this complexity that contemporary studies had risen to 50%. He found that Aboriginal need to theorize about and address. For youth had extremely poor self-esteem and an example, Bausch and Serpe (1997) in their study extraordinarily high rate of suicidal ideation. of transracial adoptees who exhibit high levels Aboriginal adoptees who did not exhibit any of discomfort with their physical appearance outward signs of behavioral or emotional or racial heritage, theorize that this is largely problems, also scored lower on measures of attributable to the fact that most adoptees live self-esteem and higher on suicidal ideation in predominantly white neighborhoods and are, scales (p.26). Significantly, he found that non- therefore, isolated from inter-ethnic contact. adopted Aboriginal youth had self-esteem rates From studies like this (and Kim, 1978), we can comparable to non-adopted white youth. From glean some understanding of the transracial this study, we can infer that something intrinsic adoption experience and identity conflicts for to transracial adoption merits scrutiny. adoptees. Bagley’s work provides a vital reference point Theorizing about Identity Conflict for research on adult Aboriginal adoptees. The The lack of literature and research in the area research supports what is common knowledge of Aboriginal adoption means that to this point among Aboriginal people, adoption workers and we rely largely on common knowledge in others who have been exposed to Aboriginal order to influence policy and develop programs adoptions over time; that for Aboriginal children, for adoptees. There are some answers to adoption is problematic. One Aboriginal scholar, be gleaned from contemporary literature in in a doctoral study of street youth, found that the social sciences, particularly psychology the majority of the homeless Aboriginal street and race theory, as to why the transracial youth that she encountered were Aboriginal adoption of Aboriginal children, in particular, adoptees (Gilchrist, 1995). Kenn Richard, the is problematic. Bagley (1993) was perhaps Executive Director of Toronto Native Child and exceedingly accurate to articulate that systemic Family Services, has expressed his concern for racism and the general denigration of Aboriginal years about the high number of adoptees who culture may provide impossible socio-cultural come to agency in crisis (1998). Informally, contexts for adoptees. those involved in the adoption field know that the levels of substance abuse, homelessness, Identity is an extremely tumultuous journey incarceration, and suicide among adoptees in the for all adoptees (Sorosky, Baron, & Panner, last thirty years have been alarming. 1975). Developing a cultural identity related

© Raven Sinclair 71 Identity lost and found: Lessons from the sixties scoop to one’s biology when raised in a different their family ethos. Kim (1978) explains that cultural context is exceedingly difficult. for a child who wants to fit in, bringing in In contemporary society, there are very information that highlights their difference few redeeming characteristics attributed to might be emotionally challenging. The family “Aboriginality”. The Canadian ethos has been provides an element of safety; a secure enclave that Canada is not a racist country and racism from their experiences of the outside world. does not occur. Indeed, Canada has been very This redeeming factor for the transracial adoptee proud of its international reputation as a land of may, however, also be the source of tremendous equality. Unfortunately, people who live on the conflict. Once the adoptee leaves the enclave other side of the “colour line” in Canada have a of their adoptive home environment, unless different perspective (Frideres, 2001). Adoptive they have learned to adequately cope with the parents who buy into a belief that racism does realities of being an Aboriginal person in this not exist may not be able or willing to prepare country, they may find their identity to be a a child to deal with issues that “do not exist.” source of conflict. The child, who may experience racism and Many adoptees experience a lack of cultural discrimination in their social encounters will mirrors in their adoptive social environments. learn quickly that their experiences do not Within their adoptive context, their roles and necessarily match with what they are told or expectations are understood, and most likely, what they have been socialized to anticipate that there is no aura of ‘otherness’ surrounding their life will be like. They may believe that they are existence. However, once they walk out the inherently “different” because they know that door, their social status alters drastically, as their parents and family do not experience those do the expectations of them and the treatment same things (Kim, 1978). Rue & Rue (1984) accorded them by others. The adoptee may astutely recognize the challenge of racism for eagerly and readily embrace and adapt to the the adoptee: culture of