THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL NUMBER FEBRUARY 1962 Sripuram: A Village in Tanjore District Andre Beteille

Tanjore district offers a rich field of study to the sociologist. Historically, it has maintained a continuity of tradition which is in many ways unique. The nume­ rous temples constructed during Chola times and later constitute important centres of worship in the villages even today. The elaborate irrigation network built from the time of Karikala Chola downwards still consti­ tutes the bulwark of its agrarian economy. In many nays the district continues to be the centre of Brahmi- nical culture in the Tamil-speaking part of the country. No less interesting are the recent changes that have been taking place in Tanjore. The district con­ tinues to be the granary of Tamilnad, although the relations of agricultural production are now undergoing a transformation. A number of tenancy laws have been enacted which seek to alter the landlord-tenant rela­ tionship, usually to the advantage of the latter. Such legislation has a somewhat unique application in Tan­ jore district because of the distinctive position of the Tanjore mirasdar who, in several cases, happens to be a Brahmin. The Brahmin land-owner is more likely than others to be an absentee landlord. And, in any case, his relationship with agriculture is usually less direct than that of landlords belonging to other castes. Because of the greater concentration and social importance of the Brahmins in Tanjore district one can study there more closely than elsewhere the impact of the Non-Brahmin Movement which has been an im­ portant feature of South Indian politics over the last few decades. An analysis of the changing position of the Brahmins in fanfare's rural society does in fact throw into focus some of the important changes in its politi­ cal, economic and religious systems. These changes are making themselves felt at different levels. Political changes at the Stale level cast their reflections on the village. Economic problems at the village level are taken up by the State which seeks to provide answers through legislative devices. Economic and political changes have drawn, in significant numbers Brahmins from the villages of Tanjore district to many parts of North India in search of opportu­ nities for education and employment. To study a village in Tanjore district is, therefore, to study all these things.

THERE are some who have been cut on the other. The river Kaveri into that here. Suffice it to say for struck by the fact that the Indian flows parallel to the metalled road the time being that the revenue village constitutes a kind of struc­ which separates it from the village. village, which is named after Melur tural entity, and have devoted their The main streets are on the oppo­ had, according to the 1951 Census, attention to discussing the internal site side of the metalled road, also 457 occupied houses with 502 house­ arrangements of this entity. This is parallel to it. The river is within holds numbering 2.485 individuals. indeed an important point of de­ a couple of hundred yards of the In certain contexts, particularly parture, and in what follows we shall centre of the village site. To the with regard to land holding, we have a good deal to say about the east of Sripuram, and adjacent to shall have to speak of Melur as a internal structure of the village it is Thiruvaiyaru, of the Sacred whole because in the revenue ac­ under discussion. But, in addition Five Rivers, famous throughout the counts the distinction between Sri­ to this, we shall have to take into Tamil country for its Shiva temple puram and Melur is ignored. account some of the major social and for its association with Tyaga- forces which operate over a wider raja, the nineteenth century musi­ A Brahmin Village cian-saint. area, and the manner in which they In the discussion that follows we exert their influence on a particu­ Sripuram does not, by itself, shall concentrate our attention on lar village community. The world- of constitute a revenue village, but is Sripuram alone as it forms an in­ the village constitutes a sort of mic­ grouped for revenue purposes along dependent unit in a number of im­ rocosm, and part of the interest: of with another village which we shall portant ways. A number of house­ our study will be to see in what refer to as Melur. Physically the holds which physically form a part ways this microcosm is a reflection two villages are quite distinct, Melur of Sripuram are, for revenue pur­ of the macrocosm which is the out­ being separated from Sripuram by poses, associated with another unit side world. a distance of about one mile to its which is located at