Book Reviews

radio programming produced by the Greek Paraskevi Golia state for communities abroad, providing in- sight on how this policy was used to influence Υμνώντας το έθνος. Ο ρόλος των both the organisational structures and the σχολικών γιορτών στην εθνική και ideologies of the diaspora. In the final chapter, πολιτική διαπαιδαγώγηση 1924– Dimitris Christopoulos further investigates the 2010 constitutional framework pertaining to the po- tential political participation of the Greek di- [Praising the nation: The role of aspora in Greek political life: the systemat- national day school commemorations ic postponement of granting voting rights to in national and political-education those nationals living outside of ’s bor- policy, 1924–2010] ders clearly demonstrates the vast distance between the catchy promises of allegiance and : Epikentro, 2011. 445 the realist policies regarding the composition pp. of the electorate. Zeta Papandreou An overview of the contents of this volume PhD in history didactics leads one to the hypothesis that the fate of the Greek nation beyond the state’s borders bears In this book, Paraskevi Golia makes an ex- great resemblance to the fate of other ethnic tremely important contribution to the study of groups or individuals trapped within Greek the history of education in Greece as well as borders. Policies pertaining to the real or im- of the ways governmental practices internal- aginary ties with distant Greek diaspora com- ise the dominant ideology. One of the book’s munities are nothing more than the mirror im- stronger points is the originality of the re- ages of the exclusionary policies for domestic search, spanning an extensive time period, in minorities or recent immigrants. In the end, it’s which primary sources, such as government all about defining the Greek nation. Upon this circulars to schools on how to celebrate na- realisation, the reason this volume was includ- tional days, are studied for the first time, from ed as part of the KEMO series becomes crys- the educational reform of 1924, through to the tal clear. Metaxas dictatorship, the period from 1940 to 1949, the post-civil war period from 1950 to 1966, the 1967–1974 dictatorship and the post- 1974 democratic system. At the same time, it systematically deconstructs the associated rit- uals, while analysing Likert-type graded scale questionnaires regarding the views of sixth- grade students and primary-school teachers NOTE on the role of school celebrations.

1 Opening line of The Odyssey: “Tell me, O As the author points out, “the research is based Muse, of the man of many devices, who wan- dered full many ways after he had sacked the on a dialogue between the sociology of educa- sacred citadel of Troy.” Homer. The Odyssey, tion, history and anthropology with semiotics” 2 vols, trans AT Murray (Cambridge, Harvard (29). From the anthropological perspective, par- University Press, 1919). ticipatory observation plays the dominant role in

142 HISTOREIN VOLUME 14.2 (2014) this work, while from the sociology of education attempt to objectify history, the Greeks are por- perspective circulars are examined according trayed as the saviours of Greece and Europe, to the following parameters: the reconstitution such as “with the fall of the 300 of Leonidas at of historical fact, the national self and the “oth- Thermopylae, Europe was saved from Asian er”, the typology of speech (national, religious, barbarism”, and “with the fall of Greece in 1940, symbolic) and issues around school festivities Europe was again saved from slavery under (exhortations, rituals). The attempt to interpret the Axis” (70). In contrast to the Greeks’ na- educational circulars is performed methodical- tional “intelligence”, “bravery” and “superiority”, ly in accordance with national political develop- the Turks are presented as “barbaric and vin- ments and Greek social reality. The ideological dictive” while the Europeans at the time of an- parameters that emerge in the documents are cient Greece are portrayed “as wild and danger- recorded through an interesting taxonomy. Apt- ous tribes, beasts that lived and fed off roots, ly, Golia observes that in spite of the shifts in the acorns and raw meat, an undisciplined horde, dominant ideology, their structures have hard- the world of Europe” (96). The “others” – the Ot- ly changed since they clearly refer to the deeply tomans, Italians, Germans (their soldiers being embedded national element in the Greek ideol- referred to as Teutons (64)) – and the Allies are ogy. presented as anti-Greek in a Manichaean way. With ironic expressions such as the “culture of In the qualitative analysis on the theme of the the Huns”, the “barbarian hordes” and “Huns”, “Reconstitution of historical facts”, time is pre- anti-German feeling is pervasive in commem- sumed to be linear and every historical event is oration speeches at all sites that suffered Nazi embedded in this time sequence in a teleologi- atrocities during wartime occupation. The only cal context. The Greek nation is perceived as exceptions where “the other” is not clearly iden- unchanged, with a long and uninterrupted his- tified are the circulars relating to the commem- tory beginning in antiquity and with clear rep- oration of the 1973 Athens Polytechnic upris- resentations of the collective “we” over time. ing against the military junta. As Giola writes, In this scheme, the “No” expressed on 28 Oc- “many people try to use, for political reasons, tober 1940 to the Italian ultimatum for Greece the anniversary of the Polytechnic uprising as to surrender its national sovereignty, extends a means to divide the Greek people, even today, from the ancient battles against the Persians 30 years later” (166). in Plataea, Marathon and Thermopylae, up to the revolutionary battles against the Turks in The authors of the these circulars attempt to the 1820s at Alamana, the fortress walls of present the Greek people as a concrete reality, Mesolonghi and Kanaris’ torch. And from Skra, describing them as “indomitable”, “brave lads”, Bizani and Northern in 1912 up to the “optimistic”, “active”, “humanist” and “brave” “martyred” Cyprus of 1974 (68–69). (98). But in some circulars, the character of the Greeks is recognised as possessing some It is obvious that through the circulars, as mani- defects – the terms “bipolar” and “divided” are fested in the speeches by teachers on national used – and therefore ineffective. To quote an days, Greek national identity became the yard- example: “In the struggle of the Greeks against stick to evaluate not only the course of the na- the Ottomans, the destructiveness of discord, tion but also that of other, neighbouring peo- which had also plagued the Greeks during ples. Through the centuries, the hostile “other” other times when unity should have prevailed, assumed a different representation. But in an unfortunately manifested itself” (92). “Greeks

