Policy Briefing

POLICY BRIEFING #17 SEPTEMBER 2016 Accountability, nation and society: the role of media in remaking Nepal Kiran Bhandari, Dipak Bhattarai and James Deane

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Contents

Front cover People of different Executive summary 3 ethnic groups celebrate the Hindu Holi festival of Introduction The remaking of Nepal in the 21st century 5 colours. Nepal is home to more than 120 ethnicities and Part 1 Media and accountability: impunity, co-option and trust 7 100 languages and dialects as well as different religions. Media will be key to Part 2 Local media: serving communities or musclemen? 12 enabling a diverse society to forge a peaceful future. This Part 3 State, nation and society: the role of media in shaping the future of Nepal 15 image came second in the Culture and Tourism category in the 2016 IME-Global Part 4 The role of the international development community 19 IME Bank Nepal Photo Contest. SAMBRANDA BAJRACHARYA/ Part 5 Conclusion 20 PHOTOJOURNALIST CLUB NEPAL

Appendix List of interviewees 21

Endnotes 22

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Executive summary

This policy briefing provides an overview of the issues country is recognised for having one of the most open Above A building facing Nepal’s media in the context of the country’s media systems in the region. Some 74% of Nepalis report collapses in Kathmandu current political and development challenges. Based that the media helps to hold government to account. during the April 2015 earthquake. Nepali on more than 25 interviews with leading members Despite these achievements, this briefing asks some politics and society of Nepal’s media, government, civil society and searching questions. Is media holding power-holders to are rebuilding after international development communities, the briefing account in the way a democratic nation might expect and appalling natural also draws on public opinion research carried out by disasters, centuries of does it have the freedom to do so? Is media providing BBC Media Action. authoritarian rule and the foundation for an informed citizenry capable of political and economic The media has played a vital role in the history of sustaining and strengthening the fragile democracy so crisis. The role of modern Nepal. During the time of the monarchy, and many Nepalis have sacrificed so much to build? Is the media is likely to be especially in the 1980s, newspapers constituted one media uniting society, properly reflecting the diversity crucial to that process. This image won photo of the few genuine checks on a ruling power that was and grievances of people across the country, while of the year in the 2016 otherwise unaccountable. During the decade-long providing the channels of dialogue that can enable IME-Global IME Bank Maoist insurrection in the late 1990s and early 2000s, individuals to understand each other? Or is media a Nepal Photo Contest. media provided an essential platform for public debate driver of conflict? through which democratic transition could ultimately The people interviewed for this study did not give emerge. Nepal’s unique and extensive community radio uniform responses to these questions. network was widely praised during the overthrow of the monarchy in 2006 for providing news and information For some, the mainstream media has become politicised, and, in its appeals for peace, for helping to prevent the corrupted and co-opted, neutered in its ability to hold situation from degenerating into greater violence. The government to account. Others argue that the media post-1990 and 2015 constitutions both guaranteed is still relatively free and manages to reflect a diversity freedom of expression and, despite the continued of opinion. But, they maintain, media freedom is under challenges inherent in protecting media freedom, the intensifying threat and needs better protection.

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For some, Nepal’s famously extensive local community institutional strengthening of the media. They argue that and commercial FM radio network, with over 450 the best journalists rarely stay in a profession that pays a stations, provides a vital foundation for democratic fraction of what they can get working for a development debate and accountability, in the context of the nation’s organisation, and that the intellectual lifeblood of the increasingly decentralised politics. For others, local country is being drained as key opinion-makers work for radio has largely been captured by political, business, international, rather than national, players. Others argue ethnic, criminal or other factional interests, stoking that independent media is suffering a catastrophic market polarisation – and even hate – in an already politically failure and that international support will be essential divided society. if there is any hope of media serving the interests of the public, rather than state, political or commercial Some respondents believe that national broadcast interests. media, and especially the state broadcasters Radio Nepal and Nepal Television (NTV), are an analogue This briefing is written principally for the international irrelevance in a country where mobile phone ownership community that wants to understand the current reality (and with it internet access) is exploding and where of governance in Nepal and the role of media in it. The a new constitution envisages devolving most decision- briefing does not pretend to capture the full complexity making to the provincial sphere. For others, a genuinely of Nepali media, politics or society.1 Its role is to reflect, independent and revitalised national public service rather than resolve, these divergent perspectives. It does broadcaster, which could command trust across the not provide a blueprint for support to Nepali media. country, might provide an invaluable mechanism to help But this briefing does reach one fundamental conclusion: hold a fragmented and divided society together. the media of Nepal increasingly matters in shaping the For some, donors and international non-governmental culture, society and politics of a nation that deserves organisations (NGOs) have co-opted the airwaves with better. Any governance strategy that does not understand content that too often means much to their funders but media’s role, or prioritise it within future support, is little to their audiences, and have failed to invest in the likely to fail. A brief history of Nepal

The country that is now Nepal emerged from constitutional monarchy in 1990. In February a series of smaller kingdoms ruled at different 1996, the Communist Party of Nepal launched times by Kings Gopal, Mahispal, Kirants, Lichhawi a bid to replace the parliamentary monarchy and Malla. After decades of rivalry between the with a democratic republic through a Maoist medieval kingdoms, modern Nepal was unified revolutionary strategy known as the “people’s by Prithvi Narayan Shah, the ruler of the small war” that ended in a decade-long civil war, killing principality of Gorkha, in the latter half of the 18th 13,000 Nepalis. In 2005, King Gyanendra dismissed century. Nepal lost more than a third of its territory the entire government and assumed full executive to the British India Company in the Anglo-Indian powers, declaring a “state of emergency”. In 2006, war of 1814–16. The Rana family took over power strikes and street protests by political parties from Shah and ruled for 104 years. (including the Maoists) forced the king to reinstate In 1950, the country started its transition to the parliament. democracy after a small band of intellectuals instigated a revolution against the Rana dynasty On 28 May 2008, the elected Constituent Assembly and formed the Nepali Congress Party (an earlier (CA) declared Nepal a Federal Democratic precursor was the Praja Parishad, founded in 1939 Republic, abolishing the 240-year-old monarchy. to lead a revolution against the Ranas). In 1960, After the failure to draft a constitution within an declaring parliamentary democracy a failure, King agreed deadline, the existing CA was dissolved and Mahendra carried out a royal coup and dismissed a new CA election was held. In May 2015, shortly the elected B.P. Koirala’s government, declaring after the major earthquakes that struck the country that a “party-less” Panchayat system would govern on 25 April and 12 May, the second CA passed Nepal. the new constitution with the required two-third After 30 years of active rule by the monarchy, the majority. Ethnic groups such as the Madhesh, Nepali Congress Party and the communist parties Tharus and some indigenous groups have protested joined together to overthrow the Panchayat vigorously that their concerns have not been system. This led to the creation of a multi-party addressed in the new constitution, which came into democratic system within the framework of a effect on 20 September 2015.

