Union and State Relations—1 Rajni Kothari This Is the First of a Series of Articles on Some Aspects of Political Organisation in India

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY April 29, 1961 Form and Substance in Indian Politics—I

Union and State Relations—1 Rajni Kothari This is the first of a series of articles on some aspects of political organisation in India. The subjects which will be covered are: panchayat Raj; Instititions of parliamentary Government ; party system; and prospects of Democracy. It is proposed, in each case, to examine (i) the relationship between the form of an institution and Us substantive character as revealed in its actual working; and (ii) the prevalling opinions about the nature of that institution- as well as the assumptions underlying those opinions—in order to see if they need modification in the light of the experience gained. In this, the first article, the theory and practice of federal Government in India are studied. Does a federal Constitution necessarily give greater powers to the people? It is suggested that it may not, that actual excercise of power by the people depends not on formal divisions laid down in the Constitution but on quite other conditions the absence of which such divisions may hamper rattier than help the democratic process.

THE: theory and practice of fede- trative judicial, fiscal functions and plans and reconstruction programmes. ral government in India has extension services have come to be Professor Appleby is the chief ex hitherto received a treatment which so organised that the emergent pat ponent of this argument. It is con is excessively formalists. It has be tern of coordination is one of const tended that the Centre has hardly come the normal idiom of political ant directives from New Delhi. any autonomy in respect, of adminis controversy to speak in terms of in trative resources; that it is all 'staff creasing encroachment hy the Union VARIANTS OF THE ARGUMENT and no 'line'; that, its financial com Government on the functions of the 1 mitments far exceed its tax resources states. Attention is drawn to the There is a variant of this argu and that consequently the pattern spurt of directives and instructions ment in the opposive suggestion that of government tha'.f has emerged is from one or other organ of the Union the pattern of government in the one of dependence of the Centre on Government to the Governments of Indian Union is one of "co the States; that the situation does the States. It is pointed out that operation and not competition" 3 not look as serious as it should so this has become the normal routine between the Centre and the States ; Jong as there is a homogeneous and of administration, little resort being that the separation of functions in well-knit leadership and so long as made to the extraordinary articles the Constitution itself sets the tone the same political party wields po of the Constitution specially provid of such cooperaion by virtue of List wer all over the country; that this ing for Central intervention. We are 'C' as well as the considerable over- cannot be a permanent state of further told that the situation will lapping be ween Lists 'A' and B'; affairs and that, therefore. some he aggravated once another party that the fact that the same party thing should be done about it before takes over one or more of the State rules the country as a whole not only it is too late." What is common to Governments. thus tempting the 'facilitates but also necessitates co all these schools of thought is that Centre to invoke those Articles in operation between Centre and States; each of them invokes the ideals of dealing with a. recalcitrant State; ihat the needs of planning make democracy and good government in that the Planning Commission is such cooperation even more neces its support! making nonsense of the Seventh sary; and that this is only the re Schedule as under its impact there flection of a marked tendency in REALITY IN INDIAN POLITICS is emerging a "vertical federation" federations all over the world of is which each Central Ministry re increasing cooperation between the Against this background of current gularly issues directives to the cor federal governments and the states ideas, the most usual question posed responding Ministry in the States; (or provinces) not simply as a re is one of possible friction between that even parts of the planning ma sult of grants-in-aid from the former a federal structure that assumes chinery dealing with State subjects to the latter but also under the uni constant cooperation between the which were set up as separate Ad versal impact of the Welfare States.4 Union Government and State Gov ministrations with a view to coordi- This school does not deny the usur ernments and a political situation nated functioning (eg the Com pation by the Central Government of in which oppossing parties wield po munity Project Administration esta the functions formerly belonging to wer as the Centre and one or more blished in March 1952) have beer. the States, but explains the same of the States. (The argument, it can subsrquently incorporated in a Gen in terms of changed conditions. be seen, cuts both ways: Let's have ual Ministry which forms the apex v. stronger and more independent of a hierarchy of corresponding gov Of course, there is a third line of Centre; or, let hero bo greater auto ernmental administrations at the reasoning according to which the nomy for the States,) state level, the District level, the Centre in India has not enough Taluka (or the Block) level and the powers or resources vis-a-vis the To my mind the question is wrong village level-; and that the adminis States to efficiently Implement the ly posed and reflects our tradition

679 April 29, 1961 of thinking in formal terms. In fact, can see that the relationship is in FEDERAL CONSTITUTION there are two levels of reality in verted: It Is not) that the undermin HAMPERS DEMOCRACY Indian politics. There is first, the ing of the inherent advantages of a formal or constitutional reality: the .federal structure by a Constitution The immediate need is to break ratified Constitution, the amend with a unitary bias is concealed through the formal controversy on ments, the courts, the fascinating when the same party rules the Sul Centre-State relations and try to Articles, and the directives, procla tan and the Nawab: or that ouce the analyse the true concept of federal mations, resolutions, and the remain- Nawab is replaced by a Peshwa, the ism, to identify the substantive politi ins stock-in-trnde. But, secondly, conflict latent in the Constitution is cal process taking place in this coun there is what I would call the sub bound to erupt into the open. The try and to examine the bearing of stantive realiy: here a group of question that is now posed is in an both upon the formal structure of leaders launched a Swarajya move entirely different context, a context authority as spelt out by the Indian ment against the British and won that I have suffered to call substan Constitution. There can be nothing political independence for the coun- tive. It consists In the fact that a intrinsically wrong in a structure tary, many of them helping them- single team of politicians started which gives greater power to the selves to power at New Delhi. Bom working with more or less harmony people nearer the base: self-govern bay, Madras, Calcutta, Cuttack. Patna and identifiable lines of command; ment is after all, the ideal of poli and so on. The next stage was of the possibility of disturbance in such tical democracy. What needs to be consolidation as well as of a jolly a system of close collaboration "occur- inquired into is whether a federal game of absorption of the Maharajas' ved largely by the imposition of a Constitution necessarily gives such estates: the finesse and muddling misconceived institutional apparatus power to the people. It is suggested, used in this game of absorption we on this political process through the here that it may not, that such an prefer to nickname as statesmanship. adoption of a certain constitutional exercise of power depends not on Well, then came the "master-plan." framework which no doubt smacks formal divisions laid down in the Or, indeed, a. series of master plans. of so many democratic slogans but in Constitution but on quite other con India was never short of grey matter, effect only frustrates all real attempts ditions and that in the absence of and the Prime Minister, who is also at flexibility, freedom, devolution and these conditions, such divisions may the are intepecetual. found out. like decentralisation. It is a. classic ex hamper rather than help the demo Aladin with his lamp, the magicians ample of the form suffocating the cratic process. who could "transform" the country. substance. The function that the The plans having been drawn up federal structure set up under the In what, follows, I have tried to aw! India having taken the route so Constitution is at present performing examine the assumptions underlying elaborately charted in the Kuruk- in the substantive process is of provid a federal policy, to see how far its shetra, the AICC Review and the ing rallying-points for centrifugal claims are justified with reference to Yojna, THe hard task of realising the forces in the country. As the process the basic values of democracy and to Utopia fell on the tried shoulders of largely operates within the ruling evaluate the current debate on "Cen the leadership that organised itself in party—even the various ''movements" tre-States relations" in the light of tho. Planning Commission and the heroine successful only by influencing such an analysis. The formal appara Central and State Cabinets. opinion within the Congress Party— this assumes the form of factionalism tus that is given to us must be judg ed in view of the substative process There is hardly any question within a political party. Had It pot. that operates through it. of constitutional niceties when there been for this abortive yet. half-hearted is so much to do, so closely related attachment to "federalism," the pro are the doers and so impatient are blem of party squabbles disparaging the entire political process would not they to do. Of course, if the constitu NOTES tional pundits have provided them have arisen; or at . least not with its with ammunition in the form of present acuteness. jurisdictional squabbler and pole 1 For the latest! instance of this ten mics about "States' rights" versus On the other hand, the substantive dency, see K Santhanam, Union "overriding national interests" the process can be seen to operate in a Sltate Relations in India, 1960. playground of the VII Schedule—the manner which bypasses the consti Indian genius is quick at grasping tutional structure and creates its own 2 See, for instance, the papers on such opportunities. Moreover. there structure such as suits its needs and "Rural Administration" read be is no gainsaying the fact that once convenience. The friction arising out fore the Indian Political Science the "Mahatma's Parly" gives way to of the formal structure as set up by Conference, 1959. Karl Marx's party or even to a Gana- the Constftut.ion are transcended by 3 tantra Parishad, a Jan Sangh or the operation of an informal process M Venkatarangaiya, Competitive Akali Dal, the jurisdictional squab of adjustment on the one hand and and Cooperative Trends in Federa- hies and the alb-gat ions of partiality the rise of extra-constitutional ins i- ration, 1951. tutions on the other. In what follows, will be more delicious and enjoyable 4 than are the present coverups and therefore, the gap between form and For the classic expression of this groaning sighs. subs Lince is examined at two. levels: view see Harold Laski The Anmeri- (a) at the theoretical level, by ex can Democracy, 1949; Chapter 4. amining the inadequacies of existing MISCONCEIVED INSTITUTIONAL 5 theories and (b) as the practical Paul Appleby, Public Administra APPARATUS level, by spelling out the substantive tion in India, Report of a Survey. But no sooner you agree to this process as it actually operates in the way of presenting the problem, you country. (To be concluded)

680 May 13, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

Form and Substance in lndian Politics — // Panchayati Raj : A Reassessment Rajni Kothari Current thinking on panchayati raj follows from the assumption that territorial autonomy ipso facto makes for greater individual freedom. This is, in fact, baseless assumption. In the absence of a genuine political and social unity, decentralisation may lead to a more centralised and authoritative exercise of political power than when a political elite, educated and liberal and sharing a common ideology, exercises power from above. Our brief experience with panchayats has shown that within the local village community, concentra tion of power can be as Marrow at the State or the Centre. Caste distinctions and other social barriers preclude vast section of people from actively exercising political power. This is not an argument against delegating power to panchayats or other local institutions. What is questioned here is the assumption that panchayati raj will automatically transfer power to the people.

CONTEMPORARY discussions on The Indian National Congress at Directive Principles wherein the the role of local-self-governing it^ 66th Session held at Sardarnagar States are directed to "take steps institutions in this country display passed, among others, resolutions to organise village Panchayats ... to the same characterises as mark the on National Integration and Pan enable them to function as units of arguments for greater State auto chayati Raj. The Resolution on self-government", the Constitution, nomy within the federal structure. National Integration said : one of the most detailed constitu There is the same assumption that " Through the educational tional documents in the world, says only by a diffusion of power right processes and governmental acti nothing about panchayati raj as a till the village base can a democracy vities every effort should be form of political organisation. be established. There is the same made to instil a broad national Even this reference was largely in identification between territorial outlook in our people so that the the nature of a* concession to Gan- jurisdictions and individual rights. forces of provincialism, coinmu- dhian opinion. The Draft Constitu It is assumed that the quality of a ualism and casteism are elimi tion did not even mention village democracy depends upon quantita nated " panchayats. tive and linear considerations, such The; Resolution on Panchayati Soon after the Constitution was as the extent to which power has Raj said: adopted, the country launched on a been delegated to the lower organs " The Congress welcomes programme of planned development. of government. "Democratic de this movement (for establishing The steps leading from the esta centralisation" is therefore, the in a Panchayati Raj) and congratu blishment of the Planning Commis escapable corollary of a parliamen lates the States which have al sion at New Delhi to the adoption tary democracy which is, at the ready adopted it. It trusts, that of the proposal for a panchayati raj same time, federal. the remaining States and Union throughout the country are easy to Theoretical Framework territories in India will also trace. The main consideration has Such views were examined in establish Panchayati Raj in the been the increasingly felt need for general in the first article in this course of this year and transfer public cooperation and participa series. It is proposed to carry the responsibility to the Panchayats tion in national construction. The analysis a step further here both in as large a measure as pos frustration on the agricultural because the issues involved become sible. . ." (Emphasis mine.) front, the slow pace of economic clearer and more vivid when the No Mention in Constitution development and the unfavourable concept of decentralisation of power contrast with performance in some is carried to its logical conclusions It is the purpose of this article to other countries: (such as China, and because there is far greater examine the compatibility of these Yugoslavia and Israel) led to the agreement now on establishing resolutions, which explicitly sAate conclusion that the "lethargy of the panchayati raj than was the case the most important policy preoccupa masses" was the principal stumbl with federal isms- when the consti tions and ideological contours of ing block in the way of develop tuent assembly chose a federal our politicians. In other words ment. This led, in the first instance, structure of government for the how far, would decentralisation of to a mammoth programme of Com country. Reference may here be power to local communities streng munity Development and National made to the fact that the political then or weaken the unity of the Extension Service started in 1952, controversy to which Shri Jaya- nation? Such an examination then to the proclamation of the prakash Narayan's stimulating the must proceed in terms of (1) an ideal of a "Cooperative Common sis has given rise turns on this very inquiry into the theoretical assump wealth" as the sheet-anchor of future issue of the relationship between tions of panchayati raj and (2) the social and economic organisation local autonomy and political demo relevance of those assumptions to in 1958, and, with the admission of cracy. This analysis, therefore, the substantive experience gained. failure on those fronts, to the adop also applies to the argument of It is important to note that, tion of the Report of the Balvantrai the* thesis.' apart from a casual reference in the Mehta Study Teanr as the basis of

754 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 13, 1961 rural reorganisation. Optimism re periences among the people at society, however, can a communi garding the experiment in Andhra large, such a system of political tarian system lead to a democratic- and Rajasthan has led, finally, to organisation would lead to genuine polity. the recent adoption by the Planning national unity. In sum, panchayati The ancient tradition from which Commission as well as the ruling raj is conceived as the closest the doctrine of panchayati raj party, of panchayati raj as the pat approximation, under existing con draws its inspiration is the tradi tern of future political organi ditions, to the ancient concept of 5 tion of "Panch Parameshwar", sation' . direct democracy as practised in where "God speaks through the The shift from a simple directive Athens and, we are told, in ancient Five"''. Even the three-tier elective to organise village panchayats, to India as well. structure of local-self-government which power was to be gradually Underlying these assumptions is as envisaged in the Balwantrai devolved, to the proposal to establish a general theory of local self-gov Mehta Committee Report is based a panchayati raj at one stroke was ernment. According to this theory, on a system of indirect elections reinforced by a parallel develop true democracy consists in maxi from the base to the apex. Such a ment in thinking on the political mum decentralisation of power to structure not only leads to a hierar front. Failure of parliamentary the lower units of government. chical system which brings repre institutions to evoke popular enthu Self-government on the basis of sentatives to power who are far siasm, led to the demand to make popularly elected local councils is, removed from the community they Indian democracy more broad- on this view, a necessary prerequi seek to represent: it also stifles the based. Panchayati raj came to be site of a free society and the only dissenting voice at its very source. visualised not simply as an efficient guarantee of a vigorous democracy One of the most important pivots instrument of social and economic where power can be effectively ex of democracy is the tradition of a development but as an end in itself ercised by the people as well as for dissenting minority receiving ut which will enable village communi the people. The basic concepts most respect from the majority. ties to govern themselves, in a con around which such a theoretical The type of participation envisaged structive and non-partisan manner, framework is built are those of: in the proposal for democratic de thus making democracy real for (i) public participation in poli centralisation leads to quite the the people. As the indefatigable tics, (ii) resource mobilisation opposite result. Shri S K Dey put it village pan for economic development; (iii) Studies in the actual working of chayats are to become little re "basic institutions" in a democracy panchayats in States where demo publics of India, "We would be and (iv) national unity. What cratic decentralisation has been im having 5.00,000 village republics, needs to bo examined is the peculiar plemented have, in fact. shown which would be, morally, phy meaning given to each of these con that while progress has been made sically and spiritually, integrat cepts in such a theory. on some other counts the new ed into the great republic of Popular Participation system has failed to evoke indivi 4 India". J P's thesis of establish The idea that a vigorous demo dual initiative. But it was precisely ing a communitarian society made cracy entails popular participation the need for such initiative that led up of self-governing villages is, in ia unexceptionable'. The concept to the advocacy of the new system. this sense, only an extreme mani of participation, however, is vague The pattern of administration festation of a common concern to and ambivalent. This is not the advocated by the Mehta Committee, establish "gram swarajya" in India. place to enter into a detailed analy far from being a system in which Indeed, J P seems to have exercised sis. Suffice it to say that partici "the Village Panchayats will be considerable influence on official pation by itself is a meaningless organically linked with popular or thinking in this respect. term; it is the type of participation ganisations at a higher level'', Theory of Panchayati Raj one has in view that is really would only sap local initiative at The theoretical assumptions un relevant. For, like so many other the village level. The tendency derlying such thinking can now be concepts in politics, the concept of would be further accentuated by examined. In the main they are participation cuts, both ways: it can the proposal to place sub-divisional four: ta) that panchayati raj will lead as much to authoritarianism as officers and the collector in charge enable the people to effectively to democracy. Participation that of the Panchayat Samiti and the participate in politics; (b) that by is based on a metaphysical theory Zila Parishad respectively and the making the local community the of society such as in the Corporate presence of MLAs and MPs on the author of change, and by awaken State or the Dictatorship of the Parishad. Studies have also indi ing plan-consciousness among the Proletariat can only lead to rigid cated that the real power has passed people, it will make economic deve eonformism and loss of individual on to the, Panchayat Samitis and lopment both speedy and efficient; initiative. The need, in the pre not the village panchayats; even at (c) that the "transference" of sent context, is to distinguish bet the level of Panchayat Samitis, power to village panchayats will ween (1) participation based on power is largely enjoyed by stand enable basic institutions — the co the dignity and rights of the indi ing Committees to whom final deci operatives, the community develop vidual citizen and (2) participation sion making powers are delegatted. ment centres and the yojana samitis based on communal ties. The for It has been observed that ''decisions to usher in a new social order. mer is based on the democratic taken by these standing committees Panchayati Raj, in other words, principles of individual sovereignty are usually partisan and in many will pave the way for a Sahakari and voluntary association, the latter cases extremely unfair and cor Samaj; and lastly (d) that on the on the individual's status in society; rupt". The interesting point is bases of common and shared ex only in a perfectly egalitarian that while on the one hand there 755 May 13, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY is an all-out bid to transfer power effort which are all but lacking in tional government departments. In to the villages' the exercise of such politically underdeveloped nations. reality, such collaboration is consi power is overlaid with a number of Jn their absence, the concern for dered as an encroachment upon the encumbrancer which only stifle harnessing greater manpower would functions of officials who now turn local initiative and enterprise. result either in undermining the into vested interests on the defen Participation gets limited to the democratic character of panchayati sive. A study of the working of local potentates, the overall effect raj or in defeating to own purpose the Panchayat Samitis Act in Raja- being an accentuation of social by frittering away the extra re sthan reveals a complete lack of and economic disparities in the sources into wasteful channels. coordination between various insti villages. Quite apart from the democrat's tutions in the village, the rivalry suspicion of a programme which Resource Mobilisation between those who get into the seeks to conceive local institutions panchayat and those who are in There is some force in the argu as mere instruments of economic charge of cooperatives, the slacken ment that by giving greater power planning, there is little force in the ing of extension officers at the to lower administrative units, a belief, even on purely economic Block level and the loss of interest more ready response from the grounds, that local resources can and "perfunctory attitudes" dis people for planned development only be locally mobilised. In any played by district level officers in would be forthcoming. This is im event, the gains from decentralisa development programmes0. Thirdly, portant in its own way as one of tion of power in terms of physical there is the fact that these insti- the principal problems in planning mobilisation of local resources have tutions not only create rivalry is how best to mobilise economic to be weighed against the political among each other but, by their resources and local initiative. Ob dangers inherent in such an appro bureaucratic intrusion into village servers in Rajasthan and other ach, the economic disadvantage in life, undermine voluntary effort Stales where democratic decentra the form of a diminished market and self-help. The growing ten lisation has been implemented have able surplus and wasteful expendi dency to look to the government also noted an increase in plan- ture, and the social disadvantage for help in every problem is accen consciousness among the people resulting from conflicts between the tuated and saps the vitality of social who are eager to benefit from plan dominant caste or economic interest organisations. The result of a ned development. The concept of in charge of the local panchayat mushroom growth of institutions in resource mobilisation, in this con and the large mass of villagers small communities, under govern text, is not without its difficulties. sought to be "mobilised" by them. mental patronage. therefore, is The eargerness to benefit from often quite the contrary of what is "Basic Democracy" planned development is not the desired. By conceiving participa same thing as the eagerness to con Although it has become fashion tion and cooperation of the people tribute to it. There is no way of able in this country to sneer at in purely political terms, the establishing that local savings experiments in political innovation 'N D C approach only succeeds; in could be more effectively harnessed in countries like Pakistan and the institutionalising all initiative and for financing the Plans by trans U A R, there appears to be a great centralising administration in the ferring power to the base: indeed, deal of similarity in the steps taken name of decentralisation. it is often argued to the contrary to establish so-called "basic demo There is another theoretical con that such power would only involve cracies" in those countries! and the sideration which needs to be stress greater utilisation of local resources Indian approach to "grass-root ed in this connection. An integral for local purposes. What remains institutions". The National Deve principle of democratic govern is the mobilisation of man-power lopment Council has outlined the ment is found in the doctrine of and it is clear it is this mobilisa ideal of a Cooperative Common responsibility: authority must be tion that the planners have in view wealth in which the cooperatives answerable at all events. The while pleading for democratic de and the panchayats are conceived as principle of ministerial responsibi centralisation. Now, of itself, there basic institutions in each village, lity in parliamentary government is nothing wrong in such an appro supported by the C D block in makes precisely for such answer ach: in "fact, it is quite in keeping which a group of neighbouring ability. In so far as delegation of with the concept of growth in which villages are brought together. The power leads to a dilution of the line primitive accumulation is achieved conception smacks of a neat blue of responsibility and makes it posi- by transforming practically unaided print for a future Utopia. Apart sible shift blame to others, demo human labour into economic sur from the usual arguments against cratic government gets weakened. plus. It should not be forgotten, preconceived utopias, the arrange The temptation to enjoy power however, that in all countries' where ment offered suffers from a number without responsibility becomes ende- such mobilisation has been success of weaknesses. Experience has al mic and makes for inefficiency and fully carried out, the political im ready revealed the considerable ex frustration. Decentralisation, under plication has always been in the tent of overlapping between these such conditions, instead of leading direction of authoritarianism. The institutions. Such overlapping is to the devolution of initiative right belief that is possible to "enthuse" not simply a matter of administra down the hierarchy, may result in the people without rigidly control tive* inefficiency; it also gives rise to loss of intiative even where it for ling their behaviour is based on power conflicts and jurisdictional merly existed. Care should be western assumptions regarding squabbles between opposing bure taken to see that in the zeal to, hand political consciousness and the aucracies. The situation is aggra down power, the line of responsibi existence of popular movements vated as these institutions have to lity does not get blurred and con and readiness to make voluntary work in collaboration with tradi fused.

