Forestry Studies | Metsanduslikud Uurimused, Vol. 73, Pages 1–25

Review paper

About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns

Heldur Sander1,* and Toivo Meikar2

Sander, H., Meikar, T. 2020. About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns. – Forestry Studies | Metsanduslikud Uurimused 73, 1–25, ISSN 1406-9954. Journal homepage: http://mi.emu.ee/forestry.studies

Abstract. The article explores conflicts related to forests and parks of Estonian towns from the Middle Ages to the 1940s. A brief overview is first given of the development of urban forestry in . There are also cases where the loss of urban forests and the related problems that arose could have led to conflicts, but for certain reasons they did not emerge. The main focus of the research is on and its nearby island of Naissaare and, to a lesser extent, on the town of Haapsalu. The cases with the probability of conflict are described on the example of Tallinn, and Pärnu. It is apparent that conflicts or preconditions for their emergence were caused by various reasons, both at the state and town level where local authorities and ownership relations played their role. But the causes of the conflicts can also be traced to the wider clash between military and political causes, economic development and the general public.

Key words: green conflicts, urban forests and parks, , Tallinn, Tartu, Pärnu.

Author’s addresses: 1Retired scientist, Mahtra 9–121, 13811 Tallinn, Estonia; 2Retired scientist, Rõõmu tee 4–11, 50705 Tartu, Estonia; *e-mail: [email protected]

Introduction ing; various gardens sprang up, green are- as were established and trees were planted Many modern towns in Europe already ex- in yards, around churches, along streets isted in the Middle Ages as trading towns, and elsewhere. encompassing large urban territories. It There have been multiple studies on could not be otherwise, since an autono- conflicts in forestry, the formation, essence mous medieval settlement had to be ca- and diversity of forests and parks in Eu- pable of sustaining and clothing itself. In ropean cities, but we will highlight two other words, apart from the built-up area here (Hellström, 1996; Konijnendijk, 1999a, the town had to have enough land for 1999b). According to the latter, conflicts growing food for human and animal con- arise (1) more widely due to confronta- sumption as well as for satisfying all other tions between forestry, forest protection urban needs (Zobel, 2001). One of the most and other forms of land use; (2) between important resources in a town was forests different types of forest use and users. For falling within the town precincts, since example, there may be conflicts between demand for wood was fairly high. As the forest conservation (protection) and recre- towns expanded, the function of the forests ation, wood use, hunting but also between changed. The focus shifted to forest plant- recreation and hunting; (3) between recre-

DOI: 10.2478/fsmu-2020-0011

© 2020 by the authors. Licensee Estonian University of Life Sciences, Tartu, Estonia. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

1 H. Sander, T. Meikar ation types and between them and nature opment of Estonian towns beginning from conservation, and between hunting and the Middle Ages. The upper time limit we poaching; (4) between forest policy, plan- have set here is 1940, when the Republic ning and consequences of forest manage- of Estonia was occupied by the then So- ment; (5) internal conflicts, organisational viet Union. Thenceforward, the develop- conflicts and conflicts between owners. ment of towns took a totally different turn. However, it must also be kept in mind that Another period of social transformations conflicts should not be considered purely started in 1991 when the Republic of Es- negative. If they lead to understanding and tonia regained independence. The towns cooperation, conflicts can be a force for a saw a substantial rise in building activity, positive change, but if they remain unre- which fairly often entailed a loss of urban solved or ignored, they may cumulate and forests and grasslands and a reduction in become destructive (Ayling & Kelly, 1997). the number of urban trees as well as the However, the expansion of towns and emergence of conflicts between the citi- increase in the urban population were ac- zens’ desires and the town governments’ companied by a reduction in vacant land, will. An in-depth study of that period is leading to increased pressure on urban yet to come. forests, later also on green areas. All these In general, it may be noted that “green” factors caused disagreements between conflicts stem from different understand- citizens and town governments, which ings of the relations between the nature sometimes led to several different, minor and humans, and they usually surface in or major, conflicts. As leisure and wealth times of great social metamorphoses. grow, human activity in forests becomes The most appealing feature of the Es- very high. Many leisure activities in forests tonian tradition has been considered great are mutually incompatible and cause con- and deep sensitivity to nature, inspiring flicts between users. Social sciences and the devout and devoted reverence for the lat- new science of environmental psychology ter (Loorits, 1990). Hence, were can be used to explain the real feelings of characterised by a custom of venerating people towards urban forests and to help trees. In this regard, mention may be made with their overall development. The spe- of a report from the late 16th or early 17th cific requirements for mutually incompat- century recorded by the Jesuits who had ible uses can be met in separate regions by their own educational establishment in detecting and designing features that both Tartu: “By their ridiculous and superstitious attract and discourage (Hunter, 2001). customs the people are said to worship trees, This approach is linked more or less to and when they are being cut down they unhes- our previous research: Sander & Randrup itatingly resist, ready to rather die than sur- (1998), Meikar (1998), Meikar & Sander render.” (Helk, 1977: 192) Apparently, that (2000), Sander & Meikar (2000), Sander report concerned trees growing in sacred (2001a, 2001b), Meikar (2002), Sander & groves. Those groves represented forests Meikar (2003), Sander et al. (2005), Koni- where sacrifices were brought. They were jnendijk et al. (2007), Sander & Meikar held sacred as points of contact between (2015), Magnus & Sander (2019). the natural and the supernatural worlds. In Estonia, each community (village, com- mune, parish), occasionally even a farm, Short history of the development of has had its own sacred forest (usually a de- urban forestry in Estonia ciduous grove) or, in an exceptional case, a sacred tree or stone. These were fenced in Below we look at what disagreements are to protect them from animals, and no trees known to have surfaced during the devel- were felled or branches broken there.

2 About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns

Since 1219, when Estonia was con- since 1297, forest utilisation was regulated quered by foreign invaders for long cen- by various protective measures (Sander & turies, the popular perception of nature Meikar, 2000) until the promulgation of the started to change. It was also reflected in respective forest preservation legislation. the attitude towards the forest and trees. In one way or another, they also concerned At the same time, it may be noted that the forests in and around towns. ancient perception of nature has survived Historically, Estonian urban forests to date in the memory of Estonians; how could sometimes have been situated with- it is expressed in each particular case is in the precincts of towns. Predominantly, another matter. Unfortunately, the ancient however, they were part of municipal es- perception of nature failed to transmit to tates. Towns were interested in forests pri- urban nature. marily for economic reasons, since forests For many peoples, the perception, valu- satisfied the need for wood of municipal ation and preservation of urban nature has estates and their peasants and, if situated been a long process. It began, as always, in the immediate vicinity of towns, also with the relationship between each coun- of urban institutions. An exception in this try’s citizens and towns. With regard to Es- regard was the oak forest on Penin- tonians we have to take into account that sula, which fell within the precincts of the towns in Estonia were not founded by the town of Tallinn. By the first half of the 16th native population but by foreign invaders. century at the latest, the oak forest had Estonians did not embrace the town until become a beloved recreation ground for as late as in the 19th and particularly in the the townspeople. In the late 19th century, 20th century. Estonian histo- Kloostrimets, just outside Tallinn, began to rian Karin Hallas (1995: 91) has written: acquire a similar standing. “Estonians came to town but that did not mean More systematic management of ur- immediate embracing of the town. The capital- ban forests was in some places introduced ist town with its novel milieu, industrial de- in the first half of the 19th century but did velopment, variety, busy life, fragmentariness not become common until the second half and stresses effected dramatic changes in the of the century. In general, the use of urban existing norms and customs of community life, forests was moderate; attempts were made giving rise to new social strata and relations, to prevent their transformation into farm- a new culture and new morals. Big towns in- lands. spired admiration and desperation, hope and Urban greeneries, which were launched anxiety.” The ideology of the Estonian na- in the early 19th century, induced a new tional awakening in the 19th century had perception of nature in the citizens, which inculcated the idea that the countryside is initially they were reluctant to embrace. good and the town is bad (Hallas, 1995). The stress and destructive attitude preva- It has been emphasised that the develop- lent in towns was also reflected in the atti- ment of towns at the turn of the 19th centu- tude towards urban greeneries. ry should be regarded as an international Quite a few examples can be given to il- rather than national phenomenon, since lustrate this. At the end of the 18th or in the industrialisation and urbanisation are es- beginning of the 19th century the first alleys sentially international processes (Sutcliffe, were established in Tallinn. Trees planted 1980). there were poplars. In 1819 the trees of the Primary utilisation of nature in the alleys were quite young, so Toll, the Chief form of wood started in towns established of Police of Tallinn found it necessary to in the Middle Ages (Tallinn, Haapsalu, protect them. He wrote that the goats that , Tartu, , etc.), the precincts ran around damaged the trees on the prom- of which also embraced forests. Already enade. The owners of the goats should take