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The 28 million people of Nepal can claim to be among With this political backdrop, this briefing examines the most resilient on the planet. They have needed the role of media at this crucial time in the country’s to be. The country is still emerging from decades of modern history. The briefing unfolds as follows: political unrest and conflict that ended in 2006. The Part 1 asks why a media system that is ostensibly multi-party democracy system created in 2008 after free, numerous and vibrant has proved unable to the overthrow of the monarchy is widely perceived hold authority to account in a country ranked as to have failed to improve the country’s governance. among the most corrupt in the world. This section Day-to-day life for most Nepalis remains extremely describes growing concerns over politicisation challenging. In April and May 2015, the country and co-option, particularly of the mainstream suffered two earthquakes killing almost 9,000 people. Kathmandu-based media, as well as other economic Over the long, cold winter of 2015–16, Nepal barely and technological challenges. It concludes that weathered a blockade of its border and main trade the survival of a genuinely trusted, independent routes with India, which created acute shortages of media is in serious jeopardy but that, even in its fuel, medical supplies and, at times, food. current form, media is playing a more effective Over centuries, the country has been a place of refuge accountability role than almost any other set of for many different groups from surrounding areas. institutions in Nepal. That legacy shapes its 21st-century culture and society. Part 2 focuses on the role of local and community Nepal is made up of more than 120 ethnicities and media. Nepal is unique in having so much of its more than 100 languages and dialects.2 While the population able to access the country’s extensive nation of Nepal has historically been shaped by its kings community media network. This section reflects a and by conquest (see box on page 4 – A brief history of range of views on whether the reality Nepal), Nepali national identity has also been defined of local radio reflects the ideals of its This briefing by the capacity of its diverse people to get on with founders and what its role is now in each other. “Woven from hundreds of flowers, we examines the role of fostering local democracy, community are one garland that is Nepali,” hails the opening lines and accountability. media at this crucial of the national anthem, epitomising that self-image. Co-operation, rather than competition, has often been Part 3 describes the complex nexus time in the country’s key to surviving in what can be inhospitable terrain. between the varying types of identity modern history. politics that are increasingly prevalent However, since the monarchy’s overthrow in the 21st in Nepal. This section examines the role of both century, the challenge faced by Nepal is how to prepare national and local media in stoking tension and its divided nation for the future through democratic providing platforms for dialogue and discussion dialogue and negotiation. That process has proved between groups and across a sometimes divided protracted, difficult and increasingly bitter, particularly nation. This section argues that the historic around the passing of the 2015 constitution (see box determination of an extremely diverse people to on page 6 – Constitution and politics in Nepal). get on with each other is being sorely tested and The current political settlement, founded on a that media provides both a growing problem for, negotiated peace following the decade-long Maoist and a potentially vital solution to, the challenges of insurgency from 1995, has been successful in social cohesion in Nepal. preventing a return to outright war. However, most Part 4 looks at the role that the international of the people interviewed for this paper consider development community has played in supporting almost all the institutions of the state to be politicised, Nepali media. It relays a series of criticisms that unaccountable and co-opted by different political international development actors may be hampering factions. The new constitutional arrangements, – however unwittingly – the process through which despite being highly progressive in many ways, Nepal remakes itself. have raised fears in some corners that this highly diverse society might become even more divided, Part 5 concludes with some policy recommendations and identity-based politics even more prevalent. for the international development community.

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Constitution and politics in Nepal

Nepal is defined as “an independent, indivisible, and cultural rights, and provisions for affirmative sovereign, secular, inclusive, democratic, socialism- action for historically prejudiced or disadvantaged oriented, federal, democratic republican state” in communities such as Dalits, indigenous people, its constitution, passed on 20 September 2015. minorities and women. The constitution contains Out of 598 members, 507 voted in favour of guarantees around press freedom as well as the constitution while 25 voted against, with 61 an independent, fair and competent judiciary. members of the CA representing political parties Recognising the rights of women, the constitution of based in Terai boycotting the final vote. Nepal states that “women shall have equal ancestral The constitution has divided the nation into right without any gender-based discrimination”. seven states and sealed Nepal’s march from a It also reaffirms the 1990 constitution’s abolition constitutional monarchy to republicanism, and from of the death penalty. a unitary system to federalism. While the constitution was welcomed by the A mixed electoral system has been adopted majority of the people of Nepal, ethnic Madhesh comprising a combination of “first past the post” parties from the plains region of the country started and “proportional representation” systems. The a protest against the constitution, which led to prime minister, who is elected by a parliamentary the blockade of supplies from its Indian border majority, is the executive head of government, in winter 2015–16. Since then, steps have been while the president is elected by federal and made to amend the constitution in an attempt to provincial representatives of parliament. address these concerns. This has not satisfied the The constitution provides an exhaustive list of Madhesh parties, who continue to protest against fundamental rights, including economic, social the constitution.

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PART 1 Media and accountability: impunity, co-option and trust

A central tenet of democratic theory is that a free media is to account. But it does not. One problem that some Above Journalists important in ensuring that government is held to account, international observers, such as the Committee to protest in Kathmandu delivers for its people and spends public money in the Protect Journalists (CPJ), highlight a deteriorating in March 2006. service of the public.3 On the surface, Nepali media seems climate of freedom of expression in Nepal.6 One A determinedly independent media well-placed to deliver on this accountability function, with particular source of pressure on independent media, represented one of constitutional safeguards for media freedom and a media according to the CPJ, has ironically come from anti- the few checks on ranked as at least “partly free” by Freedom House.4 Yet corruption authorities in the country.7 the governments of Nepal ranks 130 out of 168 on the 2015 Transparency the time. Many in the A broader concern is summarised in the opening section International Corruption perception index.5 media now fear that of a 2014 Asia Foundation report on impunity in Nepal, their independence Why, if media is so apparently vibrant in this country, which suggests that corruption has become so ingrained is being eroded by is governance so apparently unaccountable? The answer across the democratic and institutional landscape of political co-option. – at least according to those interviewed for this paper – lies Nepal that no single accountability mechanism can hope in a growing politicisation and co-option of media, both at to make a difference: national and local levels, and a climate of declining freedom of expression. This section focuses on how this plays out “A newspaper uncovers an instance of high-level in the mainstream media, while Part 2 examines the role corruption, and there is widespread outrage. of local community and commercial media. The court issues an arrest warrant for a conflict-era murder, and the parties aggressively and effectively shield their cadre from police “Mainstream media”: pincered action. In response, civil society groups instigate between politics and economics furious campaigns calling for the individual to be punished. People are deeply angered as each such Based mainly in the capital Kathmandu, mainstream Nepali case comes to public attention through media television, radio and newspapers constitute a vibrant, reports. The sense on the street is that Nepal’s crowded and competitive media environment (see box on new democratic rulers are behaving much like page 8 – The main actors in the Nepali media landscape). its older absolutist ones. They have established Such a media might normally be expected to be highly themselves as a separate class, accountable to no effective in exposing corruption and holding power one and above the law.”8

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This widespread culture of impunity is a problem This culture of impunity is further enabled by the perceived by many of the experts interviewed for this politicisation of almost all institutions in Nepali politics. report. “There have been only rare instances when the “It is hard to find any sector which is not politicised government have been responsive to media reporting,” and corrupt,” says Sabita Baral, a lawyer. “Lawyers, says Bhrikuti Rai, a reporter for South Asia Check.9 journalists, teachers and even human rights organisations “Most of the time, despite exposing corruption or poor are associated with different political parties – the whole service delivery, [media] fails to create a ripple among system has been corrupted and so change is not easy.”11 general people because people have given up on good This is a view widely shared by the public at large. governance and accountability from the government,” According to an opinion poll published by República says Kunda Dixit, editor of Nepali Times.10 (Republic), an English-language daily newspaper in Nepal, the public considers almost all institutions to Right An edition of be corrupt, including politicians, the civil service, the República reporting on a last-ditch effort judiciary, the police, corruption control agencies and 12 to agree on a new NGO workers. The same poll found that journalists constitution in January – alongside the army, teachers and doctors – were 2015. According to a considered to be the least corrupt. January 2016 República opinion poll, the Nepali But journalists themselves often take a less charitable public considers almost view of their profession than the public does. Indeed, all institutions to be many interviewed for this paper argue that the media corrupt. Journalists, teachers and doctors is itself caught up in this culture of corruption and has were considered least become increasingly vulnerable to political co-option,

corrupt. IMAGES PRAKASH MATHEMA/AFP/GETTY much of it aimed at advancing specific interests and at The main actors in the Nepali media landscape