their adoptive family, but socially, “Racism, even its non-violent forms, is still they may be excluded from enacting that culture pernicious. The difficult thing about racism and those roles out in the social arena. in our particular situation is that when it is The adoptee, like any child, does not question directed at [our adopted son] Carl, he must deal their socialization; they just live it. Many with it alone. He does not have the comfort of adoptees are raised in an environment of knowing that the rest of the family shares in privilege, power, and status (Sinclair, nd; his experience. If we were an entire family of Nuttgens, 2004, Swidrovich, 2004). Their minorities, his situation would be much different economic status may be higher than the average in this respect. And [sic] since neither of us has “white” person and yet they do not carry ever been the victim of racial prejudice, we are that status on their own. At some point, they ill-prepared to help him develop the skills useful are inevitably forced to confront a socially in combating it (p.249). ascribed inferior status associated with their Further, an adopted child who experiences ethnic minority group (Kim, 1978). Not only racism and discrimination may not share that are Aboriginal adoptees’ ethnic and cultural with their family because it is not part of identity wrapped up in cultural stigmatization,

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their identities are most likely associated There are aspects of some social and with poverty, alcoholism, and other negative human behaviour theories that can assist stereotypes. The conflict that results from in contextualizing and understanding the the need to constantly adapt is likely a source experiences and the negative reactions of of angst from which many adoptees engage Aboriginal adoptees. in destructive and harmful behaviours to Contemporary Theoretical Links themselves, their adoptive family, and their environment (see, for example, Adams 2002; Socialization, according to Kim (1978) refers Gilchrist, 1995). For many adoptees, the to “the process [that] enables individuals to tensions have led to incarceration, substance participate effectively as members of interest abuse, or suicide7. Recent Corrections Canada groups, local communities, and larger society”. data indicates that 63% of Aboriginal offenders Kim says that, according to Erickson, identity stated that they were adopted or in foster care crisis in socialization consists of people asking (Trevethan, Moore, Auger, Macdonald & the question “who am I?” Erickson argued Sinclair, 2005). that this is a crucial developmental task during adolescence and was the “final establishment In response to the growing awareness of of a dominant positive ego identity” (p. 306). identity conflicts in Aboriginal adoptees, Without this development, one will confront adoption agencies and adoptive families identity diffusion. Young (1969) adds “as sought to find solutions. Some of conventional racial and cultural minority group members, adoption literature emphasizes the importance minority children have more and more of instilling a cultural heritage in the child particular difficulties in defining a positive through books, movies, and culturally relevant identity because minority status carries with it events such as pow wows (Adams, 2002). goal restriction.” (p.1103). Ascribed inferior Unfortunately, these are idealized versions of status and negative stereotyping occurs in the Aboriginal culture and not realistic as means forms of name-calling and social exclusion. for instilling identity. What the child sees The most insidious problem, however, is the when they venture out into the world as an compounding of daily prejudice and rejection adult is not necessarily going to match with with “the pervasive restraining force operating idealized versions of Aboriginal culture. Indeed, in parts of American society, which is now chances are high that what they observe will commonly called institutional racism” (Young, more readily match the negative stereotypes 1969). These socialization dynamics relevant to learned in the course of their daily lives through minority people are essential in understanding media and education. What child is going to transracially adopted Aboriginal children and want to identify with negative stereotypes; the youth who grow and develop in unique contexts. derogatory names they have been called, the The unique context is described by Kim (1978) destitute individual on the street? What the as a paradox. “Adoptive parents are faced with adoptee may not know is that they are not seeing a dilemma; they have the contradictory task of Aboriginal culture; they are seeing the vestiges incorporating a child fully into a family and of colonization and a neo-colonial society’s simultaneously promoting a sense of distinct construction of Aboriginal culture. However, ethnic identity. The very “success” of transracial who is available to explain that context to them?