a distance of north. Each of these villages has about two miles. This association II had a distinctive history going back- has arisen out of a number of rea­ Sripuram is an ancient village, to many centuries. Today there sons which throw an interesting situated about eight miles from are many contacts between the two light on the revenue history of Tanjore, to its north. A metalled villages, and such contacts there the area, but these problems can­ road runs along the southern side have been for at least two hundred not be entered into here. Because of the village which is situated about years. The relationship between the these households are physically, midway between Kumbakonam on two settlements is, in fact, quite economically and socially insepara. the one hand and the Grand Ani- complex, but we shall not enter ble from trie structure of Sripuram 141 ANNUAL NUMBER FEBRUARY 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

we shall, for the present purpose, ture of the village which has in tute the largest group among the Adi regard them as constituting a part some ways an important bearing on Dravidas in Tanjore district. At a of it. its social structure. Physically the slight distance from the Pallan village divides itself into three well- street is a cluster of huts inhabit' In the three southern districts of defined segments, the agraharam, ed by five households of Paraiyans. Tinnevelli, Kamnad and Madura, the kudiana streets and the cheri. These Paraiyans also belong to the villages are regarded as belonging Of these, the first and the last are category of the Adi Dravidas or Un­ to either of two categories, agrahara most distinctive. The agraharam touchables, but unlike the Pallans, in vadai and pandora vadai. In the runs in an almost perfect straight this vallage they are all Christians. 'former the entire land, or the hulk line from east to west, parallel to The physical separation between the of it, is, or was until recently, held the metalled road, on its near side. Pallan and Paraiyan huts is clear. by a community of Brahmins cons­ It is separated from the metalled Their social separation is expressed tituting what is usually known as road by the backyards of the Brah­ through endogamy, the use of sepa­ the agraharam. In the latter category min houses and by a large coconut rate wells, and a number of other of villages, the landowners are grove. The cheri is on the far side practices. mainly Non-Brahmins. This distinc- of the metalled road, also parallel tion is equally an important feature to it. The houses of the Adi-Dravi' To me the identity of the Non- of Tanjore villages. although the das, or Untouchables, are symmetri­ Brahmin streets was most clearly terms agrahara vadai and pandara cally arranged on either side, just brought out the day on which Sri­ vadai are not in normal use there. as the Brahmin houses are arrang, puram was visited by C N Anna- In this sense Sripuram constitutes ed on either side of the Brahmin durai, the D M K leader. Prepara­ an agraharam, or a Brahmin village, street. In between the agraharam tions had been made in advance, although this does not mean that and the cheri are the Non-Brahmin and the Non-Brahmin streets were the village is exclusively inhabited houses, arranged in a number of decorated with paper streamers by Brahmins. streets which lack the symmetry of coloured red and black. An ampli­ fier had been fitted in one of the It should he made clear at the either the agraharam or the cheri. Non-Brahmin houses, and film outset that in spite of the compara­ Some Non-Brahmin houses are also music blared through the after­ tively large concentration of Brah­ to be found along the metalled road noon. All around there was bustle mins in Tanjore not every village and in front of the Shiva temple and activity. By contrast the agra­ in the district has an agraharam. which stands at the western extre­ haram seemed quiet and deserted. In fact, in the majority of villages mity of the village. one finds only a few families of the These territorial divisions are of The physical unity of the vil­ Brahmins who act as temple priests great importance because social lage, and its internal division into or cater to some of the religious values are attached to them. The agraharam, kudiana streets and cheri needs of the Non-Brahmin residents. agraharam is where all the Brahmin constitute the most fundamental To this extent Sripuram is not a houses are located. It is the centre features of its social structure. The typical village in the statistical sense of their social life. A Non-Brahmin differentiation between the Brahmins, of the term, It is, nevertheless, of does not ordinarily enter the agra­ the