State-run newspaper/radio/TV: The Nepali to Information Act (RTI). It is responsible for the government retains a formidable place in the Nepali protection, promotion and implementation of RTI media landscape. The state-controlled Gorkhapatra in Nepal. Corporation publishes newspapers and magazines, Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) is a including the national vernacular Gorkhapatra which representative body of more than 10,000 media was originally launched as a weekly newspaper in personnel working in all areas of media – print, May 1901 and became a daily newspaper in 1961. It electronic and online – across the country. The also publishes the daily English-language newspaper FNJ promotes and protects the freedom of the The Rising Nepal daily, and a children’s magazine press and freedom of expression, as well as the Muna, a youth-oriented magazine YubaMancha and a professional and physical security of journalists. monthly literary magazine Madhuparka. Nepal Media Society (NMS) is an umbrella Radio Nepal was established in April 1951. It organisation of mainstream media outlets in the airs programmes on medium wave (AM) and FM country. It owns 10 large-selling national dailies and frequencies and reaches all 75 districts of Nepal, 11 satellite TV channels. covering 87% of the population. Association of Community Radio Broadcasters Nepal Television (NTV) was established in January Nepal (ACORAB) was established in 2002 to 1985. It reaches 72% of the country’s population.13 promote, protect and strengthen the capacity of its NTV produces broadcasting news, documentaries, 293 community radio members from 74 districts. telefilms, comedy shows, interviews and other Broadcasting Association of Nepal (BAN) is an entertainment programmes. umbrella organisation of private FM operators in Press Council Nepal is a statutory body that Nepal with 160 members. promotes the standards of a free press and advises Press Union/Press Chautari/Revolutionary the government on the development of healthy and Journalists’ Association: Like other professionals, credible journalism. It monitors news, articles and most Nepali journalists are affiliated with a journalism editorials in print media and deals with complaints association linked to a particular political party. lodged against print media. Sancharika Sumuha is a forum of women journalists National Information Commission (NIC) is an and writers established in 1996 to promote a healthier, independent body for the implementation of the Right more gender-sensitive media.

8 BBC MEDIA ACTION POLICY BRIEFING #17 SEPTEMBER 2016 SIGN UP FOR OUR NEWSLETTER: WWW.BBCMEDIAACTION.ORG Left Thousands of civil society members and independent citizens take part in a rally

HEMANTA SHRESTHA HEMANTA against corruption in July 2016. An apparently vibrant but increasingly politicised media is failing to hold government to account – but is trusted more than other institutions in Nepal.

preventing media from playing its accountability role. Out of 16 TV channels broadcasting out of Kathmandu, “Nepal’s media is enjoying something that might be Acharya estimates that only five are making a profit called anarchy,” says Devraj Dahal, country director of and that the prospects of this changing are slim, at the German foundation, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. “The least in the medium term. The inherently weak current system inevitably results in self-censorship, with advertising base is further undermined by other trends. business tycoons and other political interests having Growing Nepali access to Indian television channels, influence which does little to serve the public interest,” for example, means that large Indian brands – which 14 he adds. Dahal’s words are echoed by Nandita Baruah, would normally advertise in Nepal in order to promote deputy country representative of The Asia Foundation, brand awareness – can effectively do so through the who notes that, “Media independence is extremely advertising they are already paying for in India. Mobile suspect in Nepal, with much of the mainstream media phone usage is also expanding quickly and, with it, the aligned to political interests.”15 use of Facebook and Twitter, trends which Acharya For business or private interests, the advantages of believes will further undermine the advertising available owning or influencing the media are obvious. “If, for to Nepal’s traditional media. example, I’ve invested in a major hydropower scheme The number of media and want a licence, then I need political relationships The lack of income available to the is“ at“ least 200% more to secure that, and having a media presence helps me media promotes a climate in which do that,” says one media commentator who asked to so-called “brown envelope” journalism than the advertising base be anonymous. But the net result, according to many – where journalists are paid to write available to support it. interviewees, is an essentially political, rather than or broadcast favourable material, or ” commercial, media market in which media is subsidised cancel unfavourable material – can flourish. “Some by different political and other actors in order to advance journalists are simply not paid for three or four months their interests. at a time,” says Ranjit Acharya, making many vulnerable to accepting bribes for agreeing to publish positive stories or Indeed, it is this political subsidy of the media that largely 17 explains why there are so many media outlets in Nepal, not publish embarrassing stories. Government attempts well beyond the number that the market can sustain. to improve the employment conditions of journalists Ranjit Acharya, CEO of Prisma Advertising and a leading have faced opposition from media owners’ organisations, expert on Nepal’s media market, insists: “The number three of which expressed dismay at an initiative to set of media is at least 200% more than the advertising a minimum wage of 19,500 Nepalese Rupees (NRP) base available to support it.”16 (approximately USD 180) per month.18

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Right A TV in Ramechhap in rural Nepal. Television, like much of the rest of Nepal’s media industry, is struggling to survive CHANDRASHEKHAR KARKI commercially – making it vulnerable to political influence.

The lack of professional capacity in the Nepali media is increasingly under threat. The incentives for media sector also continues to be a major challenge. The low organisations to act on behalf of the public interest are salaries paid to journalists, and the paucity of resources minimal, while the pressures to act on behalf of their available to the media sector, have also made it difficult owners or paymasters are considerable. Moreover, in for the industry to invest in raising standards. “While the such a highly co-opted marketplace, both public trust constitution guarantees 100% of media freedom, we can and credibility are at risk. Finally, those government only ever use 60%, because of the lack of well-trained officials who – in a different political climate – might journalists capable of working in the sector,” says Kunda feel sufficiently embarrassed or threatened to curb their Dixit, editor of Nepali Times.19 He points especially to corrupt behaviour, can instead question the credibility the lack of capacity to carry out effective investigative and legitimacy of the media and – given the broader journalism and laments the lack of skills available to culture of impunity – simply not take it seriously. exploit the new opportunities offered by social media and data journalism. A brighter future for The dependence of Nepali media on political subsidy is mainstream media? further reflected in the sorts of stories that increasingly tend to get published. “One political faction will expose Based on the analysis presented thus far, the prospects something of embarrassment to another faction,” for media to play a prominent role in holding government explains Taranath Dahal, chairman of the Freedom to account in Nepal appear to be quite grim. However, Forum of Nepal and former president while mainstream media may be largely failing in its While the mainstream of the FNJ.20 Having such overtly accountability mandate, there is an argument to suggest media may be largely politicised rivalries played out over that it is failing less than the other institutions in the media threatens to undermine country. failing in its accountability public trust in media, while allowing One source of optimism is the economy. Ranjit Acharya mandate, there is an anyone who is accused to brush off of Prisma Advertising puts it this way: “If we get political argument to suggest that it the allegations as politically motivated. stability and the constitution working, that will change When corruption is reported or the mind-set of investors – especially foreign investors. is failing less than other exposed, the usual assumption is When the rule of law becomes properly established, the institutions in the country. that the media organisation is simply market will get a positive effect and the media won’t trying to score political points or gain depend on other sources – then we can expect things to political advantage on behalf of their backers, rather than start to happen and levels of corruption will decline.”21 acting out of a genuine desire to expose the truth. As a Others point to the long-term potential of social media consequence, the key mechanism through which media to help to re-energise the media sector by modelling how can provide accountability by generating public interest to bring in a more diverse range of voices. “The media in is weakened. Nepal is relatively free compared to other South Asian In sum, both media’s capacity – and its inclination – to countries and social media is now giving an immense hold government to account on behalf of the public platform for diverse opinions which are yet to find room