3 H. Sander, T. Meikar care that it would not happen again and King of Danes and subordinated nations by compensate for the damages (Alamaa & God’s grace, the Duke of Estland, wishes Kivi, 1966). everyone reading the present document, sal- By 1822, a public garden had been com- vation by the Lord forever. We ban severely pleted in district, Tallinn, in- by the grace befallen to us everybody and in tended as a place of entertainment for the any conditions to cut trees or to burn char- townspeople. On 16 September 1827, how- coal on our islands Nargheten/Naissaar/, ever, it appeared that the Toompea garden Wulff//, Blocekarl and Rughekarl/ had been ravaged, benches smashed, trees now the peninsula Paljasaar, except for our broken, the terrace trampled and the bar- castle and town of Tallinn, as the custom has rier knocked down (Alamaa & Kivi, 1966). been from the ancient times, if our condem- In 1894, two peasants residing on Nais- nation and royal punishment are wished to saare Island just outside Tallinn, Isaak be avoided. As a testimony of this time we Lut(h)er and Isaak Rosen, were convicted let to add here our stamp, given in Roskil- and fined in the town by a court decision for de, anno Domini 1297, on the day of blessed damaging benches and trees on Telliskop- Bocolphus, the alet and witness, in presence li Avenue. To prevent vandalism, guards of us and honourable father Johannes (Jens), were stationed in avenues and parks in the the bishop of Roskilde and the witnesses, summer. Avenues outside the town were Mr. Nicolaus (Niels), called Biker, our cas- guarded all year round (Tarand, 1984). tellan Achone Jonesson (Aage Jonsen), our The reasons for vandalism varied great- former castellan David Thorstinson (Thors- ly; undoubtedly, this betrays the attitude tenson) and Otto von Rosen. towards the town and the town’s greener- The largest and richest in forests of ies. these islands – Naissaar with the area of Next, we will have a closer look at three 18.6 km², about 9 km long and and about 4 Estonian towns that have seen the highest km wide with the highest point 27 m above number of urban forestry conflicts. The sea level, was most influenced by this act. towns are Tallinn, the capital of Estonia, The island situated in the mouth of Tallinn situated on the south coast of the Gulf of Bay, at ca 8 km from the capital of Estonia. Finland; Tartu, situated in central Estonia; The island is covered with forests. Only a and Haapsalu, situated in west Estonia. narrow coastal belt is open and left under the direct influence of waves (Punning et The case of Naissaar Island near Tallinn al., 1998). The first major conflict over forests owned Up to the year 1346 Tallinn belonged to by towns in Estonia is known to have Denmark as the capital of the duchy. After broken out in Tallinn in the 13th century the legal act by Erik VI Menved from 1297 when Estonia was subject to the kingdom and the reconciliation of the arguments of Denmark. Its cause was the kingdom’s with St. Michael’s Cistercian nunnery, increased interest in the forests of Nais- which, in 1343 and 1368, acknowledged saare Island, which was formally owned the rights of the town to the islands, Tal- by the town of Tallinn, resulting from an linn could consider the forests of the near- increased need for wood. It could partly by islands as the town’s property (LUB = be blamed on the legislation, which bore Bunge 1955, 1957). Although these were the marks of the historical legacy (Meikar, the common domain of the castle and the 1997; Ratas, 1997; Meikar, 1998; Sander & town, the latter became the actual manager Meikar, 1997; Sander & Meikar, 2000). of the islands. On 17 June 1297 King of Denmark Erik The extant scarce records indicate that Menved VI signed the following document Tallinn’s handling of island forests, par- (LUB = Bunge, 1853: Nr. DLXVI): Erik, the ticularly those on Naissaar and Aegna, in

4 About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns every way evidenced good stewardship as use on Naissaar, this way or the other. It measured by modern standards. Selective is known that in 1686, a special guard was cutting was employed, though apparently sent to Naissaar whose task was to monitor to a modest degree – at least there are no that the felling for the Town Council would records of any major forest clearing. Forest not exceed limits. The forest was devastat- use on the islands was under the effective ed also by outsiders. In the aforementioned control of the Town Council and strictly year the Town Council complained to the regulated. The situation changed in the 17th Governor General of that the Gov- century, however. ernor of Estonia allowed lumbermen on In the 17th century, a sharp conflict de- the island without consulting the town. veloped between the City of Tallinn and the Something unexpected appeared – a peas- Governor representing the Swedish power, ant from , caught in the act of felling, over the use and even the ownership of the presented a permission to cut 100 beams, forest of island Naissaar. It started with an bearing the signature of the Governor of argument about the borders of the town’s Estonia. The Town Council sent a protest mark, while the special interest of the State to the Governor’s residence on Toom- in this island became gradually more ev- pea, calling attention to the town’s right ident. The base of this argument was the to make decisions regarding Naissaar. A ambiguous regulation from the year 1297, sentence in the protest describes the atti- which determined the common use of the tude of Tallinn towards Naissaar: “…the islands by the town and the castle. While island has been picked out for all sorts of it did not create problems earlier, it meant useless clear-cutting, which stands beside a conflict with the central power in new the town like a sanctum and treasure”. The circumstances. So, the Governor of Estonia Town Council also emphasized that only asked for documentary evidence of Nais- exceptional felling was allowed there for saar belonging to the town from the Town the town’s fortifications and Toompea, but Council in 1642. In 1643 the state land sur- for the latter, the Town Council was to give veyor D. Reimers tried even to dispute the special consent every time (Meikar, 1997; right of the City of Tallinn to Naissaar. To Sander & Meikar, 1997). settle the matter, a special committee was A solution unfavourable to Tallinn was formed, but this was also unable to offer reached in 1689 – in connection with the re- any solution. duction of the estates, nearly all the town’s The Governor of Estonia took advan- mark including the islands was national- tage of the situation and procured 500 ized to the Swedish state. While the town beams, 5,000 fence planks and 100 cords of could use other parts of its possessions, firewood from Naissaar, without inform- the islands were taken under direct state ing the town, which later added to the re- management. This meant that the town sentment by the town. Subsequently, the was denied any economic activities there, Queen Kristina of Sweden had to interfere. including felling. In the royal resolution of Nov. 23, 1653 she The capitulation agreement of 1710 of firmly opposed the trespassing on the for- Tallinn to promised to restore the ests of the islands, and stood by the town former landed property, as unlawfully ex- in their protection (Nottbeck, 1884). propriated, to the town. With the Uusikau- The administration of the Government punki peace treaty in 1721 the Town Coun- also began to take advantage of its rights on cil got the possibility of directly appealing the joint property, first of all felling timber to the Czar of Russia Peter the Great in con- for fortifications. Naturally, this aroused nection with the promises made about the protests and counteractions in the Town marine islands. The committee for restitu- Council, which tried to regulate the forest tion which worked in the years 1725–1728,

5 H. Sander, T. Meikar restored the islands of , but on munal needs of the port and the town). At April 4, 1728 passed the negative resolu- least the latter promise was never fulfilled, tion about Naissaar and Aegna, which was if we do not consider the few proffers from ratified by the Senate (Supreme Court) on the beginning of the 19th century, of the October 15, 1742 (Nottbeck, 1884; Pullat, possibility of clearing the windfall on the 1976). The reason given was the same res- island for fuel wood (Figure 1). olution of joint usage from 1297. Concern- Thus, the first conflict over urban forests ing Naissaar, it was observed that the town in Estonia was occasioned by the ambigui- has not been able to prove its right on the ty of the then legislation and the fact that island and, as if in reward, was given the the state power, though initially unwill- permission to use the forest for the com- ing to meddle in the town’s affairs, later

Figure 1. 1867 forest plan of the island of Naissaar. Joonis 1. Naissaare metsade plaan 1867.

6 About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns developed a desire in connection with the Notoriously known was the destruc- development of the state to assert itself on tion of the gardens behind the town wall opportune occasions. And the town proved in the second half of the 17th century when to be the losing party in the conflict. the establishment of earthen fortifications – bastions – started. It has been noted that Conflicts over urban forestry, the the citizens missed very much the flour- fortification works and Northern War in ishing gardens now destroyed, with their Tallinn fruit trees, berry bushes and flowers, small In modern sense, the town of Tallinn was summer cottages and arbours (Kenkmaa & founded in 1219. The town was granted Vilbaste, 1965). Lubeck Town Rights in 1248 (Kala, 1998). On the outbreak of the Northern War The development of Tallinn has been con- demolition of houses closer to the fortifica- siderably impacted by the fact that it has tion zone than 320 m, destruction of gar- for long centuries been a town of fortifica- dens and felling of large trees was ordered tions. This has brought both negative and in the suburbs of Tallinn, which then was positive consequences to the town. under the Swedish rule (Kenkmaa & Vil- The establishment of fortifications has baste, 1965; Pullat, 1976). When on 22 Au- often inflicted heavy losses also on the gust 1710 the Russian forces under General townspeople. In anticipation or fear of mil- Bauer captured the approaches to Tallinn, itary invasions, suburbs were destroyed, the then Tallinn military commander, Vice which led to discords between the inhab- Governor Dietrich Patkul, issued the com- itants, the town government and the com- mand to burn part of the town’s buildings. mander-in-chief of the troops stationed in This also involved burning many gardens the town. and large trees and even, according to one The first report of this sort dates from report, destroying a church in the town – the 16th century. The fortification works Kaarli Church. The beautiful large trees and sieges of Tallinn during the Livonian surrounding the church were either burnt War resulted in the destruction of Roosiaed or felled (Pilliroog, 1997). Under the 1721 [Rose Garden] dating from the 14th century Uusikaupunki Peace Treaty Tallinn was and owned by a guild of Tallinn – Suurgild annexed to Russia, surviving, however, as [Great Guild] (Pabst, 1873). The chronicler a town of fortifications. Balthasar Russow (The Chronicle, 1988: Another case in Tallinn, similar to the 153–154) writes: “This Rose Garden was sit- one above, is known from the period of uated opposite the Great Sea Gate, quite close the Crimean war in the 19th century (1853– to the large city tower. During the good years 1856). In fear of the landing of troops from of peace, the merchants had added soil to this the English and French warships cruising site and elevated it, making it into a raised park around the Gulf of Finland part of Kala- with a splendid prospect onto the sea and other maja District was demolished in March nearby spots. It was completely enclosed by a 1854. This included the pulling down of wall so that no swine or other livestock could dwellings and outbuildings, destruction come up onto it. And in the middle of the park of gardens and felling of large trees and there stood a tall and beautiful green tree, with part of the trees lining the town’s north- long and spreading branches, and under the ern boulevard. The command was issued tree a number of benches had been placed. …… by the then commander-in-chief, General during the second Muscovite siege, this splen- Friedrich Wilhelm Rembert Berg; howev- did pleasure garden was dug up and became er, even the Governor of Estonia, Johann a garden of sorrows, when the people of Reval Christoph Engelbrecht von Grünewaldt, turned it into a redoubt with moat and palisade could not grasp the strategic importance of opposite the large tower at the Great Sea Gate.” the undertaking.