Non-Brahmins and the Adi Dra. great importance as a type of vil­ liaram except on some particular vidas is evident not only in a ritual lage in which the inter-play of business. Although it is situated be­ context but also in the economic and some of the basic social forces in tween the metalled road and the political spheres. And, in this re' the region can be observed and Non-Brahmin streets one can enter gard Sripuram mirrors the basic analysed. these streets from the metalled road cleavages that are present in Tamil- III without passing through the agra­ nad today. Throughout our discus­ liaram. The social exclusiveness of sion we shall regard these cleavages Physically, Sripuram constitutes a the agraharam is related to its be­ as providing the framework within more or less compact unit. The ing physically sealed from the rest which relations between individuals houses are clustered together with- of the village. I am told that this and groups develop and are main­ in a small area, giving the village exclusiveness was much more pro­ tained. & distinct physical entity. The total nounced 25 years ago. population of the village is 1,400, IV being distributed in 349 households. Brahmins Keep Away The breakdown of households and The cheri is similarly sealed from Although the Brahmins, the Non- population by caste-group has been the rest of the village. The Brah­ Brahmins and the Adi-Dravidas have shown in the table below : mins do not normally enter, or pass each an identity of their own, this CASTE—HOUSEHOLDS POPULATION through, the cheri which they con­ does not mean that they constitute GROUP sider to be filthy. Also, a Brah­ homogeneous units. The Brahmins Brahmin 92 341 min, if he has passed through the can be regarded, as a unity only in relation to the Non-Brahmins and Non — Brahmin 168 688 cheri, is required to take a bath Adi — Dravida 89 371 prior to undertaking any ritual the Adi-Dravidas. Internally there are many sub-divisions among the Total 349 1400 activity. The cheri, as we have mentioned earlier, consists of a Brahmins, just as there are among Three-fold Divisions single street with huts arranged on the Non-Brahmins. The Adi-Dravi­ It will be useful to begin with a cither side. The residents of this das appear to be the most homo­ consideration of the physical struc­ street are all Pallans who consti- geneous, being characterised by a 142 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL NUMBER FEBRUARY 1962

simple division into two groups as ive languages when speaking at Brahmin families have moved out of described above. home, and Tamil for all other pur­ the village in course of the last fifty poses. I emphasise the cultural diver­ years. This is very much in keeping People who are united in one sity of the Brahmins because it high­ with the pattern of villages in Tamil­ context may be sharply divided in lights an important aspect of their nad as a whole. What seems, how­ another. The Brahmins of Sripuram position in the social structure. The ever, to be rather unusual is that who expressed their unity by refus­ Brahmins as a group have been far many new families have moved into ing as a group to take notice of more mobile than other groups, and the agraharam during the last few the D M K meeting are, nonetheless, a Brahmin caste has generally a decades. This is partly to be ex­ divided among themselves. In fact much wider territorial extension plained by local conditions, primari­ the Brahmins themselves are very than a Non-Brahmin caste. In ly, the availability of teaching and conscious of their divisions, and the traditional system the Brah­ clerical jobs in Thiruvaiyaru. It may point to these as the principal cause mins often moved from one re­ be mentioned that more than a of their present decline. They often gion to another to settle on dozen families in the agraharam live look back upon the past, to their land granted to them by a par­ in rented houses. Indeed the rise in days of power and glory, when the ticular king or prince. Connections house rents is a minor problem for Brahmins of Sripuram stood united. were often maintained across very some of the Brahmin residents of It is difficult to ascertain whether wide distances. Thus, some of the the village. divisions among the Brahmins have Tamil Brahmins of Sripuram have been sharpened in recent times. My The Tamil Brahmins of Sripuram kinsmen in Mysore who settled there themselves belong to different castes. own impression is that the opposite many generations ago on land given is the case. At any rate, there is There are two families of temple to them by the Mysore king. Some priests, one for the Shiva temple and evidence to show that as far back Telugu Brahmins