HOW BOXING CLUB MEMBERSHIP SHAPES THE LIVES OF “AT RISK” YOUTH INSIDE AND OUTSIDE OF THE GYM ______
A Thesis
Presented to the
Faculty of
California State University, Fullerton ______
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Arts
in
Sociology ______
By
Sergio Torres
Thesis Committee Approval:
Dr. Thacker Thomas, Committee Chair Dr. Mike Perez, Committee Member, Department of Sociology Dr. Christina Chin, Committee Member, Department of Sociology
Summer, 2016
ABSTRACT
Adolescence is the pivotal point in a youth’s life when autonomy is developed, and, ultimately, a weakening of the influence of parental control and increase in peer group influence occurs. Juveniles who are exposed to negative peer group experiences may be more likely to engage in criminal behavior, alcohol and drug abuse, and other risky social health behaviors. However, participation in sports programs can decrease delinquent behavior by aiding an individual in acquiring positive connections to normative society. While knowledge about “at-risk” youth participation in sports programs exists in extant literature, a gap remains in understanding how participation has impacted the long term lived experiences of participants. This research will draw on in- depth, semi-structured interviews with current and former adult members of a boxing gym geared toward “at-risk” youth to examine, among other things, the effects of participation in the gym on their life choices as they relate to antisocial behavior.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ...... ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... v
Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1
2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 4
Youth Participation in Sports ...... 4 Role of Community in Mitigating Antisocial Behavior ...... 5 Arguments Regarding Sports Programming and Antisocial Behavior ...... 8 Historical Context of Boxing ...... 10 Gender and Boxing ...... 13 Theoretical Framework ...... 15
3. METHODS ...... 20
Qualitative Methods ...... 21 Location Demographics ...... 21 History of the Gym ...... 22 Sampling and Recruitment ...... 23 Description of Participants ...... 25 Interviews ...... 26 Analysis ...... 27 Researcher Reflexivity and Positionality ...... 29
4. ANALYSIS ...... 33
Coaches as Mentors, Role Models, and Father Figures for “At-Risk” Youth ...... 33 Perceptions and Performance of Gender Inside and Outside the Ring ...... 45 The Sport of Boxing and its Role in the Lives of “At-risk” Youth ...... 58
5. DISCUSSION & CONCLUSION ...... 69 Research Implications ...... 73 Study Limitations ...... 76 Future Research ...... 77
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APPENDICES ...... 79
A. RESEARCH GUIDE ...... 79 B. PARTICIPANT TABLE ...... 81 C. CONSENT FORM ...... 82 D. FLYER ...... 85
REFERENCES ...... 86
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would first like to express my sincere appreciation to my committee chair, Dr.
Thacker Thomas. Without her guidance, persistent encouragement, and unwavering support this thesis would not have been possible. I am truly grateful.
I would like to thank my committee members. Dr. Perez whose genuine enthusiasm for my research provided me with the necessary encouragement needed to see my thesis to the end. Dr. Chin for her willingness to provide guidance and insight that allowed me to view my research in ways that I had not previously considered.
I would like to thank Professor Cretney whose assistance has been indispensable throughout my time as a graduate student.
I would also like to thank the Sociology department staff for providing me with various forms of support during my graduate studies.
I would also like to thank my parents, whose continued support during my academic career was paramount.
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The United States has, historically, been home to a myriad of boxing champions including the likes of Muhammad Ali, George Forman, and Mike Tyson—all heavyweights. While heavyweight boxers have always been given priority in terms of resources, during the golden age of boxing, the period ranging from the 1920s to the
1960s, boxing facilities were so prevalent that amateur participation also thrived. After the golden years of boxing, however, the sport did not maintain the popularity that it once had and it has struggled to regain popularity. More recently, though, boxing is seeing a resurgence in the return to large media networks, which is placing boxing back into prime time slots (ESPN 2015) and, arguably, will increase resources to multiple levels of boxers again.
This timeline is significant considering the fact that as popularity for boxing in the media waned, so too did the prevalence of boxing facilities. Colthart (1996) noted that a lack of proper facilities is a factor for decreased participation in youth sports. The decline in numbers of qualified gyms over the years has led to an overall decline in qualified amateur fighters (Boxing Insider 2012). Boxing Insider (2012) stated that in order to keep the sport of boxing moving forward, there must be an effort to open up more boxing gyms, specifically in urban areas.
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The availability of boxing gyms in urban areas is particularly salient to this thesis considering participation in sports is viewed as a way of minimizing antisocial behavior and negative life outcomes, such as those resulting from growing up in “urban areas” where youth are often defined as “at-risk.” As boxing regains popularity, the number of available qualified gyms are also increasing again—but not in all communities. Not all youth have equal access to sports programming. Many “at-risk” youth experience a lack of financial and social support, which are both typically available in traditional adult- organized sports-related programs for youth (Seefeldt and Ewing 1997). As a result of the lack of options available for some youth to participate in sports, programs specifically targeting “at-risk” youth have emerged.
The First Street Boxing Club in Bristol, California is a program designed to attract local youth identified as “at-risk.” Research defines “at-risk” youth as juveniles that experience difficulty functioning in norm-abiding society (Colthart 1996). Exposure to experiences of, among other things, abuse, is known to lead to poor academic performance, participation in deviant behaviors leading to involvement in the criminal justice system, and overall poor adjustment into normative society (Colthart 1996). The purpose of “at-risk” sports programs, then, is to provide the positive social benefits (e.g., belonging, support, comfort, guidance, and a safe space) that otherwise lack within the families and communities of “at-risk” youth.
While existing literature has established the short-term successes associated with
"at-risk" youth participation in sports programming, the long term outcomes remain contested and understudied. Accordingly, the present research addresses this gap by focusing on the lived experiences of current and past adult members of an “at-risk” youth
3 boxing program. Specifically, this thesis is guided by three research questions: (1) What are the lived experiences of young men and women who participate in a boxing gym targeting “at-risk” youth? (2) What short-term and long-term impacts does involvement at a boxing gym targeting “at-risk” youth have on participants? and (3) How does participation at a boxing gym targeting “at-risk” youth affect one’s involvement or lack thereof, in antisocial behavior during one’s youth and as an adult?
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CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
Youth Participation in Organized Sports
Dating back to early human history, youth participation in sports was initially structured as informal play (Frankl 2007) and, prior to the 1950s, lacked adult-led organization, instead relying on self-organization by youth (Seefeldt and Ewing 1997).
Since then, the existence of organizations like the YMCA, Boys and Girls Clubs, and
Boy Scouts have provided a structured place for youth to participate in sports (Seefeldt and Ewing 1997).
One of the major factors leading to the development of organized youth sports was the shift from an agrarian to an urban industrial society. An urban industrial society provided economic prosperity and leisure time for youth (Frankl 2007). The free time and expendable income contributed to the formalization of youth sports programs, especially considering juveniles who participate in such programs may be required to pay fees, commute to facilities, and secure equipment and specialized training from coaches
(Colthart 1996). Over the years, adult-organized youth sports have continued to gain additional support of adults in the form of time and finances, which has further bolstered the success of these sports programs.
Though adult-organized youth sports have continued to gain popularity, access to such programs is not distributed equally across social classes. Ultimately, middle- and
5 upper-class youth are the ones benefitting from these well-organized and well-funded sports programs (Seefeldt and Ewing 1997). Absent are juveniles who are labeled as “at- risk” youth who experience difficulty functioning in norm-abiding society due to backgrounds that have exposed them to physical, psychological, or emotional trauma
(Colthart 1996). Simply put, the “at-risk” population often lacks access to the resources needed to participate in adult-organized sports programs (Colthart 1996). They are left to either find less structured, less financially-reliant programs, or must not participate in sports at all (Ponessa 1992).
The lack of access to structured, adult-organized youth sporting programs is problematic for “at-risk” youth considering a key issue for juveniles who live in poor communities is the availability of safe and constructive after-school programs (Hartmann
2006). Colthart (1996) argues that in order for programs to benefit “at-risk” youth, they must be available to the entire community. Programs must be designed to work specifically with “at-risk” youth, meaning facilities must be accessible and affordable.
And, lastly, programs must be enticing to “at-risk” youth by providing exciting or high- risk activities (Colthart 1996). Offering such programs sustainably and effectively cannot be accomplished without a combined effort across communities.
Role of Community in Mitigating Antisocial Behavior
Communities and individual community members dictate, in part, the availability of sports programming to youth. Accordingly, communities are crucial to reducing antisocial behaviors as they play an essential role in the development of norm-abiding individuals and group behaviors. One way of accomplishing a sense of community, and
6 thus catalyzing a sense of belonging and a commitment amongst community members, is through sports (Warner and Leierer 2015).
“Sense of community” theory defines community as a feeling of belonging that is the result of a reciprocal relationship between community members (McMillan and
Chavis 1986). The need for juveniles to belong to a community exists whether or not a community is able to provide their youth with a “sense of community” or not. As a result, youth may seek to belong to outside groups or non-normative groups to provide their sense of community. This can include both constructive groups, such as those often provided through sports programs, but may also include destructive or deviant groups; such is the case with violent street gangs. When juveniles are part of a community that is unable to adequately provide a sense of community, they may feel that they do not belong and are, therefore, more likely to engage in antisocial behaviors. This includes, but is not limited to: substance abuse, risky sexual behaviors, and violence (Taliaferro, Rienzo, and
Donovan 2010).
The presence of positive role models is a mitigating factor in the involvement of delinquent activity. Existing research argues that youth need to be taught how to function in norm-abiding society by parents or other adults (Thornburg, Hoffman, and Remeika
1991). Often, middle- and upper-class youth are surrounded with parental and adult figures that are able to provide ample resources such as “sponsorship, organization, and administration of programs for their children” (Seefeldt and Ewing 1997:3) There are a number of positive outcomes associated with such involvement by adults in youth lives.
For example, youth that are not gang affiliated are three times more likely to report having parents or adult role models (Seefeldt and Ewing 1997:11). This suggests that “at-
7 risk” youth who live in impoverished communities and are more likely to join gangs or engage in antisocial behavior benefit more from role models than youth who are middle- to upper-class (Sacha 2015). As “at-risk” youth gain access to positive role models, their likelihood of positively functioning in norm-abiding society increases. Notably, research has shown that individuals outside of an “at-risk” youth’s primary groups can fill the role of a positive role model. For example, Sascha (2015) found that the role of the boxing coach, in organized youth boxing programs, is crucial in providing “at-risk” youth with the skills necessary to function within norm-abiding society.
Traditional male role models, those within a youth’s primary groups, are currently lacking in impoverished communities, but can still be found within sports-related programs. According to Anderson (1999), the traditional male role model exists in impoverished communities in the form of “Old heads.” Old heads are characterized as adult males that live in the neighborhoods, are financially stable, and are committed to norm-abiding values. Old heads have insider status allowing them to connect to “at-risk” youth in ways which outsiders cannot. Sports allows for the creation of meaningful male relationships (Messner 1988). The ability of the old heads to use their status is crucial because they are responsible for passing on-norm abiding behaviors. The presence of this type of role model, however, has declined as deindustrialization further limits job prospects in minority communities (Anderson 1999). This is significant because older norm-abiding role models are being replaced by younger role models that promote deviant behavior (Anderson 1999). Thus, there is an increasing need for positive role modeling in “at-risk” communities. Arguably, sports programming may be able to
8 provide the necessary mentoring (and structured activity) youth require, thus allowing them to avoid participation in antisocial behaviors.
Arguments Regarding Sports Programming and Antisocial Behavior
While extant literature largely contends that sports programs geared toward “at- risk” youth have been successful in mitigating deviant activity by providing safe environments and activities for youth (Warner and Leierer 2015), findings are mixed and have been met with both advocacy and criticism (Nichols 1997). Advocates for sports programs argue that by providing an alternative to the streets, participants will avoid engaging in deviant behavior and will build character, self-esteem, and healthy socialization skills (Colthart 1996; Hartmann 2006). Research has shown that there is a negative relationship between sports and deviancy that is greater among “at-risk” youth
(Seefeldt and Ewing 1997). A widely accepted belief is that youth are deviant because they have too much down time. After schools let classes out for the day, but before youth go home, is when deviance occurs and youth sports programs are most needed (Nichols
1997) Programming, such as those based in sports, offer youth a positive, structured, adult-supervised activity in which they can take part. Sports participation also contributes to the development of self-esteem in participating youth, thus resulting in a decrease in deviant behavior (Spruit et al. 2016). The building of self-esteem, however, is not simply achieved through physical activity, but through the involvement and interactions with peers and adults which constitute the sports experiences (Spruit et al. 2016).
In contrast to these arguments, critics argue that the belief that youth involved in sports will be too busy to participate in deviant behaviors is too simplistic. Critics contend that youth inclined to commit deviant acts will require much more than sport
9 participation to deter them (Spruit et al.2016). Furthermore, critics argue that sports programs may facilitate deviant behavior by allowing “at-risk” youth to network with other like-minded youth (Hartmann 2006). And, yet others criticize the empirical evidence available to support contentions that youth sports are beneficial (Nichols 1997).
More recently, critics from the medical fields have added their opinions about boxing to the discourse around its use by youth. Boxing is a technical sport that requires discipline, stamina, and technique with the sole purpose of delivering punches to the body of one’s opponent. The physical trauma that is inflicted on boxers can leave long lasting damage. The concern over the negative medical consequences of boxing for adult boxers has begun to shift to minors. The research on the effects of boxing on minors is lacking (Vacca 2006). What is known is that boxing results in injuries, the most common injuries are concussions (Purcell and Leblanc 2012). The concern with concussions is that once one occurs it leaves the boxer susceptible for additional concussions, leading to the threat of severe neurological damage (Vacca 2006).
Lastly, perhaps one of the most widely researched and serious critiques made about youth participation in sports is that some sports, like football, basketball, and wrestling, actually encourage, and ultimately condone, aggressive behavior (Taliaferro et al. 2010). While few argue the dangers of contact sports such as football and hockey, boxing is different in that the goal of the sport is to cause injury to one’s opponent (Smillie 2003). The sport of boxing takes the use of aggression and turns it into socially sanctioned violence. Research suggests that the aggressive and violent nature of contact sports, if not channeled correctly, may prove to be counterproductive (Burton and Marshall 2005). Specifically, researchers have made claims around a lack of moral maturity and one’s increased use of
10 violence resulting from participation in aggressive sports. Bredemeier (1985) reports a negative relationship between an individual’s level of moral maturity and acceptance of aggressive behaviors. This suggests that individuals who participate in an aggressive sport, like boxing, lack moral maturity. Spruit et al. (2016) work on juvenile’s supports findings by Bredemeier (1985) claiming that juveniles who participate in contact sports report having lower levels of moral judgment. Drawing on these findings, this suggests that youth involvement in sports may actually be a risk factor for delinquent and antisocial behavior, as opposed to a deterrent from them (Burton and Marshall 2005). The aforementioned claims present a compelling counter to proponents of sports programs.