10 BBC MEDIA ACTION POLICY BRIEFING #17 SEPTEMBER 2016 SIGN UP FOR OUR NEWSLETTER: WWW.BBCMEDIAACTION.ORG in the mainstream media,” says Bhrikuti Rai, the reporter react to the needs of ordinary people” and 74% believe from South Asia Check.22 that media “helps hold government to account”. Just over half (51%) say that media influenced A long tradition of media freedom and dynamism, as well who they voted for at least “a bit”. as the country’s rich intellectual and cultural underpinnings, 61% of Nepalis believe provide yet another source of hope. Indeed, despite the For a media system to be reasonably that the country’s media challenges outlined above, media appears to be doing as independent of political influence, and much, if not more than, any other institution to publicise for it to be able to hold authority to “makes government react and expose wrongdoing in Nepal and continues to account, it needs to have some degree of to the needs of ordinary command substantial public trust. Such a conclusion is financial autonomy. What is clear is that, people” and 74% believe supported by BBC Media Action data (see box – The at least for now, there does not appear views of the Nepali public). While the mainstream media to be an economic model capable of that media “helps hold does not command widespread trust (only 20% of those sustaining a strong and independent government to account”. surveyed trusted newspapers “a lot”), all forms of media media in Nepal. That may emerge over outperformed trust in government officials (9%) and trust time as the economy strengthens, as regulation and policy in the military (7%). improves (see Conclusion) and as the professional capacity Moreover, for all the scepticism, both within the industry of media builds. For now, however, there appears to be a and in society at large, the Nepali public clearly feels that market failure. Development actors may want to question the media continues to play a vital accountability role. whether they are doing enough to support one of the BBC Media Action research found that 61% of Nepalis very few institutions that holds at least some promise believe that the country’s media “makes government of playing an effective accountability role in the country.

The views of the Nepali public

In November 2015, BBC Media Action carried out • 33% state that they have at least “a fair amount” a nationally representative public perception survey of knowledge about the new constitution. consisting of a sample size of 4,000 people covering • Just under half of the respondents (47%) state that all regions of Nepal. This box provides an excerpt of they have at least “a fair amount” of knowledge some of the findings. about political issues and current affairs Public perceptions of the role of media Trust in the media and other institutions as a • 74% of people agree or strongly agree that media source of information for political issues “does a good job of covering national issues Top sources Trusted Trusted* Don’t relevant to me” “a lot” know • 67% of people agree or strongly agree that media “does a good job covering local issues relevant to Friends and family 33% 96% 1% me” • 59% of people agree or strongly agree that Radio 29% 90% 7% media “provides people like me with the opportunity to question government officials TV 28% 87% 9% of relevance to me” (22% either disagree or strongly disagree) Local chiefs/village 21% 93% 1.6% • 56% of people agree or strongly agree that elders “media makes government officials react to the Newspapers/ 20% 71% 19% needs of ordinary citizens” (18% disagree or magazines strongly disagree) • 66% of people agree or strongly agree that media Journalists 13% 77% 11% made government and officials more accountable after the earthquake (19% say they do not know and Government 9% 70% 5% *Respondents were asked officials if they trusted these 22% disagree or strongly disagree) sources to give them • 76% of people agreed or strongly agree that The military 7% 63% 11% information on political “media was relevant to me or my problems after issues and current affairs ‘ a lot,’ ‘a bit,’ ‘not very the earthquake” Religious leaders 7% 59% 5% much,’ or ‘not at all.’ • 85% of people disagree or strongly disagree that The ‘trusted’ column is a summation of those who “media provided inconsistent and inaccurate Internet sources 5% 36% 48% responded ‘a lot’ and information following the earthquake” ‘ a bit.’

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PART 2 Local media: serving communities or musclemen?

Nepal is unique in that the “mainstream” Kathmandu- communities and society together,” says Ranjit based media outlets are arguably a minority part of the Acharya, CEO of Prisma Advertising.26 In particular, media landscape. There is no other country where such community media was credited with being pivotal a high proportion of people can access such a wide during the overthrow of the monarchy in 2006, both choice of local-level “community” and commercial radio. in informing ordinary Nepalis across the country of Community radio, in particular, has been significantly their constitutional rights, and in encouraging peaceful supported by the international development community. rather than violent protest.27 It is widely credited What is less clear is whether local radio lives up to the with improving political participation and deepening ideals that the founders of the country’s community democracy in Nepal.28 media movement originally envisaged. When it comes to holding government to account, It is more difficult to get a several observers also argue that it is possible to achieve driver’s““ licence in Nepal than “It is more difficult to get a the most impact at local level. “Local government will it is to get a radio licence. driver’s licence in Nepal than it respond very quickly to media stories that embarrass ” is to get a radio licence,” says them or reveal problems, while at the national level they Jibachh Chaudhary, manager won’t,” observed Taranath Dahal, chairman of Freedom of Samad FM in the Terai region.23 Indeed, Nepal has Forum, at the height of the economic blockade.29 The arguably the most open licensing regime in the world. strength of local media’s accountability function is borne Raghu Mainali of the Community Radio Support Centre out by BBC Media Action’s own research and experience estimates that there are around 450 functioning local in Nepal.30 community and commercial FM radio stations in the country, covering more than 90% of the population Despite this, many interviewed for this briefing argue that and 74 out of 75 districts.24 Although local commercial this local community radio network – once considered stations are currently on the rise, the community radio an international exemplar of democratic vibrancy and network grew out of a concerted effort in the late 1990s freedom of expression – is increasingly in trouble. They by activists determined to build contend that what was once a critical driver of grassroots democracy and peace in Nepal has been co-opted by Community media starts local-level democracy through community-owned radio. political parties, other power brokers and even donors, “with“ prayers, followed by rather than serving the interests of their communities. “We started community media the news from Kathmandu, to create a common platform to C.K. Lal, one of Nepal’s most renowned intellectuals followed by a programme on express common concerns on and columnists, is caustic in his assessment of the sector: behalf of a common humanity “Community media starts with prayers, followed by gender rights sponsored by an and to break the monopoly the news from Kathmandu, followed by a programme NGO in New York, followed of the elite over the people,” on gender rights sponsored by an NGO in New York, by a discussion programme explains Mainali, a pioneer of followed by a discussion programme reflecting a narrow community radio in the country. range of voices, all the while fawning over the muscle- reflecting a narrow range of He continues: “The ethos of men who own the station.”31 Professor P. Kharel of voices, all the while fawning community media was rooted the Department of Journalism and Communication at over the muscle-men who in it being free from individual Tribhuvan University in Kathmandu, agrees, estimating or caste interests as well as its that 90% of local FM radio stations “are run by district own the station. determination to create bridges, or zonal level political leaders”.32 not divides, in society.” Above ” Taranath Dahal of Freedom Forum references his own all, he stresses, it was designed to serve and reflect local experience of sitting on the board of a community interests: “Kathmandu media interprets media in very radio station. While still an advocate for the sector, different ways to community media and we have been he acknowledges that these stations are increasingly successful in breaking their monopoly.”25 struggling to remain true to their original mission: “There The achievements of the community media movement is often very little difference between commercial and have been considerable. “Eight or nine years ago, community radio, and community radio stations are community radio played a very big role in keeping not always owned by the community,” he explains.