7 H. Sander, T. Meikar

All these actions engendered much re- mets. In the same year, the Chief Forester sentment among the citizens. They were initiated the logging of over-mature pines. remembered decades later and, additional- This triggered a wave of vigorous protests ly, recorded in historical sources and pub- in the press, as a result of which the Town lications. Government abolished such loggings. Ac- cording to the emotional judgement of the The case of Kloostrimets forest Chief Forester, this amounted to economic (Klosterwald) in Tallinn thoughtlessness, since the valuable forest It must be understood that progressive was abandoned to its fate. ideas on forestry did not come easy but At that time, clear-cuttings were em- always through hardships, occasionally ployed in Kloostrimets, although on very causing divisions within town govern- small areas. They were combined with ments themselves. An example of that can sanitary and tending felling, if necessary. be given from the district, East Tal- A. Müller’s management plan for Kloostri- linn, from the second half of the 19th centu- mets forests dated 1903 foresaw consid- ry (Meikar & Sander, 2000, 2001). erable intensification of forest utilisation, Not far from the mouth of the Pirita under which the annual yield area was to River stands Kloostrimets [Convent For- be expanded to 2.9 ha. The Town Govern- est], which first belonged to ment, however, did not approve the plan, established in 1400 and destroyed in 1577, at least initially. Not surprisingly, this and later was passed on to Nehatu Man- embittered the Chief Forester. In 1904, A. or. The town purchased Nehatu Manor in Müller presented to the Town Government 1733 and thus also acquired Kloostrimets. a report on the condition of the urban for- In 1866, the first forest survey was per- ests and the prospects for increasing forest formed in Kloostrimets by Wilhelm Küh- income, in which he set out the controver- nert (1864–1883), the town’s Chief Forester. sies that had emerged. Apparently, it was According to him, the forest had 180 ha of the different visions of the management dune pine stands and 216 ha of deciduous of the forests that led to the resignation of stands and inferior coppices. In 1875 a for- Chief Forester A. Müller in 1904 (Sander & est plantation was launched in Kloostri- Meikar, 1996; Meikar & Sander, 2000). mets. By 1904, ninety-four hectares of plantations had been established, of them The case of Falkpark in Tallinn 28 ha on an area formerly covered by birch. Tallinn, the capital of the Republic of Es- The future plans envisaged forestation of tonia, was granted the rights of a town 65 ha of clearings and sparsely stocked ar- in the 13th century. Administratively, the eas, and conversion of 76 ha of birch stands town’s territory was divided into two parts into pine stands. – Toompea [Cathedral Hill] and All-Linn The new Chief Forester (1883–1904) [Downtown]. Toompea was the seat of Adolph Müller desired to develop the man- the state government and its administra- agement of the town’s forests along tradi- tive jurisdiction also extended over some tional lines; however, totally different ideas, suburbs of All-Linn. All-Linn, in turn, was which were novel for their time, had gained ruled by Tallinn Town Government, which currency in the Town Government. These managed all the affairs of the town. did not rely on purely economic consider- From the very birth of Tallinn, great ations but on the understanding that sub- emphasis was laid on its fortification. A urban forests need to fulfil the recreational high town wall was built and extensive function, to the overshadowing of the tim- earthen defences were established in the ber production function. In 1893, A. Müller form of bastions. For the main part, the performed a new forest survey in Kloostri- zone of fortifications was completed by the

8 About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns early 18th century. Following the North- that is, Dyer’s Pond, levelled. However, ern War, when Tallinn was annexed to permission was not granted since the site the under the 1721 peace in question was located in the esplanade treaty, relatively few improvements were area in front of the fortress (Alamaa & Kivi, made on the fortifications. 1966). It is known that in the early 19th cen- In the early 19th century people in Tal- tury it was an open sandy area surrounding linn started to realise the need for public a pond, which was called “Färber Teich” green areas. This was facilitated by the de- [Dyer’s Pond] in German, after a dyehouse militarisation of the town’s fortifications standing nearby, across the street. which begun in 1820. Already in 1821, the This sandy field was purchased in the first section of the zone of fortifications was early 1850s by Hans Heinrich Falck (1791– turned over to the Town Council. It was 1874), alderman of a guild of handicrafts- decided that the first area to be put to use men composed of Estonians (Toomgild should be the one in front of the Harju Gate [Castle Hill Guild]) (Falck, 1914; Kenkmaa on the southern side of the Old Town. The & Vilbaste, 1965; Sander, 2001a; Sander & Town Government had no clear idea con- Meikar, 2015). H. H. Falck started to estab- cerning the future of the area; they consid- lish a park on the 1.6-ha plot. According to ered selling it, renting it or leaving it in the a map of Tallinn from 1856, the park was town’s ownership. The last view gained basically completed by that time; the map the upper hand, and in 1822 the Town shows meandering paths lined with trees. Council announced that the area to be re- Also preserved was the local pond. The leased in front of the Harju Gate would completion of the park by that time is also according to the people’s request remain confirmed by the fact that one of the local with the town and be turned into a pub- oaks was probably 155 years old in 1999. lic garden after the wall was levelled. The On one side of the park H. H. Falck built a funds required for establishing the garden music pavilion and a restaurant, which in were collected from private persons. The its time was eagerly frequented by the Tal- park, which became known under the linners (Kenkmaa & Vilbaste, 1965; Sander name Lasteaed [Kindergarten] (in German, & Meikar, 2015). By 1864, the pond in the Kinder Garten), had a place for children to park had been filled up and more trees and play and enjoy fresh air. It was completed bushes had been planted. in 1823 on an area of approximately 1.3 In 1860, “Revalsche Zeitung” (No. 3) ha. At the same time, Lossipark [Palace published an article reading as follows Park] and the so-called Komandandi Aed (Tarand, 1975: 594): “On one Sunday in [Commandant’s Garden] were founded on July an orchestra was playing the whole day Toompea, which were not intended to be in Falkpark, and there were plenty of people eclipsed by All-Linn. The first mentioned present in the park. We can only wish progress area was given into public use (Kenkmaa and flourishing to the new entertainment and & Vilbaste, 1965; Sander, 2001a). promenading area so that it would ever afford Another attempt to found a public recreation and refreshment to the inhabitants of park in the town was made in 1849 by the Toompea suburb, the very citizens that stay Grünewaldt, the Civil Governor of Esto- in town in summertime.” nia. It was planned to be established on a By the contract of gift of 1 May 1868 H. suburb of Toompea. Grünewaldt asked the H. Falck donated his garden and buildings Military Governor of Riga to seek permis- to Toomgild (Sander & Meikar, 2015). Un- sion for it from the Engineering Depart- der the contract, it was to be opened to the ment in St. Petersburg, notifying that in public and become a park in common use. preparation for the park he had even had Toomgild, however, did not fulfil the con- the ground by the so-called Värvalitiik, dition.

9 H. Sander, T. Meikar

After the enforcement of the 1870 urban May 1911, where the lawsuit was won by law in Russia the town authority was to the Town Government. be composed of the town council and the The tenants appealed in St. Peters- town government. On 26 March 1877, the burg, the capital of Russia, where the case office of mayor was also instated. A major dragged because it was unclear who the change was termination of the administra- official owner of the land under the park tive division of Tallinn into two. In 1889, was. It appears from a letter written by the Toompea was eventually united with All- Town Jurist of Tallinn that according to Linn (Pullat, 1969). Consideration must the summary of the orders of the Supreme also be given to the fact that the elimina- Provincial Court of Estonia of May 7 and 8, tion of the administrative halving resulted 1868 Toomgild was registered as the own- in part of Toompea and its suburbs being er of the house built in a public place but turned over to the Town Government not of the land itself. while the remaining part was left with On 24 February 1918, the Republic of Toomgild. Estonia was formed, and the fortunes of In the summers of 1882–1887, Toom- Falkpark took a new turn. On 7 June 1918 park was leased out to the society “Lootus” Toomgild leased it to Jaan Alksnis until 1 [“Hope”] made up of Estonians. The soci- July 1927. J. Alksnis in turn leased the park ety organised summer festivals there. One and the buildings to Bernhard Leer on 23 of the grandest and most memorable ones July 1920, who then leased it to the Forest was the Choir Song Festi- Industry and Trade Cooperative (FITC) val held in June 1887. It was participated “Arbor” on 7 February 1921. J. Alksnis and by 13 choirs and two orchestras. Entrance B. Leer both lived at 1 Falkpark Road, of to the park was free. Indeed, local inhab- which “Arbor” was also one of the tenants. itants were less than enamoured with the Therefore, there might have been some garden, particularly because of the great collusion here for permanent acquisition noise coming from the park (Vende, 1990). of the site. In those years new trees were planted in On 26 July 1919, Falkpark, excluding the park, which is evidenced by the age of the buildings, was expropriated by the the larches found there. Republic of Estonia and given under the In the early 20th century, some members administration of the Public Education Di- of the Town Government (apparently Es- vision. tonians) desired to convert the park into a In connection with the dissolution of public green area (Sander, 2001a). On 16 Toomgild and the assignment of its prop- May 1904 the Town Government received erty to the jurisdiction of the then Minis- a long letter from Delegate Jaan Umbleja, try of Work and Welfare on 16 June 1921 in which the latter demonstrated the need the Supreme Court ruled Falkpark to be of the neighbourhood residents for a park, a property of the Republic of Estonia; as referred to H. H. Falck’s deed of gift and well, it was noted that the park had never desired that the park be always open to the been in the town’s ownership. public and made fit for such use. On June On 18 May 1922, the Ministry was pro- 1904 the Town Government decided to posed to put Falkpark at the disposal of the turn the garden into a public park. This did Tallinn Construction Division. At the same not succeed, however, as Toom Park ten- time, the Construction Division prepared ants lodged a complaint against the Town plans for reconditioning the park. The first Government. The town’s desire to give reconditioning works were performed in the park into common use, which was at 1922 and the trees in bad condition were variance with Toomgild’s intentions, was felled. As the lease of the park had not ex- countered at Tallinn District Court on 21 pired and the tenant did not want to relin-

