TORRE MAURA COMMUNITY-BASED FOOD SYSTEMS AND PUBLIC SPACE

NICHOLAS COWAN COLIN HANCOCK ISABEL LING AVERY RIESTER ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We would like to, first and foremost, thank the people of for taking the time to contribute to our neighborhood study research project. We would not have been able to gain any kind of true understanding of the neighborhood without their contributions in the form of interviews, con- versation and kindness.

We would also like to thank - The children and staff of Punto Luce who invited us into their space and gave us invaluable information on the com- munity, Viviana Andriola and Serena Muccitelli who served as guides and translators, and Thomas Campanella and Gregory Smith for their leader- ship and guidance. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 Abstract 2 Literature Review 3 Methodology 5 History 7 DEMOGRAPHICS 9 BUILT ENVIRONMENT 13 Building Typology 16 Street Typology 19 Transportation 22 Public Space 24 COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT 25 MARKET AND FOOD SYSTEMS 27 Piazza degli Alcioni 30 Customer Behavior and Shopping Habits 31 Market Systems and Trends 31 Public Space in the Food System 32 APPENDIX 36 INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

1 PHOTO: Avery Riester ABSTRACT TORRE MAURA INTRODUCTION the core of the neighborhood lies along a main arteri- Torre Maura: Community Enabling Within al street, people overlook obstacles to accessibility, and A Global Village are instead drawn toward the center where the local market serves as both an an informal gathering space as Torre Maura is the quintessential Roman peripheral neigh- well as an essential part of Torre Maura’s food system. borhood, characterized by its distance from the historic city center, market oriented food system, and urban village at- The focus of our studio this semester was to study the re- mosphere. Located approximately 10 kilometers from the lationships between migrants, markets, and public spaces historic center, the neighborhood is situated just west of the in our neighborhoods. Like and the rest of Italy, Torre ring road on the border of municipios VI and VII. Moreover, Maura is undergoing a demographic and structural shift as Torre Maura is a stop on the newly constructed metro , the population ages and as new immigrants arrive. Through a which provides residents with easy access to nearby neigh - combination of community interviews, surveys, and mapping borhoods. However, because the metro line does not yet activities we look to study and understand the importance of reach the city center, residents do not identify themselves as transportation networks and food systems that allow periph- citizens of Rome. Rather, they see themselves as Torre Mau- eral neighborhoods to exist and interact with one another. rans, effectively disassociating the neighborhood and taking pride in their own distinctive community. Indeed, Torre Mau- ra has many of the qualities of the neighborhoods within the municipality of Rome, but its history as a self-built settlement adjacent to agricultural land, and its connectivity with other peripheral neighborhoods give it a village- like atmosphere.

Since the neighborhood developed rapidly in the absence of a master plan, its fabric is especially dense and lacks adequate provision of public space. When walking the streets, it is immediately obvious that the neighborhood lacks consistent road and sidewalk maintenance, parking in areas of high density, and adequate accommodations for the aging population. One might expect that these bar- riers would prevent the elderly from frequenting the mar- ket and other informal public spaces. However, because Fig 1: Context Map

2 TORRE MAURA INTRODUCTION

LITERATURE REVIEW

Rome is a city that prides itself on both its market orient- ed food systems, and its diverse array of immigrants (Catini, 2014). When considering what makes for a good market, most of the literature puts food above all other criteria. The World Health Organization defines healthy food systems as those which, “protect against malnutrition in all its forms, as well as non-communicable diseases,” and the direct correlation be- tween food systems and neighborhoods, therefore, is a cru- cial one (WHO.org). If neighborhoods have good markets that make fresh produce easily accessible and affordable, they are generally accepted as healthy, well off places (Mary Gallagh- er Research and Consulting Group). Conversely, many sourc- es state that a lack of access to healthy fresh food due to dis- tance, price or simply what is on the shelves, makes for a less healthy community (CityLab). As a general rule, one of the few places within cities where populations come into contact with the people who actually make their food are markets (Proj- ect for Public Spaces). Whether large or small, Rome’s citizens have a wide array of market spaces to choose from, and the city is recognized for its fresh local produce, much of which comes from less than an hour or two from the city centre.