These findings reinforce the need for further research into the outcomes of juvenile participation in “at-risk” youth sports programs and how these programs influence juvenile athletes to either conform or deviate from norm-abiding society.
Historical Context of Boxing
A former slave from the antebellum south named John Finnerly recalls the enjoyment he had in watching fellow slaves fight in plantation matches that were organized by plantation owners (Lussana 2010). Plantation owners would match slaves from other plantations and gamble on the outcomes of the matches. The lives of slave prizefighters were one of shear contradiction. Slaves did not have a choice about whether or not they wanted to fight; rather, slave participation in these matches was nothing short of exploitation (Lussana 2010). While not ideal, opportunities did exist for slaves who proved themselves to be exceptional fighters. Skilled fighters that earned money for their plantation owners could be rewarded with little to no labor assignments, special diets, status among the slave community, and in rare occasions, their freedom (Lussana 2010).
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In addition to the racialized nature of boxing, this sport has long held a reputation for being a sport of the financially disadvantaged. Pierce (1813) argued that boxing ranks were, and are still, maintained through a continual supply of minorities ranging from
Irish, Jewish, and African American’s in years past and most recently Hispanic’s. Though a shift in the different racial and ethnic minority groups commonly found in boxing has occurred, they all share the characteristic of identifying as working class minorities
(Gems 2004a). Given both the racialized nature and lower-class orientation of the sport, boxing was long considered to be "ungentlemanly, dangerous and considered to be a sport of the dregs of society” (Vacca 2006:208).
During the early 19th century, impoverished minority groups struggled against state-sponsored exclusion as well as exclusion from other competing minority groups.
For example, ethnic Catholics openly practiced anti-Semitism and African Americans experienced exclusion through Jim Crow laws (Gems 2004b). In this environment, there were little opportunities for interaction with others outside of one’s own ethnic neighborhood, but boxing provided minority youth with an option for success and status.
There are more than 18,000 youth boxers under the age of 19 registered to fight in the
United States (Purcell and Leblanc 2012).
In considering the past of boxing, there are striking similarities between the modern day minority athletes and the fighters of the past. Both groups faced exploitation at the hands of white and wealthy individuals with little to no guarantee of fair compensation. For both groups fighting was, and still is, an accepted and viable career pursuit (Wacquant 1995). However, in more modern times, scholars have positioned boxing as a space where black athletes can redefine, and ultimately challenge, white
12 hegemony. To do so, though, black athletes must navigate through sports that rely on the commodification of the black athlete body (Carrington 2013). Carrington (2013) argues that minority athletes are required to exhibit strength, speed, and aggression, but only during competition. If these same skills were to be utilized outside of competition they would be viewed as a threat as they are not benefiting hegemonic society. While not competing, minority athletes are expected to behave in a manner that does not challenge white hegemonic society.
Notably, while claims around race and social class have long been present in discussions of boxing, missing is the acknowledgement of this sport as male-dominated.
Perhaps because the sport involves violence, much of society automatically aligns men and boxing and dismisses the role women may have, or wish to have, within this realm.
Though women have participated in boxing in the United States for decades, the first officially sanctioned female matches did not occur until 1993 (Paradis 2012). This is in part because, as Wacquant (2004) described it, boxing is perceived as the ultimate masculine sport. Because boxing is a gendered sport, the level of success and status that can be achieved through boxing is affected by gender (Paradis 2012). For women who box, success and status are not easily achieved in a space that values masculinity.
Recognition for female boxers is not given even when it is deserved. Geurts (2005:147) states that women who perform well as boxers are still considered to be “ignorant, naïve, or sexualized.”
It is evident that boxers have a history of coming from marginalized communities.
Regardless of how the boxer identifies enthnoracially, in terms of social class, or as far as gender, boxers tend to generally identify as at the fringe of normative society. Through
13 hard work, marginalized boxers have been able to chase the dream of becoming successful boxers. They fight hoping one day to achieve success and status through boxing that would not have been available to them otherwise.
Gender and Boxing
Traditionally, sports have been a masculine pursuit, and while women have made gains in participation, men still dominate team and individual sports, especially those that are in line with traditional masculinity. Boxing is considered a masculine sport as the act of physicality, strength, and aggression needed to succeed are considered to be masculine traits (Van Ingen and Kovacs 2012; Lynskyj 1990).
Gender is not just something external to us, but is also something inside that guides our perceptions and our actions. Many argue that gender is a performance.
According to Butler (1990), both men and women perform their gender by the way they repeat their act of being male or female in order to fall in line with hegemonic gender norms. Those who do not perform gender appropriately constitute a challenge to the dominant norms (Butler 1990).
Female boxers, just by being present in a predominately masculine sport, are transgressing acceptable gender norms (Krane et al. 2004). While women can be strong in the ring, female boxers are expected to go back to their feminine performance after boxing in order to not challenge the hegemonic gendered social order (Lorber 1994)
Female boxers often feel that they are discriminated against, or viewed negatively, because of their participation in boxing (Krane et al. 2004). Often family members do not support of female boxers because they are afraid she will be hurt, or will not look pretty because of injuries or too much muscularity (Beki and Gal 2013;
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Mennesson 2000). This results in female boxers feeling self-conscious of their muscularity, or of looking masculine which violates gendered expectations (Beki and Gal
2013). Some of these women reify traditional gender roles by “othering” women in their sport that they consider to be too masculine.
Men are also conscious of the gendered role they play in the gym (Sacha 2015).
Paradis (2012) argues that men are conscious of their physical bodies in the gym. She observed a situation where men would not spar shirtless unless they were the more physically sculpted of the two, even though muscularity did not equal boxing ability.
Men that were at the bottom of the body hierarchy never took off their shirts suggesting that they felt they did not match up to the hypermasculine ideal of the sport (Paradis
2012).
Kimmel (1999) argues that men are considered to be violent by nature. People use the phrase, “boys will be boys”, which Kimmel argues really means that boys are trained to be crude, aggressive, sexually forward beings. Men are socialized to believe that aggression is an appropriate behavior for men, but not for women (Kimmel 1999). Male boxers may hold these beliefs that they need to be aggressive, which may motivate their gendered performance in the gym.
The gendered nature of boxing places all of its participants in a position within which they must navigate the expectations of a hypermasculinized space. Ultimately, though, while both male and female boxers must contend with the gendered expectations of the sport of boxing, they do experience these expectations in different ways and women often must balance their performance of both masculinity and femininity.
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Theoretical Framework
Travis Hirschi (1969) argues that antisocial behavior is a trait that exists in each and every individual and that it is our significant connections to family, friends, and community—are bonds—that prevent us from engaging in deviance or criminal behaviors. Hirschi (1969) social bond theory contends that the stronger the connections, or bonds, one has to conventional and normative others and activities, the less likely one is to engage in antisocial behavior.
This is an appropriate theory for the current research because, in part, the aim of this work is to better understand how conventional activities, like a structured, adult- organized sporting programming, work to keep “at-risk” youth from engaging in antisocial behavior.
The social bonds described by Hirschi are maintained through four elements: attachment, commitment, involvement, and belief. The bond of attachment relies on the strength of the emotional connection an individual has to normative significant others.
The individual will internalize the expectations of significant others and adjust their behaviors in order to stay in line
This is a positive relationship; the more ones care’s about what significant others think of them, the less likely they are to deviate from norm-abiding behaviors. This element of social bond theory is relevant to the current project because I elected only to interview a particular population of youth—those categorized as “at-risk.” As reflected in extant literature, many “at-risk” youth lack attachment to conventional others in their biological families. However, they often seek to build attachments to others, such as, perhaps, their coaches in the boxing gym. In this way, coaches can come to serve as a
16 significant other and the strength of the attachment to the coach effectively determines how likely the boxer is to engage in antisocial behavior. To determine how this relationship was present in the present research, I engaged participants with several interview questions that critically examined the attitudes and experiences participants had with the adults in their lives—both family members and non-family members.
The second element of Hirshi’s social bonding theory is that of commitment. This element relies on the value of investment placed on norm-abiding activities. In other words, once an individual has established themselves in a normative endeavor or activity, they are less likely to engage in deviance or crime out of fear of losing the investment they have already made into said activity in terms of time, energy, and other resources.
All boxers, but particularly those in gyms geared toward “at-risk” youth, spend countless hours training in order to earn their right to be trained by coaches, and so that they can
“make weight” in order to enter competitions. Participants are not likely to risk losing what they have worked so hard for by engaging in deviant activities. Moreover, with so few opportunities for after school programming like that offered through sports programs,
“at-risk” youth cannot risk losing their spots in the few programs that exist. To determine how this value was present in this research, I engaged participants with interview questions that critically examined their short- and long-term goals associated with boxing and their participation at The First Street Boxing Club.
The third element of Hirschi’s social bonding theory, involvement, relies on the actual amount of time spent engaging in norm-abiding activities. The relationship between involvement and deviant behaviors is a negative relationship. The more involved an individual is a conforming activity, the less physical time they will have to engage in
17 antisocial activities. This element applies to the current project in that The First Street
Boxing Club, the location of the research, is open Monday through Friday from 3:00 p.m. to 7:00 p.m. Dedicated boxers train daily and on their own time. The time spent required to be a boxer does not allow for deviant activity. To determine how invested participants were in normative behaviors, in this research, I engaged participants with interview questions that examined their training regimen and asked about what participants did during “free time” in order to critically evaluate their level of involvement in the boxing program and other normative and non-normative activities.
Finally, the last element of Hirschi’s social bond theory is belief, which relies on a system of values intended to deter individuals from deviant and criminal activity. The values are tied to a belief in something greater than the individual. This is a negative relationship; the stronger an individual believes in something greater than themselves that is normative and conforming, the less likely they are to engage in or commit deviant activity. Some would view boxing as an individual sport—two individuals facing each other in a ring. It could also be argued, however, that it takes a team of individuals to produce a boxer and boxers never fight in the ring alone. When a boxer competes they are not only fighting for themselves, but for the gym in which they train. There is a great deal of pride and respect for the gym and the team that trains the boxer. If a boxer views the gym and the team that has trained them with a level of respect and views the gym as an entity that is greater than themselves, they will be less inclined to commit deviant activity. To gain an understanding of participants’ level of belief, I asked participants about the role of boxing in their lives and engaged in critical analysis of the ways boxing compared to other types of activities my participants introduced during their interviews.
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Hirschi’s social bonding theory is useful in the present examination of “at-risk” youth who are involved in a boxing program that is designed to assist them because this particular population is characterized as having difficulty functioning in larger, norm- abiding society. It is argued that “at-risk” youth have weak connections to normative significant others and endeavors and, thus, are more likely to engage in deviant behaviors such as criminal activity, premature sexual activity, and substance abuse (Nichols 1997;
Taliaferro et al. 2010). Accordingly, framing some of my interview questions using social bond theory and keeping a critical eye to the ways social bond theory emerged during analysis allows me to gather evidence on the effectiveness of The First Street Boxing
Club, a program aimed to assist “at-risk” youth, at controlling (preventing) antisocial behavior in their target audience. In addition to control theory, I will use concepts from feminist theory to interpret my participants’ experiences within the sport of boxing.
Feminist theories and concepts were applied to this research in order to bridge the gap of control theory, which did not strongly account for gendered issues. Feminist theory is a useful framework for understanding the gendered experiences of participants as it argues that traditional gender roles assume men to be strong, independent, and aggressive and women to be weak, dependent, and passive (Lipman-Blumen 1984).
These social constructs shape our everyday perceptions of ourselves and others (Lipman-
Blumen 1984). According to Lorber (1994), gender is not just a concept; it is a stratification system that ranks males above women of the same social class and race.
Gender is an institution that organizes and divides society. At the same time, people “do” gender which is a constant production that relies on people’s continued performance
(Lorber 1994).
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In addition to control theory and feminist theory, I examined this thesis through a lens of intersectionality. Intersectionality was developed as a means to analyze race, class, and gender as systems of oppression (Cho, Crenshaw, and McCall 2013).
Examining one mode of oppression provides a weak interpretation of how individuals are oppressed. The strength in the theory is found in how it accounts for multiple modes of oppression and how each mode contributes to strengthen the oppression of an individual
(Anderson 1999). For the purposes of this research an intersectional approach will be used to analyze participant’s experiences as they pertain to race, class and gender in the sport of boxing. Intersectionality offers the ability to examine participant’s experiences within the context of the systems of power that control their lives, such as race, class and gender, and in many ways, affect their lived experiences. Since my participants identified similarly by social class and race, it is their gendered experiences that yielded the most relevant focus.
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CHAPTER 3
METHODS
This research aims to approach the topic of “at-risk” youth and their experiences in a youth sports boxing program targeting the specific population for the purpose of providing a constructive and conformative alternative to deviant activity. Most extant research focuses on crime rates in areas where “at-risk” youth programs were implemented, such as Hartmann’s (2006) research on an “at-risk” youth basketball programs. With the exception of a small portion of research (Wright 2006), the actual lived experience of “at-risk” youth populations seems to be overlooked. The present study gives “at-risk” youth who have participated in a boxing program the opportunity to speak about their experiences and the effects that boxing has had on their lives, not just as minors, but also as adults.
In this chapter, I will outline my approach to using qualitative methods to address my research questions. Then, I will elaborate on my methodological approach and discuss my sampling strategy and provide details about my research population, including characteristics of my final sample. I then move to a review of the details of the type of interviews I conducted and provide sample questions. Finally, I discuss the ways my own identity affected the research process through a discussion of positionality and reflexivity.
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Qualitative Methods
To discover the lived experiences of individuals who were involved in an “at- risk” youth sports boxing program, I employed qualitative research methods. Qualitative research is conducted when the needs of a population are not clearly defined and warrant additional exploration (Creswell 2007). Kvale (1996:189) stated, “The purpose of qualitative research is to understand themes of the lived daily world from the subjects own perspectives.” Quantitative methods offer broader explorations that yield generalizable data, but as this research aims to investigate youth experiences as opposed to having to situate them within a provided scale, qualitative methods was the chosen approach.