© Raven Sinclair 73 Identity lost and found: Lessons from the sixties scoop adoption, is indicative of its failure as this however, usually do not have the safety nor success has been achieved at the expense of the security of an enclave afforded by same-race development of an ethnic identity” (p.485). relatives and community, but as indicated, a safe, nurturing and positive adoption context We can understand more clearly the dilemmas may provide the necessary comfort and and paradoxes facing adoptees by looking contradiction. at the assertions of various social theorists including Kohlberg, Ericsson, Mead, and A final theory that lends a great deal of insight Cooley. For example, Kohlberg’s model of into the world of the Aboriginal transracial moral development (Schriver, 2001) includes adoptee is symbolic interaction. Symbolic a stage that refers to “maintaining the good interaction holds that “people are seen first relations and the approval of others”, while and foremost as beings who interact with Erickson’s epigenetic model, stage six, discusses one another based on shared meanings and competence as arising out of “identification symbols. Thus human interaction is symbolic with and acceptance of peers”. In a social interaction” (Robbins, Chatterjee & Canda, context where discrimination may be a regular 1998, p.268). People assign social meanings occurrence, the problem for the Aboriginal to their experiences, and human behaviour is a adoptee is how to achieve ‘good relations’, function of social behaviour. Cooley (cited in ‘approval’, and ‘acceptance’ of others when Robbins, Chatterjee, & Canda, 1998) theorized racial exclusion is the norm. If a child is deemed that we are dependent upon the reflections deficient by virtue of their ethnicity, the chances that we receive in interactions with others and are high they will be excluded and ostracized by from them we make judgments of ourselves. peers. According to Ericsson, failure to achieve If reflection, according to Symbolic inter- these goals leads to feelings of inferiority and actionists, is the means by which we come incompetence. Of course, Ericsson’s theory to our self-concept and self-conceptions, the and other conventional theories of human implications for Aboriginal adoptees are quite development do not include ethnicity as a frightening. If we create meanings and symbols consideration. in our interactions with other people, what happens when those meanings and symbols [Ethnicity] may be especially significant if are constantly changing, or worse, primarily we are attempting to develop a positive sense negative? For Aboriginal people in Canada, of who we are in the context of a hostile social interaction is, at times, a guessing environment. Such a hostile environment exists game. Young argues that “only rarely does a for many members of the diverse groups with child of minority status escape the damaging which we are concerned as social workers effects of racism” (p.43). One individual (Schriver, 2001, p.251). may be extremely friendly and engaging, and One of the mitigating factors for minority the next individual may be blatantly hostile, children existing in a ‘hostile environment’ contemptuous, and even violent. For the is the comfort afforded by close contact with Aboriginal adoptee that is in their formative family, friends, and their community. In this years, it would be difficult to create, and then safe context, children can develop strong and rely upon, consistent interpretations of meanings positive self-identification. Aboriginal adoptees, and symbols in that social environment.