10 About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns quish the plot, the FITC lodged a complaint town showed the total area (10.3 ha) and against the Town Government. The com- the boundaries of the premises; also known plaint proved fruitless. The Town Gov- was the area of the municipal land (2.1 ha), ernment’s desire to put the part to public but not its boundaries. The premises were use was also supported by the petitions of actually composed of two real estates hav- several organisations and residents of the ing different legal status but registered as neighbourhood. one entity in the Register of Real Estate. As After the expiry of the lease to the FITC such, the entire premises were regarded as “Arbor”, Falkpark was leased to the ath- the property of the Count, who was taking letic association “Sport”, which held it care of it. Whether it was in full municipal until 1 April 1929. The association agreed ownership, co-owned by several landhold- to establish a park for children provided ers under a combination of different forms they themselves could lease the buildings of ownership or even in private ownership on the plot for six years). The agreement did not really matter in practical terms un- was reached indeed, and on 10 July 1929 til the issue of parcelling out and selling of work was started on the reconditioning of Lossiaed [Palace Garden] came to the fore. Falkpark. Children’s playgrounds started On 23 and 24 February 1922 von Brevern to be established in the so far relatively De la Gardie who had gone to live in Italy, disordered park, which was completely re- had his attorney notify the Haapsalu Town conditioned in the subsequent years. Thus, Government of his intent to parcel out the citizens’ desire to freely visit the park and sell the premises. The Town Govern- was finally fulfilled following more than ment indeed decided that the tract, which 55 years from H. H. Falck’s death. Falkpark was lying idle at that time, blemished the has since been in common use until today. town’s beauty and was required for raising the dwelling density and expanding the The case of Lossiaed (Palace garden) in town. On 10 March 1922 the town’s Con- Haapsalu struction and Appraisal Committee grant- The most muddling case in Estonia in ju- ed the Count permission to parcel out the ridical terms was the conflict resulting premises. The permission was approved from a plan to parcel out Lossipark [Palace by the Town Council on 17 March, with 19 Park] (in German, Schloβgarten) in Haap- councillors voting for and 5 against. salu (Meikar, 2002; Sander, 2001b). The Town Council resolution unleashed The town of Haapsalu, which conven- a lively discussion among the citizens and tionally is considered to be founded in prompted opposition to the Town Govern- 1279, is situated in west Estonia, by the ment’s decision. As the issue in question seaside. was of vital importance to Haapsalu’s de- Haapsalu’s Lossipark embraced a terri- velopment the mayor convened a meeting tory marked out in the 17th century, which of the town councillors and representa- became known as Linnuseaed [Citadel tives of the local societies on 12 April. At Garden]. On one side, it bordered on the the tumultuous assembly, the following local 13th-century Bishop’s Citadel, and on proposals were put forward: to purchase the other on a regularly patterned park the Palace Garden, to lease it from N. von planted around a stately mansion built in Breven De la Gardie, to hold a plebiscite to 1830 by Count Karl Magnus De la Gardie get the citizens’ view and to agree with the (1788–1856). parcelling out and sale of the Garden. By In 1899 the premises were acquired 15 votes in favour (and with 20 abstainers) by Count Nikolai Georg Engelbrecht von it was decided to begin negotiations with Brevern De la Gardie (1856–1929). The the Count to obtain a long-term lease on maps and the 1900 record of realties of the the premises.

11 H. Sander, T. Meikar

After long debates, the Town Council According to N. von Breven De La meeting of 28 April rejected the idea of Gardie’s plans, 6.3 ha of land were to be either purchasing or leasing the park. In- parcelled out (Figure 2). For the main part, stead, the Count was proposed to donate they embraced the park surrounding his the premises to the town. The proposal mansion, bypassing the part of Lossiaed was turned down, however. Next came still existing today. The plans were present- the intervention of the Government of the ed to the pertinent division of the Ministry Republic of Estonia, which at an informal of Internal Affairs. There, however, they meeting considered purchasing the prem- were rejected without any warning on 28 ises to the state or granting a loan to the October on the grounds that “by building town of Haapsalu for the latter to buy it up a major park area the town of Haapsalu into municipal ownership. Neither view would forfeit the opportunity to develop was considered feasible, however. public gardens inside the town”. Although

Figure 2. Count Breven De La Gardie’s construction area plan from 1922/1932. Joonis 2. Krahv Breven De La Gardie ehituspiirkonna plaan 1922/1932.

12 About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns the Town Government decided that the Count himself should identify the forms ban on parcelling would hinder the town’s of ownership and the boundaries. N. von natural development the Town Council on Breven De La Gardie’s proposal was de- December 8, 1922 annulled its permission clined; as well, he was denied the town’s to parcel out and sell the premises given on assistance in resolving the legal aspect of 17 March of the same year. the case. A special committee formed by Considering the confused form of own- a resolution of the Town Council had al- ership of the premises the Count prepared ready drawn a definite conclusion that the a new parcelling plan early in 1923. The 1900 record of the town’s realties permits plan was approved on 15 March 1923 at the regarding the premises as municipal land. Republic of Estonia Ministry of Transport. These Council resolutions created a legal Accordingly, the Haapsalu Town Council conflict, and as either party gave their own had to abrogate on 27 March 1923 its res- interpretation of the historical documents, olution of 8 December 1922. It was stated a case was made for the ensuing series of that due to financial considerations the lawsuits. town of Haapsalu abandons its pre-emp- The litigation took place in 1924–1925, tive right of purchase. The first plots were and sentences were given in favour of ei- sold by the Town Government’s permis- ther party. The proceedings were terminat- sion in 1924, with some councillors being ed on 25 February 1926 by the Republic of among the purchasers. Estonia Supreme Court, which ruled that Thus, the conflict had essentially found the town was entitled to no more than the a solution by the spring of 1923. The par- municipal land defined. It was emphasised ties reached an oral agreement in that the that the erstwhile error by which private smaller tract was acknowledged as belong- and municipal lands were entered in the ing to the town and the Count abandoned Register of Real Estate under a single num- any claims on it. A problem arose when ber did not mean forfeiture of the rights of the Town Government, assisted by an at- one party in favour of the other but gave torney-at-law, delved into the documents ground for acknowledging the rights of and discovered the potential for different both parties and amending the Register interpretations. It appeared that N. von entry. Similarly, it could not be inferred Breven De La Gardie’s ownership rights from an erstwhile slight expansion of mu- might altogether be disputed and the en- nicipal land at the expense of private land tire premises regarded as land belonging that it had been applied to the entire prem- to the town. Naturally, it was known that ises. The court ruled that the town failed to Lossiaed cannot be in full ownership of the produce any documents to verify the claim town; however, the unexpected discovery that it had more land than 2.1 ha. in the documents of the potential for dif- The homogeneous park surrounding ferent readings opened up a tempting and, the mansion of N.G.E. von Brevern De La if successful, lucrative opportunity for le- Gardie was indeed sold in plots. The fell- gal manoeuvring. When on 30 June 1923 ing of age-venerated trees then ensued, the Count’s attorney, leaning on the oral leading to the destruction of most of the agreement, sought the Town Council’s rec- park. The parcelling out, sale and build-up ognition of two forms of ownership, which was a fairly long process. The last part of would then have provided the basis for the park was built up as late as in 1975. amending the records of the Register of The erstwhile species composition of Real Estate, it was not granted. On 14 Au- the trees and bushes growing in Lossi- gust of the same year, the Haapsalu Town aed remains unclear since the respective Council found that the premises may not descriptions have never been written or be in dual ownership, and if they were the found. Similarly, the lawsuits of the 1920s

13 H. Sander, T. Meikar do not contain a single word describing Cases that did not lead to conflicts the park. Initially, the Town Government and the Town Council underscored the im- City of Tallinn portance to the spa town of the green area; All that was done, as on Kopli Peninsula in later, however, they only occupied them- Tallinn before World War I, was in compli- selves with legal issues. The long period ance with the legal procedure and with the of litigation, the tangle of legal issues and approval of the town governments, which the resultant neglect of the premises also proceeded from urban development con- diluted the citizens’ interest in the case. Al- siderations and, ultimately, from economic though the older part of Lossiaed, which interests. There are no reports from that today is known by the name of Krahvi- period of any major display of citizens’ aed [Count’s Garden], escaped the parcel- dissatisfaction with the destruction of such ling-out and build-up, it has lost its dis- suburban forests. tinctiveness accumulated during its long The wider range of these instances was history. The park’s present dendrological the felling of forest on Kopli Peninsula to value is low. It represents an ordinary park develop the area into shipyards and work- community typical of Estonian towns, ers’ dwellings (Meikar & Sander, 2000; which is dominated by the autochthonous Sander & Meikar, 1996, 2000, 2003). Norway maple (Acer platanoides L.) and For its diverse terrain, variegated oak European ash (Fraxinus excelsior L.). Most groves and beautiful coast the Kopli pen- of the trees have been planted after 1950, insula in the northwest of Tallinn was some have sprouted spontaneously. Only considered one of the most picturesque a few trees are old enough to date back to places in and around the city. In history, the 19th century (Sander, 2001b). it was known by the names Linnakoppel Of course, the essence of the conflict [Town Paddock; in German Stadtkoppel] was more sophisticated than as presented or Telliskoppel [Brick Paddock; in German here. It was not only between the own- Ziegelkoppel]. The first name can be traced er and the town but also between differ- to the fact that Kopli Peninsula was once ent concepts of the town’s development, used for livestock grazing, and the other to self-interests, etc. We have to understand a brickyard founded there in the 14th centu- that in 1918 the Estonian people emerged ry (Nottbeck, 1884). as an independent nation, which also en- The precincts of an institution called tailed the burgeoning of urban bourgeois, Tallinna Linna Telliskoppel [Brick Pad- the surfacing of those interested in making dock of the Town of Tallinn] encompass- easy money and the development of differ- ing the northern part of Kopli Peninsula ent interest groups. Quite probably, some and two small islands (in 1820, its size was were seeking sheer self-gain from purchas- 5.25 km²) accommodated pasturelands, ing the plots with the purpose of reselling coppices and deciduous forests. It was them at a profit in the future. separated from the rest of the town by a It must also be noted that the progress fence of limestone, granite and pickets. Of of Estonians living in towns (urban Esto- great importance among the forests of Ko- nians), who were better off economically, pli Peninsula were oak stands, well-known was based on the purchase and construc- already in the Middle Ages and protected tion of houses. Through house ownership by some usage restrictions. The first act of came political power (Hallas, 1995). law regulating forest utilisation in Kopli was adopted in 1415 when fishermen stop- ping over there in the fishing season were barred from using the forest. Later, the act was elaborated to bar illegal logging by the