Within qualitative methods, interviews offer opportunities to explore participants’ experiences and meanings from their own point of view (Creswell 2007). I chose to use in-depth, semi-structured interviews to draw out the meanings the participants gave to their lived experiences as members of an “at-risk” youth boxing program. My goal was to understand how participants felt as youth and how they feel more recently as adults about their involvement with the “at-risk” youth boxing program. A specific discussion of the interview structure, my use of an interview guide, and the supporting details, such as time range of interviews and the general locations where interviews took place, is provided later in this chapter.
Location Demographics
The city of Bristol has a population of 324,528, the second highest in the county in which it is located in southern California, and is considered to be the most densely populated at 12,440.80 people per square mile. The population of Bristol also has the
22 youngest population in the county and is largely composed of Hispanic individuals. As of
2012, the population of Bristol is 78.8% Hispanic. In terms of socioeconomic class, the average yearly individual income in the city of Bristol is $15,243. The average household income in 2010 was $67,709. As of 2012 the unemployment rate in the city of Bristol was 11.8%, which is higher compared to the rest of the county within which Bristol is located within which the unemployment rate was at 8%. The overcrowding and low prospect for employment places the residents of Bristol as one of the poorest cities in the county. The lack of resources for this young population also means that the city of Bristol has a large population of “at-risk” youth.
History of the Gym
Considering the racialized, low income, and younger demographic of the community, The First Street Boxing Club is a product of historical turmoil. In 1994,
Bristol experienced a spike in gang-related violence that resulted in the murder of 41 individuals (Boucher 1995). With high gang-related murder rates, the city of Bristol struggled to maintain an image and reputation as a safe community for its residents.
In response to the increased violence, James Ramos, a community activist and lifelong resident of the City of Bristol, began attending city council meetings as well as a series of gang truce meetings in hopes of finding a solution to the violence. One of the overwhelming complaints Mr. Ramos heard about while attending the gang truce meetings was the lack of city funded alternatives to gang activity for “at-risk” youth in the community. As a result, Ramos decided that he would open up a boxing program for the “at-risk” youth of Bristol in hopes of producing boxers instead of gang members.
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With the City Council’s approval, Ramos was able to open The First Street
Boxing Club. The First Street Boxing Club operates as a 501(c)3 non-profit providing sports programming for “at-risk” youth aged 8-18 at a minimal cost. The First Street
Boxing Club is open Monday through Friday during the hours of 4:00 p.m. and 7:00 p.m.
Depending on the time of the year, with summers being the busiest; the club serves between 20 to over 60 participants on a daily basis. Once the gym opened, Ramos saw
“at-risk” youth membership start to increase and likened the experience to the film Field of Dreams—“if you build it, they will come.” The following is the mission statement form the First Street Boxing Club:
The First Street Boxing Club mission is to challenge youths to achieve their academic and athletic potential. A daily regime of training and the monitoring of their academic performance teach them the virtue of committed discipline for the fundamentals required for the achievement of a worthy goal. The Bristol Street Boxing Club’s objective is not to turn these youths into professional boxers, but to mentor them and guide them how to become successful, productive adults, preparing them to give back to their community and encourage them to become mentors themselves.
Sampling and Recruitment
Because my research was approached as a case study, I was only interested in interviewing individuals who were either former or current members of one particular sport in one particular gym. For the purposes of this research, I selected The First Street
Boxing Club, which is centrally located in Bristol, California and targets “at-risk” youth.
The gym is designed to work with youth aged 8-18 and rarely admits adults. Prior to recruiting for the project, I obtained formal approval from the gym’s Director to conduct my research. An agreement form (see Appendix A) was drafted and sent to the Director.
This agreement clearly explained that all participant information would be confidential as described in research protocol approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB) of my
24 institution. It was also made clear that participation is strictly voluntary. The Director of the boxing club accepted the terms of the agreement.
Following approval from the Director of the gym, I utilized both purposive sampling and snowball sampling (Creswell 2007) to recruit participants. I chose a purposive sampling strategy given the intended small sample size. The goal of my research is not to produce data that is generalizable, but rather to find meaningful accounts of participants lived experiences (Hesse-Biber, Nagy, and Leavy, 2011). In part, some of my purposive sample was obtained with assistance of the gym’s director who provided contact information for former participants who fit the requirements for my research. Participants were asked to participate either through face-to-face interactions, phone calls, or emails. Once potential participants voiced interest, I made sure the participant fit the study eligibility criteria. Eligibility criteria included that participants must be over the age of 18 years old, but must have been members of the First Street
Boxing Club while they were minors. Following initial purposive sampling, snowball sampling was used in hopes of locating participants that were not at the research location or were no longer active members. Snowball sampling solicits participants from a pool of participants already present in a study (Hesse-Biber et al. 2011). Finally, fliers (see
Appendix D) were placed in the facility in hopes of reaching participants who I could not physically approach because they were either no longer participating at the gym or present at the research location on the days I was recruiting participants. Through the above described methods, I successfully recruited 11 participants. Of the 11 participants, eight participants were recruited using purposive sampling, two were recruited using snowball sampling, and one participant responded to my call for participants based on the
25 posted flyer. Of the 11 participants, all were interviewed. However, I discovered that one of the interviewees did not meet the eligibility criteria though prior to the interview the participant had verbally acknowledged meeting each criterion. With this in mind, the final data are a product of the interviews completed with the remaining 10 participants who met all eligibility criteria. The eleventh interview was omitted.
Description of Participants
While a full table identifying individual characteristics of participants can be found in Appendix B, in this section I provide an overview of the descriptions of my participant characteristics. My research participants were individuals aged 18-26 who became members of the “at-risk” youth boxing program provided by The First Street
Boxing Club when they were minors. Age when participants started boxing ranged from
7-17 years of age and participants boxing experience ranged from 1-13 years. Of my sample two are professional boxers, two are amateur boxers, and six are non-competitive boxers. With this in mind, some of the participants remain members of The First Street
Boxing Club as adults (n = 7), but not all are members of the gym any longer (n = 3).
Additionally, seven of the 10 participants in this study identified as male and three identified as female. In terms of ethnoracial identities, participants identified as Mexican
(n = 3) Mexican-American (n = 2), Hispanic (n = 4), Latina or Latino (n = 3), and
Chicano (n = 1). Of the 10 participants eight currently live in the City of Bristol, where
The First Street Boxing Club is located, and have for the majority of their lives. Two of the participants interviewed did not live in the city of Bristol while there were boxing.
Both participants relied on their parents to commute to the gym.
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Interviews
I used semi-structured interviews to allow for flexibility in discussion with individual participants. While I did use an interview guide with open-ended questions, I wanted participants to be able to direct the interview according to the topics they felt were most relevant and important to their personal experiences. Moreover, I wanted my interviews to resemble more of a conversation rather than an interview. Hesse-Biber et al.
(2011) notes that low structure interviews that are similar to conversations can allow participants to share information not previously considered by the researcher. My interview guide helped me to stay loosely focused on the questions geared toward addressing my specific research questions, but also allowed for participants to discuss topics that were important to them. My interview guide included questions about demographics, environmental risk factors, boxing-related questions, and questions related to the current status of participants as adults. Sample questions include:
• Please tell me about your life when you were younger.
• Please tell me about your experience in school growing up.
• What does it mean to be a boxer?
• Please tell me about your life now.
All interviews were conducted in April 2016. Interviews ranged in length between
24 minutes and one hour. All interviews were conducted face-to-face in locations agreed upon by both the participants and the researcher, such as at First Street Boxing Club, in participant’s homes, in coffee shops, or in cars. I obtained both written informed consent
(see Appendix C) and verbal consent before beginning each interview. Participants were made aware that their participation was voluntary with a complete understanding that
27 they had the right to decline or terminate the interview process at any time. Additionally, respondents were made aware that they could skip questions during the interview.
Consent to audio recording was giving by all 10 participants. All recorded interviews and resulting data are stored in locked and/or password-protected locations. Once all interviews were digitally audio recorded, I transcribed them verbatim. I have assigned all participants and identifying locations pseudonyms in order to better ensure confidentiality of participants.
Analysis
I used grounded theory during analysis. Grounded theory is appropriate to use when an existing theory is not available to analyze a process (Creswell 2007). While there are various theories that address the issue of deviancy among youth, the participants from the First Street Boxing Club are no longer minors and represent a group that has not been extensively studied when considering youth participation in sport. Though existing theories may not be able to provide a complete model, they can help to create possible framework for analysis (Creswell 2007). Thus, grounded theory provided me with the ability to “derive theories from the analysis of patterns, themes, and common categories” in my data (Babbie 2014:315). While transcribing, I interpreted the rich data provided by the audio recordings (Kvale 1996) using inductive analysis, which uses a bottom’s up approach. This process begins with the gathering of data and requires the researcher to look for patterns that will then lead to a preliminary hypothesis that can be explored in the hopes of leading to the formation of theory (Hesse-Biber et al. 2011).
Creswell (2007) notes, that the grounded theory analytic process requires a deep and continuous arranging, coding, and identification of similarities. The continuous
28 aspect of grounded theory is important to my work considering I modified my interview guide as potential themes or significant findings emerged. For example, my first interview was with a female participant. Initially, I had not considered gendered issues and did not include questions that would address this in my interview guide. During this interview, however, I realized that her gender had influenced how she, and others, viewed her position in the gym. Accordingly, I included questions such as, “what was it like to be a female in the gym?”
Once all audio recordings were transcribed on to word a document, I began the process of reading through my data to build categories. Categories are elements of the participants’ own experiences (Creswell 2007). I initially used my interview guide to build an outline to organize participant data by category. As I read through my data, I assigned colors to each category. The first outline resulted in 17 categories, including, but not limited to: nutrition, coaches, gendered issues, masculinity, role of choice, neighborhood issues, and financial issues. In the second iteration of my analysis, initial categories were refined in order to allow the data to tell a story or explain some aspect of social life (Hesse-Biber et al. 2011). This resulted in three categories: the role of coaches, the role of gender, and the role of boxing.
I began the memoing process once my three categories were identified and saturated with data. As I read through my categories, I began organizing my data around four questions: (1) “Why is this statement important?” (2) “What is the participant trying to say?” (3) “What do I believe they are saying?” and (4) “Is this statement important to others?” This process is known as “open coding” and is the identification of significant
29 information from the data (Creswell 2007). It is from this collective process that my findings emerged.
Researcher Reflexivity and Positionality
Given my various identities as a male, a Latino, a lifelong resident of the city of
Bristol, and someone with former boxing experience, I had to be conscious about the ways I, as the researcher, affected the research process. Reflexivity is the ability of the researcher to understand how their own characteristics may affect their research (Babbie
2014). Positionality, also known as Feminist Standpoint Epistemology, is based on the belief that hierarchies within society, and our positions within them, inform our understandings of the social world (Hesse-Biber et al. 2011). In this section, I discuss how my own reflexivity and positionality influence my research. Ultimately, as Creswell
(2007:179) notes, I acknowledge that my writing is a reflection of how I am influenced by my own “cultural, social, gender, class, and personal politics” backgrounds.
I used reflexivity to try to gauge how my positionality may have affected my participants and my research. Ethnoracially, I identify similarly to all of my participants, which may have affected their perception of me as an insider. Additionally, I identify as a male and so did seven of my participants. This, also, may have affected their willingness to participate in this project. For my female participants, my gender may have affected the way in which my questions were worded or interpreted. As a male researcher I did not initially include questions in my interview guide that specifically explored issues of gender. My female participants may have felt that the need to divulge their experiences as female boxers. Moreover, and perhaps most poignantly, my status as a lifelong resident of the neighborhood where the gym is located, has provided me with “insider status”
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(Hesse-Biber et al. 2011). Needless to say, gaining access to my participants was not an issue as I have built rapport with the members of the gym through my familiarity with the neighborhood, familiarity with the sport of boxing, ethnic and racial identity, and my gender. At no time did I sense that my participants felt uncomfortable with my presence in the gym. My participants seemed to feel comfortable sharing information with me.
When I started discussing my intentions of interviewing for this project, gym members showed little to no hesitation about consenting and participating in an interview.
I was cognizant that my position as a male, as someone who identifies with my participants ethnoracially, and as an individual having grown up in the same neighborhood did influence participant’s willingness to be interviewed as well as affected the information that was provided. As an individual that has been granted access to the gym by the director, boxers may have felt obligated to participant in the research. While participation from club members is to be expected in the coach-boxer dynamic, it should not carry over to the researcher-participant dynamic. The concern for participants comes from the assumption that participants are not normally inclined to say no when they are asked to do something in the gym, but participants should not feel obligated to consent to being participants in my research because I have been granted access by the program director. I attempted to address the potential of my impact as an insider by approaching participants casually. The casual approach I took allowed for participants to feel that their decision to participate would not have an impact on how they were viewed by the director or other club staff, such as coaches. In some instances, instead of me approaching participants about my project, I waited for members of the gym to ask me about the nature of my research. In response, I would tell them that I am a graduate
31 student who is conducting research on “at-risk” youth boxers. This would lead to more questions about my research. Once gym members were made aware that I was looking to interview boxers, participants often volunteered on their own.
My position as an insider also affected the construction of my interview guide.
My familiarity with the sport of boxing provided me insight into the boxing experience at
The First Street Boxing Club and allowed me to develop an interview guide that I felt would allow participants to address many of the issues they informally voice on a regular basis. My position has given me an awareness of various issues youth face, such as types of abuse and other deviant activities either committed by gym members or others close to them. I made sure, however, not to write questions specific to these topics. Instead, I gave my participants space to discuss these topics on their own should they wish to include them in the interview. For example, one question asked of participants was, “What does it mean to you to be a boxer?” This question is open-ended and allows participants to answer without feeling constrained.
I actively worked to build rapport with gym members so that they feel they can talk to me about issues both inside and outside of the gym. I wanted the ease of daily gym conversations to transfer over to an interview setting. As a life-long resident of Bristol, I have a shared knowledge of many of my participant’s experiences. So, although I am aware that I cannot allow my previous knowledge to lead participants to discuss particular things in our interviews, having this prior knowledge of my participants was difficult to put aside. One issue, for example, was that as an insider, I found myself not probing in instances when probing would benefit the research process. For example, participants would use terminology or possibly discuss gym or neighborhood-related
32 issues that I am aware of, but failed to probe further on, forgetting that my readers who are not familiar with boxing would not share the same knowledge. I noticed this after I transcribed my first two interviews. During the transcription process was able to identify where more probing should have taken place. To correct this, I made sure to have my participants explain what phrases meant to them. In addition to providing rich information for readers, this also allowed me to better distinguish whether all participants assigned similar meanings to events, circumstances, and entities relevant to my research.