3 Fig 2 : Woman decorating for carnival Photo : Nick Cowan TORRE MAURA INTRODUCTION

There is a large impact on small farms and produce in Italy due to European Union regulations on ‘traditional’ forms of food production and over the various attempts to protect region- al, local and traditional foods, which often do quite the oppo - site. The European Union states on its webpage that it takes great care to ensure that its food standards, “do not force traditional foods off the market, stifle innovation, or impair quality”, yet the European Union regulations on food, many of which came about in 2000, do not give a good indication of just how Italian markets function. Rome’s markets are not, however, only food based. In fact, a most of Rome’s markets devote space designated for ‘dry goods,’ such as clothes, acces- sories, electronics, toys, and other various gifts and used items. Unfortunately, although Rome is an incredibly diverse city, the relationship between Italians and immigrants is nuanced and marred by xenophobia, politics, and racism. A large part of what makes this relationship so negative is the Fascist and nationalist culture and history associated with Italian politics. Naturally, with Rome being the capital city, the area is the cen- ter of much of the country’s political issues including the immi- grant question. As a result there is a mix of media responses on immigration, some being pro immigrant in an ever aging Italy, and some being fans of the ideals of honing back to an It- aly of yesteryear. The viewpoints of the immigrants themselves are largely silenced in this dialogue, especially in the local me- dia. When looking at the cold hard facts, however, census data shows us that Rome and Italy proper does, in fact, have a large percentage immigrants, though by no means the largest in Eu- rope. Torre Maura, our neighborhood, has about 14.4% of a foreign born population as of 2011, whereas the city as a whole has 8.6%, still a relatively high number especially for a nation- Photo : Nick Cowan Fig 3: Backyard Of Self-Built House 4 TORRE MAURA INTRODUCTION METHODOLOGY StatisticalStatistical Analysis Analysis We utilized two major datasets to conduct our demographic analyses: ISTAT’s 2001 and 2001 Rome census reports. Isolating the 34 census tracts within our neighborhood study area, we compared data between this ten year period and between Torre Maura and Rome as a whole to identify key shifts and distinctions in demographics, population density, educational attainment, labor force participation, and foreign-born populations. We then manipulated this extracted data in Excel and cleaned up our graphics in Adobe Illustrator in order to visualize our findings. Fig 4: Building Typology Survey Methodology However, after completing a comprehensive land use survey, we Building Typology Survey decided to differentiate between a primary and secondary focus The first step in our in-depth analysis of Torre Maura’s physi - area. We wished to establish a smaller focus point that was well cal environment was to decide on a study area boundary rep- representative of the topological/topographical boundaries of resentative of the typological and topographical structure of Torre Maura and from which we could extract more detailed and the neighborhood. Based on resident interviews and surveys meaningful data. From our analysis and discussions, we decid- of the neighborhood’s composition, we decided that our study ed to narrow our primary focus area down to the section of our area should be bounded by Via dei Ruderi di Casa Calda on the secondary area between Via delle Allodole and Via degli Storni. north, Via Walter Tobagi on the east, Via Pietro Belon on the west, and Via delle Rondini and Via dell’Aquila Reale on the south. This primary study area is the focal point of the community: In order to most efficiently survey all aspects of building ty- centered around the market and the key north-south commer- pology, the study area was then divided into four quadrants, cial artery of Via dei Colombi, it represents the economic heart which were then further divided into blocks. By hand draw- of the neighborhood. Within its bounds, the area contains nu - ing each of these blocks we were able to number each build - merous institutions and community resources and encompass- ing which we analyzed one-by-one in terms of building type es the principal community gathering spaces. Moreover, when (palazzo, palazzine, miscellaneous, detached), land use (res- community members were asked to draw Torre Maura in a map- idential, commercial, mixed use, institutional), number of ping exercise, this is the area they focused on. Finally, we believe stories, number of units (if applicable), number of vacancies, that this primary study area is a representative sample of Torre number of shops, types of shops, and maintenance level. All Maura as a whole both physically—with a good mixture of differ- this data was then compiled into Excel spreadsheets (see ap- ent street and building typologies—and demographically. Thus, pendix) and analyzed spatially using ArcGIS and AutoCAD. 5 from this point on, we narrowed our analysis to this new scope. TORRE MAURA INTRODUCTION Street Typology In order to survey and categorize street typologies in the neighborhood, we walked street by street and took notes on street hierarchy (arterial, primary, secondary, tertiary), presence of sidewalks, maintenance levels (good, fair, poor), and usage levels (cars and people). We also conducted three node analyses in which we sat at the intersections of ma- jor streets and recorded the number of vehicles and pedes- trians going in various directions at ten minute intervals.