14 About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns citizens. At the same time, the town was his smallholding and plant 200 young oaks free to utilize the Kopli forest for its own there. A lease contract from 1633 obligated purposes. two tenants to plant as many as 600 oaks The usage restrictions imposed on into the Kopli forest. the Kopli forest first and foremost served The 17th century was a time when citi- the interests of the town as the preferen- zens started to build summer manors and tial user who obtained from here timber enjoy and appreciate the beauty of the required for running and defending the scenery surrounding the town. Thus, Kopli town, namely building port facilities, for- became the citizens’ outing area. tifications, waterworks, etc. Even so, these In a poem from 1651 dedicated to the pragmatic restrictions also contributed to place, diplomat and poet Paul Fleming the preservation of the Kopli forest while (1609–1640), who for some time lived in Tal- inculcating a considerate and caring atti- linn, called Kopli “Nature’s joygrounds” tude toward Kopli’s environment in the (Du Lustplats der Natur) (Fleming, 1651; citizens. As it was, Kopli Peninsula had be- Kirchner, 1855; Berger, 1988). Hans Moritz come fairly well-known to the latter for its Ayrmanns, a Swedish military man of Ger- picturesque scenery and oak stands. man descent, who visited Estonia in 1666– Hence, the resentment over the fact that 1670, mentions that just outside Tallinn Kopli oak stands were ravaged during the there is a beautiful “forest of joy” (Schönes by Russian troops in their re- Lustwältgen) called Great Kopli where one peated sieges of Tallinn. This appears from can go for a walk, a horse ride or a cart ride the records of the chronicler B. Russow, ac- and enjoy every kind of social entertain- cording to whom 16 October 1570 saw the ment (Schreinert, 1937). approach to Tallinn of large contingents In the post-Northern War years, when of Russian troops who “They made camp at Tallinn became part of Russia, the town’s Teghel [Telliskoppel] near Reval and falled government was unable to prevent illegal and destroyed the magnificient forest there. At logging by the military in Kopli. For that the same time the people of Reval burned and reason, the Town Council transferred the levelled the Fishers’ Village where more than district to the charge of the town’s Chief two hundred dwellings stood” (The Chroni- Commandant Vassili Zotov. Later, Kopli cle, 1988: 135). was again put at the disposal of the town, The soldiers’ ravages, however, did which leased it out. There are reports al- not prevent the town from continuing to ready from 1733 that the lessees were re- use the forest. Large-scale oak cuttings are quired to plant at least 50 young oaks. Ac- known to have been performed in 1600 companied was an allowance that if oaks and 1611; in the last-mentioned year, four were unavailable, they may plant limes, wagonloads of oak timber were drawn to birches, alders and rowans. Unauthorised town from here. Nevertheless, there are no cutting of trees in the Kopli forest was for- reports of any destructive cuttings of the bidden as attempts were made to preserve local forests. it as a protected forest. The last-mentioned In the late 16th century, the town govern- requirement was made by the Town Coun- ment leased out the Telliskoppel premises. cil in 1738. Accordingly, Kopli Peninsula The lessees were required to observe the was a district enjoying constant attention restrictions on forest use and, as a novelty, from the town authorities. to plant trees. Hence, the first documented The 1759 documents of the Town Coun- reference to statutory forest planting with- cil reveal that the aldermen inspected the in the precincts of Tallinn concerns the fence surrounding the local forest area very 1611 act on Kopli. Lessee Hans Dehn (erected to prevent livestock intrusion into was required to facilitate reforestation on forest territory). They learned that lessee

15 H. Sander, T. Meikar

Dietrich Adolph Schröder had been much resources permitted. In 1880, forest plan- more diligent than his predecessors in re- tations were launched; later, a preserve pairing the fence and thus the livestock fenced with barbed wire was established were kept away from the forest. True, the to protect young stands. lessee had done some logging, but that The year 1884 may be considered the was also acknowledged as silviculturally beginning of more intensive establishment essential, as an overly dense forest would of forest plantations. That year 3,000 pines, have been a disadvantage to the growth 1,000 spruces and 200 larches were plant- of young trees. The above testifies to the ed on the area fenced off a few years ago. town’s interest in preserving the Kopli for- Apart from coniferous trees, oaks, birches est at any rate and even increasing its area. and other deciduous trees were later plant- Hence the view recorded in the minutes ed here. of the Town Council meeting of 2 January In 1904, the size of the Kopli forest was 1748 that Kopli should be considered the estimated at 87 ha. In the first years of the town’s jewel and treasure (“allewege alls 20th century plantation efforts were contin- eine Zierde und Kleinod dieser Stadt regardiert ued, eventually expanding the area of the worden”). At any rate, attempts were made forest to 104 ha. All the stock required for to preserve the Kopli forest and even in- planting was obtained from the nursery es- crease its area and restrict its use. tablished here at the very outset. In 1770 a road to Kopli with better ac- The Telliskoppel farm belonged to the cess was built, and in 1774 the graveyards town of Tallinn until 1912. That year, large of Tallinn’s St. Olaf’s and St. Nicholas’s tracts of land were sold or leased here for churches, along with dwellings for the building shipyards and a naval port. The graveyard keeper and gravediggers, were town kept a mere 33 ha of the 104-ha for- established in the Kopli oak grove. est, and even that was criss-crossed with In the second half of the 18th century the a network of roads. This signalled the rise Kopli forest became fairly popular with the of Kopli as an industrial area, which was town-dwellers as a resting place. Howev- deemed highly profitable for the town er, some people were out there to spoil the from a purely economic perspective. Brisk idyll. To protect the peace of citizens prom- building activity began, including the es- enading in Kopli the police had to inter- tablishment of infrastructure. The number vene on a regular basis. Therefore, several of jobs in the town grew, the town’s rev- notifications and prohibitions were issued enue increased, etc. Mention must also be in 1797, 1812, 1818 and 1826 concerning the made of a lumpsum payment to the town firing of guns, smoking of tobacco, the tak- of more than one million Czarist Russia ing along of dogs and other ways of con- roubles, which was subsequently supple- duct disturbing the promenaders. mented by the annual rent. In the mid-19th century, a so-called Owing to the resultant situation Kopli high forest with deciduous trees grew on forfeited its silvicultural and recreational the Kopli peninsula, which was dominat- functions and accordingly also the Town ed by very old, apparently even dying, Government’s interest. It is remarkable black alders. Apart from them, the forest that in the bulky publication concerning accommodated impressive birches, ashes, the Town Government’s five-year activ- rowans, elms, limes, and “colossal” oaks ities issued in 1916 Kopli is never once (Russow, 1862). mentioned as a district of any silvicultural In 1866, the then Chief Forester of Tal- interest. linn, Wilhelm Kühnert, prepared a forestry Not completely, however. In 1916, the activities plan on the Kopli peninsula. The Estonian Forest Protection Committee put plan’s implementation was started as the the size of the Kopli forest at approximate-

16 About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns

Figure 3. Preserved forests on Kopli peninsula in 1926. Joonis 3. Kopli poolsaar säilinud metsaga 1926. aastal. ly 85 ha. Of that number, the town of Tal- ascertained excessive felling by 0.1 ha. Due linn had sold 43.7 ha to shipyards (1/3 of to the smallness of the area, the Commit- the plot already logged) and 10.9 ha to the tee did not declare the logging devastating port named after Peter the Great (that plot and confined itself to a caution. The port was not yet logged). Since the actual size master was summoned to explain whether of the forestland was 104 ha, apparently he gave the permission proceeding from not all of the forest established was reg- the interests of forest management or na- istered as forestland. Furthermore, some tional defence (Sander & Meikar, 2003). forest might have been felled in the initial Consequently, in spite of Kopli’s rich years of World War I. The town of Tallinn history, widespread fame, forest plantation officially owned 30.3 ha, which was made efforts and recreational value the destruc- up of black alder stands of 30–100 years tion of the Kopli forests and the decline of (Figure 3). Birch was represented as a sec- Kopli as a recreation area failed to produce ondary species, as was the predominantly particular protests among the citizens. 20–30-year-old spruce plantation. They were only deplored in belles-lettres. The town wanted to fell 10.9 ha of forest Poet Tõnis Sander (1887–1914) lamented in the part of land next to the graveyard the destruction in a poem dedicated to Ko- logged in 1774. The section primarily com- pli, “Telliskoppel”, which was printed in prised old rot-infested black alders. The the then press. In 1923, the poem was also town, however, sought permission from published in T. Sander’s collection “Õitsit- the port master rather than from the For- uled” [“Herdsmen’s Night Fires”]. est Protection Committee. The master did not mind, and the town logged 1.1 ha of Towns of Tartu and Pärnu forest in 1916/1917. The Forest Protection Let us look at two more instances that Committee launched an investigation and might have developed into conflicts be-

17 H. Sander, T. Meikar tween the citizens’ understandings and the During the reorganisation, forest was city government’s intentions. The first re- felled on two separate tracts of land meas- lates to Tartu and Pärnu town forests and uring 33 and 31 ha, which belonged to for- the second to the forests that once stood on mer municipal estates bordering on the Kopli Peninsula in the northwest of Tal- town of Tartu. linn. For various reasons, however, they The forests were felled and the tracts did not lead to conflicts. were rented out as farmland, which was The 19th-century soil improvement more profitable in economic terms. This works and systematic forest management decision by the Town Government did not arrangements brought about some minor attract the attention of the public, the more changes. At the time, efforts were made so because the tracts fulfilled no recreation- to concentrate forests into more compact al function for the townspeople. As at that economic units, clearing smaller separate time the state authority did not intervene tracts of forestland elsewhere. in the affairs concerning private and mu- It is known that in 1882–1886 the Tartu nicipal forests, the decision did not contra- Town Government started to vigorously vene the effective laws either. A few years reorganise the town’s forest management later, when the 1888 Forest Protection Act system (Oettingen, 1886). One of the out- of Russia was enforced, such a measure comes of the reorganisation was logging would probably have been more difficult smaller isolated forests (followed by rent- to adopt in view of the scarcity of forests ing out the land as farmland) and forming around Tartu. larger, more compact forest areas (to which Under the 1888 Forest Protection Act pasturelands and other kinds of lands were of Russia, the registered forests measuring added, if necessary). more than 11 ha and, in particular, their

Figure 4. Waldof. Joonis 4. Waldof.