who were granted as in the 1880s they quarrelled bit­ the other for the Vishnu temple. land in Sripuram have relatives in These families do not inter-marry terly among themselves over ritual Andhra Pradesh whom they visit to and other matters. with each other or with the other this day. Brahmin families of the village. The As indicated earlier, the divisions There is only one household of rest of the Tamil Brahmins belong among the Adi-Dravidas are less to the two main divisions of Smar- conspicuous than among the Brah­ Kannada-speaking Madhva Brah­ mins in Sripuram. This household thas (or Iyers) and Shri Vaishna- mins and the Non-Brahmins. In the vas (or Iyengars). The Smarthas case of the two latter they are based settled in Sripuram only about fif­ teen years ago, although the ances­ are doctrinally affiliated to the eighth partly upon differences in wealth, century monistic philosopher, Shan- occupation and education. More ap­ tors of the present head of the house, hold had lived in Tanjore. district karacharya, and worship both Shiva parent than these, however, and, per­ and Vishnu. The Shri Vaishnavas are haps more fundamental, are the divi­ for a number of generations. There doctrinally the followers of Rama- sions based upon caste. are 14 households of Telugu Brah­ mins belonging to several castes. We nuja, the twelfth century protagonist The categories Brahmin and Non- shall not go into these differences of "qualified"' monism and tradi­ Brahmin comprise aggregates of here but note only one important tionally they owe allegiance to different castes. The term caste we distinction. Many of the Telugu Vishnu alone. use to refer to what 19 locally spoken Brahmin households have settled in of as jati or Kulam which is a small Vaishnavas Outnumber Smarthas Sripuram only within the last gene­ endogamous group, bound by ties of In Sripuram to-dav the Shri ration. Different from these are the kinship, having in many cases a Vaishnavas greatly outnumber the families which have roots in the traditional occupation, and pursuing Smarthas. This is somewhat unusual village and trace their ancestry in a more or less specific style, of because Thiruvaiyaru and the sur­ the male line to one of the original living. The Brahmins of Sripuram be­ rounding areas are noted for the coparcenaries of the village. These long to a number of different castes practice of Shaivism and the con­ families, which constitute the Kak- and, in fact, represent a fair cross- centration of Smartha Brahmins. karai (one-fourth share) Shastri section of the Brahmin castes present Also. Sripuram itself has an ancient group, have a somewhat different throughout Tamilnad. Castewise divi­ and famous Shiva temple whereas position in relation to land owner­ sions among the Brahmins are not, the Vishnu temple is of recent ori­ ship, control and management of the however, represented in the distribu­ gin and comparatively inconspicu­ Vishnu temple as well as many other tion of their houses which appear to ous. The concentration of Shri matters. succeed each other without any plan Vaishnavas in Sripuram can to some or order. Fifty to sixty years ago, Jobs Draw Immigrants extent be explained by historical I am told, the settlement pattern of Among the indigenous Tamil factors which, however, cannot he the agraharam was more consistent Brahmins also there are many house­ discussed here. with the cleavages between castes. holds which have moved into Sri­ The Smartha Brahmins of Sri­ puram only recently. This gives a puram belong mainly to the Briha- Three Language Groups somewhat amorphous character to 'charanam group which is one of the The Brahmins of Sripuram repre­ the agraharam which is rather differ­ four primary sections among the sent three language groups, Kanna- ent from other agraharams where a Smarthas. There are three house­ da, Telugu and Tamil. The Kanna- substantial majority of the Brah­ holds of Vadamas and one of Ashta- da and Telugu Brahmins use some­ mins can be placed on a single ge­ sahashrams. There are minor differ. what corrupt forms of their respect­ nealogical chart. Many of the older ences of custom between these 143 ANNUAL NUMBER FEBRUARY 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY groups and they are endogamous. Some of these castes, such as the political ascendancy of the Kalians, The Brihacharnams again include Potters, continue to practise their The same problem of rank-order some 'belonging to the Mazhanattu traditional occupation; others, such may be raised with regard to the sub-section and others to the Kand- as the Goldsmiths and the cowherds, mutual positions of the different ramanickya sub-section. These sub­ do not. Brahmin castes. It may