reviews forgotten that he was also a real might have left an open-minded were prepared to ‘put up a quar- tennis champion. Robbins also audience member more sympa- ter of a million’. Quite how this defended Grey against criticism thetic to Grey by the end of the transaction was to be put into effect about not travelling or speaking day than at the start; however, he was not explained, but Sir Walter’s foreign languages: pointing out is destined to remain an elusive and assessment on this occasion of ‘a that Grey was always at his desk, controversial figure. It is unfortu- clever incompetent person without unlike modern foreign secretar- nate that the 1914 commemorations any sense of proportion’ does not ies who ‘travel all the time and did not include more events of this seem wide of the mark.2 do nothing’. Robbins stressed the nature, but it remains a consider- What had charmed Sir Walter importance of the influence on able achievement to bring together in 1920 was a preview of the first Grey of the historian and Angli- such an impressive range of speak- volume of Margot’s Autobiogra- can bishop Mandell Creighton, in ers for a one-day event. The organ- phy, published later that year. She particular his essay on the English isers also deserve credit for making had, she admitted, ‘been discreet national character and the sense of attendance free of charge and open about Downing Street’.3 Even so, Grey being groomed as the embod- to members of the public rather what she did write offended many. iment of that character. In a cabinet than restricted to policy-makers, ‘People who write books ought with considerable Celtic influence, parliamentarians and academics. to be shut up’, suggested George Grey was a very English figure and Podcasts of most of the papers V in evident perturbation at the played up to the idea of the sensible given at the conference are avail- prospect of Margot’s forthcoming Englishman. Professor Otte agreed able at: https://audioboom.com/ publication.4 The king’s concerns with Professor Robbins about playlists/1265752-sir-edward- appear to have been justified. He Grey’s Englishness and stressed the grey-and-the-outbreak-of-the- ‘let fly about Margot’, recorded influence of the imperialist and his- first-world-war-podcasts Lord Curzon. ‘He severely con- torian J. R. Seeley on Grey’s gener- demns Asquith for not reading and ation – in particular the belief in the Dr Iain Sharpe completed a Univer- Crewe for reading and passing her importance of British greatness and sity of London PhD thesis in 2011 on scandalous chatter.’5 What His Maj- of Britain being different because it ‘Herbert Gladstone and Liberal party esty would have made of Margot’s was a maritime power. revival, 1899–1905’. He works as an edi- The diary is unexpurgated wartime diaries, The symposium showed how tor for the University of London Inter- edited now by Michael and Eleanor vigorous the debate remains about national Academy and has served as a written in Brock, whose earlier collaboration Grey’s policy and reputation. The Liberal Democrat councillor in Watford made Asquith’s revealing letters to overall impact of the contributions since 1991. the same his young confidante, Venetia Stan- ley, generally available, we can only breathless surmise. This book, covering the period manner, with between the outbreak of war passion as and her husband’s loss of office in December 1916, is certainly of evident as more value to historians than the memoir published nearly a hun- punctuation dred years ago. It has the merit of REVIEWS immediacy, with no evidence that is absent. the author attempted to revise her contemporary judgments in the Margot fre- light of later reflection, though The view from Downing Street she did occasionally add marginal quently comments at a later date. Further- Michael and Eleanor Brock (eds.), Margot Asquith’s Great more, the Brocks reveal the cava- War Diary 1914–1916: The View from Downing Street (Oxford employed lier way in which Margot used her diary as an aide-memoire in the University Press, 2014) underlining writing of her autobiography. But Review by David Dutton an uneasy question remains about – one, two or the diary’s worth as an historical cannot recall ever having characteristics, much misjudged’.1 source. Scholars who have worked had such an entertaining and Over the years that followed, Sir even three on the Liberal Party’s history in Ienjoyable hour’s conversation Walter would have cause to modify lines – to this period, even if they have not with anyone before.’ So wrote Sir his opinions, not least when Mar- used the diaries themselves, will be Walter Runciman, father of the got wrote to suggest that he might drive home familiar with Margot’s style. Her one-time Liberal cabinet minister finance the purchase of a new car letters, often scribbled in pencil, of the same name, after a meeting in for her personal use, as an alterna- her emphasis pepper the surviving private col- 1920 with Margot Asquith, second tive to her husband’s Rolls Royce, lections of her husband’s political wife of H. H. Asquith, then still and when in 1926 she suggested that and some- contemporaries. The diary is writ- leader of the Liberal Party. She was, Walter junior could become Liberal ten in the same breathless manner, judged Runciman, ‘a most like- leader in succession to her husband times her with passion as evident as punctua- able person, perfectly frank and, I and ‘Prime Minister whenever he tion is absent. Margot frequently think, taking into consideration her likes’, providing father and son indignation. employed underlining – one, two

Journal of Liberal History 87 Summer 2015 55 reviews

