I

People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria

Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research

Larbi Ben M’hidi University, Oum El Bouaghi

Faculty of Letters and Languages

Department of English

Elizabethan England and the Islamic World:

Friendship Vs. Power

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Letters and Languages, Department of English in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master Degree in Anglo-American Studies

Presented by:

Bouzid Najia

Board of Examiners:

Mr. Dalichaouech Abderrahman Chairman University of Oum El Bouaghi

Mrs. Badi Rima Supervisor University of Oum El Bouaghi

Mr. Filali Bilel Examiner University of Oum El Bouaghi

Academic Year: 2019- 2020 I

Dedication

I dedicate this modest work to:

To the most precious treasure in my life, my dearest parents who always valued my

education and supported me to be the person I am today.

To my dear father Zidane whose words of encouragement and wisdom still and will

forever ring in my ears.

To my beloved mother Messaouda, I would have never been the person I am today without her endless love, constant support and prayers that accompanied me throughout my entire

educational career.

To my shelter, my brothers: Kamel Eddine, Saddam Houcine and Mohamed El Hadi without whom, I can’t imagine my life, I would like to thank them For their unconditional

love, Precious support and faithful trust since the day I was born.

To my sisters in law: Mouna Djihad and Manel for their positive energy and endless

encouragement.

To my little superhero, my nephew: Okba Nafaa, I love you to the moon and back.

To my first primary teacher: Mr. Ahmadi Allal who believed in the six years old Najia and

provided help until the end of the journey. To him I will be forever thankful.

To the best friends who used to be with me, to the best friends who are with me and to the best friends who will be with me, I am truly grateful for the moral support, advice and the

unforgettable moments we shared.

II

Acknowledgments

First and foremost, all praise is to ALLAH, the Most Gracious and the Most Merciful, who

gave me the guidance and the power to carry on this study.

Above all the people whom I owe to thank, the person I would like to express my sincere

appreciation and endless gratitude is my supervisor Mrs. Badi Rima. It is due to her patience, guidance, and critiques that this work is terminated and finally is at hand today.

I would like to express my most sincere thanks and gratitude to Dr. Maameri Fatima, for

her valuable help, advice and inspiration to accomplish this work.

Another person to whom I owe a real debt of gratitude is Mr. Bensedgua Abd El Kader,

from the Department of English at Yahia Fares University of Medea, whose valuable

support and encouragement through the years were unlimited.

My grateful thanks are also extended to all the teachers in the University of Yahia Fares of

Medea, and in the University of Laarbi Ben M’hidi of Oum El Bouaghi.

III

Abstract

It is undeniable that Protestant England came closer to the Islamic World under Queen

Elizabeth I than at any other time in its history up until today. This dissertation examines the split between Catholics and Protestants in the fifteenth century which led the pope to decide to excommunicate Elizabeth, and consequently, the catholic powers of Europe turned their back on her and cut her off. The late decision forced the queen to reconsider England’s position in the world, as she decided to ally England with the most powerful Muslim empires of Morocco, Persia and the Ottomans. These alliances shows how there was real enthusiasm for a Protestant-Islamic connection to oppose the papacy and the Catholic power of Spain, with different intentions between friendship and power, that results the rise of

England as mighty European power by the seventeenth century.

Keywords: Protestant England, the Islamic World, Catholic Europe, excommunication, alliances, friendship, power.

IV

Résumé

Il est incontestable que l’Angleterre Protestante s’est rapprochée du Monde Islamique sous le règne de la reine Elizabeth I plus ce que jamais de son histoire jusqu’à aujourd’hui.

Cette thèse examinera la rupture entre les Catholiques et les Protestants au XVe siècle qui a poussé le pape à excommunier Elizabeth, et par conséquent, les forces Catholiques de l’Europe lui ont tourné le dos et l’a rejetée. Cette décision a forcé la reine à reconsidérer la position de l’Angleterre dans le monde, alors elle décidait de s’allier aux empires musulmans les plus puissants tel que le Maroc, la Perse et les Ottomans. Ces alliances montrent le grand enthousiasme pour une relation Protestante-Islamique pour s’opposer à la papauté et au la force Catholique d’Espagne, avec des intentions différentes entre l’amitié et le pouvoir, résultant de la montée en puissance de l’Angleterre en tant que puissant pouvoir Européen à l’aube du XVIIe siècle.

Mots clés: Angleterre Protestante, Monde Islamique, Europe Catholique, excommunication, alliances, amitié, pouvoir.

V

الملخص

ال يمكن إنكار أن إنجلترا البروتستانتية تقربت من العالم اإلسالمي تحت حكم الملكة إليزابيث

األولى أكثر من أي وقت مضى في التاريخ حتى يومنا هذا. ستدرس هذه األطروحة االنشقاق بين

البروتستانت و الكاثوليك في أوروبا في القرن الخامس عشر, مما أدى البابا ليح ر م إليزابيث كن سيا . و

بنا ء على ذلك, أدرات لها القوى الكاثوليكية األوروبية ظهرها و تم نبذها عنهم. دفع القرار األخير

بالملكة إلعادة التفكير في مكانة إنجلترا في العالم, و قررت التحالف مع كل من: المغرب, الدولة

الفارسية و الدولة العثمانية اللواتي يعتبرن من أقوى الدول في العالم اإلسالمي. هذه التحالفات بي نت

مدى االندفاع الحقيقي من أجل العالقة بين البروتستانت و اإلسالم لمعارضة البابوية و القوة الكاثوليكية

اإلسبانية مع دوافع مختلطة بين الصداقة و النفوذ, مما أسفر عنه بروز إنجلترا كقوة أوروبية بحلول

القرن السابع عشر.

الكلمات المفتاحية: إنجلترا البروتستانتية, العالم اإلسالمي, أوروبا الكاثوليكية, التحريم الكن سي,

التحالف, الصداقة, النفوذ.

VI

List of Maps

Map 01: Major Routes of the Ancient Silk Road………………………………………....7

Map 02: A map of England, the Moroccan dynasty, the Ottoman Empire and the Persian

Empire in the 16th century…………………………………………………………………14

VII

Table of Contents

Dedication………………………………………………………………………………....I

Acknowledgements.……..………………………………………………… ……..……....II

Abstract……………………………………………………………………..…….……….III

Résumé…………………………………………………………………………...………..IV

V.....……………..……………………………………………………………………الملخص

List of Maps…………………………………………………………………………...…..VI

Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………....VII

General Introduction...... 1

Chapter One: Historical Background of the Islamic world and

England…………………………………………………………………………………4

Introduction……………………………………………………………………………….4

1. The Islamic Civilization: Historical Background……………………………………..4

1.1. The Ottoman Empire………………….…………………………………………..…..7

1.2. The Safavids Empire…………………………….…………………………………....9

1.3. The Moroccan Kingdom…………………………………….………………………..10

2. The British Civilization: Historical Background……………………………………….12

3. The Nature of Relations between Catholic Europe and Protestant England…...………14

4. Muslim-British Meeting Point…………………………………………………...……..18 VIII

Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………...27

Endnotes………………………………………………………………………….…...... 28

Chapter Two: Friendship Vs. Power………………………………………….…29

Introduction……………………………………………………………………………….29

1.The Alliance with Morocco…………………………………………………………...... 29

2. The Alliance with the Ottoman Empire………………………………………………...41

Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………...54

General Conclusion……………...…………………………………………………..55

Works Cited…………………………………………………………………………....57

IX

1

General Introduction

Queen Elizabeth I faced a lot of difficult diplomatic shifts in the wake of her excommunication in 1570. Having lost much of her previous access to the Catholic commerce, Elizabeth found new connections in fellow Protestant lands as well as the

Islamic world, notably the Ottoman Empire, the Persian Empire and the Moroccan

Kingdom. Elizabeth I reached out for Muslims for political and commercial reasons.

Moreover, she thought that both Protestantism and Islam were two sides of the same coin.

As a result, an unexpected Anglo-Islamic alliance followed. That alliance gave England the chance to send its first ambassadors to the Ottoman Empire, Persia and Morocco, noting the uneven growth of culture between the island nation and the Muslim powers.

However, after years from the interaction of England with the Islamic world, England flourished after engaging with the Islamic world in so many aspects. Many researches covered the relationship between the Elizabethan England and the Islamic world, and the exchanges between these two different worlds.

Therefore, the aim of this study is to uncover an important period of history, and to explain how the English interaction with the Muslims in the sixteenth century has helped it to rise again, in terms of economy and power, becoming a mighty power against the rest of a the Catholic Europe, and what are the difficulties that Elizabeth I went through to accomplish her goals.

In addressing the nature of relationship between England and the Islamic World during

Elizabeth I’s era, the dissertation primary objective is to answer the following questions: what were Elizabeth I’s true motives behind the alliance with Muslims? And what were the true colors of their relationship: Power or friendship? Why had Elizabeth I been obsessed by the Islamic world, that she chose them among all the powers in the world at that time? 2

How England was affected by the Islamic world, after years from England’s interaction with Muslims?

Accordingly, the research work is divided into two chapters. The theoretical chapter entitles “A Historical Background of the Islamic world and England.” It covers the historical background of both sides. It also tackles Queen Elizabeth’s reasons for choosing

Muslims as allies among all the powers at that time including her relationship with Europe during and after her excommunication, and a general view about how the alliance with the

Islamic World was done. The second chapter “Friendship Vs. Power” deals with the interaction of the Elizabethan England with the Ottomans and Moroccans in detail, it also unveils their impact on economy and power mainly. Answering the question of whether

Queen Elizabeth I intentions were power or friendship.

To answer the research questions and carry out the study, the research work is based on historical and analytical approaches following a chronological order. It is very helpful for the understanding of particular interpretations and conceptions of culture and economy, for a clear understanding for the overall exchanges between the Elizabethan England and the

Islamic world. In citation style, this Dissertation uses the 7th edition of the Modern

Language Association (MLA) format.

In this work, there are a couple of hypotheses suggested in order to answer the previous questions that would support firmly the aim of this research work. First, the main reasons that led Elizabeth I to reach out for the Muslim’s hand after getting the cold shoulder from the Catholic Europe. Second, the impact of the alliance with Muslims on England after their exchanges in the 16th century on economy and power mainly, and the fascinating shared history of East and West. 3

The Muslims interaction with England has been treated differently in the writings of

Muslims and Western historians. Therefore, this Dissertation relies on information from different backgrounds and uses a number of books and articles which has included primary or secondary sources that are useful in enriching this research.

Many researches have been conducted by Jerry Brotton, a professor of Renaissance studies at Queen Mary University of London; he details the shifts Elizabeth I maneuvered after her excommunication in 1570. Thanks to the greater number of resources from the

Western travelers, the narrative remains strongest when focusing on the East, however,

Brotton offers a glimpse of the impressions Muslim diplomats and traders made when visiting London. Contributing with a book, namely "The Sultan and the Queen"(2016), he drew the conclusion that the Muslims entered their great culture to England because of trade, in fashion and way of living mainly.

Another famous researcher is Professor Nabil Mattar, he also carried some researches that examined the transformation of the British thought and society after engaging with

Muslims. His book "Islam in Britain" study the alliance impact on England between 1558 and 1685, in addition to that, it also documents conversion to and from Islam and surveys reactions to these conversions, not only that but also examines the impact of Quraan and

Sufism on the British society.

However, this research is going to spot the light on the Queen Elizabeth’s motives to be interested in the advanced Islamic World, and specifically how England was clever in benefiting from interacting with Muslims and evolved through that experience in many important aspects.

4

Chapter One: Historical Background of the Islamic World and England

Introduction:

Nowadays, it is widely known for everyone how great the Islamic civilization was during their Golden age. When different cultures worked on making a revolution in all aspects of life, and were all united under the name of Islam to become a significant power in the world, while Europe on the other hand was a way behind it and saw Muslims as a threat.