be said sections are themselves mutually en­ Among the Non-Brahmin castes without much fear of contradiction dogamous, although in recent years particular mention should be made that the caste of Shaivite temple there has been some inter-marriages of the Vellalans and the Kalians. priests, for instance, is lower in between them. Only a few of the The Vellalans are numerically the rank than any of the Smartha sub- Brihacharanam families in Sripuram largest Non-Brahmin caste, and they castes. But what about the rank to-day trace their descent from one have deep roots in the village. In of the Smarthas in general in rela­ of the original coparcenaries of the fact, it is generally believed that tion to the Iyengars? It is doubtful village. The trusteeship of the Shiva they have been by tradition the whether a definitive answer can be temple was hereditarily vested until kudis. or cultivators, tilling the land provided even after a detailed con- recently in one of these families. for the Brahmin mirasdars. Al­ sideralion of political, economic The Shri Vaishnavas or Iyengar, though almost all the Vellalans and other "interactional" features. who constitute the bulk of the Brah­ in the village belong to the sub- Our purpose in drawing attention mins of the Sripuram belong main­ caste of Chozhia Vellalans, there to the problem of rank order is to ly to the Vadagalai .section. To-day are a number of differences in their give some indication of its many there are only three Tengalai house­ social and economic positions. The ambiguities when we consider cas­ holds, although in the nineteenth Kalians are, on the other hand, a tes and sub-castes instead of caste- century the Tengalai group was of smaller and economically more groups. We turn now to a consi­ considerable importance. There are homogeneous group. They arc com­ deration of the three caste-groups, a number of differences between parative newcomers to the village, namely, the Brahmins, the Non- these two sections, and the men can having been there for only three Brahmins and the Adi-Dravidas, be easily identified from the distinc­ generations. They are a prosperous because the problem of rank- tive ways in which they wear their and well-knit group, being bound order can in their case be caste marks. There have been some by ties of kinship, and they are also meaningfully discussed within a inter-marriages between Tengalai and a considerable force in the politics short space. The differences which Vadagalai, although they usually tend of the village. are so ambiguous when we compare to be endogamous. There are sub­ Clear Banking of Castes Not Smarthas with Iyengars, or two sections among the Vadagalai based Possible sub-castes among the Vellalans, upon affiliation to particular achar- A comparison between Vellalans stand out sharply when we compare yas or preceptors, but these we and Kalians leads us to an impor­ the Brahmins with the Non-Brah- shall not discuss here. Two Vada­ tant question, namely, the problem miiis or Non-Brahmins with Adi- galai Iyengar families, namely, the of their mutual rank. The problem Dravidas. Peri an and the Dikshitar families of assigning specific ranks to differ­ have been of importance in the Friendship' Follow Caste Divisions ent castes has been of central im­ history of Sripuram. Some of their portance in anthropological studies It will be admitted by all, or descendants continue to reside in the of caste until recent times. The almost all, that the Brahmins are village, although many have moved outcome of such studies has been ritually superior to the Non-Brah­ out and been replaced by new fami­ to show that no clear or unambigu­ mins, and that the Non-Brahmins are lies from outside. ous rank-order of castes is possible likewise superior to the Adi-Dravi­ Non-Brahmins More Divided except in a very broad and gene­ das. There are other differences The divisions among the Brahmins ral way. First of all, one has to which are very important, if not have been discussed in some detail consider the question of ritual rank. equally clear. For instance, the because they reflect the complexity Even this is not easy to determine, Brahmins as a group own consider­ of the caste structure even within particularly in the case of adjacent ably more land than the Non-Brah­ the agraharam. The number and castes. Then there are elements of mins who in turn own much more variety of castes are even greater economic, political and numerical land than the Adi-Dravidas. Again, among the Non-Brahmins. The dis­ dominance, often cutting across many of the Brahmins are tinction between caste and sub-caste ritual criteria, which greatly in­ mirasdars, and not one of them not being quite clear