756 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 13, 1961

We can now consider the problem The spread of such a consensus is against centralised exercise of poli posed at the beginning of this sec the function of an elite nursed in tical power. What is questioned tion. Will the delegation of power common traditions and used to an here is a position where centralisa as entailed in the establishment of a agreed code of behaviour. Such a tion and decentralisation are con panehayati raj help or hinder the process percolates, of necessity, from ceived in purely territorial terms. achievement of political unity in above, from the educated middle Under conditions where local gov the country? The question is of classes and from urban centres. Not ernment becomes the preserve of a immense importance under the until this has gone a long way in few. where the absence of organised existing conditions of Indian politi creating a common outlook can public opinion leads to a monopoly cal life. The relevance of the sudden and far reaching experi of political power and where the question to the substantive political ments in "handing down real public at large is left at the mercy process obtaining in the country power'" be hazarded. To assume of self-styled politicians, territorial will be discussed beIow; here that panchayati raj can create unity decentralisation, far from further the theoretical position can be is to misunderstand the nature of ing democracy, only frustrates it- examined. political consensus. The consensus Local self-government at the vill to which panchayati raj would give National Unity age level is a legilimate cause to rise would be only local conformism strive for, But it is not an end in Those who conceive of local auto under another name. It would be itself, just as an elected parliament nomy as the principal characteristic a different type of unity altogether. of a democratic society take their or an independent judiciary are not model from Western communities To identify democracy with local ends in themselves;. It is a means where the historical process consist autonomy, irrespective of the deg to an end the end of being the ed of establishing national unity at ree of social cohesion and political creation of an open society in which first by means of cultural assimila integration, is to confound indivi the individual breathes the air of tion, economic prosperity and a dual liberty with territorial jurisdic freedom. In so far as, and at times common ideology before the diffu tions. The objectives of democracy and places Where, local-self-govern sion of political power to localities do not depend for their realisation ment paves the way for such reali was undertaken and made effective. 90 much on the size of the unit of sation, it is to be encouraged with To import the form and the idea government as on its quality. Centra out any reserve. Under conditions, without the substantive conditions lisation is not necessarily a func however. where power given to under which they operated can only tion of the relations between the localities only succeeds in politicis lead to distortion and false com State and its localities; it may exis-t ing ordinary life processes and placency. in a far graver and more suffocating steamrolling the individual into conformism. the enthusiasm for The essential point is that in the form in the power relations that such an institution has to be re absence of a genuine political uni obtains within a locality. Democracy ceived with utmost circumspection. ty, decentralisation can only lead to should not be confused with the an exercise of political power which parcelling of power into territorial Delegation of power to the pan- is qualitatively more centralised and portions. To do so is to misunder chayats gradually, always bearing authoritarian than is the case where stand the locus of power in a demo in mind the level of political deve a political elite sharing a common cracy which resides in the indivi lopment, is indeed desirable; to ideology and steeped in the liberal dual, not the territory. progressively give power to village tradition exercises power from In this context, the very concept panchayats, however, is not the same above. of "rural democracy" gives rise to thing as establishing a panchayati raj in the country. The latter im Political unity in a society where suspicion. Both political fraternity plies institution of a new type of loyalties to parochial units have not and individual liberty are essentially polity altogether. It is an exercise given place to loyalty to the larger urban ideas, generated amidst ur in Utopia. The proponents of such community and where parochialism ban conditions of living. From there Utopias romantically seek to esta assumes not one but several forms, they percolate into the villages. The blish —- or re-establish — a mythi can only be achieved on the basis call of going "back to the villages" cal Golden Age. since they do not of shared beliefs and convictions; smacks of a crude idealisation of archaic forms and a glorification of understand the forces thaf are trans in other words, on the basis of a past culture. Il will defeat the forming their own society. The common ideology. In India in the achievement of unity, first, by creat trouble is that these Utopian blue past such movements as "Sanskriti- ine vested interests m the territories prints are bound to get distorted sation" and "Westernisation" pro which frustrate the unity of the and perverted in practice. While vided unifying forces. The move larger community: and. secondly, doctrinnaire convictions disguise ment for national independence also by a more cramping, because more reality, the political dynamics of an provided the feeling of unity that immediate, exercise of political au authoritarian social order under cornes out of a community of objec thority, thus preventing a common mines the very purposes for which tives, although this was more in the outlook on fundamentals from the "reconstruct ions" are under nature of a temporary alliance than developing. taken. It also brings in its wake a genuine unity. In the absence of greater frustration and disappoint An Exercise in Utopia a similar consensus in the postdn- ment, as we already know from It is not argued here that power dependence period, the framing out experience. of political power, far from foster should not be dispersed to the peo ing unity, would give rise to sharp ple or that decentralisation of power To summarise the assumption clsavages that would ultimately is not desirable. On the contrary, that an elected local body exercis undermine whatever unity there is. our argument is directed precisely ing wide powers is a necessary part 757 May 13, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY of the machinery of democratic go parochialism are found in the top hierarchy hampers local initiative; vernment is open to question. The most circles. The ordinary indivi finally, the lack of vigorous and need is to examine the question in dual's association with his caste or popular movements of social and the context of actual political deve community is far less harmful than political reform hampers the growth lopment (or under-development) the personal ambitions and group of enlightenment which is the only that obtains in a particular society. rivalries of those in positions of guarantee against the rise of a top- It is a well tried maxim of political power. These create a complex of heavy administrative and political prudence that the transfer of power, cleavages that transforms the whole order11. in order to be smooth, should be political set-up. Such cleavages cut Dynamics of Party System continuously and gradually carried across the administrative hierarchy, The clearest manifestation of the out. always bearing in mind the party divisions and governmental characteristics of Indian politics peculiar stage of development. An institutions. The resulting power over-night "revolution'' on the complex is substantially different mentioned above is found in the other hand, while it sounds excit from the one suggested by the forms functioning of the party system in ing, only leads to consequent frus of parliamentary democracy and local politics. It gives rise to both tration and revulsion. Finally, it local self-government. a steamroller effect in the decision needs to be assessed how far a pre making process and monopolisation Political Underdevelopment mature introduction of "self-rule'' of political power in the localities. retards political development. The Now there is? no doubt- that the Of great interest in this regard is question, so posed, turns into an in prevalence of factions within poli the plea so often made for non-in quiry as to how far such a step tical institutions at the national or terference by political parties? in the would lead, first to a waste of scarce State level has its own role to play elections to village panchayats. resources in terms of administrative in political development. It pre There are even appeals from known talent, political skill, and economic vents the rise of a monolithic State, political leaders to select panchayats resources; and, secondly, to the rise helps to create a tradition of com without resort to elections. The of new considerations and incentives promise and political persuasion doctrine of "unanimous elections", that would affect the very function and paves the way for a more de reflecting the traditional approach ing of democratic instiltuions. mocratic order. The impact of such to gram panchayats, has been gain tendencies on the functioning of ing ground of late. Such a doctrine These considerations have been local self-g o v e r n i n g institutions is not limited to Sarvodaya leaders dealt with in point of theory; they must, not however be ignored. At only. The Congress Panchayat would become more clear when the present stage of political deve Committee (1954) went to the ex viewed in the context of the actual lopment, a system which hands tent of recommending a larger de political experience of the country over power precisely to agencies volution of powers to panchayats in the post-independence period. within which factionalism assumes selected without elections. Such The Substantive Context most acute proportions ean only pleas have since been revived regu Political development, in India lead to conflicts that were so far larly bv Congressmen and other over the last fourteen years reveals restrained by a competent political leaders. Shri Morarji Desai, address to a marked degree the variance leadership on the national level. ing Congressmen in Cauhati recent between the formal political set-up The politicisation of caste and com ly implored them to work for un established under the Constitution munal cleavages can onlv make for animity in elections to panchayats and other legislative, measures and further disintegration. The exercise as well as to Congress committees, the substantive political process of power by the local communities declaring that those "who worked which not only cuts across the forms either results in the perpetuation of for that end did greater service to but gives rise to its own forms. old vested interests now reinforced the organisation and the country. ." Such a variance follows from many by a monopoly of political power Opinions expressed by Congressmen factors.. The political process is and financial psources or leads to before the Democratic Decentralisa conditioned by indigenous culture disorder and corruption. tion Committe of the Gujarat State, patterns', social structure, bureauc So much for the general problems which has recently concluded its ratic traditions of an earlier period arising out of political under-deve work, show the same emphasis on and historical events such as the lopment. If we examine the actual unanimity. Reports of recent meet movement for national indepen power relations that obtain within a ings of Block Development officers dence. These factors account both Stale, we are struck by the extent at the State level also indicate the for the divisive tendencies that are of concentration of power under same trend, It is held by many in superimposed on the functioning of cover of a formally decentralised this country that although the hold political institutions and for the political order. This has several ing of elections are part of the loyalties that cut across formal divi reasons. The bureaucracy at the democratic process, they are not sions of political authority. State and district levels jealously desirable at the local level. The most important fact of guards its privileges from outside Even for those who believe in the Indian politics in the post-ndepen- encroachments; a situation in which electoral process as a lever for denee period is the very wid.-» hold political parties dominate all other change in the village structure, party of local, communal and sectional institutions in India renders local conflict seems undesirable. The Con- loyalties on the political proces-. It politics into an instrument of State gress Resolution on Panchayali Raj has become customary in this coun and national politics; the fact that has advocated that political parties try to castigate the 'parochial' peo political aspirations in this country be kept out of local elections, The ple. The remarkable fact, however, have been traditionally in the direc sentiment is shared by a large body is that the most potent forms of tion of "climbing up" the official of opinion in this country. To the 758 THE ECONOMY WEEKLY May 13, 1961 general aversion to party politics in larger units of political organisa rumour either by party leaders or this country, is added the feeling tion where the prevalence of middle- by officials and as a result sitting that if employed at the village level, class values and the scope for politi members and those considered res it will contaminate local politics cal competition turns local self-gov pectable by them got in unoppos and lead to jobbery and curruption. ernment to advantage. There is also ed17. While it is reasonable to It is not realised that the village the fact that such areas provide assume that elections will in the unity which is feared to be disrupt more efficient units of government long run pave the way to greater ed by parties is a myth and does iu terms of administrative viability, political consciousness, the lowering not exist in reality, that political financial resources and technical of caste and social harriers, the pre parties have an educative role to know-how. The attempt at grouping vailing power complex in the perform in the country's develop village panehayats under Panchayat village frustrates such a develop ment and that party conflicts would Samitis which again arc under sub ment. On the question whether the eventually cut across caste cleavages ject to Zila Parishads, on the basis institutions of political democracy and parochial loyalties, replacing of indirect elections, far from would gradually secularise caste and the, latter by political and secular making for efficient self-government local conflicts or whether the latter divisions based on voluntary asso will only accentuate the tendencies would utilise the former for their ciation and some identification of towards concentration of power. own end, much would depend on the programmes and principles in place centralisation of initiative and fac way the leadership approaches the of hereditary privileges and status tional isnr. Indeed, it has been perti problem. All that can be said at considerations. nently observed that the linkage' present is that until secularism be Greater power for the village established between the village pan comes a dominant value in our panchayats and other local institu chayat and the district administra villages, experiments with structural tions, far from resulting in diffusion tion by means of the institutional ''revolutions" in the political organi of power, makes for greater concen structure of panchayati raj, makes sation of the country must be viewed tration of power in the hands of a for official usurpation of local initia with caution and circumspection. few politicians. Panchayats and tive and undermines the dispersal municipalities, under such condi of real power. It brings democratic Panchayati Raj and Democracy tions, turn into so many pockets of decentralisation dangerously near The above analysis is not intend power. The coalescence of local, the older concept of 'democratic 13 ed to be a plea against delegating communal and party factions is the centralism' . power to village panehayats and most significant fact that emerges Panchayat Elections other local institutions. Nor is it from a study of the substantive suggested that we should ignore the Recent studies of panchayat elec political process in the village com problems of rural development. This tions also bring out some of these munities. is both necessary and desirable. trends. Monopolisation of power by Greater power to the people, how This is a danger signal that the leaders from the upper castes is the ever illiterate and ignorant, is the proponents of local autonomy ought most universal feature. In a State only way to begin the process of to bear in mind. Other dangerous wide survey of panchayat electio'ns, popular participation so vital to a trends consist in the revival of the it was found that whereas the sche democracy. The whole question is ancient practice of handing over duled castes constituted 17 percent the precise mode in which such judicial functions to the panchas, of the total population, they secur participation takes place. Organisa the civil disorder and threats of ed barely 1 per cent of the seats". tion of enlightened opinion, emer violence at the time of elections, the Intimidation is freely employed gence of new cadres of leadership misappropriatio'n of funds and the against members of the lower castes and political education of the un- undermining of "traditional leader aspiring to a'n elected office. During opinionated have to been seen as an ship" by upstarts who find their the course of election campaigns, 12 integrated task : the power that is opportunity in the new Utopia . threats of reprisal by and of with delegated must go to the people, not Experience of Municipalities drawal of money-lending and other 15 to existing pockets of power. If we turn to our experience of facilities are freely employed. The local self-government in this coun candidates for the reserved seats That, indeed, is the criterion of try, especially in running munici that must be filled by persons from measuring the extent to which power palities where there is a long experi lower castes are nominated by high- has been diffused in a democratic ence to draw upon, we find that caste leaders; subsequently they are society. This article questions the while some of the larger municipali found never to attend any meeting twin assumptions that an elected ties in big cities have excellent re of the panchayat. thus leaving the local government is in all cases a cords and have also proved effective administration in the hands of the necessary ingredient of democratic 16 training grounds for leadership, the dominant caste . Interference with politics and that a panchayati raj smaller municipalities, with some the electoral process, when the doct will usher in an age where political notable exceptions, suffer from in rine of unanimity noted above is power will be exercised by the cessant bickerings, personal rivalries found not to work, is resorted to. people at large. It is argued here and the worst species of corruption In one village with a panchayat of that the criterion of judging a de and power politics. This only brings long standing, a rumour was spread mocracy is provided by the freedom out the fact that, in the absence of that if elections to the panchayat and autonomy of the individuals, not widespread political consciousness, a were avoided, the village will get of any area of authority; secondly, responsible exercise of political more development grants. No at that at the present stage of political nower is more likely to occur in tempt was made to counter the development there is the danger that 759 May 13, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY local autonomy may be exploited Unhappy Utopia—J P in Wonder The Economic Weekly, April 26, by a few to their personal or sec land' by W H Morris-Jones, The 1958. tional advantage; and thirdly that Economic Weekly, July 25, 1960; 11 Recent appraisals of the failures such a system may entail greater 'Reconstruction of Indian Polity— of the Bhoodan movement have led centralisation of political power Defence of J P' by William Carpen to precisely this realisation that, than is found in a system where ter and 'Rejoinder' by Morris-J ones however lofty a reform, it is bound efficient administration and trained in the Annual Number, February 4, to get distorted without a powerful leadership is exercised from larger 1961; 'Jayaprakash Narayan's The cadre of social workers spread all units of government. The latter sis' by Rajni Kothari, April 9, over the country. allows greater scope for individual 1960. initiative, freedom of dissent, healthy 12 On the relationship between 2 The details of the Report are competition for power and a wide traditional and "modernist" leader now common knowledge. A brief consensus on fundamentals; the ship, see Myron Weiner, 'Some outline is given in Democratic De former inevitably makes for a neg Hypotheses on the Politics of Moder centralisation, published by the nization in India' in Leadership and lect of the individual, conform ism Ministry of Community Development Political Institution in India ed: by in ideas, unprincipled scramble for and Cooperation. For a critical re Richaud Park and Irene Tinker. power and the undermining of uni- view of the Report, see the article fying forces within the larger com by A Dotson in the Indian Journal 13 S P Aiyar, 'Democratic De in unity. oj Public Administration, January- centralisation : Experiment in India' This examination of the proposal March 1958. in The Economic Weekly, Janury 14, 1961. for panchayati raj shows that the 3 See, in this connection, the doctrinaire attachment to local self Planning Commission Circular to 14 P K Chandhuri, op, cit. government irrespective of the level State Governments -dated April 28, 15 Morris Opler, "Factors of Tra of political development is a product 1954; Recommendations made at dition and Change in a Local Flec of mistaken identities in point of the Conference of Stale Ministers of tion in Rural India", Park and theory, and that, in point of prac Local-Self-Government held in Simla, Tinker, op. cit. On this theme, see tice. the claims made for such a 1951; Report of the Congress Pan. also F G Bailey, ''Traditional Socie system of political organisation bear chayat Committee of July 1954; ty and Representation : A Case little resemblance to the substantive Resolutions passed at the All India Study In Orissa'' Archires Euro- political experience gained in the First Panchayat Conference held on peeniws De Sociologies Vol 1, No 1960 country. 12th April, 1958 at Deoghar, Bihar; 1960. The actual power complex that and Report of the Study Team of 16 Unpublished dissertation by manifests itself in the country cuts Congress M Ps on Panchayati Raj in Ghanshyam Shah, Department of across the formal divisions of autho Rajasthan, October. 1960. The bold Political Science. M S University of rity between the Centre, the States, est proposals so far are to be found Baroda. Role of Patidars in the the Zila, the Block and the Village. in the Report of the Democratic De Public Life of Kalali. The system as it works is, of course, centralisation Committee, Gujarat 17 ibid. not to lie regretted; it has its ow'n State, January 1961. merits at the present stage of our de 4 For the earliest statement to this Alloy Steel velopment. But to cling to an ideology effect by Mahatma Gandhi, see which is so much at variance with Young India, September 17, 1925. A number of applications, in- facts is to fail to appreciate the true ntuding those from major pro 5 For the opposite viewpoint, see dimensions of Indian political life. ducers, for setting up units for Morris-Jones, op. cit. The idea of the manufacture of special alloy steels, An analysis of the latter reveals very need of public cooperation, at are under consideration and a deci that the two dominant institutions the present stage of development, has sion in the matter is likely to be which make for order, purposiveness been challenged by Sisir Gupta, and discipline in Indian politics are taken shortly by the Government of 'Indian Democracy: What Gives It India. the political parlies and the admin Stability? in The Economic Weekly, istrative bureaucracy. These indeed Special Number, June, 1960. Capacity already existing or give rise to centralisation of political licensed for steels with a minimum power but it is a centralisation which 6 The idea has been elaborated in of chromium, nickel, mylybdenum is less cramping and more flexible an article entitled 'Gram-Rajya' in and other alloying elements which than the one entailed in a pancha- the A I C C Economic Review, July required, specialised plant, is about 24, 1954. yati raj. They are capable of gradu 10,000 tons. It is estimated that ally dispersing power to lower levels 7 The Baharu roi Mehta Committee the requirements would, be about of political organisation without re Report; The Rajasthan Vanchayat 200,000 tons per year by the end sort to abrupt changes and without Samitis and Zilla Parishad s A ct, of the Third Plan. undermining the unity of the larger 1959. As it takes some time for pro community. 8 'A year of Panchayati Raj' by duction to come up to capacity, it is Notes P K Chaudhuri in The Economic proposed to license capacity neces Weekly, Annual Number; February sary to produce initially 200,000 1 A plea for the Reconstruction of 4, 1961. tons a year. Of this, the Central India Polity by Jayaprakash Nara 9 op. cit. Alloy Steel Plant will contribute yau. about 50,000 tons and the ord The Thesis has been discussed in 10 See M N Srinivas, 'The Nature nance factories would make avail some detail in this journal. See 'The and Problem of Indutn Unity' in able 35,000 tons. 760 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 20, 1961