This chapter provides an overview about the Islamic world and its three main great empires: Persia, Morocco and the Ottomans, and also about the England. The chapter also sheds the light on the European-English relationship and the reasons that led to their long division, consequently pushing Queen Elizabeth I to take her first steps to the foreign world out of Europe boundaries, to the Islamic World in Near East Asia and North Africa, starting new journey of alliances with the Muslims.

1. The Islamic Civilization: Historical Background

From the ninth century to the fifteenth century, the Islamic world was more advanced and more civilized than the Christian Western Europe. However; the form of the

Islamic world was not as a single state in the Middle Ages, but it was formed out of different states and Empires which had many things in common, making them all gathered and united. Noticing that the community of all Muslim believers shared a commitment to

Islam, which made them make religion and government much more closely connected than in feudal Europe (“The Islamic World in the Middle Ages”).

As a result of expansion, from the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries many thousands of

Turks and Mongols migrated throughout their lands from Central Asia into the Middle East to join the Islamic world and adopt Islamic religion (“The Islamic World in the Middle 5

Ages”). Including one of the most powerful empires at that time which are: the Safavids

Empire in Persia and the Ottoman Empire in southeastern Europe, neither of which were

Arab, joining forces together to create and mold the modern Islamic world.

The Islamic culture developed and flourished under the outgrowth and spread of the

Islamic world, becoming a significant force, helped by the spread of its culture, which was facilitated throughout the world by trade and political and religious missionaries.

Accordingly, it was due to their superiority in navigation, shipbuilding, astronomy, and scientific measuring devices that Arab and Muslim commerce and trade have crystallized and reached so many people throughout the world. This allowed the Muslims to control parts of the western Silk Road and powerful entities in the Red Sea, Persian Gulf, and

Indian Ocean maritime trade, allowing traders to travel and reach places as far as Sahara,

South Africa, China, Scandinavia, and Russia (Bassiouni). This cultural exchange for our modern economic field seems obvious and common, but at the time it was a completely new way of thinking about the world.

The Islamic civilization, on the other hand, is based on the values of knowledge and education stressed by both the Quran and the Prophet. The Islamic world was filled with great centers of religious learning, knowledge establishments and scientific development.

Such formal centers apparently started during the period of the Abbasids (750-1258 A.D.) when thousands of mosque school systems were developed, and rich and poor alike received free education (Khensal 7).

The Islamic scientific developments were therefore the foundation of knowledge in the world. And Islamic scholars were the ones who stepped in to preserve the ancient world's scientific and philosophical heritage from collapsing, not only that but it has been codified, systematized, explained, criticized, revised and finally, built on past contributions in the process of producing their own distinctive contributions (13). 6

Matter of fact, without the cultivation of science in these early centuries from the second half of the eighth century to the end of the fourteenth century, it is likely that texts which later exercised as important developmental impact over Western culture would never have survived. Not only that but at that time the Muslim scholars left behind important and lasting contributions in astronomy, ethics, mechanics, music, medicine, physics, and philosophy. It was remarkable that between the ninth and fifteenth centuries the Islamic culture, knowledge, scholarship, and science fed the formation of the Western world over five hundred years (14).

Consequently, in the early fifteenth century the extent of Muslim presence in the

Eastern Hemisphere was significant, and that was a period of great realignments and expansions, producing three of the largest empires in world history. Muslims ruled over relatively tiny kingdoms from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the Balkans to Sumatra

(“The rise of Islamic empires and states”). But the most significant powers were: the

Ottoman Empire, the Safavids Empire and the Moroccan Saadian Dynasty.

The following map shows the already mentioned network of trade routes between

Europe, Asia and Africa, which is also known as the Silk Road in the 14th century. It is considered as one of the main reasons behind the spread of Islam, and a significant mutual ground for merchants from the three continents at that time.

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Map 01: Major Routes of the Ancient Silk Road

Source: IXL.com. Web. 14 Feb. 2020.

1.1. The Ottoman Empire

The Ottomans had been one of the world's greatest and most powerful civilizations.

Especially during their glorious moment in the sixteenth century that showed the meaning of human creativity and art through the empire they built. It was the largest and most influential out of all Muslim empires at that time, and its culture and military expansion crossed over into Europe, Africa and Asia.

The Ottomans emerged from Anatolia in western Turkey; by 1300 they ruled a small military state in western Anatolia, and by the fifteenth century they managed to gather their lines. In 1402, the Ottomans relocated their capital to Edirne in Europe, where the

Byzantine Empire was threatened by them. For many years Constantinople, its capital, seemed to be resisting every siege and every invasion by Muslim powers. But the

Ottomans wanted to break that cycle, not only would Constantinople's invasion embody a 8 powerful symbol of Ottoman power; it would make the Ottomans the masters of east-west economic activity (Hooker).

In 1453, Constantinople was finally taken over by Sultan Mehmed (r. 1451-1481), who was called "The Conqueror," and renamed it, Istanbul. From that point on, Ottoman

Empire's capital moved to Istanbul under the rule of the Ottoman sultans, becoming one of the world's richest, most cultured and beautifully architectured, the most energetic and innovative city. The Ottoman Empire expanded significantly under Sultan Selim I (r. 1512-

1520), but it was under his son, Sultan Suleyman (r. 1520-1566), known in Islamic history as "The Lawmaker," and in Europe as "The Magnificent," that the empire reached its greatest expansion over Asia and Europe (Morris).

Sultan Mehmed has undertaken to turn Istanbul into the center of Islamic civilization.

He began a series of building projects, with over 190 mosques, 24 schools, 32 bathhouses and 12 markets erected, transforming the city from a Greek city into a Muslim capital with one of the world's largest building projects of that century. Nevertheless, the urban transformation was further developed under the rule of Mehmed's grandson Sultan

Suleyman, thanks mainly to the outstanding achievements of the architect Mimar Sinan, who built over 120 buildings and mosques that are considered the greatest architectural triumphs of Islam and possibly of the world (Brotton 81).

Nonetheless, the Ottomans established a number of practices and institutions in the central government surrounding the Sultan, in order to ensure justice in the quarters of the empire. The most important of these was the creation of a bureaucracy and a set of rigid rules formed by the inner circle of the Sultan. In turn this bureaucracy governed the local governments. Along with other institutions and political practices, such as: the observance of the government, public declaration of laws and taxes and the public opinion. However, 9 in the Ottoman experience of government, everything that represents the state government is issued from the hands of the Sultan himself (Hooker).

1.2. The Safavids Empire

The Ṣafavids Empire began in the Azerbaijan region of Iran. It was named after its founder, Shaykh Ṣafī al-Dīn Arbadili (1253–1334), who was known as a local holy man.

During the 15th century, by asserting that they were the Sufi “perfect men” of their time as well as descendants and representatives of the last imam “Hassen”; Persia was weak and divided under the Timurid dynasty, which has encouraged their rulers to rise. They reinforced support from Turkish tribes inside Iran and attracted support outside Iran, particularly from eastern Anatolia, Syria, the Caucasus, and Transoxania to expand their forces (Brotton 47).

By 1501 the Ṣafavids were able to defeat the rulers of northern Iran, where their fourteen-year-old leader Ismail I (r. 1501–1524) had proclaimed himself as the first shah of

Persia, making Tabriz the capital of the Safavids Empire (47). By 1510, Ismail had conquered all of Iran (to approximately its present frontiers) as well as the Fertile Crescent.

At the crossroads of trade that had supported nearly all Islamic empires, the Safavids

Empire prospered living off its position.

During his son's reign, Shah Tahmasp (r. 1524-1576) transformed Qazvin's city from a

Sunni to the center of Shi'ite political and religious power. Royal baths, cisterns and bazaars were built, as well as a completely new royal garden complex to the north of the city, known as Sa'ādatābād, with palaces, promenades, canals and polo and archery parade grounds (Conan 113-120).

Even during the reign of the greatest Safavid shah, Abbas I (r. 1588–1629), the state further prospered. Abbas expressed his new position by moving his capital around 1597-98 to Esfahān in Fārs, which has become as one of the most beautiful cities in the world. It 10 included a royal patronage, numerous palaces, gardens, mosques, schools, caravans, workshops and public baths. It was there that Abbas received diplomatic and commercial visits from Europeans, in exchange for war materials (“The rise of Islamic empires and states”).

1.3. The Moroccan Kingdom:

The Saadian Dynasty of Morocco ruled Morocco after taking down the Wattasids

Dynasty, and making Marrakech their capital. They were considered as one of the most famous powers in North Africa during the sixteenth century. Especially after achieving significant victories against the Portuguese and Ottoman powers, which helped it rise in many fields. In addition to that, Morocco has always enjoyed a strategic position in North

Africa, possessing long shores in both the Mediterranean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, especially when the new sea road to East India was explored through the Cape of Good

Hope, which increased the importance of the Atlantic Ocean. All the previous mentioned reasons made Morocco under Spain and Portugal’s conquest threat, for both tried to invade it for many centuries.

By the beginning of the 16th century, Morocco faced various difficulties in its commercial exchanges, including falling of agribusinesses, foreign invasion from

European countries and much worst the division of the country which led to the collapse of the Wattasids Dynasty, and thereby the rising of the Saadian dynasty (Amer and Fares 33).

According to El-Nasri, historians refer to the origins of the Saadians to be descendants of the Prophet Muhammed (PBUH), which was one of the main reasons that people pledged allegiance to Mohamed El-Kaim as their Prince in 1510 thinking they are the true Muslims

Khalifat rather than the Ottomans (8).

The Saadians were able to unite the south of Morocco under the leadership of

Mohammed Al-Sheikh, and then they gathered their armed forces and moved to the north 11 to take it back from Portuguese hands, eventually they spread their power, united Morocco once again and retrieved Eastern and Southern trade roads. After that they faced the

Ottoman threat, who were expanding their territories in North Africa, but peace was kept through sending ambassadors and gifts, even the rise of conflicts with Eastern Europe kept the Ottoman Empire busy from them (Zerouala and Markoun 36-38).

In 1578 the king of Portugal Don Sebastian (r. 1557-1578) led his forces to conquer

Morocco, but they were faced fiercely by the Moroccans who recruited a large number of soldiers provided with developed weapons. The Moroccan Saadian army achieved a decisive victory in the Battle of Alcazar, which helped on strengthening Morocco’s stature and enhancing its prestige (Harkat 25).

This victory provided material benefits that were reflected positively on the economic and military fields and the country entered a period of prosperity, stability and renovation under the reign of Mulay Ahmed Al-Mansour (r. 1578–1603). As a result, the country’s resources expanded significantly, including spoils of war, Zakat, various taxes, exploiting the mines, benefiting from the agricultural side especially sugar and saltpeter. The military forces were also empowered and developed since it is an effective tool in policing, keeping security and defending the country (25).

On the other hand, Morocco also witnessed the spread of the intellectual and cultural movement from Andaloucia and North Africa, consequently, the diffusion of private and public libraries. In addition to the spread of architectural movement by expanding, renovating and improving the Moroccan-Andaloucian architecture with adding their

Saadian touch 1 (Amer and Fares 59). Consequently, these different movements helped

Morocco to prosper again, from being a divided country to one of the most powerful empires in North Africa.

12

2. The British Civilization: Historical Background

In the period from the ninth century until the fifteenth century, Europe was living in the middle ages. The term was first used by 15th century scholars to define the period between the fell of Rome in 476 CE and the beginning of the Renaissance in the 14th century. The

Catholic Church became the most powerful institution in the European world after the fall of Rome, even the kings and queens’ main source of power was from alliances with the church and the provided protection from it. Unlike the Islamic world, scholars describe that at that time Europe was drowning in ignorance, superstition, social oppression and lack of creativity (“Middle Ages”).