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In the context of these contemporary theories and are exceptionally attentive parents to their of human behaviour and social development, children. Some report difficulties in dealing with the traumatic experiences of adoptive emotional upheavals as adults and many identify families (see for example, Adams, 2002) who relationship difficulties as a consequence of adopted Aboriginal children may be more their adoptive experiences. However, many easily understood8. These theories help us adoptees also acknowledge having acquired to understand the behaviours in terms of the advantages as the result of being adopted. Some mental and emotional turmoil that would result of the advantages include being able to traverse as the individual attempts to develop a sense of both Aboriginal and ‘white’ worlds with ease, a identity and self-concept. sense of personal efficacy in terms of education, and career and economic success (Sinclair, nd). In the final analysis, one might assume from these discussions that, generally speaking, Aboriginal The question is, therefore, why are the adults adopted as children would be terribly majority of adult adoptees in current research maladjusted. It is true that in some instances reporting successful life outcomes despite the adoptees have suffered horribly. It is also true reported problematics of Aboriginal transracial that in other instances, they have not. Aboriginal adoption in the context of the Sixties Scoop? adoption outcomes fill the entire spectrum from Sampling bias may be an obvious answer deleterious outcomes that include homelessness, but even amongst these “success stories”, addictions, incarceration, and suicide, to successful we see evidence of traumatic identity crises, outcomes that include economic and academic psychological trauma, and behavioural achievement, happiness and contentment. problems. Many adoptees suffered extreme forms of abuse. Many marvel at their very Adult Adoptees survival. A recent doctoral research project is finding Obviously more research is needed. Resiliency that many adult Aboriginal adoptees, some of amongst Adoptees is an area that beckons inquiry. whom experienced adoptions fraught with abuse The influence of repatriation to birth culture and trauma, have developed exceedingly strong is another that needs exploration. It appears and well-articulated identities (Sinclair, nd) that many adoptees, at some point along their while other studies indicate that many adoptees journey, found a level of truth and certainty within are content with their adoptive experiences Aboriginal culture that provided a critical source (Nuttgens, 2004; Swidrovich, 2004). The of healing and renewal (Sinclair, nd; see also preliminary findings of the study indicate that Nuttens, 2004; Stolen Generations, nd). Perhaps despite sometimes horrific stories of familial by reconnecting with their birth culture, the and social trauma, many adult Aboriginal individual provided for themselves vital cultural adoptees express contentment with their mirrors necessary for self-validation; a cultural current lives, have deep and meaningful insight reframing from which to review and re-perceive into the social and psychological dynamics their experiences. From this perspective, many of Aboriginal adoption, and are exceedingly adoptees learned about their adoption experiences socially capable. The majority of adoptees in in the context of Canadian colonial history which, this study (N=17) are employed in professional for many, was a powerful catalyst for reframing capacities, are well educated, lead stable lives,

© Raven Sinclair 75 Identity lost and found: Lessons from the sixties scoop their personal experiences (Sinclair, nd). In this stance that incorporates a cultural-racial study, some of the participants were, for the identity matrix; rejecting the myth that cultural first time, able to perceive their experiences as a and ethnic heritage can be instilled through socio-political act rather than as a consequence books and pow wows; and constructing a bi or of personal deficiency. Relieved from a burden multi-cultural family stance which, in effect, of self-blame, many adoptees have integrated reconstitutes the cultural entity of the entire a unique self-based identity that is, of course, adopting family identity. relative to their own context and experiences and Baden (2002) presents a racial-cultural identity some adoptees have unique perspectives of their matrix as a method of helping transracial identities as multi-faceted and multi-cultural (see adoptees assess their own cultural identity. In Nuttgens, 2004; Stolen Generations, nd). Indeed, a research study of cultural identity, Baden there is no single group identity label or theory that stated that the findings of her