Form and Substance in Indian Politics—III Parliamentary Government Law and Usage Rajni Kothari

Even after independence the Congress continues to be regarded as the party of the entire Indian peo ple. It has launched a movement for social and economic reconstruction which is no less significant than the independence movement. The Congress has succeeded in encompassing within its folds the most important interests in the country. A large part of the political process therefore takes place within the Congress which, in fact con stitutes a party system by itself . Political opposition is more effective when it comes from within the Congress, than from other par ties. Being in, power at the Centre and in all the States, the Congress Party provides the most efficient channel of communication between the people and Central and State Governments. The concentration of power within the Congress Party may itself be a matter for concern. But its uninterrupted spell in power has meant political stability. Whether the system of government which has evolved will endure or not will depend on the interplay of personalities and the fortunes of particular political parties in the next decade. Provided there are no major upheavals, there is reason to hope that the substantive pattern of govern ment set up by the Congress will be able to meet the requirements of a developing polity

TWO dimensions of the Indian its limitations. These become all the systems of political organisation for political situation—the horizontal more serious because the traditions the country. It was argued by some, distribution of power between the and conventions that enable some at times convincingly, that Indian Centre and the States, and the verti other democracies to overcome the polity should take as its model "our cal distribution within the States- shortcomings of their formal order own' ancient institutions, with modi have so far been analysed. We-now have yet to evolve. The develop fications to suit present day condi turn to the power relations in the ment of the institutional pattern can. tions. It was argued that adult "core" of our political system—the however, be looked upon with some franchise, and rule by the ballot parliamentary set-up. confidence. The evolution is on the Were not suited to the mass poverty It is necessary to emphasise a right lines although it has a long and illiteracy of India; they were the outset that the Indian system way to go. Rut for the process to also 'not necessary, as India had has worked admirably well within continue, momentary notions about better traditional patterns to fall the limits of its constitutional frame the future institutional order should back upon. Opponents of tills view work. Unlike in so many "new" not be allowed to distract it from pointed out. however, that the only countries, the essentials of a free the mainstream of development. relevant experience we had had of polity are preserved. Freedom of There is also reason to sound a any system of political organisation note of warning about certain re speech and association are jealously was that of parliamentary democra cent political developments. The guarded; political opposition, orga cy. Earlier experience was loo position needs to be examined with nised or otherwise, is allowed full vague and fragmentary to draw a view to distinguish elements which scope; new methods of diffusing upon. The socalled traditionally advance democracy from those which power are being tried, albeit at Indian systems were not relevant impede it. times prematurely; sectional loyalties to the values and needs of modern are restrained from assuming dan Choice of Institutions society seeking to achieve social gerous proportions. Public opinion, The evolution of our parliamen and economic justice. Even those when expressed powerfully, is ef tary institutions along possibly new who advocated parliamentary de fective, although very often belated lines of development is the subject mocracy were divided among ly. And the party system, although of this article. It is necessary first to themselves: some favoured the weak and fragmentary, performs the examine some prevailing opinions presidential system based on the all-important function of maintain and the theoretical assumptions that tinted States model as being more ing stability and political continuity. seek to "legitimise" the existing democratic and more suited to It has succeeded in providing a institutional pattern and see 'how Indian conditions-; others preferred comprehensive frame of reference to these assumptions differ from actual the British model. As it turned the political process, thanks to practice before attempting to define out. India ultimately adopted the a subtle dispensation of patronage the precise substantive process that latter with a few modifications, and an intricate system of "connec obtains in the country. particularly the 'division., of autho tions" wielded by the ruling parly The Constituent Assembly, during rity' between the centre and the States and consequent changes in The constitutional framework, its deliberations on the Draft the position of the Head of the within which this system works has Constitution, considered alternative

783 May 20, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

State, the Upper House of Parlia few, and the habit of voluntary revealed by the experience of the ment, the Judiciary and the ser effort and self-reliance was lacking. last decade and more. The absence vices. The success of parliamentary gov of these conventions and the deve Critics of Parliamentary Democracy ernment in other countries could be lopment of new usages as well as Even after the Constitution was traced to the traditions of dissent the existence of a different climate adopted, the differences of opinion and tolerance and vigorous develop of opinion account for the gap be ment of voluntary and self-govern tween the theory of parliamentary persisted. Many felt that parlia 5 mentary democracy was unsuited to ing associations . The important government and the actual prac carry out the economic and social point is that these institutions pre tice in India. ceded the rise of parliamentary Apathy of the Majority "revolution" on which the country 6 had launched soon after the adop government in those countries. Political attitudes like tradi tion of the Constitution. The spec Distrust of Institutional Innovations tion are a product of history and tacular success of the Bhoodan persist through time. It is remark movement of Vinoba Bhave drew The proponents of these views, able that recent developments in widespread attention in India and unlike the Bhoodan School, seem ideas regarding the functions of abroad. Some described the Bhoo to have no intention of discarding government in India have lent dan movement as a new level of the constitutional apparatus of par weight to some traditional notions. politics.1 They expected the energy liamentary government. Indeed According to the trusteeship theory, let loose by the movement to be able they are sceptical of institutional the possession of political power is to change the character of Indian innovations. They believe that far considered the legitimate preserve politics. too many of India's political diffi of a few who, in turn, look after culties arose precisely because of a the interests of the multitude as best It was also felt that parliamen too rigid and formalistic interpre as they can. It was considered pre tary government was an inadequate tation of the Constitutional provi sumptuous for ordinary people to basis for democracy. Whether the sions. The initial task, they beli claim to be able to run the govern "one man, one vote" principle eve, is, to spread habits of self-help ment. That was the natural task of could provide a good and just gov and social and political conscious- "kshatriyas". Implicit in this pre ernment was doubted.2 As a result, ness and popularise voluntary asso scriptive view of holding public elaborate alternative systems of ciations which would make arbitrary office is an attitude of irresponsibi political organisation were sought government impossible and allow lity and fatalism towards political to be devised in which democracy increasing participation by the events. could be intimately tied up with people in the decision-making pro the life experience of the people, cess. Only then can institutional It was to be expected that the in thus avoiding both the remoteness reforms be worked out piecemeal.7 stitutions of a democratic polity of the seat of authority and the new would counter such attitudes by de 3 The institutional assumptions despotism of majority rule. veloping new norms of political be underlying the system of govern haviour. This has not happened. ment, based on the British model, There were others who, while ad On the contrary, the old norms have adopted in India have been the mitting that parliamentary govern found a new lease of life from mod object of continuous study, starting ment marked a substantial advance ern notions of a welfare state, social with the brilliant exposition of Wal on earlier forms of political orga security and planned economic de ter Bagehot in mid-nineteenth cen nisation, felt that it seriously limit velopment. The paternal attitude tury8. The principal features of ed the evolution of democratic of the rulers and the apathy of the this system are representative demo habits and conventions. It led to ruled are the inevitable concomit cracv on the basis of a broad-based concentration of power and bureau- ants of a welfare state. Even in the franchise, strong government under cratisation of initiative which were U K the revival of paternal attitude the guidance of a collectively res inimical to the growth of individual on the part of the Government re ponsible Cabinet,9 an independent freedom. Participation by the miniscent of the House of Stuarts judiciary, political organisation of people was limited to the right to hap been noticed with the coming the nation through political parties cast a vote once every five years of the welfare state16. In a country competing for power while agreeing and the division between political like India where 'utilitarian' notions on fundamentals,10 recognition of 'haves' and 'have-nots' assumed a of government have hardly percolat the pivotal role of the opposition in new class character. Political deci ed beyond a tiny coterie of nine the scheme of government,11 political sions came to the individual as teenth century liberals and where neutrality of the Head of State and fait accompli. This led him to look the traditional attitude towards gov the civil service12 and the principles for security in parochial loyalties ernment as a trust continues, the of popular mandate.13 ministerial which undermined the growth of succession of an alien administra responsibility,14 and administrative national consciousness. Above all, tion that presumed to "civilise" the continuity and anonymity15. the system, was basically unstable, natives by a nationalist elite deter encouraging indiscipline and dis 4 Much of this arrangement is mined to ameliorate the "condition order. based on constitutional conventions of the people" has led to a position These difficulties were accentuat and political usage regarding the where individuals are not allowed ed in a country where democratic relationship between the administ to take decisions for themselves for traditions were wanting, where ration and political parties, the gov- fear that they will make mistakes. there was no agreed code of poli ernment and opposition, and Mini The doctrine of the Real Will takes tical behaviour. mediums of ex sters and civil servants, many of root and. stunts the development of pression of public opinion were which are lacking in India, as the spirit of adventure and self-reli- 84 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 20, 1961 ance. Such a climate is conducive government reciprocates by plead tendency to stretch the classical to the growth of a democracy, that is ing greater consideration for mino doctrine of the liberal state too collectivist rather than one that is rities18 on the one hand and by far) ; a part of the press has re- liberal-parliamentary. condemning the growth of sectional fused to be gagged; and the natio ism in politics on the other. The nal leadership restrains fanaticism Irresponsibility in Highest Circle result is that political bargaining and jingoism in the ruling party The tendency to shirk responsibi- takes a communal colour and pro from becoming a menace. Of lity is shared also by those in high gress toward secularism is frust course, these developments are a est political positions. Thus it is rated. result of the presence of powerful not uncommon for Ministers to try This is true not only of com personalities steeped in liberal tra to shift responsibility on to civil munal or economic minorities, but ditions and have not become gene servants in cases of misgovernment also of political and professional rally accepted conventions which and assert that they had "acted on groups. The opposition cites the could effectively prevent the rise of the best available advice"; the civil "political compulsions of a back undemocratic forces in the future. servants, in turn, blame party bos ward economy" and pleads for a There is reason to believe, however, ses' to whose pressure, however, they share in political authority19 while that these values are spreading and, usually succumb; the organisa their true function is to build up a provided there is no major political tional wing of the party blames the vigorous opposition and try to cap disturbance in the coming decade, governmental or parliamentary ture power. It forgets that the best democracy will have struck roots. wing; the States blame the Centre means of sharing power with the Meanwhile the cultural climate and the Centre blames the States ruling group in a democracy is pre would also become conducive to and both blame the Planning Com cisely to build up an effective op the growth of an open and flexible mission; politicians take cover position, by restricting the power society. under "party discipline" to explain of the majority group. Congress Continues to Dominute away embarrassing questions; above We can now examine the working all, the Prime Minister himself Even more deplorable is the of parliamentary government in complains of factions and groups in tendency among professional groups India against the background of his own party and administrative to demand special consideration, ideas, attitudes and the broad insti inefficiency and careerism in his such as representation on important tutional matrix analysed above. government. Cabinet Ministers dif public bodies. The latest example Only tentative observations on the fer publicly on important policy is provided by the demand made by behaviour of specific institutions issues and State Governors spread the Institute of Engineers for special can be made here. The ruling party 20 confusion by thinking loudly in seats in the legislatures . Such de has not given up the position of be public17. It has become a common mands are made in the belief that ing the party of the entire Indian place for Ministers out of office to opinion in order to be effective must people, charged with launching a become hypercritical of the Gov take the form of legislative repre movement for social and economic ernment even though they never so sentation and that official agencies reconstruction which is no less sig much as uttered a word of dissent are the only seats of power. There nificant than the movement for when in office. is little attempt at cultivating spe national independence. A large cial "lobbies" on behalf of non- part of the political process takes The habit of complaining and the political groups and voluntary orga place within the ruling party and tendency to evade responsibility nisations representing vital inte almost the entire political leadership also affect a very important problem rests. is provided by Congressmen. Public of Indian politics — the minority identifies the Congress Party with problem. In a democracy, the Positive Developments the government and the administra social or economic minority becomes Those, then, are some of the tion. The Congress Party constitu a political minority. Then by per shortcomings of the . actual opera tes an elaborate party system by suasion and public propaganda this tion of the political process in this itself. Political opposition is more political minority strives to become country. They should not, however, effective when it comes from within a majority. The consequent alter lead us to neglect some positive the ruling party than from other nation between majority and mino developments. While the deeper parties. It has succeeded to a re rity lays the foundation of a vigo bases of democracy are largely markable extent in accomodating rous party system and checks poli wanting, certain workable conven the most important interests in the tical authority from becoming ar tions have taken root. The majo country, allowing them to become bitrary towards minorities. rity rule has not turned into a ty so many pressure groups and medi The tendency in India is quite ranny; the opposition in Parlia ating between them to achieve work the reverse. Minorities remain in a ment is given more weight than its able solutions. It also provides an more or less permanent state of numerical strength warrants; there efficient channel of communication minority. There is hardly any are some individualists in the rul between the general public and the attempt to open up minority orga ing party who do not hesitate to Central and State governments. The nisations to outsiders, build up a support the opposition when the organisational wing of the party political movement or create public ruling party is guilty of a distinct asserts itself to take up the cause opinion. The minorities prefer to breach of the rules of the game; of aggrieved interests against the continue as minorities and ask for the judiciary, at least at the higher government. Not that it always special privileges as a group which levels, is awake to its responsibilities succeeds. accepts its minority status as some as a watchdog of the public inte The concentration of power with thing given and unchangeable. The rest (although there is at times a in the ruling party is certainly a 785 May 20, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY cause for concern. This is parti ber of years, The benefit of the more powerful than the British cularly evident at the time of elec Prime Minister's patronage has, monarch23. On the other hand, from tions when the party has to rely more often than not, gone to able the debates in the Constituent As heavily on the ability of its 'chari men without popular or party sup sembly it is clear that the framers smatic' leadership. Between elec port. Membership of the party of the Constitution desired to limit tions, however, continuous accomo and a seat in the legislature duly the status of the President to that dation and adjustment between the follow on the assumption of Minis of a Constitutional figurehead. But government, the ruling party and terial office. The situation is not the actual limiting of the President's the general public can be discerned dissimilar to that in eighteenth cen powers has been made to depend at the State and district levels, in tury England when rotten boroughs on the growth of conventions to particular. All this makes for poli and the patronage of barons en that effect. The conventions which tical stability. On the other hand, abled men like Pitt, Burke and Fox will develop in course of time will it also means that the country re to get into Parliament. Shri Nehru depend to a large extent on the mains totally unprepared for a poli has often cast his net wide, includ first half a dozen or so incumbents tical change. The Congress tole ing the State Ministries, to get of the President's office, on their rates opposition but it does not con able persona for his Cabinet. He is personalities and on those of the sider with equanimity the prospects relatively unfettered in his choice, Prime Ministers: with whom they of the opposition getting into power. unlike the British Prime Minister, have to work. The position of the Congress Party who has to comply with a number Dr Rajendra Prasad's impact in Indian politics is in many res of conventions (such as the rigid on the President's office is not pects unique among parliamentary division between the Houses of clear. It is known, however, that democracies. Parliament) and consult important the first President has not been party leaders.21 Shri Nehru's choice Ministries Lack Homogencity content to remain a silent observer has become even more free with the of political events. He has made This is also reflected in the work departure of elderly politicians from his weight felt, where necessary by ing of the. Cabinet and the govern the political scene. The stature, expressing frankly his differences ment. The principle of collective prestige and initiative enjoyed by with the Cabinet. This is natural responsibility is not always observed Shri Nehru make his position com since the President and the Minis even though it is laid down in the parable to that of the United ters were comrades during the Constitution and is not a mere mat States President rather than the freedom struggle and they now er of convention. This is the re 2 British Prime Minister' . react to each other as individuals, sult of the fact that the Central and not as institutions. Within the State Ministries lack unity and President's Controversial Position limits of constitutional propriety, homogeneity. They resemble more The same cannot be said of the therefore, the President may wield a coalition of regional and political Chief Ministers of various States. considerable influence by virtue of interests than a group united by Barring a few exceptions, every his informal relationship with the common loyalties and shared ideas. Chief Minister is under continuous Prime Minister and other important The eclecticism is more marked pressure to accomodate men who ministers. at the State level where diverse inte have a large following in the party rests have to be accomodated. At State Governors in particular regions or among the Centre the powerful personality particular interests. Rigid adherence That, however, is not the whole of the Prime Minister does make to the principle of seniority in the story. The President is becoming an for some sort of teamwork and party and the government further active factor in politics, lending his camaraderie. The tendency for in restricts the Chief Minister's free support to important factions within dividual ministers to continue in dom to choose his colleagues. There the ruling party. He maintains di office from one election to another, have been innumberable instances rect contacts with politicians, leaders until death, political defeat or the of factions within the ruling party of interest groups and even admi manifest disfavour of the High having to be appeared by distri nistrators, and wields an influence Command removes him also makes buting the spoils of office, if neces far in excess of that wielded by the for continuity in political experi sary by enlarging the Cabinet. The British monarch. The Presidents ence. But, again, it creates frustra situation is even more delicate in support to the Hindi lobby in Par tion and a sense of being left out States where a coalition govern liament and in the government, his among others. ment is in power. close relationship with the Northern group in the Cabinet and his expres These characteristics affect the The extent to which the prece sion of strong difference of opinion relationship between the executive dents established by Shri Nehru at on the government's social and eco and the legislature to a marked the Centre will become generally nomic policies indicate the manner degree. But the most far-reaching accepted conventions will depend in which Dr Prasad is trying to as constitutional innovation is the evo on future events, particularly on sert himself. There may be many lution of the office of the Prime the personality of the next Prime other instances that have not yet Minister. There is no doubt that Minister and of his colleagues. come to light. Shri Nehru's powerful personality is the principal factor in moulding The constitutional position of the The position of the State Govern this office. The freedom he enjoys Union President has been the subject ors is similar to that of the Presi in the choice of his colleagues makes of considerable controversy in this dent. Govenors have frequently it possible for individuals whose country. The Constitution vests expressed their differences on parti sole support comes from the Prime enormous powers in the President, cular policies of the State Govern Minister to hold office for a num which make him incomparably ments. There have also been in- 787 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 20, 1961 stances where the Governor has Conventions of Parliamentary growth of conventions. In India, looked more to the Centre than to Government however such precedents as have the elected ministry in the State. Constitutional conventions harden been established must be taken The weight he pulls with the Centre over a period of time. For a prece as provisional indicating possi has reinforced his position in the dent to become a convention, at ble lines of development rather State. The appointment of politi least three conditions must be ful than accepted conventions, cians who are not willing to be pas filled : it must possess the sanction ' Functional ' Upper Houses ? sive figureheads has also led to the of long usage; it must command modification in practice of the Gov general acquiescence; and it must It is possible, at the same time, ernor's role as envisaged in the be in consonance with accepted to argue that the constitutional Constitution. constitutional principles. The most structure adopted in great detail by These developments with regard important condition is the sanctity the Constituent Assembly is res- to the position of the President and of time which transforms individual trie ting flexible political develop the Governors may not be entirely acts into conventions. 'Those who ment. The American type of exe unwelcome. It may effectively check take decisions create precedents cutive in place of the Cabinet the increasing power of the head of which others tend to follow, and government. without however a the government. Much would de when they have been followed long strict separation of powers. may pend, however, on the purposes for enough they acquire the sanctity have been more suitable for a which the President's or the Gov and the respectability of age. They country like India which needs cen ernors' influence is exerted. not only are followed but they have tralised direction by able and de 25 Regional Alignment in Legislatures to be followed" . voted men more than a horizontally The working of the Union and Some of the conventions of par and vertically plural political State legislatures during the last liamentary government have been order. Or, again, a strong case fifteen years reveals important specified in the Indian Constitution. can be made out for a "functional" trends. The domination of the They, therefore, acquire the force Upper House whereby different in Congress Party at the Centre and of law. Others which have not terests and associations could be in most of the States has ensured been specifically mentioned draw intimately associated with political that the legislatures are consulted their validity from the British ex deliberations. Since strong lines on all important matters. The perience and the political experi communication between social and overwhelming strength of the rul ence of English rule in India. Still political institutions have yet to be ing party also makes for frank and others find their sanction in the built, an Upper House so constitut open discussions by partymen on debates of the Constituent Assemb ed would supplement the Lower the floor of the House. M Ps-and ly. It is about the conventions House by bringing the specialised M L As are aligned on regional that have grown since the adoption knowledge of its Members to bear lines which cut across party loyal of the Constitution that doubt upon Government's policy. This is ties. The working of Parliamentary prevails. not however possible without Committees reveals a fusion of views amending the Constitution. It is Institutions in India are still in of members of opposing parties. possible that the Indian genius for a stage of flux. Their behaviour These Committees, by their frank adaptation and assimilation may does not follow a consistent pattern. criticism of the government have overcome the limitations imposed The position is made difficult by the become watchdogs of public inter by the Constitution. On the other fact that the same party has conti est. Their constant scrutiny has hand, the Indian tradition of scho nued in office throughout this period. helped to maintain financial pro lastic interpretation of texts may It is not clear if the precedents it priety and administrative efficien make for formal rigidity even has set would be binding on ano cy24. Informal contacts between though flexible institutions may be ther party when it comes to power. M L A s or M P s and ministers required politically. Again, many recent usages have make it possible to sound the gov been the direct result of the impact It is clear from the above review ernment on important movements of dominant personalities "Charis of parliamentary government in in public opinion. This process is matic" behaviour can hardly lead India that many institutions and more noticeable in State capitals to the growth of conventions which processes of political life as they than at the Centre. An M L A is must be based on general concen have evolved in practice differ much closer to his constituents sus. Further political decisions, from the forms laid down in the than an M P. When the State specially those taken within the Constitution. Politicians bound to assemblies are in session hectic ac ruling party's High Command or gether by considerations of expe- tivity goes on in the corridors, the Cabinet, were made in an members' chambers and waiting diency and a common loyalty to atmosphere of secrecy. They thus rooms which bears testimony to the the Prime Minister who enjoys al become open to different interpre opening out of the seat of authori most complete freedom in choosing tations. Finally. developments in ty under pressure of democratic his colleagues, continue uninter the Centre and the different States politics. Similar contacts between rupted in office provided they keep are not always uniform. the rulers and the ruled are notice alive, retain the safe seats from able when ministers visit the con The progress from monarchial which they are elected and enjoy stituencies. Not all complaints are to parliamentary and finally to the confidence of their leader. The heard, far leas satisfied. But it is cabinet government in England Head of the State, prominent in clear that the contacts are in has been the result partly of a poli dividuals outside the ministry and creasing. tical revolution but largely of the the parliamentary committees pro- 789 May 20, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY vide the criticism that keeps the 9 Sir Ivor Jennings, Cabinet Govern Political Science Association, Patna, government alert and watchful; ment, Ch I 1960. and the ruling party which shows 10 Robert Mckenzie, 'Harold Laski and 18 Congress Resolution on 'National the characteristics of a coalition of the Social Basis of the Constitution' Integration, passed at the 66th An divergent interests provides the British Journal of Sociology, Vol III nual Session held at Bhavnagar larger framework of political deci No 2 19 Asoka Mehta, Politics of Planned sion-making. This is more an 11 Sir Ivor Jennings, The British Con Economy amalgam of the British. American stitution, 1950, pp 80-90 20 Times of India, Feb 11, 1961 and continental systems of govern ment than an exact replica of the 12 For the best short statement of the 21 Sir Ivor Jennings, Cabinet Govern- English, although the legal and principle, see Herbert Morrison, ment, Ch 3 Socialization and Transport, p 106. constitutional rules are largely 22 See, however, a recent controversy Also, his Government and Parliament borrowed from the latter. started by Max Beloff in the Daily pp 334-5. See, however, Harold Telegraph in which it is alleged that The Prime Minister and the close Laski, Reflections on the Constitu a one-man government is emerging circle of leaders around him in tion, pp 168-72, for a deviation from in great Britain ever since the days the Congress Party also control the the prevailing view. State ministries which follow, with of Lloyd George. For a summary, 13 K B Smellie, A Hundred Years of modifications to suit peculiar local and a rejection of this view, see The English Government, p 124 circumstances and problems, the Economist, August 13, 1960 pattern established at the Centre. 14 Sir John Anderson, The Machinery of 23 Sir Ivor Jennings, Cabinet govern This system has not yet achieved Government, (Romanes- Lecture), 1946 ment, Ch XII. The strict limitation of stability. Much would depend on 15 William Beveridge, The Public Ser the powers of the British monarch, the inter-play of personalities and vice in War and Peace, 1920. For a however, is a development of the last the fortunes of political parties in more recent and authoritative state fifty years only. See Frank Hardie, the next decade. Provided there ment, see C R Attlee, 'Civil Servants, The Political Influence of Queen is no major disturbance in the Ministers, Parliament and the Public' Victoria, which dispels Bagehot's ideological balance, there is hope Indian Journal of Public Adminis reading of the reign. See also Harold that the substantive pattern that tration, Vol I, No 2 pp 102-3 Nicolson, King George V; His Life has emerged will be able to meet and Reign; and Harold Laski, The the demands of a developing polity. 16 The Fabian Tract' by Andrey Har crisis and the Constitution, especial vey, Casualties of the Welfare State The extent to which future ex ly pp 31-36 perience will necessitate a modifi 17 On the question of the paramount 24 For an excellent review of the cation of political institutions and need of maintaining standards of working of parliamentary committees processes and the extent to which propriety in politics, see the inspir in India, see W H Morris-Jones, parliamentary government would ing Presidential Address of Prof Parliament in India, pp 279-315 effectively continue in the existing R Bhaskaran, delivered at the 23rd 25 Sir Ivor Jennings, Cabinet-Govern forms will depend on the resilence Annual Conference of the Indian ment, p 2 of our political institutions and the quality of statesmanship. Confi- dent predictions on these questions are not possible. One can only broadly trace the contours of pos sible development. This is what has been attempted in this article. Notes 1 W H Morris-Jones, Parliament in India, pp 37-40 2 Jayaprakash Narayan, Towards a New Society; 1958, p 89 3 Jayaprakash Narayan, A Plea for Reconstruction of Indian Polity 4 Rajni Kothari, 'Direct Action: A Pattern of Political Behaviour', Quest, Jan 1960, pp 22-35 5 Report on the Rhodes Seminar on Democracy in the New States by Edward Shils, 'Old Societies New States', pp 18-19 6 Frank Tannenbaum, 'On Political Stability;' Political Science Quarterly., June 1960 7 Daya Krishna, What is Democracy, Rhodes Seminar Papers 1958, pp 70-71 8 The English Constitution, 1867 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 27, 1961