England then was under the rule of the Normans. However, conditions in it were similar to those in Europe, where the Church was mighty and wealthy. The English system of government was known as the feudal system, where the king, who owned all the land, divided it in exchange for protection between the Barons and the Church. This system later led to a social class system in England, resulting in a civil war and uprisings in England

(“Britain in the Middle Ages (1066-1485)”).

By the thirteenth century, a new agreement was created that is the Magna Carta, to limit the power of the king. In other words, it was the beginning of democracy and the legal system in Britain. Later on the parliament was also established, where the early kings called for meetings with local representatives 2, second assembly was also created which included meetings with barons and bishops instead 3(“An Introduction to Medieval

England (1066-1485)”).

In the early Middle Ages the economy was based largely on agriculture. England achieved self-sufficiency in cereals, dairy products and beef, so its international economy was based on the trade in wool, in which wool was exported to the textile cities of Flanders in Western Europe where it was produced into cloth. The English society also flourished in 13 the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, where cities grew in size, new hospitals were built and trade was developed, due in part to the better coinage and growth of the wool trade. This led to the establishment of an English textile industry by the fifteenth century (“An

Introduction to Medieval England (1066-1485)”).

Technology and science in England also advanced significantly during the Middle

Ages; giving much credit to the Greek and Islamic thinking that reached England by the twelfth century, including the introduction of Arabic numerals and their translations of ancient Greek books. The universities of Oxford and Cambridge were established during the twelfth century, based on the model of the developed Islamic Universities (Khensal

11).

As a result, in the second half of the fourteenth century, prominent historical and science texts began to be translated into English for the first time. Accordingly, at the end of this period William Caxton created the first printing press in England, and even books began to be produced in English. The printing process was useful in establishing a standard form of English. It also helped the spread of education and the ideas of the Renaissance

(Matar and MacLean 31).

The English Renaissance was the Age of Discovery and exploration of the westward venture to America and trading with the East, which has dramatically changed England and the world’s history. In this particular era England entered in commercial, diplomatic and social engagement with the Islamic empires, when the other European countries shared limited trading relation only with them.

14

Map 02: A map of England, the Moroccan dynasty, the Ottoman Empire and the

Persian Empire in the 16th century.

Source: Brotton, Jerry. The Sultan and the Queen: The Untold Story of Elizabeth and Islam. New York: Penquin Books, 2017. W. 23 June 2020.

3. The Nature of Relations between Catholic Europe and Protestant

England:

Since the reign of King Henry VIII and afterwards, England faced several religious modifications. In order to legalize his divorce and marry Anne Boleyn, King Henry VIII established the protestant reformation after being subject to the Roman Catholic Church. In addition to that, he was recognized as the head of English church, being completely against the Catholic Europe (Benson 79).

Then during the reign of his son Edward, the language used by the Catholic Church in the Book of Common Prayer was modified. Queen Mary I decided to cancel all the 15 reformations after he died, and reinstated Catholicism in England. Unexpectedly, English people resisted her new order to change their faith, which made Mary have an aggressive campaign against anyone who opposed her orders, resulting in killing hundreds of

Protestant for heresy. Mary’s policy led to the division of the country due to religious conflicts (79).

After the accession of Queen Elizabeth in November 1558, plans for the new queen coronation started, which took place in Westminster Abbey on January 15, 1559. However, it was different than anyone before, as Elizabeth preformed the coronation ceremony in both Protestant and Catholic principles and rituals. The justification behind what Elizabeth did is that she tried to please all the sides, since England was theologically divided. She realized that England needed to be united under one church, the Protestant Anglican

Church, without the English Catholics being provoked. Yet, as England began progressing,

Elizabeth suffered from conspiracies against her from Catholics, inside and outside

England (Brotton 43).

In an attempt to keep England Catholic during that period of religious conflicts, King of

Spain Philip II proposed to marry his sister-in-law after his wife passed away as a "service to God." However, Elizabeth declined Phillip's offer as he was her brother-in-law as

Loades maintained in his work Elizabeth I: A Life. Besides that, she wanted to end his influence over the English affairs (138).

Two months later, on March 3, 1559, Spain and France agreed to sign the Cateau-

Cambrésis Treaty, with a view to end the hostility between the two kingdoms and unite against Protestantism. On the other hand, Elizabeth reformed the Book of Common Prayer as the official order of worship and restored the oath of supremacy which recognized her as

"the Church's Supreme Governor" (138). These actions were more of a compromise to 16 unite the country, but they helped further in isolating Elizabethan England from the rest of

Catholic Europe, which was totally against Protestantism.

Despite Elizabeth's intention to unify the country and her policy of tolerance towards the Catholic citizens, they considered her to be an illegitimate monarch, as the marriage of her parents is false under Catholic law. According to them, the legitimate heir to the

English throne was Mary Stuart her Catholic cousin. Consequently, nobles from the north revolted against her in order to overthrow Elizabeth and put Mary in power. According to

Benson, as an action from Europe to support the Northern Rebellion, Pope Pius V (1504–

1572) issued a papal bull which is an official proclamation, excommunicating Elizabeth and pardoning her Catholic subjects from obeying her and ask them to resist her, or they will be excommunicated too (81-82).

The bull condemned “Elizabeth, the pretended Queen of England” for “having seized on the kingdom and monstrously usurped the place of Supreme Head of the Church in all

England …the said kingdom into a miserable and ruinous condition, which was so lately reclaimed to the Catholic faith” under Queen Mary and Philip (“Pope Pius V’s Bull

Against Elizabeth”).

It mentioned a list of sins that happened because of Elizabeth’s legislation in the late

1550s, including the abolition of “Catholic rites and ceremonies,” the introduction of prayer books “to be read through the whole realm containing manifest heresy,” and other

“impious rites and institutions, by herself entertained and observed according to the prescript of Calvin.” It concluded: “We do out of the fullness of our Apostolic power declare the aforesaid Elizabeth as being a heretic and a favourer of heretics, and her adherents in the matters aforesaid, to have incurred the sentence of excommunication, and to be cut off from the unity of the Body of Christ. And moreover We do declare her to be deprived of her pretended title to the kingdom aforesaid.” The bull issued one last 17 particularly divisive edict: “We do command and charge all and every noblemen, subjects, people, and others aforesaid that they presume not to obey her or her orders, mandates, and laws.” (“Pope Pius V’s Bull Against Elizabeth”); however, the bull arrived to England only after the rebellion was suppressed.

In 1570 the Italian Roberto di Ridolfi and Duke Thomas Howard led a conspiracy to kill

Queen Elizabeth, but their plot was discovered. King Philip II supported this plot; after it failed he sent support again to the second rebellion against the English in 1579. This time

Elizabeth was forced to abandon the tolerance policy, becoming more severe towards the

Catholics. Consequently, in 1580, Pope Gregory XIII amended the original bull, stating that Catholics ought to obey the orders of the queen except religious ones (“Elizabethan

Plots and Rebellions”).

To secretly manage to support the Catholic community, Pope Gregory sent two priests to England: Edmund Campion and Robert Person. Unfortunately, Campion was captured and charged with treason, he tried to explain that his intentions were not political but simply to serve the needs of the Catholics. And yet Elizabeth has not really trusted him and the ones behind him, thinking he is on a mission to rebel against her. Campion was executed and his body was severely disfigured which only caused more tensions

(“Elizabethan Plots and Rebellions”).

Benson stated in her book Elizabethan World: Primary Sources that, during the 1580s, enemity between England and Spain increased. As Catholic Spain was the wealthiest and most powerful country in the world, it had benefited from trading and seizing treasures from the Americas according to the Treaty of Tordesillas. When English ships attempted to trade in the Caribbean in the 1560s, Spain attacked them. Elizabeth was already not satisfied with the fact of Spain’s support for the Ridolfi conspiracy; as a result, she gave secret permission to her English captains to raid Spanish ships and territories in the 18

Americas. While in Europe, more Catholic conspiracies were plotted against the Queen that she discovered later on. These plots were organized by France and Spain to place

Mary Stuart on the throne, which resulted later on her execution for treason in 1587 (87).

This hostility, according to Brotton, made the queen start looking for an alternative solution and new markets via the north-east passage rather than the European powers.

Queen Elizabeth faced more difficulties in the Muscovy Company, where there was a serious shortage of personnel. After the death of Willoughby, Chancellor and Cabot, the only person who had enough experience and qualifications to develop the Elizabethan trade with the east was Anthony Jenkinson. He was a businessman who has worked in the

Low Countries and Levant with English agents. Later on, he helped with the first diplomatic exchanges between England and the East (44).

4. Muslim-British Meeting Point:

The kind of nature of English involvement with the Islamic world during Elizabeth I's reign was incredible. The main reason behind such an engagement was Catholic Europe, in other words it has become a threat that consequently turned on Elizabeth's diplomatic hand to look for an ally to counteract with it beyond the usual European territories. The Queen's desire for such an ally was great, due to the need of saving the economy of the country and strength its position against Europe. Elizabeth was eager to the point where she was conducting personally with Muslim leaders to achieve her goals which was completely unexpected step. According to Matar and MacLean, an English merchants’ expedition in

1553 discovered a north-eastern route that facilitated direct trade with Russia, which later led to the establishment of the Muscovy Company for trade with the Russians, while at the same time attempting to find ways to Persia and Central Asia (64).

In 1557, Jenkinson led the journey to Russia via the White Sea as the Muscovy

Company's new leader, after they arrived; he succeeded in persuading Emperor Ivan the 19

Terrible to give him commercial access to the Caspian Sea and trade with Persia. Leading an expedition through the Caspian Sea, he landed in Bukhara facing challenges in reaching

Persia due to the political , commercial and religious conflicts between them, leaving it and returning home in 1560 (Morgan and Coote 30, 77).

According to Brotton, Jenkinson reported the possibility of trading with Persia to the directors of the Muscovy Company, which can be of financial benefit to England. As

Elizabeth came to the throne facing nearly £ 300,000 of national debt, both the Queen and the company supported the return trip to Persia. Preparations for the next voyage to Persia had been made in the following spring of 1561, and they sailed to Russia. Elizabeth has written a letter to the "Great Sophy of Persia" requesting safe passage and trading privileges for her expedition crew. That letter is considered as the first one ever Elizabeth wrote to a Muslim ruler. However, the queen’s knowledge about this Empire’s religion, politics and ruler was limited (54). Her letter began:

Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queen of England, &c. To the right

mighty and right victorious Prince, the great Sophy, Emperor of the

Persians, Medes, Parthians, Hyrcanes, Carmanarians, Margians, of the

people on this side, and beyond the river of Tigris, and of all men, and

nations, between the Caspian sea, and the gulf of Persia, greeting.

(Morgan and Coote 112-114)

Elizabeth did not mention the fact that she was seeking an alliance with them, promising the shah that her intentions are only to establish trade between the two countries. She expected that if Jenkinson was granted in Persia “good passports and safe conducts the almighty God will bring it to pass…that neither the earth, the seas, nor the heavens, have so much force to separate us, as the godly disposition of natural humanity, and mutual benevolence have to join us together” (112-114). 20

Jenkinson took his last journey to the Persian Empire's path, and reached there in

August 1562. Upon his arrival he met Shah Tahmasp's governor and advisor, Abdullah-

Khan Ustajlu. After being well hosted by the Muslims, Jenkinson was fascinated by the goods in Persian markets especially the beautiful fabrics and the golden silken garments that he wore during his trip there (140).

Shah Tahmasp was a pious king who managed, unlike his father Shah Ismail, to unify the political and religious boundaries of his empire, rather than expanding them (Babayan

300). When Jenkinson arrived in November 1562 at Qazvin, the imperial capital, he was granted an audience with the shah in his palace. The shah received him and had a discussion with him, where each one of them presented himself, noticing the difference between Sunni Ottomans and Shia Persians (Morgan and Coote 145-150).