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CHAPTER 4
ANALYSIS
In this chapter, I discuss how the role of coaches, role of gender, and the role of boxing influences the lives of “at-risk” youth. Findings indicate that the role of coaches within an “at-risk” youth sports program is powerful and that these individuals influence participants in both positive and negative ways. Next, I discuss the role of gender within boxing. Participants indicated that gender influences their behaviors, both male and female, while boxing and within the broader boxing space. I conclude this chapter by highlighting how the role of boxing has influenced the behaviors of participants both inside and outside of the gym, paying particular attention to the ways the boxing program influenced the participants’ involvement, or lack thereof, in antisocial behavior.
Coaches as Mentors, Role Models, and Father Figures for “At-Risk” Youth
No position in the boxing gym carries more power than that of the coach. The coach can take on multiple roles. To some boxers, the coach is a mentor specific only to boxing—someone who teaches them how to throw a punch or how to slip one. To others, the coach can be trusted to give advice that can be life-changing both inside and outside of the ring. Indeed, the coach can build up someone who has dreams of being a boxer and make it a reality. The coach represents the key to a world filled with the potential for success and status. Ultimately, coaches are the gatekeepers to boxer’s perceived future success. The coach has the power to decide who will be trained and can terminate that
34 training, in addition to informally sanctioning a given boxer, for violation of expectations occurring either inside or outside of the gym, at any time.
The training at First Street Boxing Club is separated into two time slots. The first time slot is designated for professional and amateur boxers who arrive in the late afternoon and train until 5:30 p.m. The second time slot is designated for boxers who are not competing. The early time slot is preferred because there are fewer boxers, usually only 5-10, which provides better access to equipment and coaches. The second time slot, which runs from 5:30 p.m. to 7:00 p.m., is crowded with anywhere from 20, and sometimes 40, boxers. Access to equipment and coaches is much more difficult to obtain.
Art, an 18-year-old who has boxed for one year, spoke to the structure and “othering” that occurred in the gym as a result of the distinction made by the coaches in setting different training times for different boxers:
Um, well, when I first started, I would come in around 4:50. I would say because everyone had to come in at 5:30, all the kids had to come in at 5:30, I would come in at 4:50 come inside the gym drop of my bag and I would go outside run . . . run my laps when I was done running I would just wait till 5:30.
The distinction between the two time slots is evident in Art’s statement. Art initially stated that everyone comes in at 5:30 p.m., but he then made the distinction that the time slot is for “kids.” Art begins his statement with; when he first started he had to come in at 4:50 p.m., which second training session for kids.
Othering is the process of viewing one’s self as superior to other individuals through identifying differences and using those differences as a means to justify treating others as unequal (Krumer-Nevo 2010). Through the process of othering, Art is attempting to distinguish himself as a boxer, as an adult, as someone who is worthy of training that “kids” are not. Gaining acceptance into the earlier time slot is important for
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Art because it provides him with access to equipment and more importantly to coaches.
Art’s statement relates back to the second and third research questions concerning short- term and long-term impact of boxing club participation and participation impact on mitigating antisocial behavior. Art is putting forth the effort necessary to gain acceptance into the earlier time slot which is a short-term benefit in that it helps Art strengthen attachments to coaches, strengthen commitment, and strengthen involvement within the boxing club. The strength of these bonds may have long-term implications for Art such as building a successful amateur boxing and possibly a professional career. Additionally, this statement relates back to control theory in the form of attachment to coaches, commitment in the form dedication to training, and involvement in the form of time spent at the gym. Which all strengthen the bonds to the sport boxing which is a norm abiding pursuit.
The timing distinctions noted above not only provided a tool for participants to draw distinctions between themselves and other boxers, but also demonstrated the control coaches had over training given they set the times and identify who can come during which time slot. Due to the large number of participants that come to the gym, it is impossible for the coach to provide training for everyone. Accordingly, the coach decides who is trained; there are always more boxers than there are coaches. This means that some boxers who want to be trained by the coach will not be given that chance. Omar, a
20-year-old male who has been boxing for six years, recalled his desire to be trained. He stated, “I was one of those kids who would always ask Victor about [training] and he’d be like, ‘nah tomorrow’ or . . . yeah pretty much . . . just pretty much like neglect.” The participant chose to use the word “neglect,” not simply because of the lack of available
36 training, but because of the explicit failure on the part of the coach to attend to Omar’s wishes. The participant viewed the coach’s role as one that should have provided training and he failed to do so. Omar’s statement indicates the perception that Coach Victor does not care enough about him to provide him with training.
The reality that there are simply not enough coaches to adequately train every participant is not a consideration for Omar. Omar see’s other boxer’s in the gym being trained and views himself as not deserving of Victor’s time and effort. These perceptions are especially important as “at-risk” youth seek attachment to their mentors in order to mitigate deviance. Omar’s statement can be analyzed using Hirschi’s (1969) “Social
Bonds” theory. The bond of “attachment” relies on the strength of the relationship an individual has with significant others. In this case the significant other is Coach Victor.
The stronger attachment the less likely the individual is to engage in deviant behaviors.
Unfortunately Omar feels that Coach Victor is ignoring him to the point of neglect. This weak attachment can place Omar in a position where he will be more inclined to commit deviant behaviors. For “at-risk” youth, the short-term and long-term impact of gaining acceptance from the coach can determine whether or not that youth stays in the gym—a more conventional, normative space.
This should be an important consideration for staff that interact with “at-risk” youth as the goal of such programs is to attract and, more importantly, retain “at-risk” youth participation. Retention of “at-risk” youth is a short-term goal that allows for participants to build attachments to staff, commitment and involvement to the sport, and respect and belief in the gym as an institution. “At-risk” youth that build strong bonds to
37 norm-abiding institutions, such as The First Street Boxing Club, are, arguably, less likely to participant in anti-social behavior as minors and as adults.
Art, mentioned previously, expressed the need to gain approval from the coach in order to receive training, “You have to show them that you work hard to earn it.” He expanded on this by explaining that hard work according to the coaches meant running on your own time, watching your diet, and engaging in self-motivated workouts, this shows dedication. Several participants felt that if the coach believed you were not committed to working hard, then you were not worthy of receiving training. Art’s realization and dedication to working hard in the gym is an example of how “at-risk” youth sports program can provide a norm abiding alternative to anti-social behaviors among “at-risk” youth. The time and effort that Art is placing in to the gym can qualify as building the bonds of commitment and involvement which then in turn can strengthen attachment to coaching staff and respect for the boxing club. Learning the value of being dedicated to task relates back to my second research question on short-term and long-term impacts on
“at-risk” youth.
The firmness and high expectations in the gym that the coaches have is significant for more reasons than just the purposes of training. Mike, a 22-year-old male has been boxing for eight years spoke about Coach Victor:
All these kids, uh, realize the first thing, fucking Victor, scary motherfucker. Scary. But, that’s how I saw my father. Scary dude. I really enjoy that about Victor.
Mike perceives Coach Victor as intimidating and believes others do as well.
Importantly, though, he aligns Coach Victor with a father figure—a role model. This is especially important for “at-risk” youth, like Mike who was estranged from his father when he joined the gym, because many “at-risk” youth may lack conventional role
38 models (Seefeldt and Ewing 1997:3). Mike explained that before joining the gym, he struggled with drinking. He noted that his father had left their family and he contended that without a strong male role model, like Coach Victor, he would fall back into drinking. In cases like Mike’s, it is clear to see the role sports programs, and specifically the adult leaders within them, can have within the lives of young, at-risk youth in terms of establishing normative, as opposed to antisocial, life trajectories. The relationship between Coach Victor and Mike is an example of the strength that attachment can have on the lives of participants. This statement relates back to my third research question on the ability of participation in “at-risk” youth programs to mitigate anti-social behaviors.
Paralleling the initial sentiments of Mike, Jessica, an 18-years-old female who has been boxing for four years, also spoke of Coach Victor’s authoritative personality. Of him she commented, “Yeah, he was kind of scary.” John, a 21-year-old male who has been boxing for 14 years, but not always at First Street Boxing Club, spoke about his first impressions of Coach Victor stating, “Strict coach and, [at] first, I was kind of intimidated.” The fear and intimidation felt by the participants towards Coach Victor is a reflection of the power that he holds in the gym. The participants have used the words scary, intimidating, and strict to describe Coach Victor. When someone is described as scary, intimidating, and strict they the image of someone who is frightening, someone that must be obeyed from fear of harm, and demanding of expectations as far as fallowing rules. And individual who is perceived to have these characteristics is also someone who must be in a position to where they have authority over others. The perception of Coach
Victor as a figure within the gym who should be obeyed relates back to control theory.
The commitment, or investment, element is based on refraining from anti-social behavior
39 from fear of losing time, energy, and effort placed in particular pursuit. In the boxing gym, the coach is responsible for deciding which boxers are granted and lose access.
Boxers who do not meet the norm abiding expectations of the coach risk disciplinary actions such as being removed from competition, loss of sparring privileges, and removal from the gym completely. The control that the Coach Victor has to sanction participants relates back to the third research question about the ability of “at-risk” youth programs to affect participation involvement in anti-social behavior.
In addition to power the coaches hold inside the gym, the coach’s power over the boxer also extends outside of the gym and into the boxers’ personal lives. For example, maintaining ones grades is an expectation that must be met if the boxer wants to receive training from the coach. Henry, a 24-year-old male who has boxed for 4 years, stated,
“When you’re training, if you don’t have good grades, you don’t get trained as well as everybody else does…I mean, you do get trained obviously, but I think it’s more like a punishment.”
The authority that the coach has in the gym comes from the hierarchal nature of the gym which places the coach in position of power that is used influence their boxers.
The coach’s power is similar to that of a parent. The coach has the power to influence the lives of boxers by establishing repercussions for deviant behavior. The coach’s influence serves as a means of keeping youth engaged in norm-abiding behaviors like getting good grades and staying out of trouble.
Mike, mentioned above, also spoke of the ways the coaches dole out both positive and negative reinforcement related to more than just boxing when he noted, “Victor is
40 real rough on everybody. He doesn’t [give] no exceptions. He doesn’t give you no compliments.”
Mike’s statement suggests that when compliments are given, they carry weight because they are rarely given. Furthermore, when boxers are paid compliments from the coach it serves as validation that the boxers are performing well and pleasing the coach.
Mike recalled an incident when he did receive a compliment from Coach Victor,
“[Victor] tells me about my potential . . . he won’t take time to tell you anything like that.
He’s not that kind of guy.” Coach Victor telling Mike that he has potential is important because it validates the effort Mike puts in to training. For “at-risk” youth, validation of norm-abiding behaviors, such as engaging in sports like boxing instead of using violence in non-productive manners outside the ring, is crucial. This is an example of the attachment to significant others described by control theory. If participants are not given credit for their efforts, then they are more likely to seek validation from somewhere else—which may lead them to deviant or criminal others. Positive reinforcement of norm-abiding behavior from the Coach Victor in the form of compliments will encourage
Mike refrain from engaging in anti-social behaviors. Mikes statement relates back to the third research question about the ability of “at-risk” youth programs to affect participation involvement in anti-social behavior.
The stern coach boxer relationship participants characterized with fear and intimidation is not experienced by all boxers. Adam is an 18-year-old male who has boxed for 7 years and was an accomplished amateur boxer now turned successful professional boxer. Adam’s experience in the gym has been vastly different from his peers. For Adam, the relationship with the coach is not one that is fraught with fear, but
41 one of new experiences—those filled with support. Adam’s two older brothers are both accomplished amateur and professional boxers that have trained with Coach Victor for years. Adam has spent most of his 18 years inside the boxing gym and more importantly around Coach Victor. This is not to say that Adam has not put in the work, but the process of gaining access to training is not the same as his peers. The ease for Adam being trained is owed to the social capital that his older brothers provided him. Through the combined availability of two brothers who box and the established relationship with
Coach Victor and access to the facilities Adam is able to benefit from social capital
(Bailey 2005). What is interesting about Adam’s experiences in the gym is how is similar they are to that of affluent youths. Youths that are considered to be middle to upper class come from families where they are cared for by adults that provide resources that allow for success in sports programs (Ponessa 1992). In Adams situation the parental figures have been replaced with two older brothers, Coach Victor, and a boxing gym. Adam’s initial motivation for coming to the gym was not to become a boxer, but rather to lose weight. That changed one day when Coach Victor asked Adam to spar with another boxer. “When Coach Victor put me to spar for the first time it was just . . . it was a big rush to me. It was a new experience and I loved it.” Participants like Omar and Mike had to earn the right to be trained by Coach Victor through hard work. Adam, however, did not describe a similar requirement. The relationship that Adam has with Coach Victor was one that involved a closeness developed through years of knowing one another allowing him to forgo the need to impress Coach Victor like his peers.
Andrea, an 18-year-old female who has boxed for 4 years had spent years in paid boxing gyms without a dedicated boxing coach. When she left the paid boxing gym circle
42 and came to Victor for training, she believed herself to be a proficient boxer. “I thought I really knew how to box and I didn’t. And, Victor really changed that.” Andrea, like
Adam, had a set of particular resources that many others at First Street Boxing Club did not. In Andrea’s case, she was able to pay to box. However, she explained that she never fully received what she hoped to obtain from these paid gyms and that it was not until meeting Coach Victor that she found what she had been missing. Under Coach Victor’s training, Andrea was able to access training that allowed her to begin competing in tournaments and ultimately shifted her identity away from that of recreational, fitness boxer to that of full-fledged boxer. In part, this shift was catalyzed because of the high level of trust fostered between the coach and boxer.
This trust was demonstrated by Andrea during one of her amateur fights. During a fight, the coach is responsible for seeing the things that the boxer cannot. This is a fast paced, chaotic situation where the boxer must be able to distinguish their coach’s voice from all others. Andrea noted, “I remember Victor saying, ‘throw the right hand’ and I think I just threw it. And, it just happened to land so perfectly. It was just one of those punches.”
Andrea hears Victor’s instruction and responds instantly, without hesitation, and without thinking. This demonstrates her trust in her coach. She, however, also provided a possible explanation for why she had such trust in her coach. Of her personal life and the ways her coach influenced her, Andrea explained:
Growing up, mainly it was just me, my mom, and my sister. Uh, just the three of us. I had many stepdads growing up, so I kind of just ignore it, you know, because it was like so many had entered and came out. I get into a lot of like arguments with [my mother].