Form and Substance in Indian Politics — IV Administrative Institutions of Government Rajni Kothari Government in India displays two marked characteristics. There is, in the first place, a subtle and complex interplay of politics and administration at all levels. Second, there is a wide difference in the quality, vigour and outlook of the elite at the top and the rest of the hierarchy. The inadequacies of administration derive not so much from excessive hierarchical organisation, but from the fact that the hierarchy is not filled in, that it is not truly pyramidal. Coupled with the bureaucracy's tendency to con cent rale power, this leads of lack of flexibility, impe des communication down the line and encourages isolated action by bureaucrats who are sure neither of their ability nor of the confidence of their superiors. Whether the present inter-relation between politics and administration will work satisfactorily in future will depend on three factors : First, introduction of flexibility info the administrative structure and dispersal of power. Second, filling-in the administrative hierarchy by rationalising its line. Third, building up active channels of communi cation both within the administration and between the administration and the general public.

THE organisation of government carry out much-needed reform may Sucli a view of the functions of in a democracy calls for con lead to much frustration. government may be attractive but is stant reconciliation of conflicting It is in this context that the con not real. It ignores the bureaucracy, elements. The principles of democ flict between tradition and change oversimplifies the line of responsi racy are not always conducive to within the machinery of govern bility and draws a sharp distinction administrative efficiency. The pre ment in India has to be seen. In between the making and carrying servation of democratic forms what follows, an attempt is made to out of policy. In practice, however, might necessitate a continuity of examine the assumptions on which large bureaucratic establishments tradition and a piecemeal approach a democratic administration is have come to occupy so central a to problems of change, while a re- based. These assumptions- govern position in government that their volution in administrative methods the place of administrative depart constitutional importance can no may he necessary to secure efficien ments in the scheme of government. longer be ignored. They constitute a cy. The attractiveness of political They also deal with such matters as fourth organ of government, along office in a democracy might draw the relation between ministers and side the three traditional organs1. talent away from administration. civil servants and between civil Recognition of the pivotal posi Accountability to popular opinion servants and the general public. tion of administrative departments may make for timidity and lack of Then the departures from these as in modern government has led some drive. Administrative efficiency calls sumptions in actual practice in people to hold a point of view for a simple line of command, but India and their bearing on the na which though diametrically opposed popular government leads to com ture of the government will be to the traditional view, is no less plexity of administration. Adminis studied. misleading. Known as the "realist" trative departments multiply ac Traditional political science dis view of public administration, it cording to exigencies of the mo tributes the functions of the state makes government a purely techni ment. Finally, the administration between the legislature, the execu cal undertaking and considers the has to be constantly varied of tive and the judiciary, Government admi'nistiative secretariat as much a "what the public will not stand". departments thus fall entirety under part of the machinery of govern Tradition vs Change the purview of the executive; they ment as the executive and the par liament without making any quali These difficulties are aggravated have no separate existence of their own in constitutional theory. tative distinction. While traditional in countries where the expansion of theory denies any distinction be the functions of government has Central Position of Bureaucracy tween the executive and the admin not been a gradual process but has Such a view of administration in istration by including the latter in come almost at one stroke with the scheme of government finds sup- the former, the new school does the political independence. The dilem port in the theory of ministerial same by conceiving of the fanner ma that these countries face is real responsibility, according to which the as part of the latter. Evidentl, this though it does not always appear individual minister is to be left free is an "operational*" view of govern on the surface. On the one hand, to organise his department fls it ment; it fuses together the execu sweeping changes in organisation suits him. so that he is fully answer tive and the administration and con might affect the delicate balance of able to parliament. Ministerial res ceives of the former in as non- constitutional government. On the ponsibility to parliament involves political terms, as the latter. In other hand, excessive reverence for ministerial sovereignty in adminis bringing down .the barriers between traditional forms and failure to tration. the ministerial and the bureaucratic 819 May 27, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY wings of government, it erects & larship accounts for much of our Patel in consolidating and strength lugger harrier between administra ignorance of public administration. ening the infant state. Far more im tion and politics. It assumes, that Some general observations rnay, portant than the unification of the the administration of government however, be possible from what is country by the absorption of the can be considered apart from the known. princely states was the manner in 3 politics of government . It ignores Administration : Bulwark of which he dealt with the law and the overriding fact that a cabinet is Stability order situation and consolidated the more than a mere bundle of execu The period immediately following administrative structure by impart tives.; it is a team of politicians tied independence was one of great con ing a sense of security to the ser together by common loyalties, and fusion. It was a question of sheer vices. depending for its survival more on survival. Under such conditions, the Expansion of Administrative political ingenuity than on its ad administrative apparatus became Structure ministrative record. The important the bulwark of stability. It provided The result was that the political point is that the bureaucracy, the a nucleus around which a national process, developed initially within executive and the political party are government could consolidate its the rigidity of an administrative all part of a single continuum and position in a country torn by vio framework. The next stage * of the business of government is the lence and disaffection. The admin political development was condi business of all of them. Any distinc istration became the basis of politi tioned by a similar framework of tion drawn between them is more to cal authority. The experience re political authority. Shortly after facilitate analysis than to represent quired for new and challenging the proclamation of the Republic, a the actual state of affairs. tasks could come only from the largescale programme of social arid Artificial Division public services. Politicians were economic change was launched. The old dichotomy between poli untutored in the arts of govern There followed an unprecedented tics and administration must now ment. The mantle of responsibility expansion of the administrative be rejected. Even the creation and passed to the services who continued structure. The result was a great maintenance of a career service is to dominate the political process in dilution of standards of efficiency more a quest ion of political values the first phase of development. and integrity in administration0. than of administrative necessity4. That the predominance of the The fact that the whole, programme Administration hat. become a major services was allowed to continue was conceived within the traditional political process, and organisational may seem surprising. During the framework led to the persistence of theory is ultimately a part of politi independence movement, resentment an ethos not conducive to develop cal strategy and public accountabili against the personnel of the Indian ment effort. Even new types of ad ty and popular control turn adminis Civil Service was widespread. Civil ministration that were set up such tration into a problem for political servants were much maligned. It as the machinery of planning, the theory5. Both the traditional and the was also believed then that the ad Community Development Adminis modern theories fail to take account ministrative structure evolved under tration, or the new institutions of of this immeniv." change in the cha the British was alien and unsuited local government came to be condi racter of public administration that to free India's needs; it was a ser tioned by the structure and ideolo lias taken place in recent times. vile order. It would have been quite gy of the old set-up. Consequently, The gap between theory and prac within expectations, therefore, if the frustration of a large part of the tice becomes all the more vivid in a new inheritors of power. in their process has set in. The old methods country like' India. Administration first flush of victory, had proceeded were employed in carrying out new and politics in such a country inter to dismantle the administrative ap tasks. The nature of the state was act on cadi other to a very large paratus with a view to building it sought to be transformed within the extent, and their respective areas, of up again on the basis of new politi confines of the old bureaucracy. competence have yet to specified. cal objectives. This did not happen Hut the political process had also Nevertheless both administrators and because the tasks that faced the its own dynamics which conditioned politicians continue to indulge in country were urgent and because of the development of the administra their own private games, resenting the common sense of Sardar Patel tion. The interaction between poli the "interference" or "highhanded whose ability as an organiser was tics and administration took place at ness" of the other. equal to that of any in the world of two levels. There was. first, the inter A study of the actual develop administration. The power he wield action between the ruling party and ment of the machinery of gov ed over the civil servants was not the bureaucracy. Alongside an ad ernment in India reveals the extent simply a reflection of his "iron wilT"; ministration which enjoyed virtual to which politics and administration it was more a measure of the confi monopoly of power for so long, a are intertwined. The lack of relia dence that existed between him and new power now emerged: the poli- ble facts makes such a study diffi the services, for creating which he tician. The conflict between the civil cult. The government's tendency is was largely responsible. His contri servant, hardened by experience and to shroud public acts in secrecy and bution to the political stability of cynicism, and the politician full of such information as percolates India by canalising -the loyalties of ideas and impatient for power as through the veil in the form of a band of outstanding and excep sumed many forms, not the least of "revelations' by men who have tional men in the task of national which were opportunistic alliances fallen from public grace is unrelia reconstruction is without parallel. between utterly incompatible ele ble. The lack of adequate channels Those who rightly give credit to ments. The other development took of communication between the Nehru for India's stability should place within the party, in the rela world of politics and that of scho not forget the pivotal role of Sardar tions between its organisational and