study indicate can be applied to adoptees of the Sixties Scoop that “heterogeneity exists among transracial as a whole. Although there are some personality adoptees and because a particular way or ways and identity characteristics that many adoptees of identifying was not associated with better share as the result of the similarity of their or worse psychological adjustment. Neither experiences, each individual’s sense of identity is the proponents or opponents can purport a unique and derived from their own combination “best way” to identify as a transracial adoptee” of experiences and perspectives (Sinclair, nd; (p.189). This is very interesting because this Nuttgens, 2004). Each adoptee in the stated study, model is a cultural-racial identity matrix. There despite the losses and traumas experienced, found is no identification dichotomy facing adoptees, and created their own cultural and identity niche. i.e. that the adoptee must choose either their As we close the door on the “Sixties Scoop” and birth identity or their adoptive identity. There struggle to not perpetuate the status quo in the are enough factors in a cultural-racial matrix Millenium era of child welfare with Aboriginal from which to choose so that the individual will populations, we must reflect on the lessons of the fit somewhere within the multi-dimensional past. Despite the evidence of tremendous resilience continuum without being pathologized and in the human spirit that has allowed many adoptees without having to alter their identification to fit to survive and thrive, children will always deserve the model. Adoptees do have a cultural identity; the highest level of protection and consideration. it is a unique mix of their birth heritage, the As the result of the concerns raised in reviewing adoptive heritage, combined with their personal the literature, and the stories shared by adoptees, experiences, choices, and understandings of there are several recommendations for changes in the environment. An approach that honours the policy and perspective of Aboriginal transracial multi-faceted nature of adoptee identity will adoption in Canada. be a welcome shift. This approach is person- focused rather than ideologically focused. In Towards a Paradigm Shift in Aboriginal terms of intervention, the model could help Transracial Adoption Ideology social workers to “start where the adoptee is at” There are three recommendations (Sinclair, nd) in terms of their unique cultural identity. for approaching Aboriginal transracial adoption The second recommendation is to completely issues. They include taking an ideological do away with the myth that cultural and ethnic 76 First Peoples Child & Family Review, Volume 3, Number 1, 2007

heritage can be instilled through books and Thai-American family”. The generally accepted, weekend cultural activities. Repeatedly, the indeed unquestioned, perspective taken by literature suggests that exposing the adoptee to social workers and prospective adoptive families their culture through pow wows and books and has been that the child is to be integrated into cultural camps, will alleviate their distress. In the adoptive family; the ‘minority’ is absorbed fact, there is likely the risk that these acts only into the ‘majority’. Adoption ideology has never contribute to conceptions of “otherness” and assumed that because the child of one ethnicity difference, not only from the birth culture but will be entering into a family of another culture, also from the adoptive family. Approaching that the whole family becomes a blend of all the culture in this way will lead the individual to cultures involved. However, the implications learn about the façade of the culture, not the of an adoptive family taking on a bicultural culture as it actually exists. Adoptees who are identity as opposed to the child standing alone now adults suggest that birth family, including in their “transraciality” might be significant. extended birth family, and birth culture contact Such a paradigm shift might influence how an during their formative years might have helped adoptive family conducts itself with respect alleviate the sense of difference and the cultural to their adopted Aboriginal child including, isolation that many of them experienced for example, where they live, their choice of (Sinclair, nd). These notions lend support to schools, and their general family “culture”. At exploring the benefits and drawbacks of open a policy level, such an ideological shift might adoption for Aboriginal children. At the very influence adoptive parent/family screening least, new directions must be taken in preparing strategies as well as general transracial adoption adoptive families to meet the needs of their procedures, specifically in terms of adoptive Aboriginal child. Indeed, in order for a child