Jenkinson, however, had a kind of difficulty winning the satisfaction of the shah. After he presented Elizabeth's letter to the shah, hoping he will agree to give free passage to

English merchants in his territories, bring their commodities, and carry theirs away. The

Shah held a defensive position, considering them as unbelievers and having no idea about his country and its ruler, and concluded the interview by refusing his offer declaring:

“Oh thou unbeleever sayd he, we have no neede to have friendship with the unbelievers.”

(150-153)

Anyhow, Jenkinson realized that there must be other reasons rather than the different theology between them. The real reason behind the Shah’s rejection is that only four days before Jenkinson reached Qazvin, a Turkish ambassador arrived to ratify the new peace treaty between the two powers. As it all goes back to when Bayezid fled to Qazvin asking for shelter after being defeated by Sultan Suleyman’s army. Bayezid was killed after an act of political filicide in 1561, where the Shah benefited from by renewing Treaty of Amasya with the Ottoman forces (Mitchell 40, 58). 21

As Jenkinson later on discovered that, that Ottoman ambassador had consulted resident

Turkish merchants in one of his early voyages in Aleppo, saying that since he is Frank he would destroy their business. Jenkinson knew, of course, that the shah had been persuaded to reject him as a Frank who came from the enemy nation to the Ottomans. In other circumstances, Shah Tahmasp would obviously grant trading privileges to Jenkinson, if it were not for the ties with the Ottoman Empire. Before setting off the journey back to

England in 1564, Jenkinson benefited from a trade agreement with the Shah’s cousin

Abdullah-Khan, which was considered better than nothing (Morgan and Coote 146, 156).

Later, following Elizabeth's order of excommunication in 1570, the Catholic powers of

Europe limited the English merchants' commercial access to their ports and towns. In response to the increasing economic crisis that effected them in a negative way, a group of merchants came together and suggested to ask the queen’s permission for the possibility of direct trade in the East, since the Venetians and Spaniards had always acted as middlemen in eastern trade, and most of the goods passed through their ports, and eventually the queen approved their request (Brotton 3).

According to Brotton, in the spring of 1579, after being sent from his queen as an

English merchant, William Harborne arrived in Constantinople, requesting the Ottomans for commercial privileges for his country. Thus a letter to Queen Elizabeth I of England arrived in London by September 1579. In a fancy way the letter was wrapped, in a beautiful capsule, and dusted with gold. The Ottoman sultan Murad III composed it in

Ottoman Turkish. That marked the very first communication between an Ottoman sultan and an English monarch (1).

It took six months for the letter to get from Constantinople to London, where it was presented with a Latin translation. The letter was written in a form of an order to a subject, and addressed directly “Command to Elzabet, who is the queen of the domain of Anletar.” 22

Murad mentioned to Elizabeth that he has been updated about the arrival of her “merchants of those parts coming to our divinely protected dominions and carrying on trade.” He issued that if “her agents and merchants shall come from Anletār by sea with their ships, let no one interfere” (1). This means that as long as Elizabeth is prepared to accept the superiority of Murad and function as his subject, he will accept and protect her merchants in his territories.

As a result, Elizabeth and her advisers decided to accept the Sultan’s indirect request in order to get the commercial privileges later, so she sent her response in a letter, which has arrived to the Ottoman lands in October 1579. The queen began the letter by praising on herself and the Ottoman Sultan then thanked him for writing to her:

Elizabeth by the grace of the most mighty God, the only Creator of

heaven and earth, of England, France and Ireland Queen, the most

invincible and most mighty defender of the Christian faith against all kind

of idolatries, of all that live among the Christians, and falsely profess the

name of Christ, unto the most imperial and most invincible prince, Zuldan

Murad Chan, the most mighty ruler of the kingdom of Turkey, sole and

above all, the most sovereign monarch of the East Empire, greeting, and

many happy and fortunate years… (Skilliter 69)

Elizabeth indirectly tried to convince Murad that she shared his hatred of Catholic

"idolatry" as a false religion. But her main objective was to establish a commercial relationship and ties with the Ottomans, as she wrote to him as his subject in order to provide her with access for the English merchants to trade in his Ottoman territories’ land and sea (69-70).

Brotton argues in his book the Sultan and the Queen that Elizabeth, shortly before writing her first letter to Murad, authorized the creation of the first joint-stock company in 23

England, a model that would be recreated by her traders in Turkey. The idea was simple enough: given the cost and uncertainty of setting off on long eastward expeditions, her merchants are contracted to share both the costs and the future earnings in relation to their capital investment (3). In which she presented a new business concept, and a new business model.

The alliance with the Queen Elizabeth was, for the Ottoman sultan Murad, a small part of a much larger geopolitical world picture (4), as he was much younger and less experienced than her. Murad was in throne when the Ottoman Empire was at its height, when it was still ruling North Africa, central Asia, the Middle East and the Balkans, while at the same time facing eastward threat from the Safavid dynasty of Persia, revolts against the Ottoman rule in the Balkans and challenges from Spain and the Holy Roman Empire in

Europe and even conspiracies from within his government and palace. The situation of

Murad was weak, which made him eventually delegate his governors to allow the control of his chief consort, sultana Safiye to exercise her political power within the royal palace

(Finkel 166).

Queen Elizabeth exchanged letters with Sultana Safye that Richard Wrag Hakluyt made some of them public in 1598–1600 (Matar and MacLean 45). These letters created a personal interaction between the two powers, where each side sought to achieve a common ground for mutual interests. By contrast, three letters from Safiye to Elizabeth are particularly revealing, the first one was a formal letter that dating back to 1593, a

‘showpiece of rhetoric’ as Skilliter’s describe it in her book Documents from Islamic

Chanceries, the two later personal letters are from 1599 (125).

According to Matar and MacLean, it was written in response to Elizabeth's request to grant Edward Barton full ambassadorial status, Safiye's letter of 1593 is a work of calligraphic art written in a rhyming prose with poetic comparisons (47). Over half of the 24 letter was devoted to praise Elizabeth for writing a special letter (Skilliter 123), however;

Elizabeth's answer has not survived, Richard Hakluyt reports in Principal Navigations that

Elizabeth had sent Safiye ‘jewelries like rubies and diamantes, great pieces of gilt plate, a collection of cloth of gold, a case of silver glasses, bottles of silver and gilt with two pieces of fine Holland’. According to Hakluyt, Safiye was so happy with the queen’s presents

‘that she sent to know of the ambassador what present he thought she might return that would most delight her majestie’. Hakluyt mention that, after receiving Barton’s reply, sultana Safiye sent Elizabeth “an upper gowne of cloth of gold very rich, an under gowne of cloth of silver, and a girdle of Turkie worke, rich and faire, with a letter of gratification, which for the rarenesse of the stile, because you may be acquainted with it, I have at the end of this discourse hereunto annexed” (8).

Safiye's gifts and letter arrived on August 10, 1593 and were presented at a ceremony held in Greenwich (147), according to Skilliter. The letter is considered to be a formal document; it begins with praise of God and the Prophet PBUH, giving many titles to Sultan

Murad and claiming his mighty power. Yet it presents her powerful status as well as she states “on the part of the mother of Sultan Murad Khan’s son”, moving to Elizabeth by describing her as powerful character despite her gender but as a ruler. After the long praising Safiye thanks Elizabeth for her letter and personalized gifts, concluding the letter by asking the queen to keep writing to her in person so that “I can repeatedly mention Her

Highness’s gentility and praise at the footdust of His Majesty, the fortunate and felicitious

Padishah” (132). Elizabeth benefited later on a lot from her alliance with the Ottomans and strengthened her position with their help.

With the rising tensions between England and Catholic Europe with increased hostility, it was of course extremely beneficial to seek other strong relationships not only with the

Ottoman Empire, but also with the Muslims of the Moroccan Kingdom in North Africa. 25

The only Arabic Islamic ruler Elizabeth reached was Mulay Ahmad Al-Mansur (r. 1578–

1603), the Sherif of the Saadian dynasty of Morocco. Numerous letters from Al-Mansur to

Elizabeth have survived, along with an account by his court scribe and historian, Abd Al-

Aziz Al-Fishtali (1549–1621). The royal correspondence and the writings of Al-Fishtali reveal the first friendship developed in the early modern period between an Arabic Muslim and a Christian monarch (Matar and MacLean 49).

After Mulay Ahmad Al-Mansur get to be on the Moroccan throne in August 1578, followed by the victory in the battle of Alcazar against the Portuguese, the king of

Morocco kept an eye on the English queen. Actually, he was taking pre-cautions since a group of English and Irish soldiers had joined King Sebastian and fought against him in the battle of Alcazar. Nevertheless, an English messenger arrived in Marrakesh to congratulate

Al-Mansur on his victory and accession to the throne, bringing presents that were considered so insignificant (50).

But as soon as Al-Mansur became threatened by the Ottomans and the Spanish powers trying to conquer his kingdom, he turned to countries like France, Holland, and England for support. All were Spain's enemies, and they needed access to the natural resources that only existed in North Africa, and only Morocco could provide them with: saltpetre for manufacturing gunpowder, gold, sugar and leather. England was the most cooperative when compared to the other European countries, besides sharing the same hatred and threat from the same enemy (50).

According to Matar and MacLean in Britain and the Islamic World, Al-Mansur sent

Elizabeth a letter on June 23, 1580, opening with five lines of honorary titles, praising her as the greatest among those who follow Christ's 'religion'. With eloquence and flattery, Al-

Mansur wrote promising that English merchants in his dominions would receive all the help they needed “As you are doing the best to facilitate our affairs there [in England], so 26 will we do the same for you here” (51). The Moroccan ruler therefore called for an increase in trade and for the establishment of diplomatic cooperation with England.

By 1583, when advising Elizabeth about her political options regarding the ongoing situation with Spain, Lord Burghley suggested that an alliance with Morocco could well

‘serve your Majesty’ (51). Elizabeth had strategic interests in the western Mediterranean and Atlantic, which required strong cooperation with Morocco. In July 1585, she authorized the establishment of the Barbary Company for trading in the North African coast (Collins 5).

In order to build closer ties with the Islamic world, in particular the Barbary States and the Ottoman Empire, Queen Elizabeth, Matar argues in Islam in Britain, "encouraged her merchants to export numerous types of military equipment to the Turks ... and gunpowder"

(124). On the Moroccan side, England used to import saltpeter and sugar for timber and military supplies. At that time, Saltpeter was so hard to obtain in Europe, while in Barbary and Persia was in abundance. So when Queen Elizabeth knew that saltpeter can be imported from Morocco, she did not hesitate to allow her agents to bring the required quantities home, as long as ships "should not be allowed to pass into Portuguese or Spanish hands." (Bovill 49)

With these ongoing cross-cultural exchanges, Matar maintains in his book Islam in

Britain that Queen Elizabeth was the "first English monarch to cooperate openly with the

Muslims and allow her subjects to trade and interact with them without being liable to prosecution for dealing with the" infidels "(19). In order to make this venture possible,

Elizabeth was forced to reject a direct decree issued by the Pope, which forced a complete ban on the trade with Muslim states in war materials (Bovill 158). As she realized that having strong connections with the Islamic world was for the benefit of her country and the 27 people. However; by ignoring the Papal decision, the Queen was consequently responsible for whatever action from Catholic European countries.

Conclusion:

To sum up, the Islamic world flourished in various fields during the Golden Age, becoming more universal by reflecting that progress on the western world. However, on the other hand, in England Queen Elizabeth I was having her own battle with the Catholics from within her country and all over Europe.

Despite all the challenges she faced, Queen Elizabeth I was eager to place England on the map of international affairs, by being an active personal correspondence with the Shah of Persia Tahmusp, with Ottoman sultans like Mehmed III, and the incredibly powerful

Ottoman harem women Safiye, and with the King of Morocco Al-Mansour. Even though

Elizabeth's ambition to maintain direct trade with Persia through a north-eastern sea passage failed, her status as a Protestant queen proved useful as her religion allied her with other Muslim rulers against Catholic nations. Elizabeth I confirmed to be personally active and involved in matters of her country's international diplomacy, with different motives of friendship and power that will be discussed in detail in the following chapter.