820 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 27, 1961 government wings. The process was ments (such as the Minister of Heavy death of Sardar Patel in December one sided for a long time, The gov Industries). This was not always 1950 the portfolios of States and ernmental wing providing leader possible and that led to such desig Home were separated even though ship and patronage while the parly nations as Minister in the Ministry by then the former had ceased to be machinery was used to sustain it in of External Affairs. More logical an exacting undertaking. The Min power. Slowly, however, with the was the designation of Ministers of istry of Food and Agriculture was waning of the popularity of the State for all subordinate ministers. bifurcated in October 1956 as it Congress governments and the The conflict between logic and was felt that the impotance of pre growing power conflicts within the honour led to change from one de venting food prices from rising ne party, the trend has reversed : the signation to another four times in cessitated that food administration be government is under constant criti the ten years between 1948 and placed under a 'whole-time secreta cism and challenge from the organi 1957. Still the practice is not uni ry'. The same minister held the two sational wing of the party which form. The position was further portfolios but the new arrangement does not hesitate to take the conflict complicated by the practice of could accommodate two permanent on to the floor of the legislature and having some Ministers of State in secretaries. In April 1957 the two to the council room of the cabinet. charge of independent portfolios ministries were once again united. The strength of the ruling party is while others occupied subordinate The death of Maulana Azad led 16 increasing not only vis-a-vis opposi position under cabinet minister. a protracted conflict of personali tion groups but also vis-a-vis the ad Deputy ministers and (in certain ties resulting in separation of Scien ministration. This political condi cases) parliamentary secretaries tific Research from Education. each tioning of the administrative process occupy the lower tiers in the hierar being placed under a Minister of is at least as important as the ad chy. The category of deputy minis State. As a result such an important ministrative conditioning of political ters was created with the specific subject as education remains un policies and programmes. purpose of giving experience to represented in the Cabinet. The same Tlie Ministerial Hierarchy younger men and to train them for is the case with the Ministry of Law The organisation of government ministerial position, fn practice how which was down-graded in the has been conditioned by interplay of ever, elderly politicians are accommo ministerial hierarchy in 1957 and the two processes. In the process, dated as deputy ministers. Also was placed under the charge of a the accepted principles of constitu accommodated in these position are minister of state; the personality of tional and administrative theory politically turbulent persons like the Law Minister then was not have been modified. The expansion members of the Congress 'Ginger strong enough to secure for him a of the functions of government lias Group'. All of this shows how perso seat in the Cabinet. The Health brought out the conflict between the nal and political influences interfere Ministry also suffered the same fate. principle of ministerial responsibili with considerations of administrative On the other hand, the powerful ty inherent in the constitution of efficiency. personality of the Railway Minister parliamentary government and that prevented the integration of trans of collective responsibility which Multiplication of Portfolios port and communication in April developed as a convention of cabi The overlapping of functions of, 1957 from affecting the railways, net government. Collective responsi for example, the deputy minister, which with other modes of trans bility, to he effective, necessitates a the parliamentary secretary and the port should have logically been small and compact team of ministers. permanent secretary; the consequent placed under one ministry. Plan Ministerial responsibility, on the dilution of the line of responsibili ing, labour and now the vice-chair other hand, limits the size and num ty; and the wide gulf between a manship of the Planning Commis ber of administrative units under a ministerial council charged by the sion are in the charge of Shri single minister thus increasing the Constitution to be collectively respon Gulzarilal Nanda. They make a total number of ministers. As a sible to parliament, but which never motley combination. result, the ministry and the Cabinet even meets as a group, and the Case of Ministry of Production could not obviously be the same. actual cabi'net which meets and de The classic example of personal Distinctions set in and the hierar cides issues often beyond the compe considerations frustrating efficient chical organisation of the bureauc tence of those who attend such administrative development is pro racy was also projected into the meetings—all these create a pecu vided by the short-lived Ministry of ministerial structure. liar situation. Of course, the deve Production. Keeping in view the The position was complicated by lopment of the Cabinet Secretariat needs of planning, it was decided and the system of memoranda brine the fine and delicate sense of honour in June 1952 to set up two new some order to the situation but it that led to much political sema'ntics. ministries, one of Prodoction and falls far short of giving a cabinet Some ministers not included in the another of Irrigation and Power. government to the country. cabinet were, however, to be called Powerful resistance to the former ministers of cabinet rank and the The multiplication of portfolios came from the Ministrv of Com substantive hierarchy of powers was during the last fourteen vears shows merce and Industry which was in overlaid by a formal equality of similar influences at work. Here the no mood to part with its control status. Considerations of prestige led u'nfortunate impression is often over the steel industry. The control to much confusion. A minister of created that these adjustments are over iron and steel was retained by cabinet rank could be provided with made either to suit the convenience it for the time being. The dilemma an appropriate designation if he of ministerial changes or to widen was ultimately resolved by a com could be in charge of specific func* the avenues of advancement of promise; an altogether new Minis 9 tions grouped under specific depart secretariat personnel . Thus on the try of Iron and Steel was sef up10 821 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 27, 1961 to look after the steel plants, at first unified team, is divided into several more of the Presidential type where only those in the public sector but layers of hierarchy, and allocates neither collective responsibility nor with another reorganisation, those in functions on a basis of drift and ministerial responsibility is consti hoth the private and the public stop-gap arrangements, can neither tutionally important. But the analo sector. The new ministry, however, be collective nor responsible. The gy should not be stretched too far. continued to be under the charge of Cabinet Committees seek to co-ordi Actually, the structure conforms the Minister of Commerce and In nate the functioning of the various neither to the Cabinet model (al- dustry and not of the Ministry of ministries. It has been found in though its formal requirements are Production; the power of the latter practice, however, that most of usually complied with) nor to the was greatly circumscribed. these committees share the lop-heavy single executive model (although This was not all. When Shri T T structure of the cabinet; in fact much of its practice can be discern Krishnamachari left the Ministry of they are more top-heavy than the ed in actual working). It is a struc Commerce and Industry to become Cabinet. The Prime Minister is the ture which is in some senses unique the Finance Minister in August 1956, Chairman of nine out of ten stand and without parallel in other demo he took the Iron and Steel portfolio ing committees, the Home Minister cracies. presiding over the tenth. In fact, the with him. In fart, when he left the The Substantive Pattern Ministry of Commerce and Industry, Prime Minister, the Home Minister, the Finance Minister and one or The substantive pattern that has" the latter was split into two separate emerged is made up of three layers •ministries of (i) commerce and two other ministers dominate the deliberations of these committees. of organisation. There are the bu consumer industry and (ii) heavy reaucratic departments which pro industry, Shri T T Krishnamachari "Appointments to these Committees have been made more on personal vide the structural framework with had hitherto represented in the in which the governmental machinery Cabinet the Ministry of Production considerations than on the consider ation of bringing only ministers has expanded and functioned. They and the Ministry of Iron and Steel constitute an elaborate structure apart from the Commerce and Indus concerned together in relevant com* mil tees"1". The concentration of from the Centre down to the district try Ministry. Now. when he became. level. It has its own rules, proce Finance Minister, he continued to decision-making power in the "inner Cabinet" is also reflected in the dures, jurisdictions, and lines of represent Iron and Steel, One ano command. Overlaid on this structure maly led to another: the Home Min working of the committees. In any case, it hardly makes for collective is the development of an intricate ister was asked to look after the network of planning and develop interests of the Ministry of Heavy responsibility of the ministry as a r whole. The result in practice is that ment administration. This is a new Industry in the Cabinet. Finance type of organisation with its own and Steel, Home and Heavy Indus the principle has been flouted on a number of occasions though per jurisdictions and work-techniques, tries one cannot imagine more independent authority and specified curious combinations. At last in the haps never seriously enough to jeo pardise Constitution. The emergence functions. The Planning Commis 1957 reorganisation, the two minis sion commands a huge stall organi tries of Commerce and Consumer of the Planning Commission as a semi • political, semi - administrative sation that provides leadership in Industries and Heavy Industry were research and evaluation, direction once again merged into a Ministry arm of the governmental machinery, without really becoming an integral for action programmes, advice on of Commerce and Industry. The specific policies and acts as a clear Production Ministry, set up with so part of it. has also added to the general vagueness of the decision ing house of information on diverse much fuss was also finally wound issues, it shapes a large part of the up12 making process. All this modifies the working of cabinet government con- government's programmes both at the Centre and in the States and, Cabinet Committees siderably. although acting in an advisory capa It is not suggested here that The principle of ministerial res city, makes its weight felt. It has political considerations are irrele ponsibility has also been subjected ensured in a manner which has no vant to the development of the to considerable strain. The question precedent in modern administrative machinery of government. Two will lie taken up below in dealing systems that investigation and ap points, however, emerge from the with the relations between the min praisal should go hand in hand above analysis. One is that when ister and the civil servants. Suffice with the implementation of pro poltical and personal considerations it to say here that the fact that a grammes14. It lias maintained a are carried too far they render the number of important aspects of the close contact with the Cabinet by administration liable to such confu administration in the fields, of having a common membership, the sion and instability as defeat their planning, development and social same secretary, joint deliberations political objectives. Secondly and welfare remain unrepresented in and continuous informal contacts. this is the focus of our analysis— parliament affects the working of Indeed, the Planning Commission is the substantive process that emerges the principle. The view that for more political than professional in deviates from the expected pattern every act of government some min its character. The Prime Minister is to a very significant extent. ister is answerable to parliament has its chairman as he is the chairman Deviation from more fundamental not been fullv accepted in this of the National Development Coun constitutional principles also can be country. Also, the ministers feel that cil. The Finance Minister and two seen in practice. Thus the collective their responsibility is more to the other Cabinet Ministers are its responsibility of a council of minis Prime Minister or the Chief Minis- members. All the other official ters that never meets, has more the ter than to the elected legislature. members of the Commission enjoy character of a coalition than a The general result is a ministry the status of ministers of cabinet

823 May 27, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY rank. Its members attend all meet nuity to the political process. actual execution of plans and pro ings of the Economic Committee of The other important element grammes, inertia and vested interests the cabinet and meetings of the making for such unity of effort is together frustrate the attempts. A cabinet whenever economic questions the political party which is the remarkable feature of administration come up for discussion. The recent third "layer" of the substantive is the wide gap in enthusiasm and appointment of the Minister of pattern. Enveloping the adminis initiative between its higher and Planning as the Vice-Chairman of trative and developmental structures lower levels. The lower down you the commission has completed the is the large network of the Con go, the farther you feel you are re process of identification. The com gress Party, stretching in depth as moved from the vitality you found mission is thus, in many ways, "a well as breadth, and touching all at the top. The administration thus small edition of government itself15 levels of governmental organisation. provides a classic case of "appo- Planning Apparatus Its personnel man most of the dis plexy at the centre and anaemia at trict development boards, provide the circumference"'. The result is It is not often realised in asses waste and frustration. Targets re sing the mammoth growth of the information to government officials and actively collaborate (at times main unfulfilled, policies remain on extra-constitutional apparatus of paper, consultations (for example, the Planning Commission and its in spite of the resistance of entrench- cd officialdom) in solving local pro between the block development offi auxiliaries that quite apart from cers and the district authorities) carrying out their special purpose blems. It is especially effective in spreading "plan - consciousness" are rendered fruitless by mutual in the held of development, the jealousy, statistics arc1 unreliable and latter have also performed a more among the people. There is also an attempt at evolving a machinery of administrative waste and corruption general role in the country's admi rampant. Red tape becomes a tech nistration. In the period after in consultation and communication at the pradesh and district levels nique of self-preservation and re dependence the administration was verence for traditional forms is in the danger of breaking up into so in various States, while coordination of effort between the Congress Party matched only by attachment to many parts each jealous to preserve 1 and the Community Development strict routine and an unwholesome its local identity and to care out preoccupation with questions of ac their respective areas of influence. Blocks and Extension Services is even more marked. Very often non- countability. Concentration of de Against the background of virulent cision-making powers and reluctance parochialism in the country as a official but nonetheless officially sus tained organisations like the Bharat to grant discretionary authority to whole, this would have spelled di the men on the spot reflect the same saster. (Even today the danger is Sevak Samaj serve as useful links in such collaboration. Other and more mentality. The conservatism of not wholly absent). The develop habit and thought and suspicion of ment of various planning authorities informal methods are also employ ed. The techniques of collabora experiments disparage the whole cutting across the existing pattern of process of change and distort it. administration both horizontally and tion between the party and the gov vertically with the clear purpose of ernment are wide and varied. The All Staff, No Line result is immensely useful in the carrying out defined tasks has pro The fact that much of the admi present phase of political develop vided a unity of outlook and a nistrative structure of the Planning ment. Of course, much tension is sense of direction to the machinery Commission and even the Central generated in the process and person of governrnent as a whole. The Government is all "staff" and little, al rivalries and opportunism often Planning Commission, the National if any. 'line" adds to the problem. get more than their due spill. There Development Council, the Committee There is no way of ensuring that is also the danger of the administra on Plan Projects, the Research Pro the implementation of policies in tion virtually becoming an arm of grammes Committee, the Programme the districts advance the goals laid the ruling party. The overall effect, Evaluation Organisation, even the down. There is no way of check nevertheless, is to provide a type of Statistical Institute, the Panel of ing on the progress reports, the organisation and leadership which Economists and the various insti statistics and oilier information sup 1 would not have been otherwise avail tutes of public administration, these plied from below. The findings able. and other institutions have suceeeded based on such data tend to be un to a marked degree in instilling a Force of Tradition reliable and lead to faulty policy sense of common purpose. There is, The pattern that emerges is large conclusions. More important is of course, the danger of too much ly the creation of the last decade or the fact that lack of experience in uniformity and conform ism in such so in which the same men have pro a 'line" organisation lends unreality a system. This must be guarded vided the leadership of the various to the process of deliberation and against. But the primary need in key organisations and served as links policy-making: the important maxim this country is to develop a com between them. On the other hand. of modern public administration mon consciousness among the people it is a pattern that has evolved with that it is ultimately the executors transcending their diverse identities in the framework of the old bureau who should make policy is neglected. without completely destroying them. cracy. And it is this that has creat Similarly while the insistence on And this is being done in some ed a number of problems. The ex investigation as a preliminary to measure by the new administrative ercise of power resides with the tra policy-making16 is laudable in itself, pattern that is emerging in this ditional departments and colleetora- lack of communication in adminis country. At a time when the gov tes; only lately inroads are being tration leads to the fruits of re- ernmental structure is suffering from made into their power, largely with research being accumulated with divisive tendencies, the administra out success. The results are dis out making their impact on action tion imparts some unity and conti appointing. When it comes to the programmes; the two proceed apace

824 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 27, 1961 unrelated and uncoordinated. The leads to lack of flexibility, impedes stitution. All the makes for signi result is that a large part of the communication and encourages iso ficant departures in practice from directives and advice received from lated behaviour among bureaucrats the accepted relationship between above appear like so many sermons who are neither sure of their own the political and administrative which have little, relevance to the abilities nor of the confidence of parts of the machinery of Govern actual problems of administration their superiors. ment. and are generally scoffed at by the Ministers and Civil Servants Where the political party and the "realists" in the field. The process bureaucracv form the twin pillars of is aggravated by the fact that the Ministers also tend to concen Government. the intertwinking of party men at the bottom do not trate decision-making power in political and administrative pro share the zeal and idealism of their themselves and to interfere unduly cesses becomes inevitable. The de counterparts in the middle and up with the administrative process. A velopment of healthy practices per ranks and often conspire with reaction seems to have set in to the would depend here on the quality the administrators to share the earlier practice when most of the of political and administrative lead spoils and consolidate their political substantive decisions were taken by ership. It would also depend control over the locality. the civil servants. The results are 20 on the extent to which the leader Concentration of Power sometimes unhappy. In their zeal ship can build up and ration Lack of flexibility and creative to exercise initiative and take their alise a hierarchy and delegate power enthusiasum. a chronic preoccupation own decisions, ministers often adopt to it and thus vitalise administra with rules and precedents, and low questionable methods. They tend to tion all the way down and provide it morale at the lower levels of admi rely too much on reports from out with a unified outlook and a sense nistration have been noted by many side, especially from party men. of oneness. The efficiency and observers.17 Much of the rigidity Although popular opinion often sets ability of an administrative system springs from concentration of autho a corrective to departmental ortho- can ultimately be judged by the rity at the lop and from an "inhe doxy, the former is not always cor extent to which it furthers the poli rited disinclination to delegate, to rectly represented by the minister's tical objectives it is designed to consider administration as literal informants. The tendency among serve. In India, the public's at execution of orders and to think of ministers to take particular decisions titude to bureaucracy is very often decision-making as issuing orders, to instead of confining to general policy prejudiced. Experience with an alien confine subordinates by too many leads to irresponsibility and eva regime has left in the popular mind and too precise rules, and to limit sion lower down the hierarchy. an unhappy image of the adminis both inter-organisational and public When we remember that ministers trator. Bureaucracy appears to be communication to a few as empow also shift responsibility to their sub antithetical to democracy, and the ered to "commit government".18 ordinates by declaring to have acted picture of an officialdom fighting to Even the emphasis on "coordination'* "on the best available advice", the enslave the people has not died. extent to which confusion can spread is often wrongly placed: attempts at in the administrative process can be Public's Antipathy for Bureaucracy coordination take place even before imagined. Weak in their grasp of action has started: Even the small But the public antipathy for the governmental processes, the Minis est case is "'referred"', there are suc bureaucracy cannot be entirely ex ters reyv far too much on civil ser plained away as a hangover of the cessive verifications and re-verifica vants. Cashing in on the principle past. The rigidity of the adminis tions, and inquiries, commentaries of anonymity of the civil servant, trative structure noted above results and reports constantly pile up, the they naturally get the credit for the in a rigidity in the approach to the net result being delay, inaction, lack department's performance. Tin's is public. The pre-occupation with of initiative and dilution of respon as it should be. When subjected to rules and precedents- leads to an sibility. Even the esprit de corps criticism, however, the Ministers are undue insistence on forms and pro is confined to one's own unit of equally quick to shift responsibility cedures that do not fail to annoy; work, thus giving rise to not one to the civil servant. the insistence on formal correct but several bureaucracies. Lack of ness leads to excessive red tape: an efficient communication system On the other hand the "favouri the concentration of discretion between different levels of authoritv tes" among the civil servants are at the top leads to a shirking of results directly from an insufficient almost ful-fiedged politicians, often responsibility leaving the citizen in "line" organisation. The coordina neglecting their official duties. The doubt about whom to approach to tion thai occurs is largely one that odium of the whole arrangement is get his work done; above all. the takes place in the higher regions of experienced by those who feel left bureaucratic norms of impersonal government. It is co-ordination out of the network of patronage. treatment, supplemented by a ten "between peers and between differ Ministers wield considerable patron dency to "categorise" persons into ent hierarchies, not within unified age and influence in the adminis '"cases'", results in much irritation 19 hierarchies". In fact, the struc tration. There is a growing num "at the point of contact" with the tural inadequacies of the machinery ber of posts to which direct recruit public. The impression of ofliei- of government in India derive not ment is made. Even in recruitment 'aldom as arrogant, indifferent and from too much hierarchy as is often to the regular posts, the Public inhuman, leaves a deep mark and alleged, but from an irregular hie Service Commission's authority has opens up a wide chasm between the rarchy, a hierarchy that is not well sometimes been limited by with administration and the general filled-in. that is not truly pyramidal. drawing some categories of appoint public. Coupled with the tendency to con ments from their competence bv in In a sense, what is clear from centrate authority at the top, this voking Article 320 (3) of the Con the above analysis is that an

825 May 27, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEK L Y authoritarian structure of admini depend on three factors: flexibility 10. The Indian Institute of Public Ad stration cannot go hand in hand and dispersal of the power to use ministration, The Organisation of with a democratic polity; the for discretion, the filling-in of the ad The Government of India, p 119. mer defeats the latter. Concent ministrative hierarchy by rationalis 11. ibid, p 95. ration of decision-making powers ing its "Line", and the building up 12. For further details on the develop is as had for administrative effici of an active system of communica ment of portfolios, see Shriram ency as it is for political organisa tion both within the administration Maheshwari, "Evolution of Portfolios tion. Similarly, a static and rigid and between the administration and HI the Central Government Since model of administration ill serves a the general public. These are no Independence", The Modern Review. dynamic society that must find new obiter dicta. They follow logically December 1960. flexible avenues of effecting change. from the analysis of the substantive 13. Chanda, op cit p 91. Above all a system that has not de process of government. 14. Merrill R Poodall, "Organisation of vised the principal need of modern Notes Administrative Leadership in the administration, namely, an efficient 1. W. F. Willoughby, Principles of Five Year Plans", Richard Park and system of communication with the Legislative Organisation and Ad Irene Tinker (ed.) Leadership and general public, fails to provide the ministration. Political Institutions in India, psychological context from which 2. For the classic expression of such pp 318, 328. the mechanics of political demo a view, sec Frank . Goodnow, 15. Paul Appleby, Re-examination of cracy find its chief sustenance. Politics and Administration, p 9. Administrative System: Report of a Putting Administration in It's Place 3. The first systematic steps towards Survey. Unless we cut the administration such rejection were taken by Mor- 16. For an early and forceful expression down to its proper size and assign stein Marx. Elements of Public of the principle, see Report of the to it its due place in the scheme of Administration; Paul Appleby, (Haldone) Committee on the Ma democratic government, we would Policy and Administration. chinery of Government. Government slip imperceptibly into an "admini 4. This is shown very well in the of Great Britiain ( 1918). strative state". Efficiency in admi monumental study of Philip Selz- 17. Appleby. Public Administration in nistration is not always the first nieks, TV A and the Grass Roots. India : Report of a Survey. Sep also objective in a democracy; indeed, See. however. Herbert Simon, Ad Appleby's article ".Morale at Subor an inefficient bureaucracy may pro ministrative Behaviour. where the dinate bevels". Indian Journal of vide opportunities for the exercise dichotomy between value and policy Public Administration, Vol 111. No 2. of capacities which a highly efficient continues to he maintained. 18. Appleby, a- "History and Precedent system would have streamlined into 5. Dwight Waldo, The Administrative Versus Reform." Indian Journal of standardised behaviour. What is State. Public Administtation, Vol I. No 1. more important is flexibility, scope 6. A D Gorwala, Report on Public pp 304-5. for initiative for all and the readi Administration. See also M Ven- 19. Appleby. Publicr Administtation in ness to submit traditional forms to katarangaiya. "The pattern of Pub India, p 11. scrutiny and change them when lic Administration in the Five-Year 20. On the whole question of the relations they are found unsuited. Demo Plan", The Indian Journal of Poli between ministers and civil servants cracy survives only in an -atmos tical Science. July 1953. in India, See Gorwala, Report on phere of open dealings and inces 7. Asoka Chanda, Indian Administra Public Administration. See also R sant questioning of forms and be tion, pp 61. 78. Duarkadas. Role of the Higher liefs. 8 N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar. Report on Civil Service in India. Reorganisation of The Machinery of 21. Appleby, "Concerning Ministers" The machinery of government in Government, pp. 20-22. Indian Journal of Public Administra India displays two marked charac 9. Chanda, op cit p 82. tion. Vol 1, No 2, p 90. teristics. There is, in the first place, a subtle and intricate interplay of politics and administration at all levels, giving rise to complex forms and multiple structures. Second, there is a very wide gulf in the qua lity, vigour, and outlook, of the elite and the laity in each of these structures. While the cross-condi tioning of the political party and administrative bureaucracy has modified the accepted relationship between the two, the development was both inevitable and desirable and can, properly directed, lead to the growth of healthy and sound conventions in the long run. Muck would depend, however, on the ex tent to which the process of nullifi cation, distortion of policies at the point of implementation is arrested. It is suggested here that this would

826 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY June 3, 1961 Form and Substance in Indian Politics — V Party System Rajni Kothari The. overwhelming influence of the party system on the functioning of all political institutions in the country has been stressed in this series. The consummation of the substantive political process in the two networks of party and administration and their mutual interaction were the theme of the last instalment The analysis is carried further below by focussing attention on the working of the party system itself. It will be shown that the system as it has developed is in many ways unique and without parallel in other countries. The Constitution and the electoral system point to a development of the party system along conven- tional lines; in practice, its development has been along different lines and in the process, it has affected the working of the Constitution itself.