family preparation. to learn about their culture, the people most Conclusion significant to them must also learn about the culture. This leads to the third recommendation. According to the literature, although transracial adoption results in positive and favourable The third recommendation is the concept of outcomes for both child and family, Aboriginal constructing a ‘bicultural family” or “multi- transracial adoption has been a notable cultural” identity. This requires a paradigm shift exception. The statistics indicating a high in the perspective of adoption personnel and breakdown rate are frightening for adoptive potential adoptive families. This perspective families who have a young Aboriginal adopted may be essential to the well being of Aboriginal infant or child because, if the statistics hold true, transracial adoptees. In one study, the third chances are very good that by the time that child group in the three groups of families studied reaches adolescence, the family will encounter described themselves as “bicultural” as the serious complications. The question of why result of bringing an interracial child into Aboriginal adoption results in poor outcomes their home (McRoy, Zurcher, Lauderdale and can be understood from the perspective of Anderson, 1984). Rue & Rue (1984) articulated several cotemporary theories of human and the same concept. “When the Rue family social development. Symbolic interaction, in decided to adopt a child from Thailand, they particular, provides several key concepts and immediately conceived of themselves as a

© Raven Sinclair 77 Identity lost and found: Lessons from the sixties scoop perspectives to understanding the conflict and reframing their experiences within the context turmoil that adoptees experience. The literature of Canadian colonial history. The adoptees, helps one understand the tremendous challenges insightful of the transracial adoption experience, for an Aboriginal child in North America to concur that changes must take place in the develop a healthy identity and sense of self in adoption field and they are supportive of further the current ideological and social context. The research in the area. The recommendations denigration of Aboriginal culture and racism provided in this article are based upon the abound in both subtle and blatant ways for small emerging body of research on Aboriginal Aboriginal people. For Aboriginal adoptees, transracial adoption, combined with information in particular, these experiences may be a harsh collected in stories, newspaper articles, and contrast to their experience of a safe, privileged grey literature. How these recommendations non-Aboriginal environment. For Aboriginal manifest in policy and practice will depend adoptees, they must deal with the contradictions upon the quality of collaboration amongst of being a member of the marginalized group, the stakeholders in transracial adoption. It is despite having a socialization, identity, and role suggested that Adult adoptees will be the best expectations of the dominant group. source of information to direct the future of adoption research and policy. Although Aboriginal transracial adoption results in both positive and negative outcomes, recent In closing, it is not the contention of this article research appears to be indicating that many that Aboriginal transracial adoption should not Aboriginal adult adoptees from the era of the take place. It would be naïve to place the blame Sixties Scoop and beyond have developed for current child welfare involvement solely strong and positive identities despite, or in spite on government and child welfare authorities. of, the challenges of their experiences (Carriere, In the context of historical colonial policies of 2005; Sinclair, nd; Nuttgens, 2004; Swidrovich, assimilation that saw child welfare intervention 2004). Hence, it is apparent that some of the follow upon the heels of the residential school long-term outcomes for Aboriginal transracial system, the extensive involvement of child adoption contradict the statistics contained welfare authorities into Aboriginal lives is more in the literature. Many adoptees do recount clearly understood. Aboriginal communities difficult and traumatic adoption experiences and now recognize that the responsibility for child the turmoil seems to manifest in the teenage welfare outcomes from this point forward rests years and in young adulthood. As more research with Aboriginal communities who have fought is completed, we are hearing stories from the long and hard to have control of child welfare. other end of the spectrum. According to the In an ideal world, all Aboriginal children will emerging research, we can conclude that in remain with their families of origin. Until many instances transracial adoption can have that happens, Aboriginal communities, child positive and successful long-term outcomes, and welfare agencies, and families will continue to that Aboriginal cultures in Canada are sources of make decisions to place children for adoption solace and healing for adoptees. Adoptees who transracially, because those decisions are choose to reacculturate to their birth culture, sometimes made in the best interests of the find needed belonging and cultural validation. child. However, we do not need to perpetuate The act of repatriation often assists adoptees in the wrongs of the past. As we look forward from