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“They operate in the same advertising market, and there content that is rarely produced to reflect the interests Above Radio Sisne, is little difference in either content or business model.” of their audience. in Rukum in Western His assessment is that more than 75% of local radio Nepal, broadcasts the Raghu Mainali of the Community Radio Support BBC Media Action- stations are in crisis.33 Centre acknowledges that “political interference produced programme Ranjit Acharya of Prisma Advertising notes that the in community media is the biggest challenge” and Sajha Sawal (Common Questions). Nepal market available to support local media is even more that many community radio licences are granted to is unique in having challenging than the one for mainstream media, political district or zonal leaders.36 However, he also so many community and that most community broadcasters were always argues that much of the criticism levelled at the sector radio stations. These dependent on donors to keep them going. “Kathmandu misunderstands the resilience of genuine community have played a much has 34 community radio stations while Delhi has just radio and makes the mistake of lumping all local radio admired role in the democratic transition eight commercial ones,” he points out, arguing there stations together. His organisation has developed a of Nepal, but concerns is neither the economic base nor the data available to community radio performance system, recognised by have grown that too support that number on a commercial basis.34 While UNESCO, against which his organisation can test the many of them have radio remains the most accessible medium in the character of a radio station. He has piloted it with 50 been co-opted by country – 72% listen to it on a regular basis according radio stations and estimates that “around 100 genuine local power brokers and other political to Madhu Acharya of Sharecast Initiative – it receives community radio stations survive across the country”. interests. by far the least advertising income.35 This means that (see box on page 14 – BBC Media Action’s work in after equipment, electricity and other running costs, Nepal.) Taranath Dahal of Freedom Forum also points there is little money left for what people actually want: out that, as mobile phone ownership increases, local quality local programming. Instead, stations tend to radio is unlikely to lose its relevance or its audience, broadcast what is most easily available to them – often since more and more people are listening to radio on syndicated, donor-funded, Kathmandu-originated their phones.37

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BBC Media Action’s work in Nepal

BBC Media Action has been working in Nepal since cross-section of society. Sajha Sawal aims to provide 2007 using media and communication to address a platform for people from all walks of life, including issues that include governance, maternal and child some of the most marginalised populations in health, and gender-based Nepal, to express their views violence. In the event of a about the issues that matter to major disaster, such as the 2015 them and to hold government earthquakes, it works with and officials and political leaders supports local media to prepare to account. Since its launch information and broadcast in 2007, over 30,000 people programmes that will help have been part of the studio those affected. audiences, asking tough A substantial focus is placed questions of panels of politicians on building capacity of media, and decision-makers, local especially local FM radio. This officials and experts. Results includes co-development of from a 2015 BBC Media Action local-level programmes, training national survey found that 89% in editorial values, programme of audience members agree that format and technical aspects, Sajha Sawal “makes government and mentoring. From officials react to the needs of December 2011 onwards, ordinary citizens” and more than more than 1,200 local 90% agreed that it provides discussion programmes with opportunities for marginalised over 40,000 live audience communities to raise questions. members have been produced Since the earthquake on 25 and broadcast by BBC Media April 2015, BBC Media Action Action partner stations across has also been producing the all regions in Nepal. “lifeline” radio programme Milijuli Nepali (Together Nepali), The main BBC Media Action and a series of short dramas initiative is the radio and KathaMaala (The Garland of television political discussion Stories) with Radio Nepal. Both show Sajha Sawal (Common of these are designed to support Questions), which was first the recovery and wellbeing of broadcast in 2007 on Kantipur earthquake-affected populations. TV and the BBC Nepali Milijuli Nepali reaches 2.16 million Service and has since become listeners. In addition, the the country’s most popular organisation has co-produced current affairs programme with lifeline and debate programmes a reach of 6.6 million people. with partner FM stations, while Every week, Sajha Sawal brings training them on production. together a panel of politicians and other decision-makers with a live audience, carefully Left This audience data was collected chosen to represent a broad between 2011–2016.

Many commentators argue that some of the challenges if it is to retain the sector’s undoubted strengths while preventing community media from playing an effective addressing the challenges of political interference. Under accountability and community role could be solved by the 2015 constitution, broadcast regulation at the local a degree of consolidation in the sector and by changes level will be managed by provincial, rather than national, in regulatory policy. “Much of this would be solved by authorities. It remains to be seen whether this will lead improved regulation,” says Taranath Dahal of Freedom to regulatory structures that serve public and community Forum.38 Any reform of the regulation surrounding interests better than the current system, or to an even community radio will need to be carefully considered, more fragmented and politicised broadcast environment.

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PART 3 State, nation and society: the role of media in shaping the future of Nepal

Media has always played a role in shaping the nation of “It is important to understand how nations are made,” Above Nepali Prime Nepal. In 2016, as a new political settlement continues says C.K. Lal, in an interview for this briefing.40 Like Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal, also to be negotiated, that role may prove to be as important Mahatma Gandhi, Lal rejects the western notion of known as Prachanda, as at any time in the country’s history. This section looks the state, believing that multiple nations can occupy faces the media after at the role of the media in fostering social cohesion at a the same limited geographical place. Borrowing from multi-party talks on time of political change in the country. the US academic Benedict Anderson, Lal argues that a new constitution in nations are socially constructed and “imagined” by January 2015. When the constitution passed 41 Media in an era of their people. “How do you build a country with in September 2015 multiple nations? It needs to imagine itself,” says Lal. it provoked fury and identity-based politics “It is the role of the media to enable our nation to protests, especially Politics have changed profoundly in Nepal over the last imagine itself.” among groups in the decade, not just in how power is determined, but in how Terai who felt their political relationships are negotiated. For centuries, Nepal This suggests that the role of media merits more attention interests were not properly represented. was governed through the authority of the king. At the than it has traditionally attracted in governance and risk of simplifying highly complex political dynamics, the development analysis of the country. Many interviewees politics of authority gave way to the politics of ideology disagree on the precise roles and responsibilities of when the insurgency and following peace process Nepali media – in particular, the balance between brought the Maoists into a multi-party government. The legitimising long-suppressed identities and bringing new constitution is arguably an attempt to reconcile a together a divided nation, between elite and community new set of dynamics – the politics of identity.39 For many power, between the centre and periphery. However, interviewees, media is, one way or another, likely to play almost all of them feel that media’s role in relation to an essential role in enabling Nepal to remake itself under how Nepal remakes itself is likely to be critical, either its new constitutional and political framework. for good or ill.

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In many respects, the media ecology of Nepal is well on page 17 – The complex reality of local media in the suited to the highly decentralised political settlement Terai). It is easy to point the finger at the most flagrant that the new constitution has endorsed, and it provides examples of local stations fuelling ethnic tension, but important foundations for the kinds many Madheshis accuse the Kathmandu media of ignoring Given the highly fractured of reimagining Lal proposes. The well- or deliberately misrepresenting their concerns. This is character of politics in the established community radio network something with which the editor of the Kathmandu-based has already provided localised Nepali Times, Kunda Dixit, agrees: “Much of the national country, a fragmented platforms for debate and discussion media in Kathmandu is so detached and disinterested in media landscape raises to play out, however imperfectly. For what is happening in the plains that it has no idea of what inevitable concerns that communities who feel that national is going on, to the extent of sometimes being racist.” 43 media outlets do not reflect their He also highlights the role of FM stations along the east/ media outlets – both realities, grievances or aspirations, west highway whose signal reaches into Madheshi areas. there is a broadcast infrastructure mainstream and local – will They “tend to be anti-Madheshi and stir up anger,” says potentially suited to doing just that. be used to foster tension. Dixit, who believes that radio is polarising opinion on Given the highly fractured character both sides. But he insists that not all media should be of politics in the country, however, such a fragmented tarred with the same brush, arguing that some media media landscape also raises concerns that media outlets is “doing its job properly, including the BBC, as well as – both mainstream and local – will be used to foster state radio which is surprisingly balanced, and some of Below Nepali activists tension. “The influence of political parties and other, the big commercial broadcasters like Kantipur”. angry over Nepal’s new mostly financial, interests in the media has been pivotal constitution near the Some in the international community echo Dixit’s in deepening the divide between people from different Nepal-India border at criticism of national media. “Where is the place of ethnic groups and regions, especially in the context of the Birgunj, some 90 km the Madhesh in the story of the nation?” asks Renaud current political crisis,” says Bhrikuti Rai, a journalist.42 south of Kathmandu, in Meyer, country director for the UN Development November 2015. Ethnic 44 and political tensions Some of the clearest indications that the local media Programme (UNDP). His feeling is that “there has have increasingly spilled has a role in fuelling tension have been seen around the been real under-reporting of the reality of what is going out over the airwaves. recent crisis in the Terai in the south of Nepal (see box on in the Terai”. Meyer also argues that the impact of PRAKASH MATHEMA/AFP/GETTY IMAGES PRAKASH MATHEMA/AFP/GETTY