in one or two fluence the attitudes of castes with engages in actual cultivation or cases, it is not possible to give here regard to each other. This can be other menial work. Almost all the the exact number of the Non-Brahmin well illustrated by making a com­ Adi-Dravidas engaged either in ac­ castes. Suffice it to say that there are parison between the Kalians and tual cultivation or in other menial about twenty castes some of which the Vellalans. In terms of the work and no Adi-Dravida from have sub-divisions which are them­ general (ritual) rank order preva­ Sripuram owns any land in the selves endogamous. These include lent in the area, and in the view of village. The Non-Brahmins stand artisan castes such as Potters and the Brahmins of Sripuram the Vel­ somewhere midway since they both Goldsmiths; servicing castes such as lalans are higher than the Kalians. own land and engage in actual Barbers and Musicians; Konans who It is doubtful, however, to what cultivation as well as in other menial are cowherds by tradition; and a extent this has a bearing on day- work. number of cultivating castes such as to-day behaviour, particularly in The importance of the divisions Vellalans, Padayachis and Gaundan's. view of the present economic and between the Brahmins, the Non- 144 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL NUMBER FEBRUARY 1962

Brahmins and the Adi-Dravidas can ged by an agent. A second lives It is clear that the Non-Brahmina be illustrated finally by considering in Tanjore, but pays regular visits have acquired much of their land the case of personal friendship. Per­ to the village where his widowed in recent years, although even by sonal friendships often cut across mother still resides. A third also the end of the nineteenth century caste consideration; they rarely, lives in Tanjore, but has his land they owned some land in the vil­ if ever, cut across taste group, managed by his daughter's husband lage. At that lime most of the at least in the context of the (also his wife's younger brother) Non-Brahmin land-owners were Vel- village. There are personal friend­ who has taken up residence in his lalans, none of whom, however, ships between Smartha, Iyengar house in the village. The last of could be considered as a big land­ and Madhya young men who the four big mirasdars decided to owner. Later, some land was ac­ are school teachers. I have not settle in the village, having re­ quired by a Padayachi who is to­ come across a single instance of signed from a job which he held in day one of the bigger landowners such personal friendship within Madras some 15 years ago. All among the Non-Brahmins. More in­ the village between a Brahmin on these four mirasdars are Brahmins teresting is the case of the Kalians the one hand, and a Non-Brahmin and none of them owns more than who have come up progressively in or an Adi-Dravida on the other. A 30 acres of land in this village. course of the last few decades. They Vellalan youth along with a Pada- Some of this land again is not in owe their prosperity in large mea­ yachi youth organises cultural func­ their own name, but in the names sure to their ownership of consider­ of their wives, sons, daughters, tions among the Non-Brahmins able portions of padughai lands on sisters, etc. from time to time. It is doubtful which bananas are grown for sale whether similar relationships exist The hulk of the land is owned by outside. at all between any Non-Brahmin the Brahmins. Some land is also Although the Brahmins own and an Adi-Dravida. owned by the Non-Brahmins, none most of the land they do not ac­ V of whom, however, owns more than tually till the soil. There are two ten acres. It seems likely that at ways in which the Brahmins have We shall now undertake a brief one time all the land was owned their land cultivated, and an analy­ discussion on the economic life of by the Brahmins with, however, sis of these will bring out their the village in order to further high­ one notable exception. A certain economic relationships with the light the basic cleavages in its Maratha family, claiming descent two other groups, the Non-Brah­ social structure. The economy of from the princely family of Tan­ mins and the Adi-Dravidas. One Sripuram, as of the majority of jore. owned about half the land in may say that these constitute the Tanjore villages is rent red largely the village at one time. This family basic relations of production as around the cultivation of rice still survives, although to-day al­ far as Sripuram is concerned. It through the extensive use of irri­ most all the land has gone out of should be indicated that even in gation. The regulated supply of its hands. The Maratha family is the