THE influence of the party system differences with the official line of among opposition groups (between in politics is largely a result ten developed within the Congress, the Socialist party and the KMP4) of our historical development. In the dissenting members could either made for a dilution of the socialist many Asian countries, political try to influence the party from platform and turned the P S P in institutions have developed under within or leave the party and go to a feeble replica of the Congress, quite different auspices under an into wilderness. Attempts at bring which could provide no real alter administrative bureaucracy or a ing about an open split have been native to the ruling party. On the military elite. In India, the move frustrated and although each break other hand. the decision of the ment for national independence has meant the withdrawal of some Kidwai Croup to continue within was allowed to be openly organised very capable men from the Con the Congress strengthened the by the British; second, and this is gress, thus weakening the party, hands, of the Prime Minister against very important, it was spread over the dissidents have lacked the poli the rightists in the Congress. a period; thus there was enough tical support that could make for Manx of the weaknesses of the time to build up a well-designed an effective opposition. Cong less party arise from its eclec organisational network; third, the ticism; so does its strength. The need was felt quite early to give Eclecticism of the Congress Congress has shown a flexibility in the movement a mass basis thus its political programmes which has turning a "microscopic minority" This was so before Indepen dence; it has been even more so defeated all attempts at providing of Swarajists into a nationwide real alternative to it. By adopting organisation. Max Weber's "stages" since. The position is similar to thai in Britain and America where the socialistic pattern resolution, it of party development' from aristoc stole the thunder from the P S P; ratic cliques to parties of notables the formation of a new party is an almost impossible task, except that by modifying its agrarian policy and finally to mass parties do not in prat lice, it prevented the Swa- apply to the Indian case where al in India the dissidents from the Congress do not have the alterna tantra party from mobilising the most from the beginning the party land-owning classes against it. had to be. consciously organised tive of joining another equally well- organbed party. Besides, differen Even the Communists are forced to and given a popular basis at a choose between " cooperating with later stage. The Indian National ces within the Congress did not always mean a complete and deci Nehru " or going all-out against Congress had emerged as a highly the parliamentary system. In this organised party long before In sive breaking away of the dissidents from the party. Thus, when the latter sense what the Communist dependence, achieving what Sir party offers is an alternative to the Ivor Jennings has called "organisa Socialists in the Congress differed 2 from the party's official leadership, present political system. rather tion in depth". India was, there than to the ruling party, the Amrit- fore, in a very fortunate position there was considerable difference of opinion among the socialists, sar thesis notwithstanding. The when Independence came. The Congress party (as well as some leadership of the "movement" look one group advocating a complete break and the other pleading opposition parties) treats the over the government of the country Communist party as alien to and sustained it at all levels. Along for changing the Congress from within. 3 The argument has conti the existing political order and Is with the administrative hierarchy in no wax reconciled to its parlia inherited from the British, this nued ever since between those in the Socialist party (now the mentary status : the Kerala expe made for political stability, avoided rience demonstrated this beyond all political disintegration and ruled P S P). who have, sought "co operation " with the Congress, and doubt. The understanding between out any possibility of the military the parties, which is necessary for taking over. those who have advocated socialist militancy, in the process further the C P I to function as a parlia mentary opposition, just does not The "organisation in depth" of splitting the socialist opposition exist. the Congress party also ensured (for example, the breaking away that its authority would not be se of the Lohia Group from the Political developments in the riously challenged. While acute P S P). The only major merger Western world have led to the class. 847 June 3, 1961 THE ECONOMlC WEEKLY

fication of political systems into must, therefore, start with the breaks up is there any chance for one-party systems (used widely to latter. any other party to come up. Ram describe' the dictatorships) and The role of opposition parties in pant factionalism within the Con nmlti-pavty systems; the latter India is quite distinctive. Instead gress has given the opposition hope brine further divided into the po of providing an alternative to the that such a break up is in the ofl- part) systems and systems where Congress party, they function by iug. Meanwhile, duly by entering there are more than two parties. influencing sections within the into some arrangement with the Complementary to this broad classi Congress. They oppose by making ruling party can the opposition fication is the distinction made on Congressmen oppose. Groups with parties taste power. This is possi the Continent between the party of in the ruling party assume the role ble in States where the Congress action and the party of platform of opposition parties, often quite does not have an absolute majority depending upon the degree of openly, reflecting the ideologies and in the legislatures, proximity to power. There is also interests of the other parties. The Reasons for Divisions the distinction between the party latter influence political decision of programme and the party of making at the margin. Criticism This points to another and a personages, broadly approximating from the platform or in the legis more important reason for the to the distinction between institu lature has often found response continuing divisions within the op tional and personal government. among Congressmen and been position. The fact that no single Finally, theorising about the Bri echoed in the deliberations of the party has been aide to challenge tish system has led to a division party. The political stature of an the Congress led each party think between the conservative party and opposition leader and his personal that it is more capable than the the progressive party.6 relations with the high-ups in the others to eventually replace the Congress have often given him an Congress and that the others should therefore merge themselves. This How to Classify the Congress ? influence with the Congress which has prevented frustration and bit attitude in turn ensures that no None of these classifications is terness which would otherwise re party can really replace Congress. completely relevant to the Indian sult from his party being in a posi Meanwhile, individual politicians situation. Although the opposition tion of permanent minority. This contest the elections to get themsel parties are remote from the exer also explains why there is such a ves elected, not to put their party cise of authority, thus making for wide gap between the leadership in power. This has led to lack of much preoccupation with ideologi and the rank and file of the opposi concern for building up the party; cal issues, the Congress party is tion parties and partly accounts it has also made for the absence of also preoccupied with such issues for the lack of unity among these a common outlook among the mem to a marked degree, largely because parties. bers of the party in different parts of frustration with action program of the country. Instances where mes. Similarly, I he Congress party Opposition Fragmented regional units of these parties have claims to be as " progressive ' as The fragmentation of opposition flouted their national leadership most of the opposition parties. parties has baffled observers. It has are not lacking. The P S P for Again. the dominance of personali been observed that in a social order instance, was forced to change its ties and the lack of institutional which is in the process of disrup stand three limes in two years on leadership is evident in a more or tion, militant political parties pro the question of coalitions with less equal dearer in all Indian par vide a sense of belonging to the other parties, and in the end had ties. The more general classifica educated youth, who are also more to approve rather than condemn tion into one-party and multi-party often than not unemployed. 7 This deviations from the official line in systems also loses much of its is true to some extent and accounts the States." While discipline am meaning when applied to India. for the anxiety of the rank and ong the rank and file is stressed The fact is that we have neither a file of opposition parties to main with almost totalitarian thorough one-part v system which assumes tain the separate identities of their ness, disunity among the leadership not only the absence but also the respective parties. The importance has become endemic. Disunity am illegality of other parties nor a of this factor should not, however, ong opposition parties is reinforced multi-party system which assumes be over/stressed. For it is also true by disunity within each party and that no party is sufficiently power that political parties in India have the result is to reduce politics to a ful to form the government by it failed to inspire young men who sort of personal sport for indivi self. Nor is it a "multi-party sys are turning increasingly indiffer dual politicians. (The Communist tem in theory but a one-party ent to politics. Their ranks are Party, however, prevents a marked system in practice' as it is often being slowly depleted and the op contrast with other opposition described. Attempts to fit facts in position parties are becoming lop- groups in all these respects but to a preconceived pattern are mis heavy with much personal rivalry the Congress is determined to pre leading as they fail to take into among leaders. The reasons for vent it from corning to power. In account the most important facts fragmentation have, therefore, to be this, the Congress can confidently about the Indian situation. The sought in other factors. count on the support of other op position parties.) party system as it has emerged is One reason which has already unique and should be analysed in been mentioned is the position of Opposition to the ruling party terms of itself. Most important for the Congress and its front-rank does not take the usually expected this analysis is to .understand the leadership in Indian politics. The form. It takes quite different forms relationship between the Congress impression has, therefore, gained in this country. There is much and the opposition parties. We ground that only if the Congress irresponsibly criticism, a chronic 848 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY June 3, 1961 habit of complaining and shifting Today almost the whole of the at this level that one can see how all blame to the Government, spo political process is taking place close the Congress is to society: it radic compaigns of personal vilifi within the folds of the Congress. reflects all the major social divi cation and an inclination to wash The Congress is more than a party, sions and interest groups. It is also dirty linen in public. The mono it constitutes an entire party sys at this level that traditional insti polistic position of the Congress, tem. The conflicts and alignments tutions find entry into the political the unorganised and fragmentary within the Congress are of greater process. The factions have their nature of the opposition which can political import, than its conflict own structure and lines of commu not even adequately ventilate .popu with the opposition groups. The nication and constitute an intricate lar grievances, and the atmosphere operative political categories in system of decision-making. They of corruption and jobbery have India are factions within the ruling give rise to forms of political be given rise to a negative attitude party, organised on different lines haviour that cut across the formal among the general public. It goes and interacting in a continuous ly established institutions and pro further : antipathy to the ruling process of pressure, adjustment and vide a clue to the otherwise baffling group turns into antipathy to accommodation. The true opposi twists and turns of Indian political politics itself. Politics is not for tion that emerges is not against but life, they can. with some intensive good men and it is only for oppor within the Congress. In this, the study, be as precisely located as tunists and careerists. Such reac opposition parties themselves play the more formal institutions? tions are common among the mid their part at the margin us indicat Broad and tentative observations dle class and more so among the ed above. can here be advanced. intellectuals. The net result is that organised opposition is discounted The Political Process The faction system (factionalism and centralisation of power conti is an emotive term and has no place This also means that a large part in an analysis of institutions) works nues unchecked. This is aggravated of political conflict and competition by opposition politicians who, at all levels of the Congress organi for power take place before and sation. Generally, however, the frustrated with the existing situa after rather than during the gene tion, plead for en-operation with lower down we go. the more perva ral elections. Before, in the selec sive the system becomes in condi the ruling group, in effect refusing tion of candidates and the regional to oppose. The "compulsions of a tioning the political process. It is and group pressures that affect also found in more unalloyed forms back ward economy" thesis'' is a such selection and after, in the for rationalisation horn out of a basic nearer the base. Once we leave the mation of ministries and the dis rarefied atmosphere of parliament weakness of the opposition. Here pensation of patronage. Also in too. the Communist Party's strategy and administration and the Work eases where the Congress has not ing Committee and go down, say, is very different viz to wait for a returned with an absolute majority general exasperation with the party to the Mandal Committee level, we in the legislature, the real process see that the whole picture changes. system that would give it its real starts after the elections. Attempts The issues differ; the understand chance. Such exasperation is al are made to obstruct other parties ing of politics differ; the norms dif ready noticeable among important from assuming or continuing in fer; and although the formal pro sections of the people, and is often power for long by mustering the cedures bear resemblance to those expressed by men who are till strength of the Congress from all found in the higher levels, the ac yesterday outstanding politician?. sides, by invoking interference tual process of arriving at decisions The fanciful plea for "unanimous from the High Command or the differs. There is much that the pu elections" is another indication of Central Government, by coalitions rist would find deplorable at this the anti-party bias in recent politi and united fronts and by the hold level but it should not be forgotten cal thinking. Such an ideology, ing of new elections under more fa that what happens here determines shared as it is by part of the oppo vourable circumstances. What the to a large, extent the tenor of Indian sition, means that the latter is elections (and re-elections) do is to political life. withdrawing from political strug endow such a process with legal gle in precisely those areas, such sanction. The elections are very At the Lower Level as local government where if has important on other counts also. Factions at the local level are most chances of success. All this They provide a channel of partici based on caste, kinship and peiso- adds to the confused and fragmen pation to the general public thus nal loyalties, ihe last being the tary state of political opposition in legitimising authority, force the most important. Dominant persona- the country. The net result is that ruling party to make bargains with lilies provide the tallying points of the only alternatives with which the organised interests, and generally opposing factions. As factional country is left are the continuing spread political consciousness am loyalties are, however, based on exercise of power by the Congress ong the electorate. expediency and are thus inherently which works through an internalis unstable, kin and caste ties are ed opposition system hut which, if The upshot of the above analysts brought into play to impart stabi continued for long and under the is that the working of factions with lity to personal followings. These leadership of less scrupulous lead in the Congress provide the sub are then reinforced by the dispen ers, would turn totalitarian; and stantive context of the political pro sation of patronage and the per the Communist rise to power which cess that goes on in this country. sonality of the leader. The result would bring an end to the party Further, it is at the level of factions is clear divisions of the party that system itself. It is an impossible that the true nature of the Congress are openly avowed and that give choice. and its distinctiveness from other rise to constant conflicts and ad parties is also revealed. For it is justments. Of course, the factions 849 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY June 3, 1961 sometimes disrupt and make for Mandal-level factions are, however, sert its independence quite openly. total frustration. Political adjust with groups within the District and Those in charge of the organisation ments are often confined to the do the Pradesh Congress. It is a two- constitute a rival faction to those minant caste within which the fac way traffic. Good connections with running the government. They use tion system operates, thus leaving important persons or groups in the various techniques of competition, out the majority and making far Pradesh Congress or the State Go traditionally associated with the much concentration of power. The vernment strengthen the hands of opposition party. They make re depressed communities are usually particular leaders and the factions presentations on behalf of aggriev denied any real access to power. they lead at the lower level. Equ ed interests; they make legislative Consequendy the political process ally, a strong and dynamic leader members make use of the question assumes great rigidity. But this is with a large following in the dist hour in criticising the government; not always so. The electoral sys rict carries great weight at the they even utilise the press to publi tem is forcing the higher castes to Slate level. The system of commu cise their dissatisfaction with the seek support among the lower nications between factions at diffe government; above all, they seek to strata; the administration's "inter rent levels is important and al win a majority in the legislature ference" in local affairs on behalf though politicians from above often on their behalf and if the governing of the depressed communities opens come to "settle" disputes at the group feels it must have its own a way for ventilation of complaints lower level, such attempts are usu way, they are prepared to replace which have to be heard and settled; ally soon abandoned, largely be it as an alternative government. and the Congress ideology, which cause the State politicians arc They use other means also. Mo is slowly seeping into local politics, themselves indirect parties to the tions are passed in Pradesh Con faction system. In fact, quite often makes it difficult to deny elemen gress meetings; representations to the conciliatory move from above tary rights to men who were hither the High Command are made and comes at the behest of local poli to considered as outcastes. More mediation called for; very active ticians in conflict with the ruling over, the "dynamics of the faction canvassing is carried out for elec group. system itself is obliging local lead tions to the A.I.C.C, the Pradesh ers to cast? their net wider than their To complete the picture, it must Election Committee, the Central own community and extend their be mentioned that the strength of Election Committee and the Work patronage system beyond their own Stale politicians and their groups ing Committee. kin. A miniature party system cut depends to a large extent on the ting across traditional divisions is The organisational wing has been weight they carry with the High emerging within the Congress in building up its strength by giving Command and the Union Govern most localities. greater importance to the affiliated ment. The process is similar as be Mandal — District — Pradesh Links agencies of the Congress like the tween the district and the State, ex Seva Dal, the Youth Congress and The Congress organisation has cept that it is of much greater the Mahila Congress, but even not spread physically to each vill political import and substantially more, by making political use of age; nor is it necessary. Members affects the incidence of political these agencies. This is a compa of the Mandal Congress maintain mortality in the States. contact with the politically active ratively recent, phenomenon. These villages in various ways, through Organisational and Governmental agencies recruit new and young the Local Board, the District Deve- Wings men who add strength to the Con lopment Committees; the village The hierarchy of factions out gress organisation and nurse the Sarpanch does so through the Pan- lined above does not exhaust the ideology that field work is more chayat Samiti and the Zilla Pari- group process within the Congress. important than the governmental shad, and even the local Talati who While it is very important for work; the trend of reducing the ministerial VIPs to their proper very often lives in town. Being maintaining both the unity and the size was clearly in evidence at the the ruling party, the Congress has efficiency of the party, the most im Sardarnagar Session. a privileged position among villa portant dimension of the faction gers who still look towards political system is found at the State and Faction System in the Wings authority in the traditional man national levels. The two-party sys ner. The faction system penet tem that is really emerging in India All this does not mean that either rates the villages too. Village poli is made up of the Congress govern the organisational or the govern tics is invariably the cock-pit of ment in power and the organisa mental wing is united against the local factions; these factions are tional wing of the party. The other; the faction system enters the linked to factions at the Mandal opposition parties marginally in functioning of each. Again built level sometimes and these links may fluence this struggle; so does the around personalities, the organisa create faction hierarchies; more factional hierarchy discussed above. tion is made up of a number of often, however, the leader of each On the other hand, this struggle is groups; so is the government. The faction at the Mandal level is in largely independent and has its strength of' the faction system in fluential in a group of villages, own dynamics, very often affecting the highest governmental organs mediates in village disputes and the fortunes of politicians at other was dramatically evident at- the helps settle them, in the process levels and in other parties. recent contest for the Deputy building up his own support in the Leadership of the Congress. These A marked shift has been notice groups interact in an intricate locality. The linkage is often in able of late in this struggle. The direct and roundabout but it is manner, governmental factions seek organisational wing of the Congress, ing support from among organisa nonetheless present. till recently dominated by those in The really important links of the tional factions and vice versa. The the government, has begun to as- affiliated agencies themselves dis- 851 June 3, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

play the same trend, the Youth then,15 Since independence, the from becoming totalitarian. On the Congress runs as a parallel organi view that the Congress is not mere whole it has made "politics by dis sation to the Seva Dal in many ly one among many parties and cussion" Both possible and neces its functions and constitutes a rival that it still continues to be a na sary. force. Leaders of the Youth Con tional organisation, the growing gress and the Manila Congress are realisation that the Congress orga On the other hand, factions, if known to build up "connections" nisation had lost its former vigour not restricted, can prove dangerous, with important persons in the and must be revived, the emergence and lead to instability and intrigues. party. extending thereby the fac of the organisational wing as a rival More important is the danger to tion system into these agencies. organ and the attempts of this organ the country's unity. It is true that Thus almost every Congressman to control the government, and the genuine political unity assumes poli belongs to one faction or another; lack of effective opposition from tical divisions, but when the empha the faction system runs through other parties have led to a situation sis on divisions outstrips the con the entire working of the party and contrary to that found in other cern for unity, the result is disinte constitutes the substantive party countries. The Congress insists, gration of the political community. 12 system in Indian politics, and many in the parliament and the But the worst consequence of fac tions, one that is inherent in it, is Alongside the directly affiliated government agree with this view, the exaggerated emphasis placed on agencies, there are a number of or that the Congress government is personalities. The result is exercise ganised interest groups close to the accountable to the party. The lack of authority based on individual ca Congress that are able to influence of opposition from outside and the prices in place of institutions and the organisational wing and through weakness of the legislative and elec programmes. "Charismatic" autho it the government. The strength of toral machinery in making govern rity is more suited to a totalitarian the Indian National Trade Union ment accountable to public opinion political order than to a democracy. Congress as a pressure group, for have also made the divergence of Unless institutional correctives res example, is well-known. There are the Indian from other parliamen trict factions, political instability similar other organisations of stu tary systems inevitable. The fac and the consequent public exaspera dents, women, peasants and the pro tion system is a different type of tion would pave the way for dicta fessions which are either run by party system. It accounts for this torship. Congressmen or which enter into in divergence from the traditional pat formal relationships with the Con tern. Conciliation Machinery in Congress gress. They arc also a part of the Factions Have a Role faction system and exert substantial Such correctives exist within the pressure on the organisation. The unqualified condemnation of Congress organisation. The Con ''factionalism"' within the Congress gress has an elaborate conciliation Where Indian Parliamentary System by national leaders is often based machinery that is prepared to inter Differs on an unrealistic appreciation of vene whenever the factions reach a The organisational and the govern- the political process. It is forgot deadlock. There is the Congress mental wings of the: Congress are in ten that factions have role to play Parliamentary Board which mediates some ways not unlike two different at the present level of our political between government and party when parties and the rivalry between them development. They prevent the rise acute conflicts arise. Deputations has influenced the conventions of of a monolithic state by providing from the High Command to the parliamentary government. After a a built-in opposition within the States have become a regular fea prolonged debate a general agree ruling party. In the absence of ture of Congress politics. Various ment has been reached in England11 effective opposition from outside, standing and ad hoc committees are that the government is responsible they prevent excessive concentration appointed by the Congress President to the electorate as a whole and not of power. Within the party, too, and constitute part of this concilia only to the party that has put it they make for intimate relationships tion machinery. Such questions as in power. It follows that to insist thus modifying the operation of the corruption among Congressmen, com. on the government's subservience law of oligarchy found in all orga munalism and the neglect of mino to the party's executive would be to nised parties.10 They make for rities as well as specific; charges violate a basic tenet of democracy constant interaction between oppos against ministers are dealt with by that the most important organ of ing interests and necessitate the these committees. The Central Elec the party is the parliamentary party adjustments so vital to the demo tion Committee and the Pradesh and that the primary function of cratic process. They accomodate all Committees apply themselves care the party organisation outside par the important sections of society, fully to the selection and screening liament is to "service" the parlia albeit in an Unequal manner. They of candidates and settle differences mentary party and work for its suc lend flexibility to the political pro between various organs and inte cess in the governmental process.14 cess and enable governmental chan rest groups within the party. The The situation in India is quite differ ges to occur without a purge. While conciliation machinery is in almost ent. Historically, the formation of they have obstructed the growth of continuous operation and problems Congress ministries in the States in the vital convention of tolerating arising from the working of fac 1937 was part of the political stra opposition parties in power when tions constantly call for solution. tegy of the Congress and the gov public opinion demands it and has The dangers inherent in the system ernments formed by the Congress kept the country Unprepared for a are partly avoided by such timely followed the directives' of the party, change in administration, it has mediation. The conciliation ma although this caused strains even prevented the Congress monopoly chinery wields considerable influence