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the Sixties Scoop and learn the lessons of that 8. Adams’ stories recount some experiences era, the field of social work must be proactive, of children who are Fetal Alcohol affected. adaptive, and creative. With core changes in It’s beyond the scope of this article to delve into FASD and its relationship to adoption Aboriginal transracial adoption ideology, it is outcomes/success, but it is clear that FASD can asserted that policies and practices will follow play a significant role in Adoptions. suit, to the benefit of adoptive families and, most importantly, Aboriginal children. Bio Raven Sinclair is a member of Gordon’s First Nation Endnotes of the Treaty #4 area of southern Saskatchewan. She has a BA in Psychology from the University 1. The position paper asserts, “Unless a child of Saskatchewan, a Certificate and Bachelor’s learns about the forces which shape him: the degree in Indian Social Work from the First history of his people, their values and customs, Nations University of Canada, and an MSW from their language, he will never really know himself the University of Toronto. She is currently a Ph.D. or his potential as a human being.” See http:// Candidate in the Faculty of Social Work at the www.afn.ca/article.asp?id=830. University of Calgary. Raven’s interests include Indigenous knowledge and research methodologies, 2. The report refers to W. Christian’s statement the synthesis of traditional and contemporary that 150 children were removed from his band healing theories and modalities, Aboriginal cultural of 300 over a period of 25 years. In 1995, the identity issues, colonial theory, and concepts in author was privy to viewing the A-list, (a record decolonization. Raven is a the Assistant Director of of status children adopted) for one band in the Indigenous Peoples’ Health Research Centre Manitoba where over a period of several years, and an Assistant Professor of Social Work with almost every child had been apprehended and the Faculty of Social Work, University of Regina, adopted. Saskatoon Centre. 3. It is important to note that not all residential schools perpetrated abuse and trauma. For References more information, see either Miller (1996) or Milloy (1999). Adams, M. (2002). Our son a stranger: Adoption breakdown and its effects on parents. 4. For a comprehensive look at Aboriginal Child Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press. Welfare literature, see Bennett, Blackstock, & De La Ronde’s (2005) literature review and Baden, A. (2002). The psychological adjustment annotated bibliography http://www.fncfcs.com/ of transracial adoptees: An application of docs/AboriginalCWLitReview_2ndEd.pdf. the cultural-racial identity model. Journal of 5. For more information on the MEPA-IAP, see Social Distress and the Homeless, Vol. 11(2). http://www.ssw.umich.edu/tpcws/articles/legal_ April 2002. 167-191. MEPA.pdf. Bagley, C. (1993). Transracial Adoption in Britain: 6. For a summary of the case, see http://www. A follow-up study, with policy consideration. lawsociety.sk.ca/judgments/2004/QB2004/ Child Welfare, 72 (3), May-June 1993, 285- 2004skqb503.pdf and for a discussion of the 299. implications, see http://www.adoption.ca/news/ 050105sk.htm. Bagley, C., Young, L., & Scully, A. (1993). 7. In my casework in Aboriginal adoption International and Transracial Adoptions: A repatriation, a disproportion number of inquiries mental health perspective. Newcastle upon came from adults incarcerated in prisons in the U.S. Tyne: Althenaeum Press Ltd.