28

Endnotes

1All translations included here are my personal translations.

2 Barons rebelled under the leadership of Simon de Montfort against King Henry II, and after the Battle of Lewes in 1264; Simon de Montfort took control of the council. The following year Simon de Montfort expanded Parliament by calling two knights from each county and two burgesses from each town to the Model Parliament. It was called 'model' because this became normal. After 1327 they became a permanent part of Parliament, and after 1332 they sat in one chamber and became known as the House of Commons. “House of Lords.” Spartacus Educational. N.d. Web. 20 Sep. 2020.

3 In 1275 King Edward I called a meeting of Parliament and invited representatives from every town in England and they were mainly: bishops, earls and barons. Edward I explained about his need for money and that people should pay the king a tax, and the representatives agreed to convince the people. The king then discussed issues such as new laws with his bishops, earls and barons, becoming later on known as the House of Lords. “House of Lords.” Spartacus Educational. N.d. Web. 20 Sep. 2020.

29

Chapter Two: Friendship vs. Power

Introduction:

After establishing the first steps in the Ottoman Empire and in the Kingdom of

Morocco, Elizabeth and her advisers were careful in studying and taking any movement towards their goals in forming a cultural exchange between England and the Islamic

World. Henceforth this chapter provides a detailed view about the British engagements with the Islamic regions, and how her chartered companies were directed in the markets of

Morocco and the Ottoman States. At a time when English merchants were unable to trade with Catholic neighbors in Europe, but rather faced their anger and attacks upon their new isolation and foreign policy and received the help of their new allies.

1. The alliance with Morocco

After establishing the Barbary Company in 1585, it was up to the queen’s adviser,

Leicester to appoint England’s first official ambassador to Morocco. The man he chose was Henry Roberts, he was a soldier with experience fighting in Ireland and against the

Spanish, but he had a little knowledge of trade or diplomacy. Elizabeth and Leicester appointed Roberts in his new position not only to establish formal trade relations through the Barbary Company but also to secure the support of al-Mansur for Don Antonio’s claim to the Portuguese throne, yet this had been seen as another policy which placed Protestant

England and its Muslim ally: Morocco in a conflict with Catholic Spain (Brotton 116).

On 14 August 1585, Roberts left England with three ships and arrived a month later at

Safi, on Morocco's west coast. He was greeted by local authorities as the first official

English ambassador to Morocco "with all humanity and honor." He feasted with the resident English, French and Flemish traders before setting out for the capital, Marrakesh or the "Red City," the second largest city in Morocco, and the gateway to the trans-Saharan caravan trade in salt, ivory, spices, gold and slaves (Hakluyt 274). 30

Roberts had an audience with al-Mansur after securely arriving, he reported that he

“delivered my message and her Majesty’s letters, and was received with all humanity, and had favorable audience from time to time for three years, for diverse good and reasonable causes.” The ambassador spent a good part of his three years trading munitions on behalf of Leicester, though he was officially only permitted to serve as the agent of the crown supervising the commercial activities of the company. The rest of his time had been spent attempted to convince al-Mansur to enter an anti-Spanish league in support of the

Portuguese crown claim by Don Antonio (274).

According to Willan, Leicester had never attempted to make the Barbary Company going business concern since his interests were more political, mainly to monopolize

Moroccan trade and be able eventually to persuade al-Mansur to accept an anti-Spanish partnership. As a result, the company's terms of trade were highly unusual compared to those of the Muscovy and Turkey companies. Through allowing its agents to demand luxurious expenses, the company endangered its profitability chances, a challenge

Leicester created through agreeing to pay al-Mansur £4,000 worth of cloth, lead, iron and tin in the first year of trading, in order to protect his share of the deal and to import metals, primarily for weapons (253-254).

With the exception of £ 4,000 paid in goods, sales amounted to only £2,994 in 1586.

The prices dropped due to the full stock by shipping more than the Moroccan market can maintain a year. Worst of all, those who imported Moroccan sugar, almonds and gold all recorded losses, largely due to the shipping costs to England. Seven tons of raw sugar were purchased at £ 5 a pound, but they cost more than £ 9 to ship back to London, where they sold at £ 9 a pound, a loss of more than £5 a ton. The great enthusiasm about importing saltpeter, on the other hand, quickly vanished as the expense of refining and transporting it was more than they could manage and contributed to more large losses (255). 31

In February 1587, after finding out about treason plots to overthrown her, Queen

Elizabeth ordered the execution of Mary Queen of Scots, thereby inviting revenge by

Philip II, who was already building a large fleet to attack her. Surrounded by danger from

Catholic Europe, as stated by Matar and MacLean in their work Britain and the Islamic

World, Elizabeth turned to al-Mansur in Morocco, sending a Portuguese agent, Matias

Becudo, to Marrakesh in hopes of convincing him to cooperate with her (51).

The Portuguese envoy, supported by English merchants residing in Marrakech, asked al-Mansur to grant the English a seaport in Morocco from which they could distract

Spanish ships from their intended strike on England, but Al-Mansur turned down their request. However, he issued a royal edict in March 1588, securing all English merchants, travelers and inhabitants in his kingdom (51). Al-Mansur seemed unsure that the English were worth taking the risk, as from his point of view they just did not seem to suit his military power and diplomatic status. In the spring of 1588 Don Antonio had specifically called on al-Mansur to help Elizabeth in attacking Spain. But al-Mansur avoided him, waiting to see what might emerge out of England's Spanish invasion (Brotton 134).

On July 12th, 1588, Roberts wrote to Leicester informing him that “here came news that the king of Spain’s armada is departed for England; the which I well perceive is the case that this king [al-Mansur] doth prolong the times, to know how they speed: for, if the king of Spain should prosper against England, then this king would do nothing; and, if the king of Spain have the overthrow, as by God’s help he shall, then will this king perform promises and more”(De Castries 502). Till the outcome of the Spanish invasion was identified, Don Antonio and Elizabeth were powerless to act in Morocco, or anywhere else.

In a letter dated on August 5th, Elizabeth wrote to al-Mansur, informing him about her victory. In early September, the letter reached the small community of English merchants in Marrakech. The news created incredible scenes of celebration. As Brotton explained in 32 his book the Sultan and the Queen, the Spanish defeat at the hands of the English naval forces had eventually persuaded al-Mansur of two aspects: that the powerful Spaniards were not as strong as he thought, and that England and her female monarch were to be taken more seriously in economic and diplomatic matters (135). The failure of the Armada encouraged Spain's opponents to rethink their alliances; immediately, an Anglo-Moroccan alliance seemed like a very strong possibility, one that could change North Africa's balance of power for good.

The transformation in al-Mansur's strategy to make relations with England was described in Abd al-Aziz al-Fishtali's writings. In his description of the events, al-Fishtali named Elizabeth "sultana Isabel," to be against Philip, whom he described as “the enemy of religion, the infidel, the tyrant of Castile who is today against Islam and who is the pillar of polytheism.” (Matar 150)

In al-Fishtali's words in his Manahil al-Safa’, as the Armada reached the English coast,

“God sent a sharp wind [reehan sarsaran] against the fleets of the tyrant that broke up their formation and pushed them onto the enemy’s lands, bringing down their flags and banners”. Al-Fishtali’s use of the term reehan sarsaran is particularly telling: it is taken from the Quraan (4:16), where it portrays the divine winds that were sent against the polytheistic people of Aad. God punished the Spanish for their sins much as He punished

Aad's people, interpreting the loss of the Armada as a sign that God was on the English side (150). The late provided al-Mansur an opportunity to look into the possibility of reconquesting Al-Andalus.

As for al-Mansur, Elizabeth had opened the door to Europe. Now Mulay al-Mansur was ready to obtain his proper position on the European stage. After taking an anti-Spanish, pro-English stand, Al-Fishtali, on behalf of al-Mansur, forwarded a letter to the people of

Sus for their army, shared with them the good news of the Spanish naval defeat, and 33 described the English victory under the queen. The scribe was well informed of the course of the sea battle: how the storm first hit the Spanish fleet, after which the English fell upon it and destroyed it. The letter then highlighted the benefits that the Anglo-Spanish war had generally brought to Muslims. Al-Fishtali tried to show how Elizabeth I despite being a

Christian was deserving praise (Abun Nasr 211).

To the Moroccans the religious distinction was less essential than political, ideological and military cooperation with England, believing that God Himself appeared to approve such an alliance after helping Elizabeth against Philip, for the benefit of al-Mansur's

Islamic ambitions.

Now with England's victory over the Spanish Armada, al-Mansur was able to see clearly for the first time how Elizabeth can be a reliable military and diplomatic ally. He has now acknowledged the important role she could play in his attempts to reconquer Spain, as her victory opened up the possibility for him to free al-Andalus from ‘the tyrant of Castile’, as he called Philip II. He strengthened his fleet, his ‘ships of jihad’ for the ‘conquest of the land of al-Andalus’. His plan was to ‘cross to al-Andalus by sea with the soldiers of God and Islam to re-establish the roots of faith and to liberate it from the hands of unbelief’ (Al-

Fishtali 170).

By the end of 1588, al-Mansur received an ambassador from Don Antonio who ‘asked the King of Fez for 300,000 crowns’. Al-Mansur was now willing to join the Anglo-

Portuguese alliance against Spain; nevertheless, he asked for the son of Don Antonio as a security hostage (Queen Elizabeth had proposed this idea earlier that year). Don Antonio approved his demand and sent his son, Don Christobal, on 10 November 1588 from

England. As al-Fishtali wrote in his book Manahil al-Safa:

Don Antonio saved himself by fleeing to Elizabeth of the land Nigaleetra.

She welcomed him and gave him shelter and rolled up her sleeves to help 34

him. But then he looked around and saw that only the hand of the Prince

of the Faithful could build what had been destroyed and mend the

cracks...and that he [Don Antonio] could not build his fort without him

who gave him pickaxes. He needed [al-Mansur’s] imamate swords and

spears, so he wrote to him, and stretched his hand of need from behind the

seas, and sent his son from the lands of Langalteer, imploring and

begging. (101)

In January 1589 the Prince landed in Morocco; Mulay al-Mansur commanded his son Abu Faris to meet the Portuguese hostage. Leading Don Christobal and his entourage from Asila to Marrakech via Fez, where great celebrations were held in his honor (102). Yet, Matar and MacLean stated in their book Britain and the

Islamic World that, once al-Mansur had his hostage, he procrastinated. When months went by, Elizabeth became worried and requested the return of Don

Christobal to England when he clearly became a captive in Morocco, as he described himself in a letter to Lord Burghley of May 25, 1590 (53).

At about the same time in 1590, people in London watched a Muslim ambassador walk around their capital. The image of Ahmad Bilqasim entering London at the head of an entourage which included the most senior merchants of the Barbary Company marked a significant shift in Elizabethan's foreign policy towards the Islamic world. Via his representative, Al-Mansur proposed for his Islamic based aims to be exceptionally linked with Protestant ones (Wernham 20-23).

This strategy was not made by al-Mansur alone, but was actually part of a much larger anti-Spanish unit formed by Elizabeth and her advisors immediately after their victory, to place Don Antonio on the Portuguese throne, that became famous as the Portugal

Expedition. Preparations to launch a severe counter-strike against Spain were formulated by 35

September, with Sir Francis Drake being appointed admiral and Sir John Norris as general

(24-26).

Elizabeth permitted a military operation to capture Lisbon, which was expected would cause a widespread rebellion to put Don Antonio on the throne, and strike in Seville and set up a naval base in the Azores to destroy the Spanish fleet's remains. The trouble with

Elizabeth was that she was pretty much broke. Therefore, Drake and Norris suggested financing the expedition as a joint-stock operation: Elizabeth would contribute £ 20,000, and £40,000 would be raised from London merchants, who would see a return on their investment. The Dutch Calvinists were additionally asked to provide £ 10,000 worth of troops, ships, and supplies (26).