852 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY June 3, 1961 as it derives its authority directly performs a useful function in a the Congress—prevents them from from the High Command. On the democracy. That its programme is concentrating on building up their other hand, it is certain that its largely negative does not matter: own organisations. This prevents present efficacy depends on the pre such is the politics of the right when any party other than the Communist sence of outstanding leaders who in opposition. To condemn the Party from emerging as an alterna have the interest of the nation at party because it represents "vested tive to the Congress. heart. Once, however, the faction interests" is also wrong. All poli system heroines all-pervasive and the tical parties start by representing Communist Tactics power conflicts at the Centre come interests. Bui the party suffers from The Communists, on the other into open with each leader trying the same traits as other opposition to build up support in the organi hand, realising that the Congress parties. It lacks unity, is without will not allow them to come to pow sation, such a machinery will be sound leadership, is weak in orga come ineffective. This tendency er easily, adopt more roundabout nisation and its appeal is confined and flexible techniques. They con would be corrected only by a com to the discontented. It is rigid in plete division within the Congress centrate their efforts on strategic its approaches to other parties. The areas hoping to make them pockets organisation all along the hierarchy main function it performs at the which would lead to the formation of power from where the "move present is, therefore, of influencing ment'' can be directed. At the of a genuine party system free from the Congress at the margin through factions. same lime they make every factions within the Congress, attempt to make themselves accepta Swatantra Party Fills a Gap Among parties with narrow local ble to the public. The Dange-line Much would depend on the Influence, the most prominent seems on China, the Amritsar thesis and smoothness with which such a deve to be the Jan Sangh which is now active participation in legislative lopment takes place. The faction trying to free itself from its sec activities make the communists ap system has been performing an im tional past, to build up a sound or pear respectable. At the sameJime portant function during the difficult ganisation and capitalist on the they have also launched on a pro period of transition from a national growing discontent with the Con cess of "permeation". Their influence movement in which all sections of gress party. It may well emerge as on Congressmen, some in important opinion joined together to a full- a major opposition group in some positions, whose democratic convic fledged party system in which the States, It has not however, succeed tions are not strong, is well-known. public is asked to choose between ed, in attracting progressive indivi The acute rivalry between factions competing parties and programmes. duals, and is too encumbered by its within the Congress is also driving With the rise of such a party system, past and lacks dynamic leadership. leaders of the factions to strengthen each party will have to close its So long as its successes are largely their hands by accepting the support ranks when faced by other parties, negative and built upon the discon of pro-communists and giving them although every party would still tent of minorities, its future is important positions. (This is one continue to perform its pluralist doubtful and it is dangerous to the of the most disturbing aspects of function of representing diverse so political development of the coun the working of factions within Con cial interests within itself, ft is try inspite of its avowed secularism. gress: the opportunistic alliance of very difficult to trace the steps by There arc two great dilernas of factions with communists and com- which such a development would Indian politics that are prominently munalists. With this has started a occur. The fragmentation of the reflected in the party system. One process of Communist "infiltration" democratic opposition within the in the ruling party, the govern concerns the place of the Commu 17 country seems to have no sign of nist Party in it. A political situa ment and the non-political agencies. Once the Communists succeed in ending, The "menace" of the Com tion in which the Communist Party controlling a few key positions in munist Parly adds to this fragmen appears as the only alternative to the Congress or the government, the tation by forcing the other opposi the Congress is unthinkable. The political situation will be transform tion groups to work with the Con totalitarian dangers of a communist ed; gress, thus preventing the building rise to power are obvious. But this up of a strong and unified organi danger also causes the adoption of The other dilemma of Indian sation which alone can ensure suc totalitarian tactics by parties of the cess at the polls. Such fragmenta politics is closely related. ft fol right. The communists are prevent lows partly from the impact of tion leads to the emergence of local ed from coming to power by unpar parties, which while they can suc modern ideas on a traditional so liamentary tactics. At the same time, ciety and partly from the means cessfully compete with the Congress continued rule by the same party in selected areas, have neither the adopted to bring about change. The ultimately leads to a situation where Congress is pledged to speedy in leadership nor the organisation to the public begin to crave for a spread their influence. Further, such dustrialisation and uplift of the change-any change. The paradoxical masses. The means it has selected localised parties, because they do situation in which a large number not have to answer to a diverse elec to implement its policies are essen of people who dislike the Congress tially alien to the traditional order. torate, tend to be parochial in na are nevertheless obliged to vote for ture. They cannot represent differ A wedge is drawn between Con it cannot continue for long. Change, gressmen preaching "western"' me ent interests cutting across the non- when it comes would be catastrophic. secular divisions within society. thods and the people who respond The political strategy adopted by to traditional modes of thought and The formation of the Swatantra other opposition parties in face of conduct.18 The problems being Party has filled an important gap the Communist ' threat' — which tackled are, however, real problems. in Indian politics: a rightist party obsesses them more than it does even The result is that the masses desire 853 June 3, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY change without comprehending the 4. For details of the merger, see Myron 13. For the attempts of Joseph Cham nature of that change. They expect Weiner, Party Politics in India, pp 98- berlain and Randolph Churchill to raise a sudden transformation of their 116. the status of the party "caucus" outside conditions. This creates tension. 5. The three types have been discussed Parliament within the Liberal and Conser While expectations are dramatically at length by Maurice Duverger in his vative parties respectively, see M Ostrogor- aroused, the programmes adopted Political Parties. ski, Democracy and the Organisation of fall short of fulfilling them. Frus Political Parties, Vol I, Part II. The tration mounts and the argument 6. For classification of party systems on attempt was short-lived. See A L Lowell, for adopting other and more speedy lliese lines, see Sigmund Neumann (ed), The Government of England, Vol I. For Modern Political Parties, p 400 ff. methods of change become increas Harold Laski's revival of the theme in the ingly attractive. Such arguments— 7. Myron Weiner, op cit pp 8-10. Labour Party and Attlee's rejection of for example, the ease for giving 8. Thomas A Rusch, op cit p 205, Laski's views, see Kingsley Martin's Harold power to a dictator or a disciplined Laski. 9. Asoka Mehta's article in the Sympo "vanguard" for a few years find sium on "Preconditions of Sustained 14. For an analysis of the relations be ready response in a traditionally Growth of the Indian Economy", The tween government and party in a parlia authoritarian society. The Congress Economic Weekly, Special Number, June mentary democracy, see Robert MeKenzie, may itself succumb to such pressures 1960. British Political Parties, especially pp both from fear of losing power and 9-15, 582-585. under the influence of new ideolo 10. Jayaprakasb Narain, Towards a New 15. The relations between the party or gies. Society, pp 29-31. On the same theme ganisation and the parliamentary party in although based on a radically different The Future — Uncertain India have been dealt in historical detail orientation, see M N Roy's provocative in W H Morris-Jones, Parliament in India, What is preventing such a deve posthumous publication, Politics, Power pp 166-185. lopment is the presence of a leader and Parties. ship steeped in liberal values. This 16. Robert Miehcls, Political Parties, leadership is now ageing. The ideo 11. For a discussion of the idea of pp 417-422. logical convictions of the newly unity see the article on Panchayati Raj 17. For comment, see The Times of emerging leadership are not yet in this series. India. 26-4-61, "Dangers of Communist In clear. Meanwhile, institutions con 12. For an analysis of the emerging filtration" by R Shiva Rao. tinue to he in a state of flux, thus pattern within Congress, see The Economic 18. Robert I Crane, "The. Leadership of exaggerating the importance of in Weekly, "A Report on Sardarnagar'', An the Congress Party", Park and Tinker op dividuals. Much would depend on nual Number, February 1961, cit p 187. the development of the party sys tem and the extent to which it im parts stability to existing institu tions. In the meantime, in the tran sition period the factions within political parties are playing an im portant part. They have made for political mobility within limits, effective opposition to authority and consequent division of power. The dangers they give rise to are also clear: instability, too much empha sis on personalities and political in trigue. What the future holds in store is not clear. But it would large ly depend on the extent to which the present system of political power being exercised by factions can transform itself into a democratic party system which would make a smooth change in government possi ble. Notes 1. Max Weber, "Politics as a Voca tion". 2. "U a Party System Possible in Africa ?". The Listener, Vol LXV, 16th February, 1961. 3. The opposing views have been do cumented in Thomas A Rusch, "Dynamics of Socialist Leadership in India'' in Richard Park and Irene Tinker, Leadership and Political Institutions in India, pp 197-200. 854 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY June 10, 1961

Form and Substance in Indian Politics—VI Prospects for Democracy

Rajni Kothari

The prospects for democracy in India depend on the quality of political leadership.

In the critical period immediately following independence we were fortunate to have men of ex- cepticinal ability at the helm of affairs. A more normal period will need not so much exceptionally gifted leaders as a well filled-in social and administrative hierarchy.

The sustenance of political institutions by such a hierarchy will lay a firm basis for democracy.

It is the function of statesmanship to make in stitutions the custodians of authority. The fate of democracy cannot be allowed to depend on the availability of exceptional leaders:.

That is the principal test of Indian democracy.

WILL democracy survive in India? the unitary bias of Indian federa said in the earlier articles, it is clear The question can be answered only lism, the centralised administration, that most of the criticisms mention after detailed analysis of the differ the emergency powers of the Presi ed above are based on a too formal ent political institutions and of the dent, the monopolisation of power understanding of the political pro social and ideological conditions in by a single party which reduces the cess. Thus we have seen that al which they function. Such analysis legislature to a body of "yes-men", though the relation between the was attempted in the foregoing the hierarchy within the council of Union and the State Governments articles. The implications of our ministers and the concentration of is not strictly federal, that is not the analysis for the functioning of the power in the "inner Cabinet", the cause of the alleged centralisation political system as a whole can now continuous operation of the Preven and that territorial devolution of be examined in this concluding tive Detention Act in contravention authority should not be confused article. We have noticed the ele of the spirit of the Constitution and with democratic diffusion of power. ments that further the development the amendment of the Constitution Again although it is true that the of democracy in India and those that to exclude the jurisdiction of the Congress Party dominates the politi retard it. We have also examined the courts from the determination of cal process, the existence of fac gap between the formal character of compensation for private property tions ensures that many points of institutions and their substantive acquired by the Government, there view are accommodated and much working. The different threads of the by affecting the fundamental right flexibility is achieved as a result. argument may now be brought toge to property. Economic planning, Again, though the opposition is ther. moreover, has given rise to the for weak, it is allowed full scope to mation of an extra-constitutional The formal arguments advanced to function and is often given an im super-cabinet in the form of the show why Indian democracy will suc portance out of proportion to its Planning Commission which, in ceed are well-known. We have adopt numerical strength. Further, though effect, nullifies both federalism and ed a democratic Constitution under the power is concentrated in the hands "democratic decentralisation'. Other which the government is elected by of a few national leaders, exercise of criticisms which refer to the content, the people, opposition parties are power by them is more conducive to rather than the form, of political allowed to function, fundamental individual freedom and stability than institutions, are also made. But they rights are guaranteed, there is a free exercise of power by slate or local are based on a very superficial view press and an independent judiciary politicians would have been. Finally, of democracy. We are told that and the ministers are responsible to while economic planning has necessi democracy in India is a mockery, parliament. Authority, moreover, is tated the creation of organs of Gov that the government is everything diffused by the federal Constitution ernment not envisaged in the Consti- and the individual nothing, that the and the government has also taken lion, it cannot be denied that beside Prime Minister acts dictatorially, steps to diffuse power down to the fulfilling their main function of that there are so many police firings, village level. The country has been achieving planned economic deve that the Punjabi Suba is not grant reorganised on the basis of language lopment, the Planning Commission ed, that Vidarbha is denied the and administration is carried on in and its auxiliaries are slowly laying right of self-determination, and that the people's own language. Under the basis of a national conscious the language of the majority is be privileged sections of the community ness and a unified outlook among ing imposed upon the minority in are protected and given special re the people. If they succeed in this many States, presentation in the government arid and if political education spread administration. Above all, economic Complex Picture rapidly enough, a great drag on political development would be re planning and social reform ensure The substantive picture of Indian moved and a solid foundation for that political democracy will be politics as it really emerges is, how the growth of democratic institu buttressed by economic and social ever, far more complex. It is impe tions would be, laid. democracy. rative to understand its true mean Critics of Indian democracy coun ing and to assess its strength and So much for the merits of the ter these arguments by pointing to weaknesses. From what has been system. We can now turn to the 885 June 10, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

problems. Many of these problems cative purpose and open an avenue Ministers presided over by Shri have been noted in the earlier arti of participation, cutting across Nehru, that 'care should be taken to cles: the threat to national unity narrow allegiances. ensure that officials with the right posed by divisive tendencies, the Another mechanical approach to outlook were chosen, so that they lack of a network of voluntary orga the problem of unity is found in may inspire confidence among all nisations representing specific in the recent reaction to communalism. sections of the people is to be wel terests, the concentration of decision The question of national integra comed? This must be followed by making power in the Government tion has now been narrowed down determined action and not by half and the administration; the concen to one of communal integration, and hearted gestures. tration of power within the ruling the problem is conceived of hi terms The social, political and adminis party in its charismatic leadership. of providing "safeguards" to the trative organisation of a country is To these may be added problems minority communities. The Con as important to its unity as an ideo that are more intangible but no less gress Party's resolutions on 'National logical consensus. An "infra-struc real: absence of responsible atti integration' convey a pathological ture" of voluntary organisations cut tudes, the tendency to view political concern for pacifying aggrieved ting across narrow loyalties and pro office as a prize for individual ser sections of the people. A feeling of viding a continum between society vices; the deterioration in the tenor guilt seems to pervade the entire and the state, a responsible and dis of public life, and the increasing thinking on minorities. While, on ciplined administration imbibed in subordination of society to politics. the one hand, communalism is de secular values, and political parties Superficial Approach nounced with great vehemence, on whose allegiance to national interests The question of unity has been the other hand, it is being fanned is not undermined by opportunism briefly touched upon in an earlier by the emphasis on providing spe are the minimum prerequisites for article. Events have forced the na cial privileges for certain communi political unity. The main point is tional leadership to shed its earlier ties. The vacillating attitude to the that political development should complacency and direct attention to question of the Muslim Convention, counter the disintegrating forces in the disintegrative forces in society. alternating between sharp condemna herent in society. If, instead, it gets But there is little reason to believe tion and condescending approval, conditioned by the latter, the survival that the problem is being tackled in has given the entire problem of of the nation becomes doubtful. the right manner. One approach to Muslim communalism an excessive Communalism Not Only Danger the problem is found in the repeated significance. The best course was to The forces of disintegration lake references to India's spiritual unity, ignore the whole thing. Special many forms in this country. The in the belaboured "appeals" for treatment for individual communities Jabalpore riots and the revival of emotional integration, in the vehe has been the bane of politics in this the Muslim League in some parts of ment "calls" to fight linguism and country. A unity based on commu the country have concentrated all communalism. Much of this has be nal privileges and safeguards is a attention on the evil of communa come ineffective with the passage of fictitious unity. It prevents the lism. But there are greater evils time. Another approach is to pre channelising of loyalties to the larger than communalism. Similarly, while scribe remedies that do not even community and accentuates the dis the danger from the so-called com touch the real malady, such as the integrative forces in society. munal political parties must be creation of a "national service" or Parochial Loyalties guarded against, they do not pose as the University Grants Commission's A disorganised society gets poig great a threat as is often imagined. "advice" to the universities to help nantly reflected on the political The prevailing political climate is foster emotional integration by plane. Lack of voluntary associa not conducive to their success. There adopting specific courses. Unity is tions and other secular channels of are other factors which undermine confused with uniformity and it is participation in politics restricts the whole tenor of public life and assumed that standardised behaviour loyalties to parochial units. Any retard political development. Among patterns will pave the way for na one who has closely followed the these, the most important are lin tional unity. The view that "un events in Assam cannot fail to notice guistic and regional loyalties. The animous elections" will lead to a this process at work. Inquiries in formation of linguistic provinces has unanimous society and that political dicate that the administration was not solved the problem. Within each competition disturbs unity is equally itself a party to the mischief. Com Slate, there are minority language superficial. According to this view munalism seems to have eaten into groups, striving for recognition and even drawing of lots is to he pre both the administration and the majority groups resenting their de ferred to elections. (See, for ins Congress Party. What is surprising mands. Official language policies tance, the suggestion contained in is the casual manner in which those are attacked, administrative auto- the Report of a Study Team on the responsible for the events have been nomy for minority regions is de Democratic Decentralisation in Ra- reprimanded by the leadership in manded and even secession is threat- jasthan, published by the Associa- New Delhi. Surely, here was a ened. Linguistic feelings are aggra tion of Voluntary Agencies for situation calling for use of the Pre vated by the suspicion of economic Rural Development, New Delhi. sident's emergency powers. But no exploitation and administrative mo- J P is, of course, known to hold thing was done. The mischief was nopoly by the majority community. such views.) If it is granted that done and none of Shri Nehru's sub- The Assam riots of last year are a the real problem is to transfer peo sequent speeches and gestures could grim reminder of the lengths to ple's loyalties from the sectional to undo it. In this connection the plea which linguistic hatred can go. the national and secular plane, it forcefully made at a recent meeting The extent to which linguistic is clear that elections serve an edu in New Delhi of Central and State loyalties are reflected in politics 886 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY June 10, 1961