Though Andrea did not have a stable father figure while growing up, through boxing, she found one in her coach. She stated, “[My coach has] helped me like
43 personally. Like he’s . . . that’s why I say he’s a father figure, because he’s helped me
[with] everything and I know I can go to him for everything . . . for anything.” This illustrates the importance of coaches in the lives of “at-risk” youth. Like Mike who identified Coach Victor “like his father,” Andrea also sees Coach Victor in this way. The explanations for why, however, are very different. For Andrea, the coach is going to be there every day to provide support as far as training, but more importantly, provides support for personal issues outside of the gym as well. For example, Andrea spoke to the level of personal support offered to her by Coach Victor after she moved away from her parents’ house:
Even after me leaving [my parents’ house], I knew that I could go back to Victor and just talk to him about anything. He’s even like, “you know, call me whenever.” And I like the fact that he doesn’t think I’m a bad person or anything and he’s always going to be there for me at the end of the day if I need anything. [I] definitely appreciate that and I like that because there aren’t many people like that in your life.
This level of support is especially important for “at-risk” youth. Andrea relies on
Coach Victor to provide what she seemingly did not receive from her biological family.
She acknowledges that there are not many people she can rely on, but places great emphasis on the role Coach Victor plays for her. This suggests that if Coach Victor was not available to Andrea, she would likely seek out this support from others who may not have her best interest at heart. Though Andrea no longer boxes, Coach Victor continues to make himself available to her and she continues to rely on his help. If their relationship was simply that of coach and boxer, there would be no need for further contact between the two. The fact that the relationship has continued is a testament to the importance that coaches have in the lives of “at-risk” youth. The strength of the relationship relates back to both control theory and also to the research questions framing this thesis. The time
Andrea spent boxing under Coach Victor has resulted in an attachment to him that
44 continues even after she has stopped boxing. Even as an adult Andrea is still concerned that Coach Victor will think poorly of her, thus influencing her to avoid anti-social behaviors. The influence Coach Victor has over Andrea after she left is an example of how short-term involvement can lead to long-term involvement for “at-risk” youth in programs that target them. Coach Victor and Andrea’s relationship has continued to influence her positive norm-abiding behavior into adulthood. These relationships are important for “at-risk” youth as they can be important barriers to engaging in antisocial behaviors.
Denise, a 19-year-old female who has boxed for 5 years, also spoke about the high level of support Coach Victor, as well as Maria, the Director of First Street Boxing
Club, provide to multiple boxers beyond the simple coach or staff relationship:
The gym has always been really welcoming and like really supportive. Maria and Victor, they’re not just worried about you liking the sport. They care about your education and like helping you out. I’ve seen like with [other boxers] and if they have personal stuff too that they had trouble with that they talk to coach and he was always there and been supportive. They’re not just here to have us like work out, but they’re, I guess, a friend.
The welcoming supportive environment that Denise describes is the purpose of sports programs that target “at-risk” youth. A large majority of participants will not reach a level where they are competing and even fewer will reach the level where they are professional boxers. Based on participants’ experiences, the priority for the First Street
Boxing Club seems to be, first and foremost, to create an environment where youth feel that they are welcomed and cared for so that they, instead of engaging in law breaking behaviors and developing an antisocial life mindset, develop a sense of what Hirschi termed attachment, involvement, and commitment to conventional others (coaches and other gym staff) and conventional practices and behaviors (learned, in this case, through boxing).
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The Coach is an important resource for “at-risk” youth who are involved in the boxing program. Coaches hold power over their boxers that can be used to guide them toward norm-abiding behavior. Coaches hold various roles for youth within the gym, such as mentor, or gatekeeper to a life of opportunities otherwise unavailable to these youth. Through participant experiences the coach-boxer relationship was found to be significant in mitigating anti-social behavior. Through the relationship boxers experienced with their coaches, I was able to explore my research questions about the short-term and long-term impacts of involvement in an “at-risk” youth boxing program.
Perceptions and Performance of Gender Inside and Outside the Ring
Since its inception, the sport of boxing has been a male-dominated sport and, the boxing gym has historically a gendered space (Krane et al. 2004). Though in recent years women have gained access to participate in the amateur and professional ranks, the gym remains a male-centered space within which female boxers must learn all of the same skills necessary to be proficient boxers, just as their male counterparts, but must also learn how to navigate such a gendered space (Beki and Gal 2013). As a participant in boxing, and within the context of the boxing gym, specifically, the female boxer is in a position where her capabilities, motivations, and legitimacy will be tested and questioned buy coaches, fellow boxers (both male and female), family, and non-boxer friends.
There are few who can deny that boxing is a sport that encourages and celebrates the use of physical force against another person, allowing participants to align themselves with masculine gender norms (Paradis2012). With this in mind, physical force is believed to be uncharacteristic of females and this is true even within the boxing world. This
46 discomfort in using physical force is illustrated by Andrea as she recalled one of her matches:
I threw my right. You could just see her head like pop back; it was bad. The second I threw that right hand, it’s like the [referee] was doing the eight [count]. The ref was like cutting it off. At the same time, like, her coach threw in the towel and I was like, ‘wait, did [I do] something? Did I like hurt her?’ I was just confused. And then I was walking back to Victor and he was already like with his arms open, so I was like, ‘I won.’
Andrea’s concern for her opponent is interesting because she had performed as she was trained to and was successful in delivering a punch that warranted a stoppage by the referee—a knockout. While Andrea performed as she was trained to during her boxing match by throwing an effective right hand punch, her masculine performance is a transgression of gendered norms (Miller and Heinrich 2001). Andrea’s first reaction was concern for her opponent, which aligned her with feminine qualities, despite her participation in a “male” sport. Arguably, the concern felt by Andrea is a product of how women are socialized to be nurturers and that the act of inflicting pain, even when both parties are aware that this will be the outcome for one or both of them, goes against gender norms. Notably, Andrea’s concern lessens when she recognizes her coach’s celebratory stance. This acknowledges, again, the significance of the coach as not only a trainer, but also as one who reinforces appropriate behavior.
As a comparison to Andrea, Adam revealed no concern for his opponents when he spoke about injuring them. Adam reveled in the experience of exerting physical force on his opponents. He stated:
I love winning. I love punching in the face and just getting that feeling that you’re beating this guy up because you put all that hard work in and your, basically . . . your will and confidence come into play. You start beating that guy up because of, uh, you basically beat him because of your will, your hunger, your determination.
Adam’s statement illustrates that he has internalized the values of the male athletic ethos of traditional sports (Lynskyj1990). Adam clearly states that he loves
47 winning, and recognizes that in the sport of boxing, winning means landing punches to your opponent’s face. In describing his goals in the ring, Adam uses the expression, “beat up,” which implies more than simply winning by outscoring his opponents. Rather, through the use of this term, Adam suggests he inflicts severe physical damage—perhaps surpassing the force necessary to win the matches. Andrea and Adam are both proficient boxers based on their experience and accomplishments within the boxing realm. They are equally capable of inflicting physical damage to their opponents. The difference between the two, however, is that, as a male, Adam has been socialized to do so without remorse, while Andrea finds herself meeting traditionally feminine qualities when she worries about how her punches may have harmed an opponent. In both cases Adam and Andrea are performing gendered expectations (Lynskyj1990).
While Andrea and Adam experience similar class and race backgrounds they expressed differences in terms of gender; intersectionality demonstrates how their contrasting gendered experiences reflect their differing social locations.
It is not only larger societal forces that shape the experiences of boxers. Staff members, both male and female boxers, as well as individuals outside of the gym setting actively maintain and reinforce the masculine nature of boxing. Coaches are responsible for reinforcing the traditionally masculine sport of boxing. Instead of treating all boxers as simply boxers, the coach genders the sport and space by requiring that female boxers behave in masculine and feminine ways. This expectation is apparent in the advice given to Andrea from her Coach Victor who said, “[Coach Victor] always tells me you got to be a beast in the ring but a lady on the outside of the ring.” Andrea’s recollection of
Coach Victor’s statement is interesting because he seemingly requires Andrea to assume
48 two very different gendered roles. In the ring, Andrea must be a “beast,” which implies aggression, a non-feminine characteristic. Yet, when not in the ring, Andrea is expected to be a “lady,” indicating gentle, nurturing, and non-violent qualities. Coach Victor is reinforcing the requirement in the sport that female boxers retain their identities and ultimately their marketability as feminine objects by not appearing too masculine.
In the gendered sport of boxing it is only acceptable for woman to be aggressive when they are competing. The expectation for how female boxers are supposed to behave in the gym is reflection of how women are supposed to behave in larger society. Women in larger society are valued for their femininity, and not valued for behaviors that are perceived to be masculine.
Coach Victor was also responsible as he reinforces the need for female boxers to prove themselves, not just as boxers, but specifically as female boxers. Andrea recalled:
Victor would always tell me, ‘you need to be working out better than [the male boxers], you need to be hitting the bags a 100 times harder than [the male boxers], and everything else. It wasn’t bad . . . I’m not saying it was bad.
In this statement Coach Victor suggests that because Andrea is a female there is an inherent difference in how she should train. Female athletes are subjected to bias within the sports world as they are perceived to be inferior to their male counterparts
(Kaskan and Ho 2016). Andrea’s mention of the coaching advice she received to hit the bags exponentially harder reinforces the idea that male boxers are more capable, because they are males, and that female boxers must work harder to be equal to the capabilities of their male counterparts in the sport of boxing. Finally, at the end of her statement when
Andrea claims it is not a bad thing for her to work harder than the male boxers, she seems hesitant. This suggests that she does believe the gendered expectation of her is wrong, but that, perhaps, she has internalized the norms of the sport and the space within which she
49 participates in the sport. Notably, later in her interview, Andrea added that her own skills as a boxer have improved as a result of training with male boxers. She stated, “Sparring with girls is good work, but I think for the majority of the time that was really smart on
Victor’s part to put me with the guys because I feel like that’s what made me so good.”
Andrea’s statement suggests that even as a skilled and proficient boxer she believes that male boxers (and her male coach) are responsible for her progress; progress that, she indicates, would not have been achieved if she were to have sparred with only other female boxers.
Demonstrating agreement with Andrea, Jessica spoke of the internalization of the female gender as deficient or lacking within boxing:
When I first started, there was more girls than there is now. They were pretty good. [I] kind of felt intimidated by [the girls], but not really [by] the guys. The guys are guys; [they] are always going to be good in boxing.
While both Andrea and Jessica seem to represent female boxers as having a disadvantage within boxing when compared to male boxers, in her statement above,
Andrea spoke about the efforts she and her coach made to raise her to the caliber of the male boxers. In comparison, Jessica suggests that, as a female, she would not be expected to be able to compete with the “guys.” As a result, she has adjusted her expectations of herself and only compares herself to her female peers.
Through their internalization of gendered norms within the gym, the female boxer sometimes reinforces the very context that she, herself, struggles to navigate. Jessica demonstrates this when she made judgments about other female boxers in the gym:
When [I] started, more girls were dedicated to [boxing—working constantly. And it’s just like [new girls] come, just try it out, they don’t feel like they’re good enough or . . . then [they] just leave. So it’s kind of like . . . . it’s different now. I don’t know. I know some girls just come to look [at] themselves in the mirror, so it’s kind of weird.
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Jessica’s statement is interesting because she does not see how she is helping to reinforce the gendered norms of the boxing gym. Jessica feels that when she started boxing, the girls in the gym were more dedicated. But now, four years later, the new female members of the gym are somehow less dedicated and capable. As a peer mentor
Jessica is responsible for assisting new boxers, especially female boxers. Jessica shifts the blame for the lack of experiences of new female boxers away from herself as a peer mentor and places it solely on the new female boxers and does so in such a way that holds them to gendered stereotypes. Because Jessica did not say that the new female boxers do not train like they are supposed to; rather, her comment attacks females directly by saying that some girls are there to look at themselves in the mirror which was meant as a gendered insult. What Jessica is doing is an example of “horizontal hostility,” which is a termed coined in the 1970s by feminists to describe infighting rather than cohesion within the feminist movement (White and Langer 1999:539). Jessica is essentially maintaining her status at the gym by “oppressing” and “sabotaging” new female participants based on the masculine expectations of the gym (White and Langer
1999).
Denise, like Jessica is a peer mentor who helps train new gym members. And, like
Jessica, she is also responsible for reinforcing the gendered aspect of the boxing space, the gym, through horizontal hostility. In speaking about an interaction she had with a female boxer, Denise noted, “I told her she looked like she was dancing because she was going around the bag. She’s like, ‘What? This is hard. I can’t do this.” Denise capitalizes on the female boxer’s lack of experience with proper foot work in circling the bag as a moment to criticize her instead of offering constructive feedback. Also interesting is the
51 way in which Denise carried out here criticism of the female boxer. Denise’s comparison of the female boxer’s lack of skill is made specifically to the act of dancing. While dancing, in an of itself, is not inherently a feminine or masculine behavior, the way
Denise used it to make a comparison to the female boxer implies the boxer had a level hesitancy or timidness in her approach to boxing; these are both characteristically female attributes. Importantly, the recipient of the criticism internalizes Denise’s comment, accepts the criticism, and turns it into self-deprecation when she states that she “can’t do” boxing. Like Jessica, Denise has effectively maintained her status in the gym through oppressing a new female boxer. Jessica and Denise’s statements relate back to control theory in that they as both peer mentors within the gym have a responsibility to help new gym members build positive attachments. Failure to provide training to new members is also a failure in providing short-term incentives for participating in norm-abiding behaviors which will not allow for the development of long-term benefits.
Male boxers also help maintain masculine identity through teasing female boxers.
Andrea states that she has been teased by male boxers with comments such as, “Why are you sweating so much like you’re a girl.” Comments such as this are meant to call into question Andrea’s ability be feminine while training. Halbert (1997) argues that female boxers face discrimination because their presence challenges gendered expectation norms in what is a masculine sport. Female boxers are expected to perform femininity in addition to performing athletically, failure to balance this performance places female boxers in position where they are marginalized and perceived differently from normal women (Krane et al. 2004). The teasing that Andrea is subjected to places her in a position where she has few options. She must deal with the teasing in a way that does not
52 lead to more teasing. She cannot openly cry and she cannot complain to the head coach.
If she were to cry and complain to the head coach she would reaffirm the misperception that as a female she does not belong. Andrea realizes the dilemma that she is in “I bring some heat back to them, like took it back like there teasing me and like hey I can handle it it’s like showing them that I can handle it you know.” The amount of sweat should be an indication of the hard work that Andrea is putting into to training, but as a female it is simply a way to target her for teasing.