field of agriculture these rela­ water enables the paddy crops to even to this day quite distinct from tions frequently extend beyond be raised with considerably less the other Non-Brahmin families, Sripuram or even Melur as a whole. labour here than in the drier dis­ and even the ancestral house is not Some of the Brahmin mirasdars of tricts. It also gives the farmer a situated in one of the Non-Brahmin Sripuram have their land cultivated certain measure of protection streets but inside a walled garden, by the Non-Brahmins and the Adi- against the vagaries of nature, al­ conspicuously separate from the Dravidas from the adjoining village though floods in the Kaveri may houses of the Brahmins as well as of Peramur. Some Non-Brahmins and cause destruction even to-day. Pad­ the Non-Brahmins. Adi-Dravidas cultivate land in Sri­ dv is grown both for consumption puram owned by absentee landlords and for sale. The principal cash Non-Brahmins Acquire Land who in a number of cases did not crop is banana which is grown It is not possible here to give ever belong to Sripuram, particularly on lands adjoining the figures with regard to land holding river-bed (padughai lands) and by caste-group. In any case, such Brahmins Feel Insecure requires intensive cultivation. Betel figures would not give a complete A few of the Brahmins have vines which require even more la­ picture if we take only Sripuram, their land cultivated directly by bour and attention are grown only or even Melur into account. For engaging agricultural labourers on a few acres, although their one thing, many of the Brahmins whose work they themselves super­ cultivation is extremely profitable. own land in other villages, parti­ vise, and who are paid daily wages Absentee Landlordism Common cularly in Peramur and Vishnu- in cash. It should be emphasised Land ownership in Sripuram has puram which, prior to the nine­ that this mode of production is acquired a somewhat complex pat­ teenth century' appear to have exceptional. rather than usual. tern owing primarily to the migra­ constituted a single revenue unit There are two general reasons why tion of some of the owners, and along with Sripuram and Melur. this should be so, in spite of the the sale by others of their land to For another, much of the land in fact that normally it would yield people who themselves do not al­ Sripuram is owned by people from greater returns to the land-owner. ways belong to the village. Absen­ outside, and the caste affiliations of In the first place, many of the tee landlordism is fairly common in such people are not easy to ascer­ land-owners live away from the Sripuram. One of the four big tain, particularly if they happen to village, and even among those who mirasdars of the village lives in be women, as in some cases they live in it there are some who en­ Srirangam and has his land mana­ do. gage in other occupations such as 145 ANNUAL NUMBER FEBRUARY 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

teaching, or clerical work, and this than he has agreed to pay, and by differences with the others. A more makes it difficult for them to en­ squeezing as much work out of his complete presentation would re- gage directly in the supervision of Adi-Dravida labourers for as little quire an analysis in greater detail agriculture. Also, the Brahmins in money as is possible. In this he of the many ties which cut across general do not seem to have much owes his success to the political the cleavages between the three experience of this kind of work decline of the Brahmin, to his own major caste-groups. In the sphere and they try to avoid it as far as political ascendancy, and to the of economic life itself it would have they can. Secondly, the relations fact that the Adi-Dravidas are as to take into account the many other between the Brahmin land-owners yet politically backward and un­ occupations in which the villagers and their Non-Brahmin and Adi- organised. engage apart from agriculture. Dravida labourers have deteriorated Triangular Bitterness Today perhaps the social struc­ rapidly over the last two decades. The Brahmin is bitter against ture is in the process of acquiring The constant complaint of the Brah­ the Non-Brahmin because he feels a more complex form than it had min land-owners is that their that the new land laws and the 50 years ago. In the nineteenth labourers have become progressively new political climate cheat him of century the economic differenti­ demanding and insolent. This ap­ his patrimony and give the rewards ation between the Brahmins and pears to be true, at least in part, to the Non-Brahmin although the the others was more clear than it and is, indeed a reflection of the real work, as