‘very quick, hopelessly uneducated but not ultimately convincing.’ and naif’ (pp. 31–2). ‘No cad that Within days, Holt was writing of was ever bred could have made a his suspicions of a ‘dirty intrigue’.6 viler speech’ than Law’s on the gov- Such alternative opinions of ernment’s temporary resolution Asquith cannot be ignored. Lady of the Irish problem in September Tree’s throwaway question to the 1914 (p. 38). His inclusion in the prime minister – shrewd jibe or coalition government after May merely a joke – ‘Do you take an 1915 clearly pained her: ‘I could not interest in the war?’ may have been help watching Bonar Law, and feel- extreme (p. c). But contemporary ing how tragic it was for Henry to observers and later commentators see this third-rate man, who had have judged that Asquith, often called him “liar”, “cheat”, “fraud” – befuddled by drink, probably failed every name under Heaven – sitting to devote himself with sufficient quietly there, wondering which energy to the national crisis and of his followers he would impose certainly did not convince others upon Henry’ (p. 123). Indeed, Mar- that he was doing so. Margot was got clearly held that the formation no doubt sincere in her belief that of the coalition involved the inclu- her husband was irreplaceable. But sion of a lesser breed inside the Brit- there was also a financial dimen- ish government. ‘What have we sion in her concern at the prospect gained by having Lansdowne?’ she of leaving Downing Street. World asked herself, ‘(charming, courtly, war had not curbed her notori- elderly, barren person); Bonar Law? ous extravagance. ‘If the Gov. is (provincial, ignorant, unreliable); going to break’, worried Margot, Austen Chamberlain? (sticky and ‘Where H., Puff, Eliz. and I would correct).’ live … I’ve never had less than 16 In contrast to such political pyg- servants, sometimes more, and my mies, Asquith’s stature was, in Mar- secretary Miss Way’ (p. 229). On got’s eyes at least, almost heroic. another occasion she expressed the or even three lines – to drive home ‘Henry knocks all the others into a hope that, after the war, Asquith her emphasis and sometimes her cocked hat’, she wrote in Novem- might be given Walmer Castle as indignation. But no one can read ber 1914. ‘His calm, sweetness of a residence for life, together with her words in the belief that here temper, perfect judgment, sympa- a generous pension. ‘He deserves was a sound and balanced observer thy, imagination and un-irritabil- everything the King can give him: of the political scene of which her ity have amazed me. I feel proud of of this there are not two opinions’ marriage to Herbert (or Henry, as being near so great a man’ (p. 49). (p. 100). she invariably called him) Asquith ‘Henry was born for this war’, she This book is full of minor gems, made her an intimate witness. The noted just over a year later (p. 222). throwing light on the extraor- Brocks’ own assessment that she And as late as the end of July 1916, dinary domestic bubble within was ‘an opinionated egotist, often she was convinced that ‘Henry’s which the wartime premier oper- inaccurate, the victim of flattery, position in the country and in the ated, not least Margot’s outrageous and occasionally prone to fantasy’ cabinet [was] stronger than it has attempts to influence the conduct is difficult to dispute. But their ever been’ (p. 273). The problem is of many of her husband’s minis- further contention that such dis- that such assessments are a long way ters. Her narrative, however, does advantages are outweighed by her from those of many, perhaps the not always serve to clarify. The advantage – ‘she was closer to the majority, of the prime minister’s account of Asquith’s final removal Prime Minister, and thus to the contemporaries and of subsequent from Downing Street is particu- centre of events, than anyone else’ – historians. Margot’s reaction to larly confusing. ‘I have no time is more open to challenge, not least her husband’s address to the parlia- for anything! I can’t write up my because she was so often mistaken mentary Liberal Party, explaining notes, so jump from date to date’, in her assessments of her husband the formation of the first coali- she confessed, and there is men- and his qualities (p. vii). tion, well illustrates the point. He tion of a separate volume, which Most notably, Margot failed to ‘made the most wonderful speech has not survived, containing ‘every appreciate the erosion of Asquith’s he ever made in his life’, insisted fact of the crisis’ (pp. 311, 297). The position as a wartime leader, still the ever-loyal Margot. When he Brocks’ editorial work is of a high less his inherent disqualifications had finished, ‘there was not a dry quality, though one or two mis- for such a role. She clearly took a eye, he had not only melted but takes have crept in. Jacky Fisher fairly dim view of the majority of moved all his men to the core’ (p. resigned from the Admiralty in her husband’s political contempo- 125). Richard Holt, MP for Hex- May 1915, not March, and it was raries, particularly – though not ham, was among those who were Prussian, not Russian, militarism exclusively – those in the Conserv- less enthusiastic: ‘The PM attended that Asquith condemned in his ative Party. Her dismissal of the an impromptu meeting of Liberal Guildhall speech in November 1914 Tory leader, Bonar Law, was espe- members … and alleged foreign (pp. 99, 302). More seriously, Glad- cially brutal: ‘He is cunning, cau- affairs of an unrevealable character stone’s first Home Rule Bill met its tious and shallow’, judged Margot; as his reason in a speech impressive fate in the Commons, not the Lords