18 About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns logging, were subjected to state supervi- population as well as clashes of different sion regardless of their form of owner- views on forestry, the issue of conflicts is ship. In coastal regions, ground-protective very topical. The issue may be considered forests were established on sandy areas even too broad and deep and multi-level. along with a strict protection regime. Un- Here, one would expect more mutual un- authorised transformation of forestland derstanding and joint decision-making into farmland was forbidden, among other which is significant in the context of what things. To gain permission, it was neces- has happened in the history of the world. It sary to submit a well-reasoned application. is important to understand that in different Before making the decision, the Forest Pro- societies, the concept of nature (individual tection Committee of a particular province trees, green areas, parks and forests) versus took into account the forest cover percent- the economy has always incited conflicts. age in the area, compensation for the land There is nothing new here, but the gravi- to be transformed (for instance, forestation ty of the situation in each case depends on of an inferior farmland), etc. the readiness of the state or municipalities The transformation of forestlands into and various civic associations. It appears farmlands did not apply to urban forests, that “green” conflicts are nothing out of yet forests falling within or bordering on the ordinary; in Estonia they date back to the administrative boundaries of major the Middle Ages when the land here was towns were vulnerable to the expansion grasped in the Christian cultural sphere of of urban settlement and establishment of western Europe as a result of military in- industrial enterprises. The first large-scale vasion and diplomacy. Unfortunately, the felling of forest in the town of Pärnu was volume of this article does not allow for occasioned by the setting up of the cellu- longer discussion on the matter. lose factory Waldhof in the last years of the Controversies beginning from the Mid- 19th century, when a 41-ha pine stand in the dle Ages about forest use in Estonian towns Reiu protection forest partly penetrating have been of very diverse nature. They into the town’s administrative precincts have primarily stemmed from increased was allotted for industrial development. demand for timber versus the need for In the early 20th century, 12 ha in the area forest preservation. Occasionally, the con- were designated for a railway and a sand- troversies have been due to differences of pit, followed in 1909 by a further 48 ha of opinion between town governments and the protection forest next to Waldhof, pri- the central government. At times, towns marily for building dwellings for the facto- have resisted the central government and ry workers (Figure 4). The total allotment, made their stand, while at other times they mostly related to the cellulose factory, was have conceded due to economic considera- approximately 100 ha of pine forests grow- tions. Typical in the latter regard is the case ing on sandy areas, which made up 1/3 of of the Kopli Forest in Tallinn, in which the the original territory of the protection for- town gave preference to economic benefit. est (EAA 5095.1.183; EAA 5095.1.186). Controversies over urban vegetation have been of different kinds. Due to its ge- ographical location, Estonia has belonged Conclusion to the sphere of interest of various coun- tries. Accordingly, the local towns and In view of the changes in the natural envi- their vegetation have also suffered from ronment in Estonian cities in recent decades wars. A contributing factor to this was that after the country regained its independ- several towns were initially established as ence, especially in and around Tallinn, and fortification towns and some of them (such taking into account the concentration of the as Tallinn) continued as such until the mid-

19 H. Sander, T. Meikar

19th century. All the above has had its effect Ayling, R.D., Kelly, K. 1997. Dealing with conclict: on urban vegetation. In fact, the first major natural resources and dispute resolution. – Commonwealth Forestry Review, 76(3), 182– tree planting projects launched by Tallinn 185. town authorities were performed on earth- Berger, U. 1988. Grim Fate – Paul Fleming’s Love. en fortifications – bastions, kirikuaedades ja (Ränk saatus, ehk Paul Flemingu armastus). eraaedades 17. sajandil – established to serve Tallinn, Eesti Raamat. 157 pp. (In Estonian). Falck, P.T. 1914. A Baltic citizen of old grist military purposes (Läänelaid & Sander, and grain. (Ein baltischer Bürger von altem 2004; Sander, 2019). Schrot und Korn). Riga, Verlag von Jonck & New understandings and standpoints Poliewsky. 77 pp. (In German). emerged at the birth of urban vegetation in Fleming, P. 1651. Spiritual and Secular Poetry. (Geist- und Weltliche Poëmata). Naumburg, th the late 18 (the first boulevards) and early C. Forbergers Witwe. 670 pp. (In German). 19th (the first parks) centuries (Sander, 1998). Hallas, K. 1995. Estonian in a metropolis. (Eestlane While the permanent citizenry, primarily ja suurlinn). – Kunstiteaduslikke Uurimusi, 8, 90–116. (In Estonian with German summary). Germans who made up the ruling class in Helk, V. 1977. The Jesuits in Dorpat (1583–1625): An towns, was more eager to embrace urban Outpost of the Counter-Reformation in North- vegetation, the subsequent settlers swelling . (Die Jesuiten in Dorpat (1583– the towns in the 19th century found it fairly 1625): Ein Vorposten der Gegenreformation in Nordosteuropa). Odense, Odense University hard to do. This is particularly true of Es- Press. 335 pp. (In German). tonians moving to towns. As Estonians ac- Hellström, E. 1996. Environmental forestry quired better education, developed a great- conflicts, forest policies and the use of forest er national awareness and understood and resources: recent developments in USA, Germany, France, Sweden, Finland and embraced urban culture, however, they also Norway. – EFI Working Paper 7. Joensuu, changed their attitude towards urban vege- European Forest Institute. 72 pp. tation. Estonians became a people guarding Hunter, I.R. 2001. What do people want from urban vegetation and fighting for its preser- urban forestry? – The European experience. – Urban Ecosystems, 5, 277–284. https://doi. vation. The process was no doubt facilitated org/10.1023/A:1025691812497. by the first Estonian-language publications Kala, T. 1998. Confirmation of the privileges of on urban vegetation issued in the early the city of Tallinn by King Erik Plovpenning 1890s and the already more detailed studies of Denmark. (Bestätigung der Privilegien der Stadt Tallinn durch König Erik Plovpenning of urban vegetation and urban forests pub- von Dänemark). – Vana Tallinn, VIII (XII), lished in 1920–1940. 20–22. (In German). Kenkmaa, R., Vilbaste, G. 1965. Bastions and Greeneries of Tallinn. (Tallinna bastionid ja Acknowledgements. The authors would haljasalad). Tallinn, Eesti Raamat. 87 pp. (In like to thank Barbara Wardenburg from Estonian). California, USA, for her tremendous help Kirchner, J. 1855. Paul Fleming’s Life and in compiling the article and for her initial Poetry. First Part. (Paul Flemings Leben und Dichtungen. Erste Abteilung). Reval, Lindfors English language revision. Erben. 86 pp. (In German). Konijnendijk, C.C. 1999a. Urban forestry in Europe: a comparative study of concepts, References policies and planning forforest conservation, management and development in and around major European cities. – Academic Publications dissertation. Joensuu, University of Joensuu, Alamaa, E., Kivi, A. 1966. Tallinn: Settlement Faculty of Forestry. 182 pp. and Materials on Building History in Konijnendijk, C.C. 1999b. Urban forestry: Seven Volumes. (Tallinn: Linna asustus ja comparative analysis of policies and concepts ehitusajaloolisi materjale seitsmes köites). Vol. in Europe. Contemporary urban forestry 3 and 4. Tallinn, a manuscript in the Estonian polici-making in selected cities and countries Academic Library. 339 pp and 277 pp. (In of Europe. – EFI Working Paper 20. Joensuu, Estonian). European Forest Institute. 266 pp.