often as not, is done is today. Land was concentrated to political insecurity of the Brahmins by the Adi-Dravida. This, of course, an even greater extent in the hands in Tamilnad as a whole. It is not is only one side of the picture. of the Brahmins. The Brahmins easy to determine to what extent The Non-Brahmin lessee feels that as a group were economically more the Brahmin? are justified in think­ he earns his share of the crops by homogeneous than they are today. ing that they cannot enforce their investment in seeds and manure, A fuller understanding of these legitimate demands over the la­ hard work and organisation, where­ changes requires an analysis of bourers. But the feeling of in­ as the Brahmin sits at home and the political transformation which security is there, and it tends to claims half the produce. The Adi- Tamilnad has been undergoing in keep them away from directly Dravida is bitter against both the course of the last 50 years. Econo­ supervising their farm work as this Brahmin and the Non-Brahmin and mic and political factors influence involves much closer relationships complains that nobody will lease land each other in a very intimate man­ with cultivators and labourers. to him and he has to remain out ner and changes in the one cannot of work half the year. I have not fully be understood without con­ The second and more usual way been able to ascertain why the sidering changes in the other. for the Brahmins to have their land Brahmins lease their land more cultivated is by annually leasing usually to the Non-Brahmins than to Measures for Integration them out according to the kutta- the Adi-Dravidas. One would have MOST State Governments have khai system. Although the lease thought that politically it would be designated selected officers in is, under the terms of the con­ of greater advantage to them to en­ their Secretariat to deal with matters tract, for one year only, it ter into relations with the Adi-Dra­ relating to linguistic minorities and is usually renewed automatically. vidas who are less organised and national integration. This followed In fact, quite frequently a formal less able to dictate terms than the a request from the Union Home contract is not even entered into. Non-Brahmins Minister that steps taken for the Legally the lessor can claim only 40 Thus, when we consider the re­ safeguards of linguistic minorities per cent of the yield,, but usually lations of production, the cleavages should "be coordinated, at a fairly his claims vary between 50 and 60 between the Brahmins, the Non-Brah­ high level." per rent because he foregoes the mins and the Adi-Dravidas become Madras has appointed a Linguistic straw and certain other byproducts clear once again. By and large, the Minorities Officer to prepare a note over which he has a legal title. The Brahmins are the land-owners, al­ every two months reviewing the lessee supplies the seeds to be sown, though not all land-owners are progress of implementation of the the plough cattle, the manure, and Brahmins, nor are all Brahmins linguistic minorities (zonal) scheme. other pre-requisites of cultivation. land-owners. The Brahmin land­ The arrangements made in An- Usually he manages to give a little owners lease their land to the Non- less than the actual share of the dhra Pradesh are similar except that Brahmins, although here again it crops he has agreed to give. the Linguistic Minorities Officer is must be mentioned that some of the to prepare his review once in three The lessee himself does not neces­ lessees are Adi-Dravidas. Further, months. In Mysore, the Home Sec­ sarily till the land he has leased. some Non-Brahmins themselves own retary has been made responsible for If he happens to be a Non-Brah­ land, whereas, at the other extreme, coordination of all work relating to min, and has some land of his there are others who engage them­ linguistic minorities. own. he engages labourers who are selves directly as agricultural labou­ In Punjab, this responsibility has usually Adi-Dravidas and pays them rers. The Adi-Dravidas by and large been entrusted to the Secretary of daily wages in cash. Many Non- work as day labourers in one capa­ the Education and Language Depart­ Brahmin lessees, of course, till the city or another. ment, and in Rajasthan to the Spe­ land themselves. The Non-Brah­ The picture we have presented is cial Secretary in charge of Appoint­ min lessee is often able to make a highly simplified one. We have ments. In U P, there is a Special considerable profit by paying his had to level out variations in each Officer under the Directorate of Brahmin lessor a smaller share category in order to highlight its Education to look after these matter'. 146