When Elizabeth heard that al-Mansur was willing to pay 150,000 ducats for the expedition's expenses, this means basically the entire budget of the campaign; the idea of an alliance would have been highly tempting. In the end, al-Mansur did not stick to his word, and the English armada was defeated by the Spanish due to the weak planning.

Elizabeth wrote to the Ruler of Morocco showing her powerlessness, but she was disappointed that al-Mansur ignored her letters and did not listen to her; she also mentioned that he had not given her the money she needed to defend herself against Philip II, and that he neglected their friendship. Elizabeth thought of warning him, she wrote, if he continues to prevaricate, she will complain about him to her mighty Muslim ally, Sultan Murad III in

Istanbul. She had nothing to do but attempt to threaten al-Mansur with the Ottomans' might:

‘If you would not grant us what we so reasonably ask from you, we will have to pay less attention to your friendship. We know for sure also that the Great Turk, who treats our subjects with great favour and humanity, will not appreciate your maltreatment of them in order to please the Spaniards.’ (De Castries 25, 28) 36

Elizabeth was obviously helpless; however, al-Mansur responded to Elizabeth's letter on

23 June 1590 by assuring her of his affection, opening with his typical honorific titles ‘the

firm-footed, of celestial light and knowledge, the great sultana the true-blooded, the famous, the possessor of England, sultana Isabel.’ The praise he rained upon her was meant to assure her that he was preparing to send her an envoy with the money that he had promised to Don

Antonio. Al-Mansur on the other hand wanted to make sure Elizabeth was determined to help the anti-Spanish claimant and form a league with him. ‘If you extend the military help you promised Don Antonio this year,’ he continued, ‘we shall send our envoy as soon as possible.’ he concluded his letter ‘You and I, share the same goals’ (De Castries 28-30).

Indeed, the honorific titles that al-Mansur used in his formal addresses to both Muslim and Christian rulers indicated exactly how he viewed them, respecting Queen Elizabeth for her achievements despite being a female Christian ruler. On the contrary, al-Mansur refused to use any title in his correspondence with the Ottomans other than 'sultans;' he only addressed them as 'kings' on limited occasions. Christian monarchs who worked with him were honored more than Muslim leaders who were seen defying him (Matar and MacLean

55).

The Moroccan army according to Matar, entered Niger across the Sahara on 28 February

1591, and two weeks later the Moroccans defeated the Songhai troops, henceforth making

Sudan submit and send an annual tribute to Marrakech of 100,000 pieces of gold and 1,000 slaves (147). The riches al-Mansur obtained as a result of the invasion immediately attracted

European merchants, where each one sought favor of al-Mansur and tried to approach him for their advantage. Elizabeth swallowed her pride and wrote to him asking for help with constructing a front against Spain, reminding him she had sold him the tents and heavy weapons for the Sudan invasion (Matar and MacLean 54). 37

After ignoring her earlier letter and delaying her messenger for two years, in January

1592 al-Mansur finally responded, assuring Elizabeth that he paid enough attention to her needs and desires 'both great and small.' Justifying that he ignored her demand both for money and for Don Antonio’s son ‘whom you had sent to us’ by explaining that he had not been able to help because he had been planning for the invasion of the Sudanese kingdom.

He then suggested to Elizabeth to complete her part of the deal in assisting Don Antonio, and if she found herself unable to ‘give the ayde, then send us wourde’ (55).Putting

Elizabeth in a position to cooperate, or breakdown the entire agreement between her and al-

Mansur over Don Antonio.

Nonetheless, Mulay Ahmad promised in another letter sent in 1592 to return Don

Christobal to England, assuring Elizabeth that he was ever attentive to the diplomatic ties with her. He clarified that his conquest of 'Sudan' would increase both his strength and hers, just as her victory over the Spanish Armada had benefited him, he argued, so would his victory in Sudan prove beneficial to her when he retake the Andalous from the hands of infidelity and return the word of Islam to her youth and 'vigour' (Gannun 59).

As Brotton mentioned in his book the Sultan and the Queen, after a break through peace negotiations, tensions mounted again between England and Spain, Elizabeth knew, as did al-Mansur that she would need his help fighting back in the Mediterranean or Atlantic theatres, where her warships in Moroccan ports would have to victualise. The Privy

Council therefore decided that when Elizabeth authorized preparations for an attack on

Cádiz “Sir Edward Hoby should be sent to Morocco in case help in galleys, men, or victuals should be needed from there.” (178)

The English fleet attacked Cadiz in Spain in early July 1596, and Al-Mansur seized the

English attack as yet another Christian means toward his Islamic goal. Having sent ships to engage in the attack, he saw the entire mission as realizing of a Moroccan goal which 38 would be done with the help of Anglo-Moroccan alliance. Al-Mansur declared to his subjects, taking the credits for providing Elizabeth with the metals needed for building cannons and preparing gunpowder, turning her against Philip, and now taking revenge from the Spanish (Wernham 108).

Now Al-Mansur, with Elizabeth's help, invaded Iberia. This explained why English traders privately supplied him with all the necessary ‘ores for gallies, launces, muskettes, muskett arrowes, caleveres, poldaves, cordage for gallies, sorde blades, gret shott and such like’ (De Castries 103). Once more, al-Fishtali took the chance to write about the attack, signifying just how carefully English affairs in Morocco were being monitored:

The sky darkened with dissension against the tyrant of Qishtala, and the

kings of the nations of the Christians attacked him like wild dogs. The

most ferocious against him, and the one most daring in attacking his

kingdoms and tightening the noose around him, was Isabella the sultana

of the kingdoms of the lands of England. For Mulana the prince of the

faithful had lured her with his support and had sharpened her will against

him [Philip II]: he showed her his willingness to help confront him [Philip

II] by supplying her with copper to use in cannons, and saltpetre for

ammunition which he permitted her to buy from his noble kingdoms. He

also supplied her with metals, which were not found in her lands. With

God helping him, he pitted her against the enemy of religion and, with

God’s help, and because of his [Al-Mansur’s] decisiveness, capable

organization, and deep caution, he kept her focused on [Philip II], both on

her own and with his help. (Al- Fishtali 187)

With Spain's weak position, western Sudan's wealth, and the need of England to use his ports, al-Mansur was confident that he could now begin the Andalus' conquest. His 39 reputation around the Mediterranean was so praised, that a French envoy arrived in

Morocco in December 1596 to negotiate with him over military and economic cooperation against Spain. Even though al-Mansur never succeeded in his design to conquer Spain, a year after the attack on Cádiz, there were new reports and rumors in Europe that feared that the English would equip 200,000 Moors from Barbary to 'descend upon Spain' (De

Castries 106).

Throughout the years that followed, and as the rebellion in Ireland grew, Elizabeth came to the realization that any new attack against Spain, which supported the Irish

Catholics, would need the help of al-Mansur, because alone she could not hold sufficient military power. Hugh O'Neill's Irish rebellion was draining her military strength, and the

Earl of Essex, who had been sent to put an end to it, failed. The latter eventually lead to a stop any other attack on Spain (De Castries 121).

In Thomas Heywood's The Fair Maid of the West, he confirmed how Florentine and other Italian merchants turned to Elizabeth for help with her ties with the Moroccan ruler.

So did the Dutch by asking Elizabeth to talk to Al-Mansur to release their captives, as there was a broad recognition of the Moors' power and wealth. Heywood introduces an English virgin named Elizabeth, traveling in Morocco, enchanting the ruler of Morocco and then staying in his kingdom with her sweetheart, Spencer. The couple is married by an English cleric at Fez, and the Moroccan ruler has offered them a wonderful dowry. In this context, the play presents an English couple settling within Morocco's wealthy and fabulously luxurious kingdom (Elbey 23-25).

Heywood writing at the end of the Elizabethan period, was certain that the future trading and settlement of his country lay in North Africa. His play was the first to present moors not drawn from Italian or Spanish sources, as did other plays about North Africans; even the 40 name of the Moroccan ruler was derived from actual contemporary events, unlike the names of earlier Moors in Marlowe, Peele and Shakespeare's plays (Matar and MacLean 58).

In the work of MacLean and Matar Britain and the Islamic World, they stated that during the Moroccan ambassador's 1600–1601 visit to London, al-Mansur secretly suggested to Elizabeth to join an operation to seize the valuables of Spain in the New World. But

Elizabeth seemed unassertive about building a large overseas empire, as she needed well- trained troops to assist her against Spain (59).

However, Al-Mansur wanted to expand his kingdom, and in a letter he sent in May 1601, he explained that he would only begin a joint military venture with her if the goal was not only to attack Spain, but also to colonize the Americas and to populate the region. In order to ensure her cooperation, Al-Mansur notified Elizabeth that such a venture would offer her huge benefits to help her start up her own imperial venture:

And your high estate shall knowe that, in the inhabiting of those countries

by us and yow, yow shall have a great benefite: first for that those

countries of the East are adjoining to many Kinges Moores and infinite

nations of our religion; and further, if your power and command shall be

seene there with owre armie, all the Moores will joyne and confederate

themselves—by the help of God—with us and yow. (De Castries 208-

209)

When Elizabeth refused to offer any assistance, al-Mansur became convinced she would be useless for his new plan.

On July 3, 1602, he wrote reciting his honorific compliments for the Queen of England, expressing his ongoing desire for cooperation. A couple of months later, in October, he agreed to sign a military cooperation agreement with Spain against their ultimate enemy, the

Ottoman Empire. After almost two decades of negotiation with Elizabeth, he ended up 41 finding that she had never put her troops where she had promised, nor allowed him to put his troops where he wanted to. On her side, Elizabeth knew that she needed al-Mansur more than he needed her, and that she needed his gold, armies, natural resources, and antipathy to

Spain to protect her kingdom (Matar and MacLean 60).

In her last letter to him, just before her death on 3 April 1603, she informed him of the release of the Moorish captives who had been held in England, and asked for Cornelis

Jansz, her subject, to be released. She then signed the letter as she had been signing since

1598: ‘Vuestra hermana y pariente segun ley de corona ye ceptro’—your sister and relative according to the law of crown and sceptre (De Castries 131).

Elizabeth and al-Mansur were two of a kind. Both lived in a highly charged religious framework: Protestant Elizabeth feared Catholic Philip in the same way that Maliki Ahmad feared the Hanafi Ottoman Sultan Murad III. Both monarchs wrote constantly to each other, and frequently exchanged envoys and ambassadors; al-Mansur wrote more letters of friendship and admiration to no other European monarch than to Queen Elizabeth. At the same time, their letters shows that they acknowledged religious differences that defined each one, nevertheless, willing to oppress and change each other but rather showing tolerance and acceptance. Al-Mansur did not view Elizabeth through specifically gendered eyes after all what they had been through, she was admired and never considered as a tyrant, but never considered as an equal.

2. The alliance with the Ottoman Empire

After seventeen years of exchanging correspondence between the Ottoman sultan and the English monarch since the first letter in 1578, letters with honorary rhetorical expressions were fulfilled by each side. Both Murad and Elizabeth were careful to describe each other on the religious side, showing more acceptance and tolerance, implying the 42 possibility of a Protestant-Islamic alliance based on the mutual acceptance of the faith of each other and their prophets as holy figures (Skilliter 54).

In one of his letters, Sultan Murad ensured that, in praising Elizabeth, she needed to understand that he was the active partner doing all the wishes and offerings that she and her subjects should be grateful for. Acknowledging her envoy Harborne’s arrival “in the name of your most excellent regal majesty, with kindness, courtesy and friendly offices on your part,” Murad was prepared to agree that “our country be always open to such of your subjects, as by way of merchandise shall trade hither: and we will never fail to aid and succor any of them that are or shall be willing to esteem of our friendship, favor and assistance.” Murad assured Elizabeth he had commanded “all our kings, judges, and travelers by sea” throughout the Ottoman Empire to ensure that “such aforesaid persons as shall resort thither by sea from the realm of England, either with great or small vessels to trade by way of merchandise, may lawfully come to our imperial dominions, and freely return home again…straightly charging that they be suffered to use and trade all kind of merchandise as any other Christians do, without let or disturbance.” Yet the Ottomans did not regard the English as a major political power (55).