143 Book Reviews

believe that we are a free people who do not content and consensus “on the limits” of the cel- tolerate any yoke; unfortunately, that also ebration, the manner in which it engages a dis- means the one that is sometimes required by parate crowd of participants and observers is modern states: the discipline . . . necessary so quite important.1 Ozouf has contributed to the as to correct our inherent faults” (92). idea of “the emotional depth of the celebration”, which rejects focusing on the national celebra- Myths, symbols, values and traditions are pre- tions only from the perspective of the organis- sented as evidence of a continuous, collective ers and their intentions.2 Historians Panagiotis self-awareness, which in no way reflects the Kimourtzis and Anna Mandylara believe that multiethnic composition of the Byzantine em- while the main elements of the celebrations are pire, as Golia correctly points out (70). commemorative and serve political expedien- cy, their organization is guided by the purpose- Through her extensive sociological research, ful integration of the past, in both the memory Golia encourages a fruitful reflection on how strategies of the present as well as their projec- teachers and students assess the role of na- tion in the future. They argue that the manage- tional commemorations in schools. The author ment of these three time periods (past, present, points out that ministerial circulars pay hom- future) is implemented by the celebrations that age to ancestors (a signified concept) through a) “seek to embrace history, tightening the bonds the use of laurel wreaths, the erection of statues of a distant time (the past) with the present”, b) of heroes and holding a minute’s silence (signi- attempt to selectively interpret the present, jus- fiers). In addition, the research reveals that stu- tifying it and providing even more authority to the dents attach great importance to the commem- current dominant (state) interpretation that is orations and associated rituals, as they believe “drawn from the historical depth of the approach that this is how heroes are honoured and his- (the present)”, and c) “contribute reproductively torical knowledge is attained. Teachers and to the strengthening of the social fabric (the fu- students associate the role of national celebra- ture)”.3 Taking the above into account, Golia’s tions with national and political education. While proposal to examine national day commemo- many teachers argue that the commemoration rations in schools from the perspective of better speeches rely on outdated stereotypes, a large understanding the relationship between the so- proportion believe that the celebrations are a cial and political forces that caused such histori- necessary evil and an opportunity for a holiday. cal events, and not through the one-dimensional However, they do not express outright a clear narrative of political events, is quite to the point. opinion on whether they should be abolished. This approach, about what one should do when Regarding the parades that are almost always teaching history or organising a school com- associated with the commemorations, statisti- memoration day, the author maintains, would cally there is a significant difference of opinion allow for the redefinition of the identity and self- according to gender: male educators are in fa- awareness of students. vour of keeping them, while their female coun- terparts tend to agree with their abolition. The writer has kept the necessary balance be- tween qualitative and quantitative research Mona Ozouf, a French pioneer in the study of the with great staidness and responsibility. As Co- political interpretation and purpose of national hen, Manion and Morrison point out, in historical celebrations, points out that besides the impo- studies most of the research is qualitative, as sition of political considerations concerning the it concerns the examination of an object com-