16 BBC MEDIA ACTION POLICY BRIEFING #17 SEPTEMBER 2016 SIGN UP FOR OUR NEWSLETTER: WWW.BBCMEDIAACTION.ORG the blockade on the ordinary lives of Nepalis was not The challenge of enabling conversations across well reported or well understood in the Terai itself. communities, rather than mainly within them, is intensified He concludes that different sides have much to lose by the rapid rise of digital and social media. Already, by continuing tension: “Political participation is seen 94% of the Nepali population has access to a mobile as being a zero-sum game in Nepal and tends to be phone, according to BBC Media Action research, with about how you divide the pie rather than how we can Facebook accounts growing rapidly to some 5.8 million make the pie bigger.” by August 2016. Such access is freeing up discussion

The complex reality of local media in the Terai

The traditional image of Nepal is that of a staff members have not received explicit physical “Himalayan mountain kingdom”. Not only is threats, “it’s been made clear to us that the Nepal no longer a kingdom, but around half of its journalists who are in the Madhesh movement will population lives in the plains of the Terai. While be protected but that they cannot protect those there are numerous ethnicities across Nepal, who are not in the movement,” Chaudhary says. tensions between the “hilly people” and the “plains Of the six other radio stations in the region, one people” have intensified in recent years, with the is commercial and the others are community Madhesh and Tharu plains people in particular stations. Most have represented a more vocal lobbying for greater recognition and representation. outlet for Madheshi anger and grievance, but it is These tensions have increasingly been played out not clear how much blame lies at the door of the over the airwaves. There have been accusations radio stations themselves for inflammatory and from some Madheshis that Kathmandu-centric hate-filled coverage. “There are different factions media outlets are effectively propagandists for at work within the Madhesh movement, some a dominant national narrative that ignores their of whom are more extreme than others,” says concerns. There have also been accusations that the Chaudhary. He describes how a station manager anger in the Terai has too often spilled out over local from another radio station was beaten by a radio into hate and incitement to violence. sub-group of protesters because their coverage Some of this complexity is revealed in an interview was not sufficiently sympathetic to that particular with Jibachh Chaudhary of Samad FM.45 This radio group within the movement. The net result is a station, a partner of BBC Media Action, is one of climate of fear in which journalists are, according to seven FM stations in the Terai and remains committed Chaudhary, “afraid all the time”. to reflecting a range of different perspectives in The most inflammatory coverage does not its coverage. The station broadcasts to different necessarily come from news reporting. “It is the communities, both from the Madhesh and the Tharu reporting from the rallies where the [coverage gets people, and it has diverse presenters, including one most unpleasant],” Chaudhary explains. “The rallies from the hilly region. “People really like our debate can be infused with hate speech, which is broadcast programmes and we are determined to provide live and also reproduced through the press releases different viewpoints in them,” Chaudhary says. which are simply rebroadcast.” Newspapers from Retaining an editorial balance has always been outside the region became unavailable in the months difficult, but it became more so in the context following the passing of the constitution because of the constitutional crisis during the winter of newspaper vendors were so afraid to sell them. 2015–16. Chaudhary observes, “The situation is Some of the most intense anger is focused on that they [Madheshis] want only positive coverage the mainstream Kathmandu media, according even if they are doing negative things – but we are to Chaudhary. “The Madheshi are angrier with wanting to balance between Madhesh and other the national media than they are with the Prime perspectives.” Minister or any other politicians because its views The pressure is coming not just from activists in are so biased,” he says. There is also great hostility the region. “When we go for field reporting and to national television news, although this is less people gather, they give us pressure that we leave relevant because “most people are accessing Indian one issue and have to broadcast their perspective,” TV channels”. He states that people do not listen says Chaudhary. Such a highly-charged political to the state broadcaster, Radio Nepal, and although climate means that the station sometimes feels it there is a five-minute Madheshi-language news is necessary to self-censor its coverage. Although bulletin, very few people tune in to it.

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and transforming communication, including within the paper. “What I’d really like to see is for a [community extensive Nepali diaspora. However, it may also be radio] signal broadcast from a station in the west of exacerbating existing trends towards conversations the country to be available to those in the east, and within specific groups in society rather than between vice versa,” says Raghu Mainali of the Community them, creating an “echo chamber” effect. Radio Support Centre.46 Mainali has also developed a series of proposals of how reformed national-level state This briefing reaches no judgement on the claims being broadcasters, Radio Nepal and NTV, could link with made about media’s role in fostering division. But the community media to create a broadcasting system that issue clearly raises serious concerns builds on the advantages of both.47 Radio Nepal and over the future capacity of the Nepali Nepal““ Television (NTV) media to enable dialogue across different Others point to the potential of Radio Nepal and NTV. groups in society. While there is ample They argue that if these national broadcasters could could have a really energy and significant money – much be reformed so that they served the public, rather important role in terms of it political – being invested in media than the government, they could function as a critical, of national cohesion. that reflects specific ethnic, factional or independent democratic platform through which ” other interests in society, there appears Nepalis might reshape their nation. Taranath Dahal to be very little invested in the kind of media that can of Freedom Forum, for example, believes that “Radio transcend and connect across those different interests. Nepal and NTV could have a really important role in Nepali society is astonishingly resilient and has been terms of national cohesion.”48 Kunda Dixit, editor of defined historically largely by people’s determination Nepali Times, agrees, but maintains that this role would to get on with each other. But media often seems to depend on “political appointees no longer heading it be getting in the way of that process, at least during and it clearly establishing both credibility and balance moments of tension of the sort prompted by the recent in its reporting”. BBC Media Action’s own efforts to constitutional crisis. create national and local platforms for public debate are outlined in the box on page 14 – BBC Media Action’s work in Nepal. Below People listening The prospects for media that to news updates near No radio has a truly national reach across the nation, but Basantapur Durbar enables dialogue across divides Radio Nepal comes closest, reaching more than 80% of Square following an Connecting different communities with each other the population and broadcasting in 21 languages. It has earthquake on 25 April a generally poor reputation for its programming but, 2015 in Kathmandu. appears to be an increasingly important evolution in a Parts of the media, media system that currently seems to encourage either especially in times of crisis, it has proven its continuing especially the state hyper-local, in-group echo chambers or national-level relevance. “Radio Nepal and NTV were best when broadcaster, Radio discourse that is seen to represent the interests of an elite. the earthquake hit,” says Dixit.49 “They had the reach, Nepal, were widely they were quick and agile, and when rumours were Various media-based solutions to this problem are praised for their role going around they countered them.” He argues that during the crisis. offered by the different people interviewed for this commercial media, for all its energy, does not have public service as its core mandate, insisting that “there is something [in Radio Nepal and NTV] that keeps the public service role intact”. In an interview for this briefing, Sher Dhan Rai, the Minister of Information and Communication, says that the government is committed to the reform of Radio Nepal and NTV and has “set up a committee to examine” how such reform could take place, possibly within “six months or a year”.50 The precise model for better organising and supporting the media system, to enable greater dialogue across divides within the country, will depend on future public and political debate and decision-making in Nepal. What is clear is that, if Nepal is in the process of remaking itself as many interviewed for this briefing argue, both national and local media will be integral to the public debate that enables this to happen. If international development support is likely to be useful in that process of dialogue, then development actors should be paying attention to

OMAR HAVANA/GETTY IMAGES OMAR HAVANA/GETTY the media.