20 About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns

Konijnendijk, C.C., Nielsen, A.B., Schipperijn, J., Meikar, T., Sander, H. 2001. The history of the Rosenblad, Y., Sander, H., Sarv, M., Mäkinen, forests of the town of Tallinn. (Tallinna linna K., Tyrväinen, L., Donis, J., Gundersen, V., metsad läbi ajaloo). – Estonian Forests and Åkerlund, U., Gustavsson, R. 2007. Assessment Forestry at the Turn of the Millennium. of urban forestry research and research needs (Linnametsad ja linnametsandus Eestis). in Nordic and Baltic countries. – Urban Tartu, Proceedings of the Academical Forestry Forestry & Urban Greening, 6(4), 297–309. Society XVI, 37–53. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2007.08.001. Nottbeck, E. 1884. Old Real Estate in Reval. (Der LUB = Bunge, F.G. 1853. Livonian, Estonian alte Immobilienbesitz Revals). Reval. 86 pp. (In and Courland Documents. First Volume German). (1093–1300). (Liv-, Esth- und Curländisches Oettingen, G. von. 1886. Review of the Activities Urkundenbuch. Erste Band (1093–1300)). of the Municipal Administrative Period of Reval, Kluge & Ströhm. 188 pp. (In German). 1882–1886. (Rückblick auf die Thätigkeit der LUB = Bunge, F.G. 1855. Livonian, Estonian städtischen Verwaltungsperiode 1882–1886). and Courland Documents. Second Volume Riga, Stahl. 13 pp. (In German). (1301–1367). (Liv-, Esth- und Curländisches Pabst, E. 1873. The Reval Rose Garden. – Urkundenbuch. Zweite Band (1301–1367)). Contributions to Visitors of Estonia, Livonia, Reval, Kluge & Ströhm. 830 pp. (In German). and Courland. (Der Revaler Rosengarten. LUB = Bunge, F.G. 1857. Livonian, Estonian – Beiträge zur Kunde Ehst -, Liv -, und and Courland Documents. Third Volume Kurlands). Reval, Verlag von Lindfors’ Erben, (1368–1393). (Liv-, Esth- und Curländisches 260–288. Urkundenbuch. Dritte Band (1368–1393)). Pilliroog, E. (comp.). 1997. The Church and Reval, in Commission bei Kluge und Ströhm. Congregation of Kaarli. (Kaarli kirik ja Druck von Heinr. Laakmann in Dorpat. Reval, kogudus). Tallinn, EELK Tallinna Toompea Kluge & Ströhm. 202 pp. (In German). Kaarli kogudus. 256 pp. (In Estonian). Loorits, O. 1990. The Worldview of Estonian Folk Pullat, R. (ed.) 1969. The History of Tallinn Since Religion. (Eesti rahvausundi maailmavaade). the Beginning of the 1860s Until the Year 1965. Tallinn, Perioodika. 79 pp. (In Estonian). (Tallinna ajalugu XIX sajandi 60-ndate aastate Läänelaid, A., Sander, H. 2004. History and age algusest 1965. aastani). Tallinn, Eesti Raamat. of old limes (Tilia spp.) in Tallinn, Estonia. – 430 pp. (In Estonian with English summary). Konijendijk, C.C., Schipperijn, J., Hoyer, K.K. Pullat, R. (ed.) 1976. The History of Tallinn Until (eds.). Forestry Serving Urbanised Societies. the Year 1860. (Tallinna ajalugu 1860-ndate Vienna, IUFRO, 267–280. aastateni). Tallinn, Eesti Raamat. 430 pp. (In Magnus, R., Sander, H. 2019. Urban trees as social Estonian). triggers: The case of the Ginkgo biloba specimen Punning, J.-M., Koff, T., Ratas, U., Tann, R. 1998. in Tallinn, Estonia. – Sign Systems Studies, 47, Shoreline displacement and vegetation history 234–256. on island Naissaar, . – Journal of Meikar, T. 1997. Some stages of the history in the Coastal Research, 14, 933–938. management of forests of the Naissaar Island. Ratas, R. 1997. Nature protection in Estonia: – Martin, J., Pärn, H. (eds.). Naissaar: Nature historic approach. – Martin, J., Pärn, H. (eds.). and Nature Conservation: Naissaar, Nargen, Naissaar: Nature and Nature Conservation: Nargö, Terra feminarum. Tallinn, International Naissaar Nargen, Nargö Terra Feminarum. Center for Environmental Biology, 39–51. Tallinn, International Center for Environmental Meikar, T. 1998. The forest of Naissaar and man. Biology, 4–8. – Talvi, Tiina (ed.). Nature Conservation in a Russow, E. 1862. Flora of the Area Surrounding Europe of Unification. , Publication of Reval. (Flora der Umgebung Revals). Dorpat, the West-Estonian Biosphere Reserve, 225–239. Heinrich Laakmann. 122 pp. (In German). Meikar, T. 2002. The castle park of Haapsalu in the Sander, H. 1998. Research on urban forests and turmoil of privatization. – Proceedings of the urban trees in Estonia – A historical and the Läänemaa Muuseum, VI, 69–83. (In Estonian present situation. – Sander, H., Randrup, with English summary). T.B. (eds.). Urban Forestry in the Nordic and Meikar, T., Sander, H. 1996. The activity of the Baltic Countries. – Proceedings of a Nordic head foresters of Tallinn in field of the urban Workshop on Urban Forestry, Estonia, Dec. forestry in the years 1864–1944. (Tallinna 1997. Tallinn/Copenhagen, 5–17. metsaülemad linnametsanduse arendajatena Sander, H. 2001a. Historical description green belt aastatel 1864–1944). – Eensaar, A., Sander, H. of the around old Tallinn. (Tallinna vanalinnaga (eds.). Human Impact on the Environment of piirneva haljastusvööndi ajalooline õiend). – Tallinn. (Inimmõju Tallinna keskkonnale) III. Manuscript in Ecological Development and Tallinn, , 194–199. Planning. Tallinn, Department of Tallinn City Meikar, T., Sander, H. 2000. Forestry in the city Government. 98 pp. (In Estonian). of Tallinn/Reval – a historical approach. (Die Sander, H. 2001b. The history and present state Forstwirtschaft in der Stadt Tallinn/Reval – of verdure in Haapsalu. – Proceedings of the ein historischer Zugang). – Allgemeine Forst- Läänemaa Museum, V, 128–151. (In Estonian und Jagdzeitung, 171, 124–132. (In German). with English summary).

21 H. Sander, T. Meikar

Sander, H. 2019. The city of limes. (Pärnade linn). Sander, H., Randrup, T.B. (eds.). 1998. Urban – Sirp, 30, 6–7. (In Estonian). forestry in the Nordic and Baltic Countries. Sander, H., Levald, A., Meikar, T. 2005. – Proceedings of a Nordic Workshop on Problems of small-scale forestry in the Urban Forestry, Estonia, Dec. 1997. Tallinn/ urban changing environment of Estonia. – Copenhagen. 77 pp. Mizaras, S. (ed). Small-scale Forestry in a Schreinert, K. 1937. Hans Moritz Ayrmann’s Changing Environment. – Proceedings of the travels through Livonia and Russia in 1666– International Symposium IUFRO, Research 1670. (Hans Moritz Ayrmanns Reisen durch Group 3.08.00 Small-scale Forestry, Lithuania, Livland und Russland in den Jahren 1666– May/June 2005. Vilnius, 191–199. 1670). Tartu, K. Mattiesen. 61 pp. (In German). Sander, H., Meikar, T. 1996. Father and son Sutcliffe, A. (ed.) 1980. The Rise of Modern Urban Kühnert – forestry and horticulture pioneers in Planning 1800–1914. London, Marsell. 235 pp. Estonia. (Vater und Sohn Kühnert – Pioniere Tarand, A. 1984. Impressions of urban greenery der Forstwirtschaft und des Gartenbaus in on the basis of Tallinn. (Linnarohelusest Estland). – Allgemeine Forst- und Jagdzeitung, Tallinna muljetel). – Eesti Loodus, 8, 99–506. 167, 116–121. (In German). (In Estonian with English summary). Sander, H., Meikar, T. 1997. The forests of Tarand, L. 1975. H.H. Falck. One of Tallinn’s first Naissaar from the 13th to the 19th Century. arborists. – Estonian Nature, 18(10), 593–594. – Proceedings of the Academic Forest Society (In Estonian with English summary). VII. A Brief Overview of the 700-Years’ History The Chronicle. 1988. The Chronicle of Balthasar of the Island of Naissaar near Tallinn, 15–25. Russow: A Forthright Rebuttal Errors and (In Estonian with English summary). Mistakes of Balthasar Russow. Madison, Sander, H., Meikar, T. 2000. The significance of Baltic Studies Center. 289 pp. the law of King Erik VI Menved of Denmark Vende, V. 1990. Forgotten Tallinn: a Walk Around from 1297 to the forests of the nearby islands the Old Town. (Ununenud Tallinn: jalutuskäik off Reval/Tallinn (Estonia). (Die Bedeutung ümber vanalinna). Tallinn, Perioodika. 93 pp. des Gesetses von König Erik VI Menved (In Estonian). von Dänemark aus dem Jahre 1297 für die Zobel, R. 2001. Tallinn (Reval) in the Middle Ages. Wälder der Nahegelegenen Inseln vor Reval/ Town Building in the 13th-14th Centuries. Tallinn (Estland)). – Archiv für Naturschutz Tallinn, Estonian Academy of . 215 pp. (In und Landschaftsforschung, 39, 253–265. (In Estonian with English summary). German). Sander, H., Meikar, T. 2003. History of the cultural Archive sources area Lustwald, a paddock forest of Reval/ EAA 5095.1.183. Отчет об устройстве Tallinn (Estonia) situated in northeastern лесозащитной дачи им. Рейдегоф. Europe. (Geschichte des Kulturraum EAA 5095.1.186. Дело о разрешении Lustwald Europa liegenden Nordöstlichen исключения 44, 22 дес. лесной площади Koppelwaldes von Reval/Tallinn из Рейденгофского защитного леса под (Estland)). – Archiv für Naturschutz und застройку города Пернова. Landschaftsforschung, 42, 51–64. (In German). Sander, H., Meikar, T. 2015. On the development of parks in Tallinn – the case of Falkpark. (Kuidas kujunesid Tallinna pargid – Falgi pargi lugu). – Vana Tallinn, 26 (30), 104–141, 281–283.