144 HISTOREIN VOLUME 14.2 (2014) posed of verbal material with much symbolism. By studying the circulars, we understand how However, it has been proven that quantitative educators became conveyors of ideological content analysis is extremely useful in the ex- values and shapers of collective memory and amination of historical issues, for the transfor- historical consciousness. Golia reveals the mation of the historical document into quanti- Greek obsession to see the nation as an unbro- tative data.4 ken continuum without internal heterogenei- ties. According to historian George Kokkinos, The study is marked by an eclectic use of the- “Ancient Greek culture [and its symbolisms] oretical and methodological tools that in sub- are perceived by most as a given regulatory stance contradict its theoretical consistency. model, as the literal ‘place’ according to which While the knowledge and application of sem- we can make sense of nineteenth-century and iotic methods is apparent, the references to modern Greece.”8 The purpose of a modernist historical materialism and phenomenology school historian is not to challenge our identity are not adequately supported. but, rather, the existence of collective myths. The author investigates her subject thorough- In the book there are, unfortunately, some ly, systematically and critically, identifying key points that are not in line with the author’s ex- points and deconstructing in a comprehensive tensive and systematic research. The fact that way multiple inputs that are included in the ed- one of Greece’s national celebrations com- ucational circulars and refer to school speech- memorates 28 October 1940, marking the es on national or political anniversaries; school brave resistance to totalitarian challenges, is celebrations; rituals through semiotic analysis; interpreted by the author as a sign of a “glo- and social perceptions on the role of school bal” alliance of peoples (312).5 The reason why celebrations. The book’s basic finding is that Greece celebrates its entry into the war and not Greek educational policy has never deviated the end of it (12 October 1944 for Greece, or 8 from the intense Greek-centred and national May 1945 for Europe), as one would expect, is reading of Greek history. linked to the civil war that followed the world war.6 The historical events were highly trau- NOTES matic, and it became impossible to define an anniversary chronologically close to the De- 1 The content of festivities “must declare a par- cember events in Athens and the civil war that ticular meaning as predominant over other followed. In addition, during the analysis of na- conflicting meanings”. Mona Ozouf, “Festivi- tional day speeches in regard to the evalua- ties during the time of the French revolution,” tion and impact of historical events in Greece, in Το έργο της ιστορίας [The work of history], the reader is left confused as the author’s re- vol. 3, ed. Nora G. Le Goff, trans. Klairi Mitso- flections are not explained clearly (79). Also of taki (Athens: Kedros/Rappas, 1988), 249, quot- particular interest, and one requiring further ed in Panagiotis Kimourtzis and Anna Mandy- investigation, is a reference to a 1949 circular lara, «Εορτές και τελετές στο ελληνικό βασίλειο (1830–1862). Συμβολική εξουσία, συγκρότηση where it appears that, in the midst of the civil κράτους, εκπαιδευτικοί θεσμοί» [Feasts and rit- war and widespread persecution and deporta- uals in the Greek kingdom (1830–1862): Sym- tions to faraway islands, some teachers, pos- bolic power, state-building, educational insti- sibly in villages, avoided making speeches on tutions], in Για μια ποιητική του εκπαιδευτικού the March 25 national day marking the start of τοπίου. Δέκα χρόνια μετά…: Χαριστήριο στον Ιω- the revolution against the Turks in 1821.7 σήφ Σολομών [For the poetry of the education-

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al landscape. Ten years on…, Farewell to Iosif consciousness: Opinions and attitudes of pri- Solomon], vol. 1, ed. Yiorgos Stamelos (Athens: mary-level pupils and teachers on history] Alexandria, 2011), 191–192. (Athens: Noogramma, 2005), 129. 2 Panagiotis Kimourtzis and Anna Mandylara, «Δημόσιες εορτές στην Ελλάδα, 1830–1860. Γένεση του κρατικού συμβολισμού» [Public festivities in Greece, 1830–1860. The genesis of state symbolism], : Scientific Annals of the Philosophy School of the University of (forthcoming). 3 Kimourtzis and Mandylara, «Εορτές και τελε- τές», 191. 4 Louis Cohen, Lawrence Manion and Keith Morrison, Μεθοδολογία εκπαιδευτικής έρευ- νας [Educational Research Methodology] (Athens: Metaichmio, 2008), 281–282. 5 The circulars quoted by Golia establishing 28 October as a national day of celebration in the first year of the German occupation are very interesting. Golia, Υμνώντας το έθνος, 176. 6 On this subject, see the analysis given by Christina Koulouri in a 1995 speech given in Komotini entitled “Μύθοι και σύμβολα μιας εθνικής επετείου. Πανηγυρικός στον επίσημο εορτασμό της 25ης Μαρτίου” [Myths and sym- bols of a national celebration: Speech deliv- ered on the official commemoration of the March 25 celebration]. http://lesxianagno- siskor.blogspot.com/2009/12/blogspot_08. html (accessed 19 September 2012). 7 According to the education minister, Theod- oros Tourkovasilis, education “has come to a state of national and religious decay, because teachers did not dare to utter a patriotic word publicly on March 25, as they were immedi- ately placed in disfavour. And many, without being leftists, pretended to be, lest they be prosecuted. Nobody dared to oppose.” Golia, Υμνώντας το έθνος, 22. 8 As mentioned in George Kokkinos, Sophia Vouri, Panagiotis Gatsotis, Petros Trantas and Efstathios Stefos, Ιστορική κουλτούρα και συνείδηση. Απόψεις και στάσεις μαθητών και εκπαιδευτικών της Πρωτοβάθμιας Εκπαί- δευσης για την Ιστορία [Historical culture and

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