18 BBC MEDIA ACTION POLICY BRIEFING #17 SEPTEMBER 2016 SIGN UP FOR OUR NEWSLETTER: WWW.BBCMEDIAACTION.ORG PART 4 The role of the international development community

Many of those interviewed for this briefing (not all really making a difference to the sector. Raghu Mainali, of whom wanted to be quoted) argue that – at least reflecting on his decades of support and commitment where media support is concerned – the international to the community media movement, insists that too community is in danger of doing more harm than good. many donors “are ad hoc, temporary and focused too In particular, they argue that it is failing to grasp the role much on their own short-term results frameworks”.54 of media in enabling the kinds of debate necessary for He argues that this has an effect on the long-term health society to navigate a moment of complex political change. of a sector that is as vulnerable to political co-option as Criticisms of this sort took four specific forms. First, the community media sector. “Donors need to move donors seem determined to support media to reflect away from one-off training and capacity building and their own developmental concerns, rather than those towards holistic development of media,” says Madhu 55 of the people on the ground. Sponsored content by Acharya of Sharecast Initiative. He provides an development agencies – for example, to raise awareness example of where assistance is of a particular issue – may make sense on a case-by-case likely to be most needed, saying Media is manipulated by basis. Collectively, however, critics argue that it is creating that “we need to flip the model international““ NGOs and a media system that seems more focused on shaping how where radio, which reaches and Nepalis think and determining what they should know, engages most people, has the least donor interests… Expats than on reflecting their concerns and realities. advertising, and print has most.” get lots of coverage in Second, and relatedly, many feel that too many But the most severe criticism Nepalese media, which international NGOs and donors see the media as a extends beyond the issue of media seldom happens in other way of gaining publicity for themselves, rather than as support to the intangible, longer- a set of institutions that should serve the Nepali public. term effects of the hiring policy parts of the world. “Media is manipulated by international NGOs and of international development ” donor interests,” says professor P. Kharel of Tribhuvan agencies. Many argue that Nepal needs its best and University.51 “Expats get lots of coverage in Nepali media, brightest minds and spirits to shape its own future which seldom happens in other parts of the world,” on its own terms, as it remakes itself at this critical he adds. C.K. Lal links this to a broader problem of historical juncture. But, they fear, many of those in the donors being insufficiently in touch with the problems best position to nourish and foster public debate in the faced by the country. “Donors are more at fault than country are either working for, or acting as consultants government in shaping our current situation because to, international agencies. Rather than shaping or they only engage with elites,” he says.52 This complaint provoking public discourse, founding news organisations of external influence extends to the conceptual framing or generating intellectual or spiritual insight into the of much international development support, especially challenges confronting the country, these individuals are when it comes to media assistance. “We need less of a serving as administrators and shapers of international focus on the kinds of racial and ethnic awareness-raising development programming. initiatives which have been popular with donors, and These criticisms suggest a need for the international more on a common social awareness,” says Raghu Mainali community not only to reflect on the kinds of support of the Community Radio Support Centre.53 it is providing (or failing to provide) to media, but also to Third, media support is considered to be short-term examine whether it is facilitating or impeding a process and project-based rather than strategic or capable of through which Nepal remakes itself.

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PART 5 Conclusion

The interviewees who provided the foundation for this will involve taking a more coherent approach, building policy briefing did not give a uniform analysis or narrative these issues into donors’ overarching governance about the role of media in Nepal. There were, however, analysis and support strategies, establishing clearer some areas of agreement and some clear conclusions learning mechanisms focused on what works and what can be drawn. does not, and investing to build the health of the sector as a whole. First, media matters very much for the future success of the political settlement in Nepal and the future of Third, the sheer number of media organisations in Nepal development in the country. For all the challenges is not necessarily a good indicator of media freedom, outlined in this report, media – both nationally and locally plurality or quality. Regulatory reform is likely to need – continues to constitute one of the most important and to be supported in this context, but close attention is effective mechanisms available to improve accountability. needed to help ensure that it is focused on improving Media also provides a central platform for public debate the independence and quality of media, not undermining and social cohesion in the country. it. The regulatory framework envisaged under the new constitution (where much regulatory authority passes to Second, the international community is likely to matter decentralised authorities) is likely to make understanding to the future of media. There are growing signs that and responding to this challenge complex. freedom of expression is declining in the country, and that it is becoming more difficult for good journalists to Fourth, perhaps the most severe market failure facing carry out their jobs. At present, there is not a sufficient the media in Nepal relates to one of the greatest advertising market to sustain a free and independent challenges facing the nation right now: how the country media that can both serve the public interest and communicates with itself. Much media is fostering anger, withstand intense political pressures. There is, in other division and mutual suspicion, whether locally or from the words, a market failure, which development actors are capital. Training and capacity-building, however important, in a position to help to address. However, donors can will not solve those challenges. More investment needs do more harm than good, especially if they use their to be made in independent, Nepali-rooted media that resources to shape media content in their own image. cuts across societal boundaries and enables difficult and challenging debate to take place. The issue, therefore, is not simply the volume of resources available to support independent media The country’s local FM radio network continues and public debate, but the strategic clarity of analysis to constitute an important asset available for public necessary to underpin the effective use of those debate in the country, especially if further ways can be resources. There are well-established strategies for found to connect radio stations across the country. If a supporting media, and Nepal needs further support in realistic political opportunity presents itself, reform of all of them. (UNESCO lists these as typically including Nepal Radio and NTV, transforming them from state regulatory and policy reform, improving the freedom, broadcasters to independent, creative, technologically plurality and diversity of media ownership, professional agile public service broadcasters, could provide one of capacity-building, building public trust in media and the single most important contributions to addressing improving infrastructure).56 Effective support to media the challenges highlighted in this briefing.

20 BBC MEDIA ACTION POLICY BRIEFING #17 SEPTEMBER 2016 SIGN UP FOR OUR NEWSLETTER: WWW.BBCMEDIAACTION.ORG APPENDIX List of interviewees

1. Madhu Acharya, president, Sharecast Initiative 2. Ranjit Acharya, CEO, Prisma Advertising 3. Krishnahari Banskota, chairman, National Information Commission 4. Sabita Baral, lawyer 5. Babita Basnet, president, Media Advocacy Group of Nepal 6. Jibachh Chaudhary, station manager, Samad FM 7. Devraj Dahal, country director, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Foundation 8. Taranath Dahal, chairman, Freedom Forum and former president, Federation of Nepali Journalists 9. Kanak Dixit, founder, Himalmedia 10. Kunda Dixit, editor, Nepali Times 11. Subhash Ghimire, editor, República English-language daily 12. Yubaraj Ghimire, editor, Annapurna Post Nepali daily 13. Lieutenant general (retired) Kul Bahadur Khadka, Nepali Army 14. P. Kharel, professor of journalism and communication, Tribhuvan University 15. Bimal Koirala, former Chief Secretary, Government of Nepal 16. C.K. Lal, journalist and political commentator 17. Keith Leslie, senior social development specialist, World Bank 18. Raghu Mainali, director, Community Radio Support Centre 19. Bidhyadhar Mallik, former Minister of Finance, Government of Nepal 20. Christian Manhart, country representative, UNESCO Nepal 21. Renaud Meyer, country director, United Nations Development Programme 22. Prateek Pradhan, Advisor, Prime Minister’s Office, Government of Nepal 23. Subodhraj Pyakurel, chairperson, Informal Sector Service Center (INSEC, human rights NGO) 24. Bhrikuti Rai, reporter, South Asia Check 25. Sher Dhan Rai, Minister of Information and Communication, Government of Nepal 26. Bandana Rana, former president, Saathi 27. Sharada Sharma, development worker, poet and novelist 28. Nandita Baruah, Deputy Country Representative, The Asia Foundation