22 About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns

Linnametsadega seotud konfliktide ajaloost Eestis

Heldur Sander ja Toivo Meikar

Kokkuvõte

Artiklis on käsitletud Eesti linnametsade linnas kindlustusvööndi eeslinnades kõigi käekäigu muutusi ja nendega seotud konf- majade lammutamist, aedade hävitamist ja liktide ajalugu, samuti juhtumeid, kus olid suurte puude maharaiumist. Sarnaselt oli eeldused konfliktide tekkeks, kuid teatud see Tallinnas Krimmi sõja (1853–1856) ajal. põhjustel jäid need ära. Dessandi kartuses Soome lahel ristleva- Eestlastele omaseks said linnad 19. ja telt Inglise-Prantsuse sõjalaevadelt lõhuti eriti 20. sajandil. Selle sajandivahetuse lin- maha 1854. aasta märtsis osa lin- nade arengut on vaadeldud mitte rahvus- najaost. Hävitati elumajad, kõrvalhooned likul, vaid internatsionaalsel tasandil, sest ja aiad ning raiuti maha suured puud ja industraliseerumine ja urbaniseerumine osa linna põhjapoolsest puiesteest. Kõik olid oma olemuselt rahvusvahelised prot- need teguviisid põhjustasid linnaelanikes sessid, nii ka Eestis. palju pahameelt ning sündmusi mäletati Tallinna lähissaare Naissaare mets. aastakümneid hiljemgi ja jäädvustati ka Saar oma metsaga oli juba arvatavasti 9. ajaloolistes allikates ja ilmunud kirjasõnas. sajandist maamärk ning hiljem on siinset Tallinna Pirita juhtum. metsa hoitud vana tava järgi. 17. juunil Pirita jõe suudme lähedal asub 1400. aastal 1297. aastal Taani kuninga Erik VI Men- asutatud ning 1577. aastal purustatud Pi- vedi allkirjastatud ürikus täpsustati saare rita kloostrile kuulunud Kloostrimets, mis kuuluvust ning sel ja linnalähistel väike- hiljem läks Nehatu mõisale. Linn omandas saartel keelati metsaraie. Kuni 17. sajan- Kloostrimetsa 1733. aastal Nehatu mõisa di keskpaigani kasutati Naissaare metsi ostmisega. 1866. aastal tegi Kloostrimet- mõõdukalt Tallinna linnarae järelevalvel, sas linna metsaülem (1864–1883) Wilhelm et rahuldada linna puiduvajadust. Sealset Kühnert esimese metsakorralduse. 1875. metsa siiski rüüstati, kuid tervikuna mets aastal alustati seal metsaistutusega ja 1904. säilis. aastaks oli rajatud 94 ha metsakultuure, Kindlustuste rajamise ja sõjaliste käi- neist 28 ha varem kasega kaetud alale. kudega seotud juhtumid. Tallinna aren- Uus metsaülem (1883–1904) Adolph Mül- gut on mõjutanud asjaolu, et linn on olnud ler soovis linna metsades arendada tradit- aastasadu kindluslinn. Sõjaliste sissetun- sioonilist metsamajandust. Linnavalitsuses gide kartuses hävitati aedadega eeslinnu maksvusele pääsenud uudsed ideed toetu- ning sellest tulenesid vastuolud elanike, sid arusaamale, et linnalähedased metsad linnavalitsuse ja linnas paikneva sõjaväe peavad kandma ka puhkemajanduslikku juhataja vahel. Esimene sellekohane tea- funktsiooni, mille juures puiduprodukt- de on 16. sajandist, mil Liivi sõjas hävines sioon oli kõrvalnähtus. 1893. aasta Mülleri 14. sajandist pärit Suurgildile kuulunud uue metsakorralduse alusel hakati likvi- Roosiaed kindlustustööde ja Tallinna pii- deerima üleseisnud mände, ent see tekitas ramiste tõttu. Samuti hävitati linnamüüri ajakirjanduses tugeva protestilaine ja lin- taga paiknenud viljapuude, marjapõõsaste navalitsus keelas raied. 1903. aasta Kloost- ja lillede, väikeste suvemajade ja lehtlatega rimetsa metsade majanduskava nägi ette aedu 17. sajandi teisel poolel muldkindlus- metsakasutuse tunduvat intensiivistamist tuste (bastionide) rajamisel. Põhjasõja puh- ja aastalangi pindala suurendamist 2,9 ha- kemisel nõuti tollal Rootsile kuulunud Tal- ni. Linnavalitsus seda ei kinnitanud ja eri-

23 H. Sander, T. Meikar nev nägemuse tõttu metsade majandami- mand. Tuli otsustada kahe linnaarenduse ses lahkus metsaülem Müller 1904. aastal mõiste vahel: säilitada suvekuurordi jaoks ametist. oluline haljasala või tihendada kesklinna Tallinna Falgi pargi juhtum. 1850. aas- hoonestust. Linnavalitsus toetas teist al- tatel omandas Toomgildi oldermann Hans ternatiivi ja pärast ajalooliste dokumentide Heinrich Falck (1791–1874) bastionivööndi uurimist leiti võimalused krahvi omandi- äärsel alal 1,6 ha suuruse maatüki, kuhu õiguste vaidlustamiseks ja kogu krundi kä- rajati looklevate teeradadega ja puudega sitlemiseks linna omandina. Omanik kae- park. 1860. aastaks valmisid muusikapa- bas aga asja kohtusse ja Haapsalu linn sai viljon ja restoran, tegutses erinevaid lõbus- 1924/1925. aasta kohtumenetluses lüüa, tusasutusi ja peeti meelelahutuslikke ette- misjärel suurem osa haljasalast tükeldati. võtmisi. 1868. aasta kinkelepinguga kinkis Lossipargi vanem osa säilis, kuid on kao- Falck oma aia ja hooned Toomgildile nõu- tanud endise ilme. dega, et need jääksid avalikku kasutusse. Järgnevad juhtumid on seotud linna- Seda nõuet ei täidetud, ala renditi välja ja metsade hävitamise ja maa-alade funkt- seda kasutati mitmesugustel eesmärkidel. sioonide muutustega, neist ei kujunenud 20. sajandi algul soovisid mõned linna- otseselt ühiskondlikke sotsiaalseid konf- valitsuse liikmed muuta park avalikuks likte. haljasalaks. Paraku see ei õnnestunud, Tallinna Kopli poolsaare juhtum. Oma rentnikud kaebasid 1911. aastal Tallinna mitmekesise pinnareljeefi, vaheldusrikaste ringkonna kohtusse, kus protsessi võitis tammesalude ja kauni mereranna poolest linnavalitsus. Rentnikud kaebasid asja oli see ala üks kaunimaid kohti Tallinna edasi tollasesse Venemaa pealinna Sankt ümbruses. Ajaloost oli see tuntud Linna- Peterburgi, kus ajaolud jäid venima, sest kopli või Telliskoplina. Esimene nimi tuli ei olnud selge, kellele ametlikult kuulus sellest, et maa-ala kasutati loomade kar- pargi alla jääv maa. Keeruliste aegade tõt- jamaana ning 14. sajandil rajatud tellise- tu jäi selgus saamata. Lahendust ei toonud tehasest. Kopli poolsaarel leidus rohkesti ka 1918. aastal Eesti vabariigi loomine ning metsa, selle kasutamispiirangud teenisid segadused jätkusid ja park sai linnale ja eelkõige linna kui esmakasutaja huve, kes avalikuks kasutamiseks alles 1930. aastatel. sai siit linnamajandusele ja -kaitsele vaja- Haapsalu Lossipargi juhtum. 19. sa- likku puitu sadamaehitiste, fortifikatsioo- jandil sai krahv Pontus von Brevern De la nitööde, veemajanduse jm tarbeks. Kopli Gardie mitmete juriidiliste aktide kaudu mets kuulus linnale, 1912. aastal müüdi või õigusliku staatusega lossipargi hõlmanud renditi siin suured maa-alad laevatehaste kinnistu uueks omanikuks. Tema poeg Ni- ja sõjasadama ehitamiseks, 104 ha suuru- kolai soovis kinnistada eri omandivormide sest metsast säilis 33 ha. Loodi uudne inf- vahel täpset piiri, et saaks osa maatükist rastruktuur, ehitistega teenis linn rendira- eraldada ja müüa. Samuti oli ta nõustunud ha, tekkisid uued töökohad jne. Kõige selle müüma piirkonna osalise kõrge haljastus- tõttu ei kujunenud metsade kaoga konf- väärtusega ala linnale, kuid viimasel puu- liktsituatsiooni. dusid selle ostmiseks vajalikud rahalised Tartu juhtum. On teada, et aastatel võimalused. Kinnisvararegister käsitles 1882–1886 asuti Tartu linnavalitsuses ener- seda juriidiliselt lõhestatud maatükki ühe giliselt reorganiseerima linna metsamajan- üksusena, millel puudus täpne sisemine dust. Selle üheks väljundiks oli väiksema- jagunemine. Linna seisukohalt olulise hal- te eraldiseisvate metsade maharaiumine jasala omanik soovis selle osaliselt majade (maa renditi põllumajandusmaana välja) ja ehitamiseks müüa. 20. sajandi alguses oli suuremate kompaktsete metsaalade moo- krundi suurus 10,3 hektarit, millest 8,2 oli dustamine (siia lisati vajadusel karja- ja eraomandis ja 2,1 renditud munitsipaalo- muid maid). Selle käigus raiuti maha Tartu

24 About the history of conflicts over urban forestry in Estonian towns linnaga piirnevate linnamõisate metsade di lõpuaastatel. Linna halduskeskkonnas kaks lahustükki pindaladega 0,33 ja 0,31 eraldati Reiu kaitsemetsas 41 ha suurune km². Tegu oli Tartu linnavalitsuse otsu- männikasvatus osaliselt tööstuse arenda- sega, mis läks vastuollu seadustega, sest miseks. 20. sajandi alguses määrati piir- 1888. aastal kehtestatud metsahoiu seadu- konnas 12 ha raudtee ja muuks otstarbeks, sega pidanuks selleks taotlema üleriikliku millele järgnes 1909. aastal veel 48 ha kait- Venemaa metsahoiukomitee nõusolekut. semetsa Waldhofi kõrval põhiliselt tehase Raieluba ei taotletud ning nõusoleku saa- töötajatele mõeldud elamute ehitamiseks. mine raieks nõudnuks argumenteeritud Peamiselt tselluloositehasega seotud ko- põhjendust, loa saamine oli raske, sest tegu guerand oli umbes 100 ha liivastel aladel oli metsavaese piirkonnaga. kasvavaid männimetsi, mis moodustasid Pärnu juhtum. Metsamaa ümberku- 1/3 kaitsemetsa algsest territooriumist. jundamine põllumaaks ei kehtinud linna- Kokkuvõtteks. Eesti alal linnade ku- metsade kohta, kuid suuremate linnade junemisel tekkisid algusest peale mitme- halduspiiridesse jäävad või nendega piir- sugused konfliktid metsade kao, aedade nevad metsad olid haavatavad linnade ja haljastute hävitamisega sõjategevuse ja asustuse laienemise ja tööstusettevõtete majanduse arengu käigus, millele aga vas- asutamise suhtes. Esimese ulatusliku met- tandusid linnaelanike võitlused linnade sa langetamise Pärnu linnas tõi kaasa tsel- loodusolude parandamise nimel. luloositehase Waldhof rajamine 19. sajan-

Received November 10, 2020, revised November 25, 2020, accepted December 13, 2020

25