Even Andrea, who stated that she was teased by male boxers, takes part in teasing of other female boxers, reinforcing the gendered sport. Andrea resorts to criticizing the physical appearance of female boxers with her description of them, “Manly! You can’t even tell sometimes if they’re a man or a woman.” Andrea’s comment illustrates the internalization of misogyny and how it is connected to self-objectification and acceptance of traditional gender roles (Szymanski et al. 2009). Andrea continues her criticism by engaging in othering when she makes clear that she is not like “manly” boxers. Of her own femininity, Andrea notes, “It was just, like, a natural thing for me to just, like, put on makeup. I’m really girly.” Krumer-Nevo (2010) describes othering as the process identifying deference’s between two groups people and using those differences to justify the viewing the other group as inferior and worthy of unequal treatment. Female boxers are placed in a position where they must attempt to balance gendered norms by maintaining their identity and marketability by not appearing to masculine outside of the ring and not too feminine while in the ring. Failure to balance these two expectations will impact the female boxer’s chances of successfully navigating the sport of boxing (Halbert
1997). The negative experiences discussed by Andrea could have very well pushed her
53 out of the gym. While Andrea was able to overcome her marginalization within the gym other female boxers may not be able to do so resulting in their leaving the gym which would result in poor short-term benefits that would prevent them from engaging in anti- social behaviors.
Reinforcement of traditional gendered expectations can also come from individuals outside of the gym. Jessica also talks about how classmates question her involvement as a female in the sport of boxing:
“I mean its [boxing]—not a sport for females. So it’s kind of like [I] broke that stereotype. In school, [classmates are] like, ‘you’re a boxer?’ Whenever I said I box, it was kind of like, ‘What? You’re a girl. Girls don’t box.’ It’s kind of like I broke some stereotypes.
What is interesting about Jessica’s statement is that she acknowledges that boxing is a male dominated sport and that her involvement in the sport presents certain challenges. While it is encouraging that she recognizes herself as breaking stereotypes and pushing the gendered boundaries of the sport, based on Jessica’s previous statements, she still adheres to the ideology that boxing is “not a sport for females” and is aware that she is challenging gendered norms (Halbert 1997).
Denise also addresses how female interest and competency in boxing is something that has to be demonstrated to male boxers in order to gain some semblance of respect. Because it is not seen as normal for a woman to participate in boxing, she must actively note such interest. Denise stated, “The fact that we’re girls and they actually see that we like the sport—I guess they see that we’re good in the sport.” The master status of being female must be overcome in the boxing gym. Female boxers must not only prove that they are genuinely interested in boxing but also be able to physically perform at a level that male boxers are not held to in order to gain acceptance in the gym. Male boxers
54 are expected to be interested in boxing and because they are male somehow are predisposed to excel at boxing.
Individuals outside of the gym also reinforce the gendered nature of boxing.
Andrea states that she has received disapproval from relatives as well as medical professionals. Comments from relatives, such as parents and uncles, have largely been based on concern for Andrea disfiguring herself. Relatives and friends of female boxers that disapprove do so based on patriarchal viewpoints (Cardoso et al. 2012). The concern for Andrea’s well fare is carried out in a way that can be characterized as chivalrous but is really a means of maintaining the unequal of distribution of status and power between men and women. This form of oppression is referred to as benevolent sexism (Becker,
Wright, and Simpson 2011). Andrea recalled her uncle’s statement to her, “He was really against [me boxing]. He was just like, ‘why are you [boxing]? You have such a beautiful face . . . you can’t.” Significantly, the concern Andrea noted from her uncle was not based on worry that Andrea might be injured when boxing, but rather was about maintaining what her uncle felt was valuable about her: her looks. Additionally, Andrea’s mother initially did not like the idea that Andrea would be getting hit in the face. This parental concern was expressed by her mother, but, interestingly, was not noted by her stepfather. Andrea stated, “Well, my mom at the beginning, she didn’t like it ‘cuz she thought it was bad, like, getting punched in the face and stuff like that. But my dad, I mean, he said, ‘if you like it, keep going.” The patriarchal nature of the sport of boxing can cause young women to not feel that they are capable or even welcomed to try, the existence of an environment that excludes young women from “at-risk” youth from participating relates back to my research questions on the benefits of short-term and long-
55 term benefits from participation. Young girls that are not encouraged to participate by significant others will not benefit from such sport programs.
The concern about the potential for injury has only been an issue for mothers and not fathers. Mike’s discusses how his parents felt about him boxing:
[My mother] doesn’t like it [boxing], me getting beat up you know her face getting beat up (laughing). I have her [Mothers] face. She can see her own face getting beat up. I’m pretty sure that’s what she imagined and my father, I’ll talk to him about it [boxing], but he would just look at me like alright, at least you’re going to do something.
Both male and female participants’ had mothers that disapproved of their children boxing. Both participants had fathers that were supportive. These quotes are interesting because they illustrate the traditional gendered roles where mothers are expected to be nurturers and fathers are expected to be accepting of violence and aggression which are accepted as masculine characteristics.
Disapproval of boxing as a sport for juveniles has also come from those in the medical field. Research on the health risk of boxing participants has discovered increased chances of brain injury, ocular cavity damage, injuries to neck muscles, broken bones and unsafe weight loss practices (Vacca 2006; Pediatrics 2011). Medical professionals argue that the perceived rewards for boxing participant do not outweigh the risk for injury.
Andrea experienced disapproval from a medical professional during a physical. The nurse had asked Andrea what she needs the physical for and she told the nurse that she was going to be getting her boxing license, “The nurse expressed her disapproval, “I [nurse] would never [let] my daughter do something like that . . . I’m completely against that.”
The motivation for the nurse’s comment to Andrea cannot be definitively attributed to a belief that females should not be allowed to box because it is a masculine sport. I cannot say that the nurse believes that juveniles, male and female, should not be allowed to box
56 because of the health risks. What is interesting is the fact that the nurse felt the need to express her personal feelings to Andrea in such a direct way.
While women engaged in boxing both statistically and normatively deviate from the gendered traditions and history of the sport, male boxers are also challenged to adhere to a strong masculine identity while in the gym. For example, a constant concern for male boxers is the avoidance of appearing weak in front of other boxers and the coaches. Mike described this concern when he recalled an incident during which he was sparring, “I remember, BOOM! [The punch], it caught me off guard. I started crying. I was a little bitch, you know.” The term Bitch is often used as an insult against men in order maintain the boundaries of traditional gender role expectations. Mike understands the gendered expectations of the boxing gym and monitors his behavior to fit these expectations. As
Mike internalized these expectations he refers himself to as a “bitch” for “crying,” which is a transgression against the gender role expectations of the gym. As an “at-risk” youth
Mike needs to maintain the expectations of the gym because the status and success that he is actively pursuing will not be realized if continues to transgress the masculine expectations of the gym.
Art was also placed in a situation when his masculinity was challenged in the gym when he was asked to spar but did not want to. Of this instance he stated, “I can fight and stuff like that and not scared of anything.” Art was forced to participate in a sparring session in order to maintain a masculine identity of not being “scared.” To refuse the request to spar would have called in to question his masculinity. The need to maintain a masculine identity is valued over one’s own well-being.
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The role of gender was a significant finding for male and female participants who all had to navigate the gendered sport of boxing. Female boxers were expected to be as aggressive as men in the ring, but to be feminine in appearance and attitude outside of the ring. Concepts from feminist theory were helpful in supporting the findings from participant’s accounts of the gendered dynamic in the sport of boxing. Feminist theory offers a critical perspective that examines the perceptions and experiences of gender in individuals lived experiences.
The reported experiences of participants within the sport of boxing also illustrate the relevance of how intersectionality impacts the lives of participants both male and female. Even though the participants are from the same neighborhood, have a similar social class, and a similar racial background, they expressed significant differences when it came to experiences of gender.
Female boxers also internalized the gendered expectations of the gym and even policed new female boxers. Male boxers also feel the need to conform to the hypermasculine expectations of the gym, with some policing their own behavior as too feminine. This is important because as a program that targets “at-risk” youth creating an environment that allows participants to feel supported, safe, welcomed, is essential to their continued involvement. Male and female participants who have no aspirations of becoming amateur or professional boxers should not feel that they must conform to the hypermasculine expectations of the gym in order to feel accepted. Male and female boxers that feel that they are not able to conform to the hypermasculine expectations will be become discouraged and simply find another place to spend their time. This relates back to control theory in that a gym that cannot strengthen the elements of the social
58 bond will fail at preventing anti-social behaviors. This is counterproductive to the mission of the “at-risk” youth programs that should be skilled at providing mentor ship for “at-risk” youth and instead of creating an environment that pushes away those who cannot perform.
The Sport of Boxing and its Role in the Lives of “At-risk” Youth
To outsiders, boxing may appear to be a sport devoid of technique, skill, strategy, conditioning, and etiquette, relying only on simply strength and aggression this is a misperception (Wacquant 1995). The misconception is that boxing is simply two opponents pummeling one another until either the bout ends or one is no longer capable of physically continuing. My participants’ accounts tell a different story. Adam who is a professional boxer states “it’s a passion it’s a work of art honestly most people just see it as a um just them going at it, most people see it as two fighters in the ring just going at it but its more than that you got to be conditioned first of all you got to have good technique.” Adam describes his feeling for the sport of boxing as a “passion” which is a strong an almost uncontrollable emotion. In describing boxing Adam uses the phrase “a work of art,” something that is creative requiring imagination and aesthetic pleasing.
These characteristics are not normally considered to be masculine. Andrea makes a comparison between boxing and Mixed Martial Arts, which is another combat sport. Both sports require the striking of one’s opponent but Andrea makes a distinction between the two “I feel like it’s not really like a sport, it’s a sport but I feel it’s more brawling it’s not there’s not like no technique to it you can’t be like that guy really knows how to box he knows how to stand.” Andrea discredits MMA as a sport because she believes that there is a lack of technique, stating that boxers “know how to stand.” A boxer’s stance which is
59 technique is crucial; every movement a boxer makes originates from their stance. If the stance is not correct then no other movement the boxer makes will be correct. Jessica reinforces the idea that boxing is not simply two opponents hitting one another when she states, “I feel like street fighting and boxing is way different cuz just have more manners in boxing I think and more technique.” Once again the participants reinforce the importance of technique as a characteristic that distinguishes boxing from two opponents just hitting each other. Art states: “but friends outside the gym they think it’s like easy they think it’s an easy sport and anyone can do it and stuff like that.” This view by Art’s friends illustrates the misconception that outsiders have about what the sport of boxing requires. Art now views himself as a proficient boxer and uses this as a way to distinguish himself from others outside of the sport who he believes do not and could not understand what it means to be a boxer. The act of distinguishing himself from his friends is a form of othering. To outsiders the sport of boxing is little more than stepping into the ring and punching. This view was once held by Art himself “um before I thought it was just like two people in the ring throwing punches just to see but when I came to the gym I noticed that it was like . . . like more thinking than throwing, it was more to the sport, more thinking strategies and stuff like that.”
The dedication that “at-risk” youth learn from their time as boxers, if applied, can benefit them in their adult lives. The demanding nature of the sport of boxing affects the relationships and responsibilities participants’ had outside of the context of the sport.
Adam spoke to this:
My school was not dangerous, but it had that crowd [of gang members] where those wannabe little cholios are growing up. I used to hang with those kids when I was younger. But ever since I stepped in the gym, it just disciplines you. Like I said, when you step in the gym, you take it seriously. It disciplines you and matures you more.
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The term “cholios” used by Adam is another way of saying “cholo.” This racialized term is used to describe Mexican American gang members in southern
California. This group would be considered “at-risk” youth. Through othering his friends,
Adam contends that he has adopted a new identity as a boxer (as a result of his participation in the sport programming offered through First Street Boxing Club) and the status that comes along with his new identity has allowed him to remove himself from his deviant friends. He no longer feels the need to spend time with them because he is now a boxer—he has more to gain away from that group of friends than with them. Adam’s new status relates back to my research questions about the ability of sports programs to mitigate short-term anti-social behavior in minors.
Rick is 26 years old and has been boxing for 13 years recalled a similar experience with his former friend group, “Fighting, it was, uh, real good. It kept me grounded. It kept me out of a lot of violence. I was always training. And, if I wasn’t training, I had to go to sleep early [to train the next day], while [my old friends] were out drinking.” Rick suggests that as a boxer he is not able, nor does he desire, to participate in late nights out drinking. If Rick were to have gone out with his friends, he would have not been able to perform in the gym. Performing well as a boxer became the new priority for the participants and this kept them from engaging in deviant behaviors. Rick’s statement credits boxing with keeping him out of becoming involved in deviance and crime. This is an example of the element of involvement from Hirschi's control theory.
When an individual’s time and energy are spent on norm-abiding behaviors, they will be too busy to commit deviant behaviors. Rick also noted that boxing had a positive
61 influence on how he handled situations that occur outside of the gym involving the potential of violence. Rick stated:
I don’t get into any street fights. I don’t get in any arguments outside this gym. I think being in [the gym], I don’t know about other fighters, but for myself, it relaxes you more. You fight so much, you spar, you hit the bags—when you leave this place, you don’t want to go and argue with somebody. You don’t want to go and pick a fight on the street. You’re just tired. You’re just, like, tired of fighting.
The significance of this statement is in the connection made to boxing as a positive influence on boxers’ behaviors. Once again, Hirschi’s control theory provides an explanation for this statement by Rick. Rick’s level of involvement is such that when he leaves the gym, he no longer has the energy or the desire to engage in deviant behaviors such as street fighting. Ricks new status relates back to my research questions about the ability of sports programs to mitigate short-term anti-social behavior.
Rick was not the only participant to mention the potential of fights outside the context of the gym. Indeed, outside challenges in the form of street fights are a reality for the boxers at First Street Boxing Club. Art explained how such challenges occurred:
Like [when] someone [outside the gym] wanted to get into a fight [before starting boxing], you’d be like, ‘Oh yeah, I’ll fight, um, I don’t care. Stuff like that. Yeah, but when you’re in boxing, you know that you could get in trouble ‘cuz you learn things like discipline and being more humble and you know that . . . you know what you’re capable of doing and you don’t want to get in trouble outside.”
The training that he has received as a boxer has provided him with a status where he no longer feels that he has to meet physical challenges outside of the gym because he now feels secure in his masculinity based on the opportunities provided in the gym. Art also stated that fighting outside of the gym could place him in trouble. This serves as an example of Hirschi’s “attachment” and “commitment” bonds of control theory. Art is attached to Coach Victor and cares about the relationship that he has built with him. If
Art were to get into a fight outside of the gym he knows that it would damage their
62 relationship as Coach Victor would be disappointed in him. Hirschi argues that the threat of losing the investment of time and effort placed into something will prevent deviant behavior. Art has dedicated countless hours of his life to training and is close to receiving his boxing license. Being involved in a fight outside of the gym could jeopardize all of his hard work. Skills like discipline and hard work that boxers learn inside the gym prove to be beneficial to their lives outside of the gym. The accounts of Adam, Rick, and Art provide strong support for my research question about the influence that “at-risk” youth programs have in mitigating anti-social behaviors.