was shown in the last general elec nation, but on a vigorous exchange tical violence, like corruption and tion in Maharashtra and Gujarat. of opinions can lead to a unity factionalism, is a direct consequence Not given to considering political founded on common consciousness. of primitive awakening that has not questions in terms of the programmes True unity cannot be imposed; it found its fulfilment in proper chan of different parties, the masses un must evolve out of common striv nels. derstood and sympathised with the ings. It does not rule out political Parochialism in politics results language agitation of the Parishad divisions, provided they are not too from a combination of a growing arid the Samiti. Above all, linguism sense of powerlessness and a grow penetrates deep into the ruling party. The institutional pre-requisites of ing awareness that the situation can It has been rightly pointed out that political unity consist of a well fill- be remedied, that there is a way out. it is futile for the Congress Party to ed-in and mobile social hierarchy. The problem is to give order to decry parochialism when it is itself A hierarchy made up of organised such strivings and to prevent frus afflicted by the disease. Banning of groups constantly interacting on one tration from spreading too far. It communal parties will only drive another makes for stability In India, is a problem of political participa communal ism underground. The there are wide gaps in the social tion. strong Arya Samaj faction within hierarchy. Voluntary organisations Limited Participation in Politics the Congress, if its position is seri that should fill-in the wide area be ously threatened will go over en tween caste and communal organi Such participation is severely block to the Jan Sangh, which is sations and the political state are limited in this country. Beyond becoming aware of, its strength. not developed. The caste-organisa- casting votes, which also tends to be Those in charge of the Congress tions themselves have to be organi determined by group dictates for organisation are however conscious sed on new principles. Some castes large sections of the people, partici of this and will prevent such a shift are aware of this but, generally pation in the political process is from taking place, even at the cost speaking, the hold of tradition and negligible. Lacking voluntary group of its secular principles. institutional inertia act as a dead effort, the individual's link with the political process is limited to the The influence of caste in Indian weight on the process of secular periodic poll. Political parties that politics is no less important, though development. The health of a de should provide channels of commu it does not always find expression so mocracy depends upon the extent to nication do not perform this function dramatically. Castes form the bases which a plural society has moved except for already powerful interests. of party factions, parliamentary from heredity and status-based orga That the Congress Party and the lobbies and administrative esprit de nisation to one based on voluntary factions within it provide some op corps. They provide the substan associations. The weakness of the portunities for interaction between tive appeal of electioneering cam institutions which provide the link organised groups is true. But such paigns. Caste was always influential, between the individual and the state organised groups are very few, with only now it has reached the political accounts for much of our fragmen the result that the factions find their plane and has, consequently, assum tation and disunity. It has led to a basis in kin and caste groupings ed national significance. situation where the entire organisa tional initiative has to come from with little relationship to the needs Consideration of the role of caste the state and tasks that should have of a large mass of the people. in Indian politics leads to the con properly belonged to voluntary agen In general, political parties in clusion that to preserve national cies have come to be politicalIy per India have not felt the need to orga unity, the long-term problems must formed. Even the "non-official" nise intelligence units correspond receive as much attention as the agencies tend to be officially sustain ing to specific functions of govern immediate ones. The short-term pro ed and in the process bureauerati- ment. The Conservative and Labour blem is to restrain all forms of sec sedt (See the interesting Study of parties in England have elaborate re tionalism from taking dangerous the Lok Karya Kshetras of the Bha- search and fact-finding department forms by political and administra rat Sevak Samaj by the Planning dealing with a number of questions tive sagacity, the long-term objective Commission, which draws pointed facing the public and the govern is to remove the most important attention to this tendency.) ment. The most important func cause of sectionalism by fostering tion of such organisations is to new attitudes and values as well as The problem of achieving national foster effective links between the by effecting new forms of organisa unity is thus bound up with the pro politicians and the intellectuals. tion. Viewed in that light, it be per distribution of power in society. The Congress Party in this country comes clear that the principal task And in a country where the exercise has failed in this respect with the is to steer individual allegiances into of social power is prescriptive and result that, while politicians assume wider channels. Political correctives limited to a few, it becomes a ques the air of being intellectuals them must be provided to overcome the tion of the distribution of political selves, intellectuals continue to har rigidities of a closed social order. power. The quest for power forms bour a strong antipathy to politics The problem of unity has to he the basis of parochialism. Whole and politicians and generally dis- viewed afresh and given a proper sections of people who had hitherto plav cynical and irresponsible atti perspective. no chance of expressing themselves find their opportunity in the politi tudes to public issues. Institutional Prerequisites cal arena. It is true that the me We have examined in an earlier Political unity in a society that thods they adopt to make use of the article the role of political institu lacks homogeneity depends on two new opportunity are often danger tions and the substantive forms as factors, ideological and institutional. ous. But they are also a reflection sumed by them in the political pro- Shared ideals based, not on indoctri of the inequitous social order. Poli cess. What was left out from the

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analysis was the electorate, the pivot their hands, their women take charge is not infrequent. Public apathy and of the democratic process. The or- of most social welfare organisations a fatalistic attitude to authority sus- ganisation of the electorate in this and are able to procure substantial tain the mechanics of an authorita country is lacking in depth and is grants, and they or their kin become rian order. ineffective. Politically speaking, the authorised dealers of govern The result is ''personal govern the electorate is an amorphous mass, ment products, issue licences and ment". Party politics in India unorganised and undifferentiated. fix quotas. The patronage of the centres on personalities. Factions The type of differentiation that Congress boss extends far and wide. within parties are based on personal does exist is on caste and regional He controls the most strategic posi rivalries, reinforced by kin and lines. The curious result is that tions in society. Anyone who wants caste following. The social authority political consciousness, instead of a seat in a college or a licence to of the party boss is based on his arresting political backwardness ac run a lorry or a permit for ten bags personal influence. Continuance in centuates it. In such a state, real of cement is at his mercy. The co power in the government or the party authority continues to be monopo operatives giving credit to the far depends on connections with some lized by a few, A disunited society mer, the development block distri important personage at the top. leads inevitably to concentration of buting seeds and fertilisers, and the Political change consists in a change power. So does a politically un panchayat digging wells and con of personalities. The only proviso is differentiated and sterile mass. So structing roads are all subject to the that such change must be approv cial fissures and political apathy to politicians influence. His power ed by personalities still higher up in gether lead to a top-heavy structure over the society in which he lives the High Command, of authority. It gives too much is all-pervading. power to the Government, leaves The Political Entrepreneur Other features of the party sys- society divided and impotent and tem reinforce this concentration of This pattern has given rise to a transfers initiative to a small band power. The publics identification of new type of political entrepreneur in of professional politicians. the party with the government and India. The old leadership was drawn These substantive characteristics the impression that power is enjoyed from men of means and leisure, be of the political process, and not. any by right help sustain the politician's longing to respectable families and formal division of authority as is sway over society. The movement schooled in the liberal tradition. The often argued, are the cause of con for independence left a legacy in the rank and file was provided by middle centration of power. In a country popular belief that the politician is class young men, more radical in where the tradition of self-help is at the same time a social worker and ideas and prepared for any amount tacking, initiative inevitably passes counsellor of the whole community. of sacrifice and suffering. With the into the hands of the government. In It is true that the factions within coming of independence, these two itself, this would not be so bad if the Congress open a way for changes categories assumed the reins of the government could be adequately within the party. For the society at power at different places in the hie controlled. The problem of modern large, however, he who controls the rarchy. Shortly afterwards, the government is not to limit its func party at the moment wields supreme scramble for power began and there tion but to control it. In India, authority over the locality. Factions, emerged a new kind of politician, however, the absence of voluntary at the same time, make far greater resourceful but in a different man- groups organised around specific in centralisation. Parochial divisions in ner. politically inclined indeed but terests to influence policy and the the village or the small town are with a different purpose, hand-work division of society along non-secular used by factions in the higher tiers ing but with different motives. lines leave the government out of of territorial organisation. The result Starting with a few "connections", reach for most men. The over ing combination of caste, regional the new entrepreneur brought with whelming strength of some political and party factions is to the advan him a new approach to politics. He organisation like the Congress and tage of professional politicians. looked upon politics as a profitable the tendency to fix loyalties on per The experience of panchayat elec enterprise to improve his status, sonalities rather than on institutions tions reveals the pervading influence better his prospects and acquire or principles have turned the func of politicians belonging to the ruling positions of power. He began by tion of governing into a prescriptive party who come from the nearby joining some faction, became an right the exercise of which is limit town and succeed in putting their active follower of some important ed to a few self-appointed indi nominees into saddle in the village leader, was prepared to perform viduals. panchayat. In turn these politicians small chores for the leader to win Politicians' Vast Influence are used by State party bosses on his favour, helped him in organis The centralisation of power that whom their prospects depend. The ing his activities, canvassed for him obtains in this country results from general result is that a small band during electoral campaigns, identifi the peculiar position occupied by the of politicians continue to enjoy a ed himself with the leader's group, party politician in society. The monopoly of social, political and built his own contacts, and waited politician in India controls all ave economic power. They cannot be for his chance. Slowly he picked up nues of power. Office-bearers in the easily removed from power. The the art of ' management', began Congress Party man all agencies de mechanics of acquiring political searching for short cuts, and foster voted to developmental work, their power is so geared that it is not ed links with the "key men"— the nominees find representation on the necessary to have the approval of social celebrity, the proud patron, governing-bodies of educational in- the people. Indeed, the spectacle of the gullible among the rich, the stitutions, most charitable trusts run- an unpopular leader continuing in weighty among the upper castes and ning schools and hospitals are in power unaffected by public opinion the frustrated among the lower, men

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good at collecting funds, news re racy in India is a race against time. Bombay are not only growing in porters, street vagrants to intimidate, Much will depend on the ability of national importance but are deter ring leaders to supply mercenaries the national leadership to direct the mined to build themselves up in the and student heroes to turn into course of events. Much will also party organisation. political cannon-fodder. depend on a smooth changeover from New Leadership Is Rising With the emergence of this new the system of factions to a genuine It is also wrong to believe that type of career politician. Gresham's party system which can effectively only Nehru enjoys popularity. The Law began to operate in Indian channelise popular initiative and most remarkable rise in popular politics. With the exit of those who make the larger public interested in esteem in recent years is recorded did not view politics as a means for politics. by Shri Dhebar. He has achieved personal gain but who at the same The present leadership poses a this in two ways. He has succeeded time had no capacity to withstand real problem. While it has provided in building up a public image of the coarseness of their juniors, the stability and given a sense of pur his as a practical and moderate whole tenor of public life changed. pose to political development, it has leader, a consummate negotiator and This has been especially so in subur at the same time dominated the a fair arbiter. He has even manag ban India. The incidence of corrup whole process, It has stopped politi ed to create the impression that he tion has increased beyond bounds cal development from taking its is not terribly interested in political and its character has changed. Cor- natural course. It has patched up office! All this has made him im ruption has become a way of exploi differences times without number, mensely popular in the Congress tation and a means of tightening one's compelled factious to close their organisation in most States (with the hold over one's fellow-men in the ranks and generally hampered the exception perhaps of his own Sau struggle for political survival. Bribery growth of political divisions. This rashtra). Secondly, he has applied as a medium of group persuasion has created a stalemate in Indian himself assiduously to actual prob has become normal in politics. polities; change is in the offing all lems of organisation, in the process "Goondaism" is on the increase and the time, but it does not take place. marshalling all the most important political intimidation has become a Nehru's Role details and gaining an unrivalled usual technique to win a majority. The dominating personality of knowledge of men and institutions. Curiously, such vulgarisation of Shri Nehru has often been blamed He has personal charm, an arrest public life is. in a sense, a direct for this, and rightly to a great ex ing manner and a knack of dealing result of grass-root politics. It is an tent. Shri Nehru wields such autho with diverse personalities. Of course, astonishing paradox of Indian de the reputation he has built has not rity and has done so much for mocracy thai the closer a politician yet spread in the general public. India's political development that (or a party unit) is to the people, Rut even in this respect he has been the impression is sometimes created the more reactionary he becomes. gaining ground, especially in the that Indian democracy and unity The purpose of his approach—win south and the cast. cannot survive his withdrawal or ning votes—makes him emulate their removal from politics. It is essential It is true that Morarji Desai does methods. flatter their emotions and that a change in political mentor- not enjoy great popularity in any prejudices, and employ their langu ship or at least in the scope of Shri part of the country. In fact, that is his age. He organises them around Nehru's authority is affected before greatest political weakness. But he symbols they are used to. symbols long. It is nevertheless, wrong to has recently taken a different route of caste, language and religion. The think that Shri Nehru's hold over to fame. He has sought popularity more skilful he is in this art. the the Congress is total. Facts do not abroad. He has taken advantage of more successful he becomes. In the warrant such a view. What is true his foreign visits as Finance Mini absence of political enlightenment, is that while Nehru continues to be ster to boost up his image as the democratic politics inevitably turns the national hero in the public eyes, likely successor to Nehru. A Prime into a scramble for power. The new- his hold over the Congress organi Minister of India must enjoy the styled politician finds his haven in sation has considerably weakened. confidence of world statesmen. the mass democracy that has not While he has been largely occupied Morarji has taken the hint. been preceded by sustained political with economic development of the education. Others are coming up. Sanjiva country the organisation of the Reddy and Indira Gandhi are help Fortunately., the few survivors Congress has passed over to others. ing Dhebar build up the prestige of from the old order and a few others These are not simply State or city the Congress organisation. Chavan who have entered politics through a "managers" like Kamraj Nadar or of Bombay has made a dramatic- Prafulla Ghosh or Sadoba PatiI. different system of partronage have debut on the national scene. He is Some of these have risen to national controlled the destinies of the immensely popular, has great drive eminence, not in the sense of occu nation till now. If they manage to and, with time on his side, may well pying a position at the Centre but by hold on for a time, the dynamics of pose a threat to his seniors. C devoting themselves to strengthen a democratic polity will oblige the Subramniam has proved his capa ing the national organisation of the field worker to satisfy new demands cities both as a thinker and an Congress Party. These men have in and conform to a minimum code of organiser. Krishna Menon can chal fact taken up the mantle that was political behaviour. Meanwhile, per lenge Morarji Desai in popularity once worn by Sardar Patel. Dhebar haps the social hierarchy will In abroad. The old guard led by Jag- of Saurashtra. Sanjiva Reddy of effectively filled in by organised jiva'n Ram is, of course, on its guard. Andhra. Subramaniam of Tamilnad interest groups thus making for a Shri Nehru must contend with all and Morarji Desai of bilingual general diffuision of. power. Democ- these forces although he does not

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appear to be fully aware of the changed his position three times on tion and the administrative bureau- material that is developing under this issue, in the process alienating cracy. These very forces have, how his mentorship. He gives the impres the sympathies of many.) But such ever, made for an excessive centrali sion of enjoying his isolated emin instances are rare. The isolation of sation of power inimical to the ence, Nehru from the rest of the leader growth of democracy. Centralisation But he has not been free from ship is preventing a genuine clash is most cramping, the nearer we go challenge. His word is no longer of opinions: others are obliged to to the base where one would expect law. Twice in recent months he has fall in line with his ideas at least it to be least evident. The continua suffered serious reverses. Congress in what they say. tion of a political stalemate for a long time has accentuated the pro Party's participation in the direct A more noticeable trend in recent cess. The spell cast by Nehru, old action in Kerala and the Central months is the success with which loyalties within the Congress and intervention that followed were the rank and file of the party has lack of courage and foresight amctag forced on him much against his forced the leaders of the party to the leaders—including those of the will. The whole thing was skilfully take crucial decisions. This was the Opposition—have contributed to the managed by Dhebar with the conni case in the ministerial crisis in the stalemate. A general election cannot vance of Indira Gandhi. (This is V P. The decision to withdraw from break the ice; it must be preceded not to say that the communists were the coalition ministry in Orissa was by a pronounced political rift. The not to be blamed for what also taken in spite of Chief Minis electorate must be faced by a divid happened). The other incident ter Mahatab's known wishes. While ed and not a united leadership. On was at Pooria when a move was Nehru's vacillating mind was re the other hand, the division must be made to change the system of con flected in each of these decisions organised, not random and bitterly stituting the Congress Working this earlier stand being reversed expressed, not a mere result of Committee to include some elected later). They have also revealed the frustration (as in the recent elec members. The delegates then openly increasing ability of the second-rank supported Dhebar against Nehru. Of leadership to assert itself and force tions to the Orissa legislature or the course, ultimately Nehru's wish was decisions on a reluctant leader. Bombay Municipal Corporation). accepted. Hut. the temper of the Finally, they show the weight carri What is imperative is that change delegates was clear. ed by some oilier leaders who have should be smoothly affected and the minds of men should be prepared Nehru's Indecisiveness achieved a "national" reputation and whose hold over the Congress or for it. Nehru has not always been suc ganisation has been growing. These No Place for Charismatic Leaders cessful in carrying out his ideas. are signs of hope. For instance, the Congress govern The substantive political process as it ments in the Stales and the has emerged in India is very intricate. party organisation have successfully Together these developments indi It has been discussed in some detail blocked the implementation of co cate that time is ripe for a change. in this series. Tentative observations operative farming. On the whole, A smooth change can only follow a about the substantive character of the socialist content of Congress natural process of bifurcation of an institutional behaviour have been policies has been considerably water organisation torn by mounting anta made. The deeper bases of politics ed down by powerful Swatantrite gonisms. Such a clear split is better have also been examined. Finally, an elements within the party. Although than tola! disintegration. The latter attempt has been made in this con Nehru is known to be obstinate in will only hand over the country to cluding article to indicate the broad some of his ideas, it is also clear s o m e adventurer. Paradoxically contours of development and the that he lacks the firmness of a enough, the disintegrative forces in directions towards which they point, strong leader. He is indecisive and Indian society and politics calls not from the point of view of the pros vacillating when crucial decisions for a closing of ranks but precisely pects for democracy in this country. for their frank division. The unusual have to be taken. Others have to Emphasis has largely been laid on demand, so often made, that the decide for him on such occasions. the problems that have arisen from Indian Prime Minister should with often against his known inclinations. the functioning of democratic insti draw from polities must be viewed tutions in this country. Many of So long as men whom Nehru res against this background. The de these problems are peculiar to India. pected and regarded with affection mand is made for two reasons: it is On the whole, a number of unique were present, this was not difficult: realised that the time for a change features have been revealed. The Kidwai or Azad or Pant could make has arrived but it is admitted that relations between various authori up Nehru's mind for him and yet the rest of the leadership is incapa ties, in the horizontal and vertical the decision remained Nehru's. With ble of showing the initiative in political organisation, the dynamics their departure, the problem has making this change. The task must of the party system and the place become more serious. Shri Nehru's be performed by Nehru himself. supporters are becoming increas of administration in the scheme of ingly aware of his weaknesses and Nehru has given to the country government reveal unusual traits. is yet incapable of asserting them a long period of stability and These have been discussed. selves. The result is a sense of frus strength. In this he could count It has been stressed repeatedly tration. There have been exceptions. upon a devoted band of followers. that the substantive functioning of Dhebar's role has been discussed. Cha- Other factors that have made this these institutions diverges consider van forced Nehru, with great fines important period of consolidation ably from their formal positions. The se, to change his decision regarding and conscious direction possible are stability of a political system de bilingual Bombay. (In fact, Nehru the huge Congress Party organisa pends on the stability of its forms,

891 June 10, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

on regularity of their behaviour, on The democratic process operates Much will depend on the leader their predictability. A government through it. There is continuous in ship. India has been fortunate in run by "charisma" is inherently un teraction between contending groups, starting off with extraordinary men stable apart from being inimical to accommodation of diverse interests, at the helm of affairs. A more nor democracy. Institutions cannot be and competition for power. On the mal period will not need such extra allowed to remain in a state of flux other hand, the functioning of the ordinary men. Instead, a well filled- for ever. The forms of politics may party system reveals totalitarian in social and administrative hierar differ widely from the original tendencies as shown in this article. chy and the sustenance of political pattern. And this need not be reg The emergence of the new-style institutions by such a hierarchy will retted. They must, however, be politician and the monopolisation of lay the firm basis for democracy. It clearly discernible. Much will de power by small groups organised is the function of statesmanship to pend on the extent to which the around charismatic leaders tend to make institutions the custodians of conventions established in the last turn politics into an exclusive game social power. The fate of a democ fifteen years will strike roots. These and prevent authority from being racy cannot be allowed to hang on conventions have been discussed in diffused among wider and wider the availability of exceptional men. an earlier article. They seem admir sections of the people. In an imma That is the principal test of Indian ably suited to Indian conditions. ture polity, the democratic process democracy. They need to be consolidated and paves the way for reaction. [Concluded] made part of an agreed code. Any departure from them ought to be closely examined.

The political process in an under developed society ought to perform two functions. It must secularise collective behaviour and it must prepare men for change that is pur posive and consciously planned, not a result of chance or fortuitous cir cumstances, not a matter of fate. On the other hand, there is always the danger in such a society of the area of politics extending beyond its legitimate field. The absence of an institutional structure built around voluntary organisations tends to make politics totalitarian. In India negative aspects of both trends are observable: politics is not sufficient ly secular but it is more than suffi ciently pervasive. The consequence is that traditional institutions and attitudes get reinforced by the exer cise of total power. Filled-in Social Hierarchy Only a change in values imbibed by the traditional institutions them selves can remedy the situation. It is not enough to reject these insti tutions (though it is fashionable to do so) ; they need to be changed. This must by nature be a slow pro cess. It is this process which is variously termed 'political educa tion', 'cultural enlightenment' and so on. Side by side with the func tioning of institutions, or rather, through their functioning, the value process must proceed. Meanwhile what is needed is stability. That points to the pivotal importance of the party system in the development of Indian politics. This has been discussed at length in this series. The party system as it actu ally operates shows two features.