In September 1579, Bernardino de Mendoza, the ambassador of Philip II in London, wrote that one of Harborne's agents had “returned recently with a Turk, bringing a letter from his master [Murad] to the Queen, full of endearments, and offering unrestricted commerce in his country to Englishmen if she, on her part, will give the same privileges here to his subjects. I will endeavor to get copies of the letter and their reply to send to

Your Majesty.” The Ottoman translator who accompanied Harborne, Mustafa Beg, is believed to have supplied these "copies" to Mendoza. It seems that he read the Latin translation of Murad's letter, written by Harborne and his associates, in order to enhance 43 the significance of the Anglo-Ottoman alliance and its promise of closer trade relations

(51).

However, after receiving such reports from England, Catholic Europe was ringing the bell of danger at the rise of English commercial influence in Constantinople. Just two months later, in November, Mendoza reported to Philip that these fears seemed to be real.

“This queen has received another letter from the Turk by way of France.” The letter has not survived, but Mendoza claimed that “in addition to many other offers,” Murad

“promises a favorable reception of Englishmen who come to his country, either by land or sea; both on account of his desire for her friendship,” Mendoza went on to clarify that “the

Turks are desirous of friendship with the English on account of the tin which has been sent thither for the last few years, and which is of the greatest value to them, as they cannot cast guns without it, whilst the English make a tremendous profit on the article, by means of which alone they maintain the trade with the Levant.” (Skilliter 70)

Mendoza later on found that five English ships were already en route to Constantinople via his spies and contacts, which made him sent an urgent report to king Phillip to inform him about the content of the ships, reminding him also about how the English are breaking the papal’s decision in stopping trade with the Muslims:

I am told that, in one of them, they are sending nearly twenty thousand

crowns’ worth of bar tin, without counting what the rest of them take. As

this sending tin to the infidel is against the apostolic communion, and

your Majesty has ordered that no such voyage shall be allowed to pass the

Messina light to the prejudice of God and Christianity, I advise the

viceroy of Sicily of the sailing of these ships as I understand they will

touch at Palermo, where the tin can be confiscated. (70) 44

He reported a month later that many more ships were headed to Chios “carrying bell-metal and tin.” Clearly it was a symbolic gesture of unity combining the religions of

Protestantism and Sunni Islam. Protestant English traders, with the queen's permission, removed metal from ecclesiastical buildings including lead roofing and bell metal, and shipped it to Constantinople to equip Muslims fighting against Catholics (Brotton 88).

Sultan Murad and Queen Elizabeth were moving towards a stronger economic and diplomatic alliance before Harborne came up against an unexpected crisis. On October 12,

1579, as the sultan's first minister Sokollu Mehmed Pasha was listening to petitions in the chamber of the imperial council of the Topkapi palace, one of the members of the council suddenly jumped forward and stabbed him to death. The death of Sokollu Mehmed caused a dramatic change in the balance of power within the palace, allowing the Sultan's mother take over the constitutional problems in her own hands. Sokollu Mehmed's trustworthy people have been excluded from government, and his westward-looking foreign and economic agenda has gone with them, as he was an influential part in persuading the

Sultan into it (Fleischer 72-73).

Despite the death of Sokollu Mehmed, Harborne was “pursuing his negotiation actively in this Porte, and appears to be greatly favored, as much by reason of the loads of steel, tin, and latten [copper alloys] which he has brought them and promises to bring thereafter.”

This made Europe's ambassadors admit that they feared Harborne's goal of obtaining full commercial privileges from the sultan would soon come true. Moreover, with signs of a growing rapprochement between Murad and Philip II, Murad agreed to the terms of a peace treaty with Spain and signed a Charter of Privileges at the end of May 1580 granting the English full commercial rights in the Ottoman dominions (Hakluyt 58).

This Agreement on Anglo-Ottoman Capitulations began with praising “Elizabeth Queen of England, France and Ireland, the most honorable queen of Christendom,” to whom 45

Murad agreed to “give license to all her people, and merchants, peaceably and safely to come unto our imperial dominions, with all their merchandise and goods without any impeachment, to exercise their traffic, to use their own customs, and to buy and sell according to the fashions of their own country.” (59-60)

It listed in detail the privileges granted to the English: their ships were guaranteed security and assistance in the face of piracy (Muslims or Christians), shipwreck or even debt; in the event of death, goods returned to the merchant's estate; in the case of commercial disputes, both sides agreed to act in accordance with the local judge's ruling on the basis of sharia law; English merchants were able to avoid paying local Islamic community fees and allowed consuls to be appointed in Alexandria, Damascus, Tunis,

Algiers and Cairo; and if “any pirates or other free governors of ships trading the sea shall take any Englishman, and shall make sale of him…if the party shall be found to be English and shall receive the holy religion [Islam], then let him freely be discharged, but if he will still remain a Christian, let him then be restored to the Englishmen, and the buyers shall demand their money again of them who sold the man.” (60)

Now that the English had trading rights after signing the English Capitulations, and the

Ottomans were in league with the Spanish. France felt politically and commercially isolated, and its ambassador Jacques de Germigny sent his country the same reports like

Mendoza. However, Murad sent a short letter to Henry III, rejecting any suggestion that

Ottoman alliances with countries such as England violated their previous agreements with

France, assuring him that “there is absolutely no refusing or repulsing to the coming and going of anybody,” and “nothing whatsoever to preoccupy you concerning the ancient friendship with you and in the matters of precedence and pre-eminence over the other kings.” As European rulers of different theological backgrounds lined up to Murad’s court, the French risked losing their long-standing influence at the Porte (60-61). 46

English trade prospered and thrived through the establishment of a Mediterranean-wide commercial network. With the financial support of the English court advisers: Osborne and

Staper, Harborne traded with merchants as far north as Poland and the Baltic Sea, as far west as Algiers, extending all the way to eastern Syria, as well as with Turks, Egyptians,

Greeks and Italians. He bought cotton, yarn, and carpets from Turkey, flax from Egypt and the Black Sea, wine, oil, and currants from Crete and Zante, constantly extending his trade in the widespread English kerseys, lead, tin, and copper. Two Janissaries escorted him everywhere, a sign of the esteem in which the sultan held a man who was widely recognized, as “the Queen’s agent at the court of the great Turk, by whom he is held in the greatest credit.” (Skilliter 151)

After some problems that almost resulted in breaking the ties with the Ottomans, according to Brotton, by the summer of 1581 Harborne returned to London, thinking that his Turkish career was over. But Elizabeth renewed her interest in Ottoman commercial activity a while later. Burghley, Osborne and Staper decided in September 1582 that his experience was perfect for his new position, and suggested sending him back to

Constantinople. Harborne patiently waited, as Osborne and Staper negotiated with

Burghley his formal commission as the Queen's first Turkish ambassador. They also debated the financial terms of the establishment of the Turkey Company, demanding that the crown settle the unpaid loans of £ 600 for Harborne and cover his travel costs and salary for a five-year time in office, and to provide an annual budget of £ 1,000 to buy the sultan's lavish "present" (bribes) (105).

Burghley hesitated, knowing that Elizabeth wanted all the financial and political advantages of overseas commerce without paying any of their costs. Also, the queen may have hesitated to take such a significant step to formalize a diplomatic and commercial alliance with the Ottomans. Osborne and Staper were interested in commerce and not 47 politics, and reminded Burghley of Elizabeth’s promise to Murad “to send thither her ambassador to gratify his goodwill…whose presence is hourly expected.” Any delay risked alienating Murad, who might “think himself deluded” and refuse to ratify any new English

Capitulations (Vella 46-47).

However, Burghley did not change his mind, and the governors of the new Turkish company were forced to pay for Harborne bills, as stated by Skilliter in her book William

Harborne. On the other hand, the queen seemed comfortable to save the costs of paying for the embassy of Harborne, and on November 20, 1582, she issued a formal commission to him “to be her majesty’s ambassador or agent in the parts of Turkey.” Praising the

“trustiness, obedience, wisdom and disposition of this our beloved servant William

Harborne,” the commission appointed him as “our true and undoubted orator, messenger, deputy and agent.” He was also given a letter to present to Sultan Murad, repeating his diplomatic credentials, in the hope that his appointment would cement the “perfect and inviolable” league between England and Turkey, and that “a noble traffic will flourish between these nations.” (155-157)

On April 1582 Harborne appointed Harvie Millers as “our consul in Cairo, Alexandria,

Egypt and other places adjacent, for the safe protection of body and goods of her majesty’s subjects” (Hakluyt 114). Richard Forster was appointed for Aleppo, Damascus, Amman,

Tripoli and Jerusalem two months later. Other appointments followed on Chios and Patras, as well as in Algiers and Tunis, creating an impressive network of English residents across the Mediterranean in a vast dome from the Straits of Gibraltar to the Holy Land and into the Ionian Sea, able to facilitate smoother trade relations (Brotton 109).

Having established himself strongly as an ambassador with control of a network of

English consuls across the Mediterranean, Harborne took on a more explicitly political 48 role. He was in regular correspondence with Walsingham, who was now instructing him to persuade Murad to form an anti-Spanish alliance which was desperately needed (112).

By early 1585, relations were on the edge of a war with Spain, and England was in danger by being excluded from the rest of Europe. As a result, Elizabeth had finally sided with those of her counselors advising her of a more aggressive approach toward Spain.

Walsingham, foremost among them, drew up “A Plot for the Annoying of the King of

Spain,” It advocated the use of Sir Francis Drake to launch a pre-emptive attack on the

Spanish fleet (Martin and Parker 89-90).

Elizabeth has finally approved the release of Drake's twenty-five ships in a series of attacks on Spanish shipping across the Atlantic and the Caribbean. On August 10, she signed the Treaty of Nonsuch with Dutch Calvinists fighting the Spanish in the Low

Countries. Under its terms, the queen offered £ 125,000 to the Dutch, as well as the support of an expeditionary English army led by Leicester, still preening over the successful establishment of the Barbary Company and eager for an opportunity to prove himself on the battlefield. Philip II interpreted the treaty as a declaration of war against Spain and informed Pope Sixtus V in October of his intention to invade England. It was a crucial decision. A plan for a massive fleet to sail against the English was prepared by December

1585 (90).

Elizabeth and her advisers were aware of the inevitability of the Spanish attack; as

Walsingham corresponded with his agents in the Low Countries and with Harborne in

Constantinople about the need to establish an Anglo-Ottoman alliance against the Spanish threat. That December, spy William Herle wrote to Elizabeth from Antwerp, asserting that the English policy of arming Muslims to fight Catholics was beneficial and just, as he wrote to her. “Your majesty in using the King of Fez &c, doth not arm a barbarian against a Christian, but a barbarian against an heretic [Philip II], the most dangerous that was in 49 any age, the usurper of kingdoms, and the subverter of God’s true religion, which you are bound as defendresse of the faith, to defend.” Such arguments added confirmation to

Walsingham’s Ottoman policy (Brotton 114).

Throughout the autumn of 1585, Walsingham encouraged Harborne to work on and enforce the Ottoman military aggression against the Spanish. For the English if Harborne could convince Murad that it was in the interests of the Ottomans to attack the Catholic

Spanish fleet in the Mediterranean Sea, he could hold back and stop Philip's English invasion plans. As a matter of fact, Walsingham knew and appreciated that this was an ambitious request and mentioned in one of his letters to Harborne that “if you shall see that the sultan cannot be brought altogether to give ear to this advice,” then “procure at least that, by making show of arming to the sea for the King of Spain’s dominions, hold the

King of Spain in suspense, by means whereof he shall be the less bold to send forth his best forces into these parts.” As the English side waited to see the outcomes of the sultan’s decision and what will happen next concerning the Spanish attack (Read 226-228).