Boxers can train for years before they are proficient enough to enter into competition. Training for a boxing match requires that the boxer be able to give and take punishment and still continue to perform effectively. Jessica uses her experiences sparring in the gym as a metaphor for life outside of the gym: “My face hurt because she punch[ed] me a lot of times. I feel like that’s how life is. It punches you in the face and you have to get back up.” Here, Jessica applies the actual physical act of being hit in the face in the gym to her life outside of the gym. Jessica suggests, though, that resilience is important in both cases when she emphasizes her response to these circumstances as “to get back up.” For Jessica this is an important skill to learn. Jessica is a Latina that lives in a predominantly working class community that is marred with violence; she is an “at- risk” youth. The various oppressive categories that make up Jessica’s background are a clear illustration of her experience of intersectionality.
Considering the neighborhoods and communities within which the participants in this study live, boxing offered some of them a means of protection outside of the gym.
Jessica spoke about the lack of safety in her neighborhood, “In my community, there is a
63 lot of gangs. So, it’s kind of good to have boxing as a defense. You never know what’s going to happen.”
Jessica explained that because of boxing she feels more prepared to defend herself in the event that she must. The availability of a boxing program, like First Street Boxing
Club, in a neighborhood like Jessica’s is especially important. “At-risk” youth often do not have the means to attend traditional paid boxing clubs or martial arts schools.
Without non-profit “at-risk” programs, youth like Jessica would simply have to go without.
This skills learned at the boxing gym are also applicable to education and work.
Omar takes what he has learned through boxing and applies it to his academic life. He explained, “What I take out of [my training for boxing] is putting in the work. Like, for me, when I compare to school, I compare like studying and doing homework.” Omar is stating that in boxing you have to be willing to work in order to get results and is applying that to how he views his school work. In order to get good grades, you must put in the work.
Art parallels the sentiments of Omar through his discussion of taking what he has learned from boxing and applying it to how he approaches his own experiences at school:
Well, I mean you go and it’s almost like the same thing as boxing. Obviously you have to show the, uh, teacher that you . . . like, you want to do the career and you, uh, learn stuff and, I guess, if he sees it, he’ll start paying more attention to you.
As described earlier in this chapter, Art learned that in the boxing gym if one wants to be trained, they have to prove to the coach that they are willing to put in the work necessary to be taken seriously. This work ethic is easily transferred to the classroom setting, but the role of the coach is replaced by the teacher, in this case.
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During his research of “at-risk” boxers in Chicago, Wacquant (1995) found that
80 percent of his participants believed that boxing would provide them with the ability to remove themselves from their circumstances by becoming professional boxers. For many participants the boxing gym represents the only space in their lives where status and recognition can be achieved. This is important for “at-risk” youth who may not have legitimate options for obtaining status. Boxing may serve as the only legitimate means of earning a better life for them and their families. Adam gave an interesting response when asked about where he feels he would be without boxing. He replied,
If I wasn’t boxing, I’d say I would be overweight, um, working an average job. You know, working in a fast food restaurant or basically another average person working another 9 to 5 job.
Through boxing, Adam has been able to gain status as a professional boxer. By suggesting he would be “average” without boxing, Adam contends he is above average because of boxing. Adam knows that without boxing his options for employment, let alone success, would be severely limited. Through boxing he has gained status as an accomplished amateur boxer when he was a minor and as a professional boxer now as an adult. It is important for “at-risk” youth populations to believe that they can be successful.
A successful professional boxing career is possible, but it is very difficult achieve.
Rick discusses the monetary incentive associated with boxing. Interestingly, Rick’s motivation does not appear to be selfish, but rather comes from a need to take care of relatives. Rick contends: “There is a lot of money to be made in boxing. At that time, my
Moms always struggle financially so that was a big influence on me.” Relating back to the gendered nature of boxing, the need to take care of relatives and its link to boxing as a possible way of doing so was only expressed by male participants. And, the relatives that
65 they were concerned with taking care of were their mothers. Ricks statement is in line with what can be considered traditional male roles expectations that require men to work hard and provide for their families (Galanti 2003). In the Mexican culture this is referred to as “Machismo.” “Machismo” can be viewed as a positive behavior as it encourages males to be responsible for their families. The way in which “Machismo” encourages care for one’s family is done in a hierarchal way. The man is responsible for providing but that also means the man is in charge (Galanti 2003).
One of the one of the factors that allows low-income families to survive is cohesion (Orthner, Jones-Sanpei and Williamson 2004). Research shows that low-income families form strong emotional bonds with one another through (Orthner et al. 2004).
Like Rick, Mike also recognizes a professional boxing career as an opportunity to not just save himself, but also his mother. This hope is expressed when he said, “I would be happy every day of my life just ‘cuz I know she’s happy. She doesn’t have to work her ass off no more.”
In low-income communities where the only work available is menial labor boxing provides, however misleading, the prospect of achieving success and status (Wacquant
1995). The dream of becoming a professional boxer is one that has been had by many
“at-risk” youth, especially considering the sport was historically a sport of the working class. With this dream in mind, coaches are expected to motivate their boxers. However, this motivation should not be done to the detriment of the boxer. Coach Harry reinforces the belief that status and success can be achieved through boxing, “If you stop with the bull shit and get serious, you can make it far in the business and make some money.”
Coach Harry’s statement illustrates how the hope of financial success can be a priority.
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For “at-risk” youth this type of reinforcement may provide the false hope that boxing is a ticket out of poverty. Mike has been training on and off for 8 years and still does not have a license to box and has little chances of ever boxing professionally. Coach Harry’s blames Mike’s lack of success on him not taking boxing seriously instead of looking at other factors. Other factors that will keep Mike from succeeding in boxing are his age and lack of experiences. Mikes is 22 years old, which is too old to start boxing professionally when there is a lack of amateur boxing experience.
Mike continued discussing the role of boxing, and of Coach Harry, in relation to caring for his mother. He recalled an instance during which Coach Harry and he were driving through an affluent neighborhood, admiring the homes they saw. Mike recalled
Harry telling him, “You can do this shit. You know? Let’s do this shit. I’ll help you. Let’s go! Let’s put in the work. Look at [these houses]—you want that for your moms.”
The reality for Mike is that he does not have the experience to become a professional boxer—the only level of boxing that would offer him the type of wealth he and Coach Harry spoke about in Mike’s above statement. At 22 year of age, Mike should have already established an amateur career and turned professional. Mike has dedicated large amounts of his time into boxing at the expense of his education; he is left with no alternate plans for earning a living. As an “at-risk” youth, Mike should have been pushed as a minor, and now as an adult, to purse an education that could lead to gainful employment. In his case, the gym, and its coaches, have built false hope. While the First
Street Boxing Club has clearly provided many positive outcomes, both short- and long- term, as evidenced by the participants in this study, the professional boxers that the gym produces are, quite frankly, the exception, not the rule.
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Boxing itself holds special meanings for the participants of the “at-risk” boxing program. I explored participant’s experiences in order to address my research questions which focused on participant’s experiences in the gym. My research questions also explored how youth’s involvement with the “at-risk” youth boxing program affected their likelihood of engaging in antisocial behavior. My research questions also sought to uncover if short-term and long-term beneficial outcomes came from involvement in the program.
Boxers were able to challenge the outside perceptions of boxing as simply a low skilled sport with their own experiences of the skill and dedication that is actually required. Through boxing, participants were able to challenge their marginalized positions within society by establishing new status as boxers. Boxers illustrated how boxing played a role in mitigating previous associations with deviant others and provided them with the opportunity to associated with norm abiding significant others. Through boxing participants reinforced how the bonds of control theory can impact the day in and day out activities of boxers both inside and outside the gym.
Many programs focus solely on short-term outcomes which may be helpful for
“at-risk” youth for a time, but do not address their norm-abiding behavior into adulthood.
These programs focus on the short-term outcomes instead of long-term outcomes, as the long-term outcomes are very hard to measure to see if the program is effective. Short- term goals for “at-risk” youth programs is to keep them safe, provide them with mentors and role models who can hopefully transition these youth into the long-term outcomes, such as encouraging youth to pursue their education. Numbers on the long-term
68 involvement are limited which could determine whether the program actually helps youth transition into a norm-abiding adult life.
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CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION & CONCLUSION
In this study, I examined the lived experiences of participants of an “at-risk” youth sports program. While extant research is largely based in quantitative methods, I employed a qualitative approach in an attempt to allow the participants to highlight what was most important for them about their experiences in such a program. Additionally, other research has overlooked “at-risk” youth participants who have aged out of programs. I include this group in the current study as this particular sample is able to fill the void in existing literature in terms of long-term effects of sports programs on “at-risk” youth. Accordingly, the current project was based on the following research questions:
(1) What are the lived experiences of young men and women who participate in a boxing gym targeting “at-risk” youth? (2) What short-term and long-term impacts does involvement at a boxing gym targeting “at-risk” youth have for participants? (3) How does participation at a boxing gym targeting “at-risk” youth affect one’s involvement or lack thereof, in antisocial behavior during one’s youth and as an adult?
Findings indicate that the role of coaches, especially as mentors or role models, in the lives of “at-risk” youth is significant in participants’ avoidance of antisocial behavior.
Supporting findings in existing literature on mentorship of “at-risk” populations by non- family members, many participants in the present study sought to attach themselves to non-family, adults—in this case, the coach. Here, the coach served as a replacement for
70 biological family members who are absent or neglectful. However, coaches within “at- risk” youth sports programs are a scarce resource; this places participants in a position where they may not receive the attention they desire (and need). Participants recognized that the relationship between the coach and boxer is one that requires dedication from both parties. In a non-paid boxing gym, training is bought with hard work. With this in mind, participants spoke about the ways boxing, in particular, prevented them from engaging in antisocial behavior so that they could receive training from a coach. They worked to be deemed worthy. Lastly, findings illustrate the way the coaches, and some additional gym staff, shift from just coaches to much more—friends and father figures.
Among other things, it is the broken homes, low incomes, and neighborhood violence that coaches work to help their “at-risk” participants navigate.
For some participants, navigating the realm of boxing, in and of itself, was a challenge. In part, this is because sports are still largely considered a masculine enterprise. And, in particular, the sport of boxing differs from many other sports because its main goal is to have one participant inflict physical trauma on an opponent. Because of the use of violence, aggression, and strength as requirements for success, boxing is considered to be a hypermasculine sport. While women also box, they remain largely marginalized within the sport (Taliaferro et al. 2010). As a result, female participants spoke about the ways they had to compensate for the gender by navigating a masculine environment that requires more of them than of their male peers. Specifically, while in the boxing gym, female boxers had to adopt masculine traits, while still maintaining their femininity. They are expected to be aggressive when they are in the ring, but are expected to perform traditional gender roles outside of the ring where women are valued for their
71 feminized appearance. Such expectations manifested themselves through pressures female boxers experienced to not appear they were sweating too much, to not appear weak, and to make sure they appeared dedicated to the sport, while also dedicated to the socially acceptable feminized appearance of beauty.
Importantly, female participants of the current study internalized the gendered expectations of their coaches, peers, families, and friends. The influence of these groups in terms of gendered norms is strong enough that female boxers not only conformed to these expectations themselves, but also worked to ensure that other female boxers did so as well. Indeed, female participants policed each other using gendered expectations. This is of concern because female are being marginalized within “at-risk” youth programs that are supposed to provide support. Female participants who experience hostility from other females may be discouraged and cease their participation in such programs, effectively increasing their likelihood of engaging in antisocial behaviors.
While the experiences of female participants in this work are especially poignant, male boxers also contended with traditional gendered expectations. Findings indicate that male boxers felt it necessary to prove they were men. Like their female counterparts, male boxers internalized gendered expectations established and reinforced by their coaches, peers, families, and friends. To navigate their expectations, male participants spoke of enduring the pain from injury without publically showing that they were hurt.
Participants explained that failing to successfully maintain composure would result in having their masculinity questioned as others would label them using derogatory terms, such as “bitch,” which drew on feminized characteristics. It was the fear of appearing
72 weak that motivated male participants in this study to behave in gendered ways in the gym and while boxing.
Though the boxing realm does present certain challenges that other sports may not, boxing programs geared at “at-risk” youth continue to provide the opportunity for success and status that is otherwise not available to this specific population. Unlike other sports that require financial resources, boxing has traditionally been a sport of working class minorities, and has remained a sport that requires little financial backing. This, in part, accounts for the popularity of boxing with “at-risk” youth who live in low-income communities. While simply participating in boxing club does not require much from participants in the way of financial or parental support, participants that wish to compete as amateurs will find that these resources are a necessity. Amateur competition requires the participants acquire licenses, specialized equipment such as head gear and mouth pieces, and expenses inherent in traveling to tournaments, just to name a few. Financial success through boxing cannot be achieved until a boxer makes it in to the professional ranks.
Through boxing, “at-risk” youth learn to channel their energy away from deviant activities and into norm-abiding activities that support their efforts at becoming boxers.
The dedication required for success places a demand on the boxer’s personal lives. Any relationships outside of the gym that are not supportive of the participant’s new status as a boxer are not maintained. As a result, findings illustrate the ways boxing served as a
“pull” factor (Adler 1992) that led to shifts in participants’ priorities, which, ultimately, pulled them away from friends that were involved in deviant behavior, such as gang activity or the heavy drinking of alcohol.
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The First Street Boxing club is currently home to three up-and-coming professional boxers from the surrounding neighborhood. While this is an accomplishment and inspiration to future boxers who also identify as “at-risk,” it can provide a misguided belief that hard work always equals success as a professional boxer. There are many “at- risk” youth that come to the gym with the hopes that one day they will be good enough to turn professional. The reality is that very few “at-risk” youth will find the success and status that they are looking for through boxing. The hope is that “at-risk” youth will take the skills, such as dedication and hard work, which are required to be a boxer and apply them to other aspects of their lives. This was discussed by participants in the present research who have been successful in applying skills learned in boxing to other areas of their adult lives, such as college. Ultimately, findings reveal that hard work will pay off in keeping youth out of trouble, but it may not automatically reflect in financial rewards through a boxing career.
Research Implications
The current research is based on the responses of adults who participated in a boxing program designed to target “at-risk” youth in Bristol, California. Currently, there is a lack of programs to support “at-risk” youth. This means that many “at-risk” youth do not receive the support that they need to successfully function in norm-abiding society.