Bagley & Young, L. (1984). The long-term children and the restoration of Aboriginal adjustment of a sample of inter-country communities. Vancouver: Douglas & adopted children. International Social Work McIntyre. 23, 16-22. Frideres, J. & Gadacz, R. (2001). Aboriginal Bausch, R.S., & Serpe, R.T. (1997). Negative Peoples in Canada: Contemporary conﬂicts. Outcomes of Interethnic Adoption of Toronto: Prentice Hall, 2001. Mexican American Children. Social Work, 42 Gilchrist, L (1995). Aboriginal Street Youth (2), March 1997, 136-143. in Vancouver,Winnipeg and Montreal. Benson, R. (Ed.)(2001). Children of the dragonﬂy: Unpublished doctoral dissertation. University Aboriginal American voices on child custody of British Columbia. 1995. and education. Tuscon: The University of Hall, L. (2003) Personal Communication. March Arizona Press. 4, 2003. Bennett, M., Blackstock, C. & De La Ronde, R. Hall, L. (Speaker – Vancouver, BC 93-06-02 (2005). A Literature Review and Annotated 13) (1995). For Seven Generations: An Bibliography on aspects of Aboriginal Child Information Legacy of the Royal Commission Welfare in Canada. 2nd Edition. Available on Aboriginal Peoples. Libraxus Inc. at First Nations Child and Family Caring Society website http://www.fncfcs.com/docs/ Hayes, P. (1993). Transracial adoption: Politics AboriginalCWLitReview_2ndEd.pdf. and ideology. Child Welfare, Vol. 62(3). May- June 1993; 301-310. Canada. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. (1996). Available from http://www. Jaffee, B. & Fanshel, D. (1970). How they fared in ainc-inac.gc.ca/ch/rcap/sg/ci2_e.pdf. Adoption: A Multinational Perspective. New York: Columbia University Press. Carriere, J. (2005). Connectedness and Health for First Nation Adoptees. Unpublished Doctoral Johnston, P. (2005). Personal email Dissertation, University of Alberta. communication with Raven Sinclair, December 8, 2005. Fanshel, D. (1972). Far from the Reservation: The transracial adoption of American Indian Johnston, P. (1983). Aboriginal children and the Children. New Jersey: The Scarecrow Press, child welfare system. Toronto: Canadian Inc. Council on Social Development. Brodzinsky, D., & Schechter, M.D., (1990). The Kim, D. (1978). Issues in transracial and Psychology of Adoption. New York: Oxford transcultural adoption. Social Casework, Vol. University Press. 187-200. 59(8), October, 1978, 477-486. Feigelman, W., & Silverman, A.R. (1984). The Kimmelman, Justice E.C. (1985). No Quiet long-term effects of transracial adoption. Place: Review Committee on Indian and Social Service Review, 48, 588-602. Metis Adoption and Placements. Manitoba Community Services. Fournier, S. & Crey, E. (1997). Stolen from our embrace: The abduction of First Nations Ladner, J. (1977) Mixed Families: Adopting across

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J., Hornick, J.P., & Vogl, R. (1991). Canadian M, and Sinclair, J. (2005). Childhood Child Welfare Law: Children: Families and Experiences affect Aboriginal Offenders. the State. Toronto: Thompson Educational Correctional Service of Canada. Available Publishing Inc., pp. 171-194. at http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/text/pblct/forum/ e143/e143c_e.shtml. Sinclair, R. (nd). Adult Aboriginal Transracial Adoption: A critical case study of cultural Triseliotis, J. (1989). Some moral and practical identity. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. In issues in adoption work. Adoption and Progress. University of Calgary. fostering, Vol. 13(2), 21-27. Sorosky, A., Baron, A., & Pannor, R. (1975). United Nations. (1948). Convention on the Identity Conﬂicts in Adoptees. American Prevention and Punishment of the Crime Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 45(1), January, of Genocide. Adopted by Resolution 260 18-27. (III) A of the United Nations General Assembly on 9 December 1948. Available Stevenato and Associates, J. Budgell. (1999). at http://www.hrweb.org/legal/genocide. Our Way Home: A report to the Aboriginal html#Article%202.5. Healing and Wellness Strategy on the repatriation of Aboriginal people removed by Webber, M. (1998). As if kids mattered: What the child welfare system. Toronto: Author. wrong in the world of child protection and adoption. Toronto: Key Porter Books Ltd. Stevenato and Associates, J. Budgell. (1998). Aboriginal Healing & Wellness Strategy Wharf, B. (Ed.)(1993). Rethinking Child Welfare Research Project: Repatriation of Aboriginal in Canada. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Families. Toronto: Author. York, G. (1992). The Dispossessed: life and death Stolley, K. (1993). Statistics on adoption in in native Canada. Toronto: Little, Brown the United States. The Future of Children (Canada) Ltd. Adoption [Online], 3, 26-42. Available at Young, D. (1969). The socialization of American http://www.futureofchildren.org/. minority people. Goslin, D. Handbook of Stolen Generations. (nd). Book of Voices. socialization: Theory and research. Chicago: Winnipeg, Manitoba: Author. Rand McNally and Company. Swidrovich, C. (2004). Positive Experiences of First Nations Children in non-Aboriginal Fosteror Adoptive Care: Deconstructing the “Sixties Scoop.” Unpublished MA Thesis. College of Graduate Studies, University of Saskatchewan. Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. December 2004. Timpson, J. (1995). Four decades of literature on Aboriginal Canadian child welfare: Changing themes. Child Welfare, Vol. 74(3), 525-546. Trevethan, S., Moore, J., Auger, S., Macdonald,