In comparison to the Moroccan trade, the Turkish Company was prospering. Wood stated in his book A History of the Levant Company that the company had spent £ 45,000 on start-up costs, exporting cloth and metal in return for silk, spices, cotton, currants, mohairs, carpets, indigo and drugs of different types. At the height of Harborne's embassy, approximately nineteen ships were sailed, weighing between 100 and 300 tons, crewing nearly eight hundred seamen on average five trips a year to trade in ten Ottoman-controlled

Mediterranean ports. Some voyages profits were estimated at more than £70,000, providing almost 300 per cent of returns (17). Both Murad and Elizabeth benefited greatly from the trade and strategic alliance that came with it. The Spaniards were furious with the success of Harborne, as were the other Catholic European powers, but diplomatically there was little they could do. 50

Harborne's first goal was to develop a network of alliances close to Murad to persuade him to oppose Spain. So he worked to develop his friendship with the Sultan's tutor, the great Turkish historian Seadeddin Muhammad Ben Hassan, and managed to make peace with his old enemy Qilich Ali Pasha, probably by giving both of them significant

"presents." This worked on securing their opposition to any plans within the Ottoman

Council for a non-aggression agreement with Spain (Savory 72-74).

Harborne's machinations seem to have been at least to some degree effective, as he was able to report that. “the Spaniard dares not withdraw his total forces out of Sicily, Naples and other ports of the Levant Seas,” which could then be turned against England. Although he had persuaded Murad to refuse to accept an alliance with the Spanish, Harborne assumed that any attempt to convince the Sultan to join Elizabeth in turning his navy against Philip II was unlikely to occur, mainly because of the financial and military costs of the Ottoman campaign in Persia (74-75).

On June 24, 1587, Walsingham congratulated Harborne on “how carefully and discreetly you have proceeded in your negotiations with the sultan and his counselors.” He also told him “You may signify unto the Grand Signor that her Majesty hath lying upon the coast of Spain a fleet of very strong, well furnished ships under the conduct of Sir Francis

Drake…who hath already entered diverse ports of Spain and Portugal.” The letter's implications were clear: England was a naval power to be counted on, and if Murad joined forces with them, they could wipe out the maritime influence of Spain in the

Mediterranean (Read 330).

Not that Elizabeth really needed the help of Murad, as Walsingham was trying to explain: “Although her Majesty needeth no assistance of other princes yet shall it be a great encouragement and contentation to her Majesty as a more terror to the King of Spain, they having like interest, use like endeavor to abate his power. All which,” concluded 51

Walsingham, “as well to satisfy and stir up the Grand Signor as also to disgrace your adversaries in that court and country, I leave to yourself to be published, urged and enlarged as you shall see cause.” (330)

Harborne was now confronted with an ambitious goal of engineering an Anglo-Ottoman naval attack on Philip's Mediterranean ships. In November 1587, when the war between

England and Spain seemed assured, Harborne wrote an exceptional letter to Murad complaining about his opposition to the ratification of the Anglo-Ottoman military alliance. The letter shows how Harborne used religious concordance between Protestants and Muslims to justify a military incorporation:

Do not let this moment pass unused, in order that God, who has created

you a valiant man and the most powerful of all worldly princes for the

destruction of idol-worshippers may not turn his utmost wrath against you

if you disregard his command, which my mistress, only a weak woman,

courageously struggles to fulfill. The whole world, with justice, will

accuse you of the greatest ingratitude if you desert in her danger your

most trusting confederate, who, in the confidence of the friendship and

the promises of Your Highness, has placed her life and her kingdom in

jeopardy that cannot be greater on this earth. For the Spaniard, since my

mistress had declined him peace, is determined to destroy her completely,

relying on the maximum assistance of the pope and all idolatrous princes.

And will direct his invincible military forces toward your destruction and

that of your empire and will become the sole ruler of the world. If,

however, Your Highness, wisely and courageously, without delay, will

undertake jointly with my mistress war upon the sea, then the proud

Spaniard and the mendacious pope, with all their adherents, will not only 52

be cheated of their cherished hope of victory but will also receive the

penalty for their audacity. (Horniker 309-310)

The letter to Murad was an official report by Elizabethan foreign policy aimed at complimenting and attempting to push the Ottoman Sultan into action. However, there was no proof of an Ottoman attack on the Spanish fleet in the Mediterranean was coming soon, and without it there would be no interruption in the launch of the Spanish Navy against

England.

At the end of April 1588, as Harborne was about to return to London a Spanish armada of 130 ships, 8,000 sailors and 18,000 soldiers planned to sail from Lisbon to the English

Channel. In July 1588, the English fleet guided by Admiral Charles Howard, Francis Drake and John Hawkins engaged with the Spanish by Plymouth. After a series of engagements in various parts of the English Channel, the English took charge of the war against the

Spanish fleet by the beginning of August, and most of what remained of the Armada was ruined in stormy weather on the rocky coasts of Scotland and Ireland. Despite everything, the English had overcome the dominant force of Catholic Spain. Harborne wrote his final dispatch to Walsingham in Constantinople, worried and disappointed by the ongoing broken assurances of a formal military alliance from the sultan, Harborne told Walsingham he was ready to "depart presently." He submitted his final petition to the sultan, offering the same allegations and justifications as before, and his seat was taken over by his secretary Edward Barton, officially in charge of the embassy (qtd. in Brotton 132-133).

Barton's hard-working has proven highly effective his appointment as the new ambassador, due to his establishment of a strong close connection with the influential consort of Murad, Sultana Safiye. In a letter sent to Burghley in July 1591 Barton bragged,

“Such an eyesore I am to the Christians here resident and so well esteemed by the Turks.”

His proximity to the sultana made the other catholic ambassadors send reports and rumors 53 circulating through Europe’s royal courts, that Elizabeth was providing financial and military support “to help the Great Turk to invade Christendom,” partly due to the outstanding success of Barton’s embassy (Dimmock 163).

In addition, Barton also requested Burghley to send the royal family presents from the queen to support his appointment and the Ottomans also offered Elizabeth precious gifts in return. The exchange of these luxury objects was a diplomatic gesture to honor the Anglo-

Ottoman alliance, a point that was mentioned in sultana Safiye’s “letter of gratification,” which reached Greenwich Palace with her presents in 1595 (Skilliter 131-132).

On January 15, 1595, Sultan Murad III died in Constantinople, and four weeks later

Edward Barton forwarded a letter to Lord Burghley describing “what here hath lately passed,” the “death of the late Sultan Murad III and success to this empire of Sultan

Mehmed III.” The death of Murad III was a decisive stage in the Anglo-Ottoman relations, as much of Elizabeth's diplomatic and commercial ties with the Ottomans were constructed on a friendly personal correspondence with Murad that extended back over seventeen years, and more recently with Sultana Safiye, who was now elevated to the title of Queen

Mother with his death (MacLean 40).

In January 1598 Edward Barton had died, ending his dramatic career as an English ambassador; however, due to his travels and adventures to Eastern Europe, Sultan Mehmed had never officially ratified Barton's position. So renegotiating England's commercial

Capitulations was left to Barton's successor, Henry Lello. Unlike the former ambassador,

Lello had neither the strategy nor the creativity of his predecessors, as he was struggling to adjust to his new position in Constantinople; yet he succeeded in convincing London that gifts and letters confirming his position must be sent immediately if the reasonable Anglo-

Ottoman relations were to continue. Their mutual exchange of gifts continued with the

Ottomans, especially with the woman who was assumed to have control of power at the 54

Turkish court after the accession of her son. Eventually, the exchange of gifts seemed to have the desired diplomatic effect of persuading Mehmed to ratify the Anglo-Ottoman capitulations (Games 171).

The sultans Murad III and Mehmed III, with whom Elizabeth and her agents had direct dealings, were rulers of a massively powerful imperial civilization and military state feared by many Christian countries. On the other hand, the Elizabethans owned some land in

Ireland, claimed parts of France, were not a powerful military force like the Spaniards or

French, and thus were not taken too seriously by the Ottomans. Nevertheless, the Ottoman sultans have allowed an increasing numbers of British merchants to reside in major commercial centers such as: Aleppo, Izmir, and Istanbul, while the Ottoman regencies of

Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli have established communities of English, Irish, and Scottish sailors.

Conclusion:

As a conclusion, both of the advisors of the queen: Leicester and Walsingham were working to make alliances at either ends of the Mediterranean in order to weaken the Spanish military preparations against England. Consequently, the Barbary and Turkey companies were established with the dual purpose of trade and politics, to exploit a strategic and potentially profitable commercial alliance, and to cultivate military alliances in the face of Catholic aggression. While the political alliances had been successful some point, the commercial results were decidedly mixed in the two kingdoms, with more outcomes in the Ottoman Empire than in the Moroccan Kingdom. As a result by the late of 1580s numerous

Elizabethan merchants, diplomats and sailors were spread throughout the Islamic world, from

Marrakesh to far Middle East.

55

General Conclusion

Queen Elizabeth I died on March 24, 1603, she had ruled her kingdom for forty five years, in which she had resisted European Catholic invasion, firmly set Protestantism as the religion of her state and expanded her commercial and political interests in the Islamic world successfully. All of her achievements were a result of the papal decision of excommunicating her, which only pushed her beyond the boundaries of Europe.

The discussed topic in this dissertation is one of the largely unknown connections between England and the Islamic world, one that emerged out of a very specific set of circumstances during the sixteenth century between Catholics and Protestants in Europe and England.

Furthermore, this research work sheds light on the nature of the relationship that connected England and the Islamic World during the reign of Queen Elizabeth I. Not only that but also the details of the relationship and the obstacles and difficulties Elizabeth I faced until she finally established firmly strong diplomatic alliances. Although her aim was successful concerning the Ottoman Empire and the Moroccan Kingdom, her attempt to create a connection with the Safavids Empire failed.

Still, Elizabeth along with her advisers and ambassadors started working harder to consolidate the relations with the Ottoman Empire and the Moroccan Kingdom by corresponding with their rulers: Sultan Murad III and Mulay Ahmed Al-Mansur.

Moreover, the smart queen indirectly tried to mention her well intentions behind her attempts to build friendship with them. As both empires did not view England as an equal power, in addition to hatred between Muslims and Christians but that was not a big issue.

Concerning the Moroccan Kingdom, Mulay Ahmed Al-Mansur was open minded and accepted the friendship requests of Elizabeth, consequently trade connections were established in the Moroccan markets by the English merchants in exchange for weapons 56 and wood. However, the ambassador’s lake of information about the economy made it partly fail. On the other hand, Al Mansur was very helpful politically to Elizabeth since they shared the same enemy, King Phillip II, as they planned many attacks on Europe together and supported each other.

On the other side, things were different with the Ottoman Sultan, Murad III. As from the first personal correspondence he treated Queen Elizabeth as his subject, and that he will accept her friendship only if she approve to act according to it. Elizabeth was clever enough to seize the chance and accept, and as a result the trade with the Ottomans was very beneficial for both sides, to the point where Europe felt jealous and tried to ruin the alliance through conspiracies against the queen and sending requests for treaties with

Sultan Murad III, but he declined their plots. Yet, when Elizabeth asked the Sultan for political support against Catholic Europe he refused as according to him, she was not his equal to take the risks in the Mediterranean Sea.

All in all, this thesis argued about whether the alliance and connection between the

Islamic World in both the Ottoman Empire and the Moroccan Kingdom, and Elizabethan

England was based on friendship or power. From the analysis of the collected data, it is obvious that Elizabeth motives behind these relationships are to get the power she needed through establishing friendship with the Islamic World at any costs.

57

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