As a result, those youth who do not get the support that they need are more likely to face a life of marginalization, which can lead to involvement in the criminal justice system as well as increase their likelihood of experiencing other negative life consequences, such as poor health and unstable employment.
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The First Street Boxing Club mission statement clearly states that the goal of the program is not to solely produce competitive boxers, but rather, to use boxing as a means of attracting and retaining “at-risk” youth so that they stay out of trouble but also learn the necessary skills that will assist them as they enter into adulthood. Accordingly, the goal of preparing participants for adulthood should remain first and foremost. In order for
The First Street Boxing Club stay true to its mission, boxing ability should not be used to exclude participants, but instead, performance can be used to determine which individuals are in need of extra attention and support.
The lived experiences participants of my study tell us that “at-risk” youth programs do in fact have the ability to impact lives. Specifically, the role of the coach as a mentor and role model was a profound factor in mitigating antisocial behavior among participants. Based on my study programs targeting “at-risk” provide the opportunity for participants to build self-esteem through the creation of new norm-abiding statuses, as boxers, successful students, and peer mentors. These programs are essentially responsible for building a sense of community among individuals where it was either weak or did not exist.
“At-risk” youth need legitimate opportunities to be successful. Programs that target “at-risk” youth should be designed to address the various issues they face within their communities. Part of this design should include developing effective coaches.
Effective coaches would be those who are able address the needs of “at-risk” youth as well as needs of the sport. Coaches should prepare these youth for challenges they will face as they transition into adult life.
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Based on the existing literature, sports programs that service low-income communities can suffer from the lack of resources that would allow for the more one-on- one attention from coaching staff. The lack of resources available to the First Street
Boxing Club places the program in a position where they are reliant on the availability of volunteers to perform the role coaches. The volunteer staff may not have the proper experience necessary to train boxers and more importantly mentor “at-risk” youth in a way that provides the necessary skills for a positive transition into adulthood. Adequate coaching is crucial to the success of spots program. To build on this, experienced staff members should provide training programs for volunteers who are interested in becoming coaches. Another possible solution to improve the lack of staff available may be to provide compensation for proficient coaches. Providing compensation would improve the quality of coaches. Paid coaches would improve the overall reliability compared to volunteer coaches.
Ultimately, the significance of this research and its findings is the implications it has in arguing for the allocation of finances to programs that target “at-risk” youth. Such programs do not need to be sport specific, but rather offer “at-risk” youth first and fore most a safe place to spend their free time, second staff that can act as norm-abiding mentors and role models, third offer resources such as educational assistance that “at- risk” youth do not have access to. Failure to provide such programs assistance is a disservice to not only those who would directly benefit from these programs but society as a whole.
Problems that affect “at-risk” youth affect us all. According to Andersen (1999), the loss of financial opportunities in low-income communities took place as
76 manufacturing jobs disappeared which left many without legitimate opportunities to succeed in norm-abiding society. The underground economy, which offers financial opportunities to residents of these communities, does so by encouraging deviant behaviors (Andersen 1999). We all bear the burden of low-income residents’ limited opportunities, and their limited attachment, investment, commitment, and belief. We also pay financially for those who end up in the criminal justice system, as the experiences of
“at-risk” youth do not occur in a vacuum; they resonate across society as a whole.
Study Limitations
This research had limitations due to its scope and design. To address this in future research, an ethnographic design could be employed to shed light into aspects of the relationships between boxers and coaches, as well as expanding the scope to the aspects of the social location of the gym itself. Insight, in the form of field observations, of the interactions taking place within the gym may prove useful to a further examination of the relationships explored through the limited perspective of interviews with the “at-risk” youth participants.
Another limitation of the present research is the focus solely on the interviews of former “at-risk” youth participants, leaving the perspectives of coaches, parents or other gym participants silent. Interviewing coaches could potentially add to the research by including their perspective into the mentoring relationship. The perspectives of coaches may provide invaluable insight into the myriad of aspects that influence whether or not the coach boxer relationship will prove effective in mitigating deviant behavior.
The limitations of my research include a qualitative design that applies a case study approach. The case study approach limits the generalizability of my results. I am
77 focusing my research on one particular location, meaning that my research may be missing experiences and interactions that differ at other boxing programs that target “at- risk” youth. My research focuses on one particular sport, which may yield different results than other sport programs that work with “at-risk” youth populations. My research also uses a purposive sample, which means that I wanted to select participants that met my specific characteristics, so I may have lost information that could have come from participants who were already adults when they joined the program. The focus of my research is not in its generalizability but quality and depth of data that my small sample will provide me. I feel that the rich data that my small participant group will provide me will only add and improve the existing literature and ultimately our understanding of the role of “at-risk” youth programs in the lives of their participants.
Future Research
Future research should examine the relationship between boxers and coaches specifically within an “at-risk” setting with an emphasis on the coach’s perspective.
While research that focuses on the perspective of “at-risk” coaches does exist, it is limited and in need of further study. Research on the “at-risk” youth coaches is crucial as it would provide context for their perceptions and experiences of “at-risk” youth that may challenge or validate data obtained from interviews of “at-risk” youth. The role of coach is important in the lives of “at-risk” youth, as they are role models who can promote norm-abiding examples. In order to examine the effectiveness of the mentorship relationship, interviews with coaches could center on their approach/technique in gaining rapport with “at-risk” youth boxing participants. The data obtained from these interviews could be used to measure characteristics of effective mentoring relationships.
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Additionally, through my research, I discovered things that I did not expect. One thing that I discovered was that female boxers face issues that male boxers do not.
Female boxers had to balance issues of masculinity inside the ring and femininity outside the ring. While I anticipated that male boxers would tease female boxers, I did not expect teasing to occur between female participants. Further consideration of the gendered experience of boxing is warranted and could shed light on the ways the gender binary is situated in and plays out through the sporting realm, specifically within boxing.
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APPENDIX A
RESEARCH GUIDE v Demographics • Age • Gender • Race/Ethnicity • Religiosity: are you religious? Is your family religious? • Education: Are you attending classes at this time? Do you have plans to continue your education? • Occupation: Are you currently working? What do you do for work? What are your career goals? v Risk Factors • Please tell me about your life when you were younger. • Please tell me about your parents/family. § What do they do for work? § Number of siblings § How involved has your family been in your life? § Housing situation • Neighborhood: Please tell me about your neighborhood. § Did you/do you like the neighborhood that you grew up in (why or why not) § What is the safety in your neighborhood like? § Please discuss the way neighbors interact in your neighborhood? • Please tell me about your experience in school growing up. o What was your experience like in junior high? High school? § So, overall, was your time in junior high/high school a good or bad experience? o How active were you in school-related activities? o What were some of the things (factors) that affected your school experience? • When you were not at school, how did you spend your free time? (at home, with friends, playing sports, hanging out). • Can you please tell me about your friends when you were younger? What about your friends now? o What types of activities did you and your friends engage in then? Now?
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v Questions related to boxing (general) • What does it mean to be a boxer? • How did you get involved in boxing? o What were your goals, when you initially started, in terms of boxing? o What types of activities did you participate in at the gym? • What did you like about boxing? What did you dislike about boxing? • Please tell me about your experiences at The First Street Boxing Club. o When you’d go to the gym, how did you get there? o How often did you go to the gym? o When you’d go to the gym, who was there? o What were your interactions like with other boxers? Coaches? • How has being a boxer affected your experiences in your neighborhood? With friends? With family? o How supportive or unsupportive have friends, family, etc. been of your boxing? • How has boxing influenced your life? • What would your life be like without boxing? • Do you/have you participated in any other sports besides boxing? If so, how does boxing compare?
v Adult current/former member questions • Please tell me about your life now. • Are you still boxing? If yes-> o Why do you continue to box as an adult? o How does boxing fit into your life as an adult? o What types of activities do you participate in at the boxing gym? • If no: When was the last time you participated at the gym/boxing? o How did you decide to stop boxing? What influenced your decision to stop boxing?
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APPENDIX B
PARTICIPANT TABLE
Participant Pseudonym Gender Age Years Ethnoracial Religiosity Education Bristol Boxing Res
AR Adam Male 18 7 Mexican No High Yes American School
AR2 Art Male 18 1 Hispanic Yes Some Yes College
AV Andrea Female 18 4 Mexican No Some No American College Latina
DZ Denise Female 19 5 Chicano Yes Attending Yes Mexican College
HA Henry Male 24 4 Latino Yes Some Yes College
JN Jessica Female 18 4 Hispanic Yes Attending Yes College
JZ John Male 21 14 Hispanic No Some No College
MB Mike Male 22 8 Mexican Yes Some Yes College
OG Omar Male 20 6 Mexican NA Attending Yes College
RR Rick Male 26 13 Hispanic Yes High Yes School
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APPENDIX C
CONSENT FORM
December 2016 Please read the following material that explains this research study. Signing this form will indicate that you have been informed about the study and that you want to participate. We want you to understand what you are being asked to do and what risks and benefits—if any—are associated with the study. This should help you decide whether or not you want to participate in the study.
You are being invited to take part in a research project conducted by Sergio Torres, a graduate student at California State University, Fullerton’s Department of Sociology. Sergio Torres can be reached at 714-679-2370.
Project Description: You are invited to participate in a research study intended to better understand the experiences of individuals involved in at risk youth sports programs. It is entirely your choice whether or not to participate in this study.
Procedures: You will be asked to participate in an in-depth interview. You will be asked to provide details about your thoughts, attitudes, and experiences with your involvement with TKO Boxing Club, and how that involvement has affected your life outside of the gym?
Sample questions include: • Please tell me about your life when you were younger? • Please tell me about your parents/family? • Please tell me about your neighborhood? • Please tell me about your experience in school growing up? • What does it mean to be a boxer? • How did you get involved in boxing? • Please tell me about your life now. • Are you still boxing?
The interviewer would like to audio record your interview to ensure accuracy of the information given, but you have the option of not having your interview taped. If you do agree to have your session taped, you can request that the tape recorder be stopped at any time. These recordings will be held in the strictest confidence, and neither your name nor any identifying information will be recorded or marked on the digital audio computer files.
It is expected that the interview will take approximately forty-five to sixty minutes.
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After concluding the interview, the interviewer may need to contact you again to request additional information. As with the initial interview, you are not obligated to participate in a follow-up interview. If a second interview is needed, it is expected that it will take no longer than 30 minutes to complete. Your contact information will be kept on file (and confidential) until the completion of the data gathering portion of the project (anticipated no later than December 2015), and you will not be contacted for a follow-up interview after this time.
Risks and Discomforts: A potential risk associated with this study is that some of the questions may bring up aspects of your life that are upsetting to you. The interviewer has a number of resources for you if you wish to get assistance to help you through any feelings or concerns that may arise.
By using strict forms of confidentiality (i.e., use of pseudonyms, removal of identifying information, and password protected original documents), I hope to eliminate any potential professional repercussions you may face as a result of such disagreements. If you are concerned about this, I recommend you think seriously about your participation in this study.
There are some things that you might discuss that I CANNOT promise to keep confidential. I am required to report information about:
• Child abuse or neglect. • A crime you or others plan to commit. • Harm that may come to you or others.
I am required by law to report to authorities’ evidence of criminal activity that may be disclosed in your interview. In particular, I am required to report child abuse, if that abuse has not already been reported. As a result, I ask that you avoid discussing any unreported incidents of child abuse. I am defining child abuse here as all incidents involving the children present in your household, including children witnessing emotional, verbal or physical abuse by one adult in the home of another adult.
Benefits: The benefit for your participation include that you will help us to learn more about how “at risk” sport programs may improve the lives of their participants.
Participant Payment Upon the conclusion of your interview (that is, after all the questions of the researcher have been asked), you will be offered a $20 gift card for participation in this study.
Confidentiality Confidentiality will be provided the extent allowed by law I will make every effort to maintain the privacy of what you discuss during the interview. Research materials will be kept in a safe and secure location during the study. As a participant in the study, you will be assigned a pseudonym. Your true identity and the assigned pseudonym will be kept on a password-protected computer file, which will be accessible only by Sergio Torres. This file and any hard-copy documents identifying you will be destroyed at the conclusion of the analysis portion of the study (anticipated no later than Fall 2016). The digital audio file (on disk) will be destroyed at the conclusion of the analysis portion of the study (anticipated no later than Fall 2016). In transcribing your interview into a word-processing document, any identifying names and places will be deleted and/or replaced with fictitious names and locations. I will retain
84 the transcribed interview in order to analyze and complete the findings. Your individual privacy will be maintained in all published and written data resulting from this study.
Other than the researchers, only regulatory agencies such as the Institutional Review Board at California State University, Fullerton may see your individual data as part of routine audits.
Questions? If you have any questions regarding your participation in this research, you should ask the investigator before signing this form. If you should have questions or concerns during or after your participation, please contact Sergio Torres 714-679-2370.
If you have questions about the rights of human research participants contact the CSUF IRB Office at (657) 278-7640 or [email protected].
You may obtain the results of this project after its completion by calling or writing Sergio Torres whose contact information is listed above.
Authorization: I have carefully read and/or I have had the terms used in this consent form and their significance explained to me. By signing below, I agree that I am at least 18 years of age and agree to participate in this project. You will be given a copy of this signed and dated consent form to keep.
Please place your initials next to one of the following: _____ I AGREE for my interview to be audio-taped. _____ I DO NOT AGREE for my interview to be audio-taped. Please place your initials next to one of the following: _____ I have agreed, on the date signed, to have this consent form remain in the possession of the principal investigator to ensure that those around me will not be aware of my participation in this study. _____ I have received, on the date signed, a copy of this document containing four (4) pages. ______Printed Name of Participant Date ______Signature of Participant Date
All California State University employees are mandated reporters under California¹s Child Abuse and Neglect Reporting Act ("CANRA"). Whenever a CSU employee, in his/her professional capacity or within the scope of his/her employment, has knowledge of or observes a person under the age of 18 years whom the employee knows, or reasonably suspects, to have been the victim of child abuse or neglect, the employee must report the incident to the appropriate authorities.
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APPENDIX D
FLYER
Seeking Research Participants Are you . . .
At least 18 years old? Are you a former or current member of the boxing club that participated as a minor?
This research aims to better understand the experiences of individuals who have participated in “at risk” sports programs while they were minors and how that experience has affected their current adult lives.
This research is open to current as well as former TKO Boxing Club Members.
• We will meet you at a time and place that works for you. • We will keep what you tell us PRIVATE • The interview is not for therapeutic or counseling services; it will be conducted only to gather information.
Interested? Have questions? Want to learn more?
Please contact Sergio Torres at:
Your opinions and experiences do matter. Please take the time to share them with us.
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