56 Journal of Liberal History 87 Summer 2015 reviews as suggested. But, if we cannot nec- 1 Elshieshields Tower, papers of Sir outgoing Liberal leader, described essarily accept Margot’s self-assess- Walter Runciman, Sir W. Runciman Grey as ‘the young hope of the ment that she was ‘a sort of political to W. Runciman, 28 April 1920. party’ (p. 72). clairvoyant’ (p. xlvii), there can 2 Ibid., Sir W. Runciman to W. Runci- Though embarrassing party be no doubt that the editors have man 6 November 1926. leader, Henry Campbell-Banner- provided us with a rollicking good 3 Ibid., Sir W. Runciman to W. Runci- man, over his very public support read! man 28 April 1920. for the Boer War, and being one of 4 H. Nicolson, King George V (London, the ‘Relugas Compact’ conspira- David Dutton’s most recent book is 1952), p. 342. tors, Grey’s standing in the Liberal Tales From the Baseline: a History 5 K. Rose, George V (London, 1983), p. ranks ensured that he was offered of Dumfries Lawn Tennis Club 376. the post of foreign secretary shortly (2014) – a new departure for a student of 6 D. Dutton (ed.), Odyssey of an Edward- before the party’s election landslide twentieth-century British politics. ian Liberal (Gloucester, 1989), p. 38. of 1906. Grey accepted and retained the post until 1916. His tenure of the Foreign Office was characterised by closer relations with both France and Russia and a failure to achieve an understanding with Germany. Assessing Edward Grey After outstanding colonial disputes between Britain and France had Michael Waterhouse, Edwardian Requiem: A Life of Sir been settled, Grey, who was given Edward Grey (Biteback 2013) great latitude under both Campbell- Bannerman and Herbert Asquith, Review by Dr Chris Cooper emerged as one of the foremost champions of the Anglo-French he historical reputa- drawing upon fresh sources would entente. Though he inherited this tion of Sir Edward Grey be most welcome. But this reviewer policy from his Conservative pre- T(1862–1933) stands remark- was disappointed. The book offers decessor, he pursued it vigorously. ably high for a man whose efforts little beyond the existing knowl- He sanctioned formal military con- to maintain European peace as for- edge of Grey. Many readers will versations with the French, thereby eign secretary (1905–1916) failed understandably be interested in his enhancing Britain’s moral commit- in August 1914 with catastrophic political career and diplomacy. Yet ment to them whilst managing to consequences. Neville Chamber- fishing adventures and birdsong cultivate crossbench support for his lain, whose similar efforts failed repeatedly interrupt the narrative approach to foreign affairs. twenty-five years later, has not of important events in European Grey’s previous dealings with been afforded such a sympathetic history. Grey’s attachment to the German leaders bolstered his desire hearing. Michael Waterhouse’s country and wildlife should really for an Anglo-French rapproche- biography of Britain’s longest con- have been dealt with separately and ment. Convinced that ‘morals do tinuously serving foreign secre- more briefly. not count’ in German diplomacy tary reinforces the conventional Edward Grey was drawn from (p. 146), he refused to threaten a view of Grey: he strove admirably Whig stock. His most famous blossoming friendship with France to avert the seemingly unstoppa- ancestor was the second Earl Grey, for an agreement with Germany ble drift to war. He is depicted as ‘a prime minister when the 1832 which might have proved worth- first-class Foreign Secretary’ who Reform Act was passed. Grey less. He began warning the Ger- ‘prepared his country for the inevi- entered parliament in 1885 and, man ambassador about Britain’s table’ (p. 375). While Grey was less after establishing himself on the likely participation in a Franco- flamboyant than Liberal contem- imperialist wing of the party, he German war in defence of France poraries such as Winston Churchill became Lord Rosebery’s junior as early as January 1906. During and David Lloyd George, he is well minister at the Foreign Office in the Moroccan Crises of 1905–6 and remembered. The famous words 1892. Yet Waterhouse suggests 1911 Grey threw diplomatic sup- he uttered after the House of Com- that Grey was always a reluctant Waterhouse port behind the French, thereby mons had in effect sanctioned Brit- participant. He served in several strengthening the entente. Linked ain’s entry into war, ‘The lamps are governments only out of a sense is too ready to the Anglo-French accord was going out all over Europe. We shall of duty. Nonetheless, with the for- Grey’s advocacy of closer relations not see them lit again in our life- eign secretary in the Lords, Grey to defend with Russia, particularly granted time’, have been grafted on to Brit- explained the government’s pol- the two powers’ unresolved colo- ain’s national consciousness. This icy and answered questions in the a man he nial issues. This was a formidable was signified in August 2014, on the elected chamber. He had, there- clearly task, not least because many Lib- centenary of Britain’s declaration fore, assumed an important role erals loathed the autocratic tsarist of war, when the lights went out and he filled the post with distinc- admires and regime. Nonetheless, an entente across the UK and candles were lit tion. It was in this capacity that he was signed with Russia in 1907. in their place. made his celebrated declaration in is unwilling Grey then attempted to reach an With the last biography of Grey 1895, outlining British interests agreement with Germany. He was, being published four decades ago, on the River Nile to deter French to mete out however, thwarted in his attempts a fresh study taking account of his- expansionism. Before the turn of to slow the pace of German naval toriographical developments and the century William Harcourt, the criticism. construction and refused to

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