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Endnotes

1 Substantial additional resources exist illuminating 15 Interview with Nandita Baruwah, Kathmandu, the role of media in Nepal. A particularly valuable 27 January 2016. resource is http://www.martinchautari.org.np/index.php 16 Interview with Ranjit Acharya, Kathmandu, [Accessed 12 September 2016]. 21 January 2016. 2 Gurung, H. (2001) Nepal: Social Demography and 17 Ibid. Expressions. Kathmandu: New Era. 18 In May 2016, three Nepali media owners’ organisations 3 See, for example, Baron de Montesquieu (1748) – the Nepal Media Society (NMS), Broadcasting The Spirit of the Laws (in which he argued that publicity Association of Nepal (BAN) and Radio Broadcasters was essential to preventing the abuse of executive Forum (RBF) – publicly put out a statement expressing power). dismay at the government’s minimum wage proposals as they affected journalists. See: Kathmandu Post (May 4 Freedom in the World 2016, Freedom House [online]. 2016) Media orgs object to cabinet decision [online]. Available from: https://freedomhouse.org/sites/default/ files/FH_FITW_Report_2016.pdf 19 Interview with Kunda Dixit, Kathmandu, [Accessed 12 September 2016]. 22 January 2016. 5 Corruption Perceptions Index, 2015 Transparency 20 Interview with Taranath Dahal, Kathmandu, International,[online]. Available from: 20 January 2016. http://www.transparency.org/cpi2015#map-container 21 Interview with Ranjit Acharya, Kathmandu, [Accessed July 30 2016]. 21 January 2016. 6 See: Committee to Protect Journalists, country 22 Interview with Bhrikuti Rai, Kathmandu, reports from Nepal [online]. Available from: 1 November 2015. https://cpj.org/asia/nepal/ [Accessed 18 August 2016]. 23 Interview with Jibachh Chaudhary, Kathmandu, 7 Committee to Protect Journalists (April 2016). In 26 January 2016. Nepal, critical journalist Kanak Mani Dixit detained in corruption case [online]. Available from: 24 Interview with Raghu Mainali, Kathmandu, https://cpj.org/2016/04/in-nepal-critical-journalist-kanak- 21 January 2016. mani-dixit-deta.php [Accessed 17 August 2016]. 25 Ibid. 8 Adhikari, A. and Gautam, B. (2014) Impunity and 26 Interview with Ranjit Acharya, Kathmandu, Political Accountability in Nepal. Kathmandu: 21 January 2016. The Asia Foundation [online]. Available from: http://asiafoundation.org/resources/pdfs/ 27 Democracy in Nepal: the role of community radio, Mazi NPimpunityandpoliticalaccountability.pdf Magazine, Issue 9, Communication for Social Change [Accessed 17 August 2016]. Consortitum, November 2006 [online]. Available from: http://www.communicationforsocialchange.org/ 9 Interview with Bhrikuti Rai, Kathmandu, mazi-articles.php?id=326 [Accessed 12 September 2016]. 1 November 2015. 28 Onta, Pratyoush, Independent Radio and Public 10 Interview with Kunda Dixit, Kathmandu, Engagement in Nepal, 1997- 2007, Studies in Nepali 22 January 2016 History and Society 14(2): 335–366 December 2009 Accessed from http://www.martinchautari.org.np/files/ 11 Interview with Sabita Baral, Kathmandu, pratyoush_onta_14(2).pdf July 15 2016 15 October 2015. 29 Interview with Taranath Dahal, Kathmandu, 12 Pokharel, B. (2016) Politicians, bureaucrats seen as 20 January 2016. most corrupt [online]. República, 26 January. Available 30 from: http://myrepublica.com/politics/story/35824/ BBC Media Action (2015) What role do localised debate politicians-bureaucrats-seen-as-most-corrupt.html programmes play in addressing local issues? Case Studies [Accessed 18 August 2016]. from Nepal [online]. BBC Media Action Research Summary. Available from: http://downloads.bbc.co.uk/ 13 See: http://www.ntv.org.np/index.php/about-us mediaaction/pdf/research_summary_localised_debate_ [Accessed 18 August 2016]. programmes_Nepal_april2015.pdf [Accessed 18 August 2016]. 14 Interview with Devraj Dahal, Kathmandu, 12 August 2015. 31 Interview with C.K. Lal, Kathmandu, 22 January 2016.

22 BBC MEDIA ACTION POLICY BRIEFING #17 SEPTEMBER 2016 SIGN UP FOR OUR NEWSLETTER: WWW.BBCMEDIAACTION.ORG 32 Interview with professor P. Kharel, Kathmandu, 55 Interview with Madhu Acharya, Kathmandu, 17 October 2015. 21 January 2016. 33 Interview with Taranath Dahal, Kathmandu, 56 UNESCO (2008) Media Development Indicators: a 20 January 2016. framework for assessing media development. Paris: UNESCO. [online] Available from: http://unesdoc. 34 Interview with Ranjit Acharya, Kathmandu, unesco.org/images/0016/001631/163102e.pdf 21 January 2016. [Accessed 18 August 2016]. 35 Interview with Madhu Acharya, Kathmandu, 21 January 2016. 36 Interview with Raghu Mainali, Kathmandu, 21 January 2016. 37 Interview with Taranath Dahal, Kathmandu, 20 January 2016. 38 Ibid. 39 See, for example: Malagodi, M. (2013) Constitutional Nationalism and Legal Exclusion: Equality, Identity Politics, and Democracy in Nepal. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 40 Interview with C.K. Lal, Kathmandu, 22 January 2016. 41 Anderson, B, (2006) Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, Verso Books. 42 Interview with Bhrikuti Rai. Kathmandu, 21 January 2016. 43 Interview with Kunda Dixit, Kathmandu, 22 January 2016. 44 Interview with Renaud Meyer, Kathmandu, 28 January 2016. 45 Interview with Jibachh Chaudhary. Kathmandu, 25 January 2016 46 Interview with Raghu Mainali, Kathmandu, 21 January 2016. 47 Mainali, R. (2011) Public Service Broadcasting in Nepal. Paper prepared for Freedom Forum/UNESCO workshop, April 2011. 48 Interview with Taranath Dahal, Kathmandu, 20 January 2016. 49 Interview with Kunda Dixit, Kathmandu, 22 January 2016. 50 Interview with Sher Dan Rai, Kathmandu, 20 January 2016. 51 Interview with professor P. Kharel, Kathmandu, 17 October 2015. 52 Interview with C.K. Lal. Kathmandu, 22 January 2016. 53 Interview with Raghu Mainali, Kathmandu, 21 January 2016. 54 Ibid.

BBC MEDIA ACTION POLICY BRIEFING #17 SEPTEMBER 2016 SIGN UP FOR OUR NEWSLETTER: WWW.BBCMEDIAACTION.ORG 23 ACCOUNTABILITY, NATION AND SOCIETY: THE ROLE OF MEDIA IN REMAKING NEPAL

Acknowledgements

BBC Media Action is the BBC’s international development charity. It uses the power of media and communication to help reduce poverty and support people in understanding their rights. Its aim is to inform, connect and empower people around the world. It works in partnership with broadcasters, governments, non-governmental organisations and donors to share timely, reliable and useful information. The content of this report is the responsibility of BBC Media Action. Any views expressed in this report should not be taken to represent those of the BBC itself, or any donors supporting the work of the charity. This policy briefing was prepared thanks to funding from the UK Department for International Development, which supports the policy, learning and research work of BBC Media Action. The authors would like to thank Mona Laczo, Pratyoush Onta, Sanjib Saha, Will Taylor and Kathryn Tomlinson for helpful comments, as well as all those who were interviewed for the briefing. Editor: Delia Lloyd Authors: Kiran Bhandari, Dipak Bhattarai and James Deane Copy editor: Sarah Chatwin Proof reader: Lorna Fray Designer: Lance Bellers Production team: Maresa Manara, Anna Egan, Lucy Harley-Mckeown and Sophia Nikolau

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