Community Engagement Throughout our time surveying the neighborhood, we conducted numerous interviews with residents, com- Fig 5 : Primary and Secondary Study Area munity actors, shop owners, and market vendors in or- der to gather information on the strength of the market and food system in Torre Maura and overall opinions on the state of the neighborhood and how it can improve.

Moreover, in order to determine whether or not the land- marks and boundaries we deemed to be important aligned with those of community members, we completed a second cognitive mapping activity with the residents of Torre Maura. To overcome the language barrier we created a flyer explain - ing the purpose of our project and why it was important for us to get opinions from the public. We also translated the di- rections for creating a Lynch map into Italian so that it would seem simple and fast, but despite these efforts many of the people that we approached were unwilling to participate. However, despite the widespread hesitation, we were able to get a handful of residents to participate in our activity and provide us with useful information about the neighborhood.

Fig 6: Community Engagement Poster 6 TORRE MAURA INTRODUCTION The church has remained an important neighborhood land- mark and is host to a small school, sport courts, and gather- HISTORY ing spaces which have served the community for decades. Torre Maura is a dense working class neighborhood located at Located next to the Parrocchia San Giovanni Leonardi is the the intersection of Via Casilina, Via dell’Aquila Reale, and Via Wal- Circolo Bocciofilo Roma Est, a community recreation center ter Tobagi off of metro line C. The name Torre Maura originated with strong ties to its neighbor. The lack of public spaces in from a medieval tower (Torre Casa Calda) located on Via Casa the neighborhood has allowed these small recreational and Calda where remains were found after an excavation in the late community gathering spaces to become an important compo- 1980’s. The latter part of the name Torre Maura was attached nent of the urban fabric. However, while these formal commu- to the neighborhood landmark to pay tribute to a saint remem- nity gathering spaces exist, many people elect to spend their bered for her service to humanity across Italy and France (Santa time in bars and restaurants near the neighborhood market. Maura), but the name of the tower remained Torre Casa Calda. Prior to development, the peripheral neighborhood was filled with squats which were transformed into self built apartment buildings and homes as the neighborhood was established with the help of the catholic church. In 1936, a fascist era con- vent was opened at the intersection of Via dell’Aquila reale and via dell’Airone. The chapel served as an early resource and gathering space for low income families until the opening Par- rocchia San Giovanni Leonardi which became the primary com- munity center ultimately leading to the abandonment of the fascist era building in the early 1970’s. After years of abandon- ment, the community voted in 2003 to demolish the dilapidat - ed building which has since been forgotten by the community. In 1951, Tullio Rossi designed a stalwart church in the community named Parrocchia San Giovanni Leonardi. The parish was part of a new wave of churches set to be constructed by Cardinal Fran- cesco Marchetti within the greater Rome area to spread Catholi- cism in newly developing neighborhoods. Torre Maura was one of the peripheral neighborhoods experiencing an early wave of development and population growth, so it only seemed natural Fig 7: Photo from 1950s of Via Dei Colombi that a new church be erected to tie the community together. 7 TORRE MAURA INTRODUCTION TIMELINE History Of Torre Maura 1936-Present

2013: Rome Planning Dept. 1936: A Fascist era holds a participatory meeting to announce the start of the Torre conventF chapel is opened 1955: Appia Is opened Maura urban transformation on Via dell' Aquila Reale program

1951: Parrocchia San 1960 Market opens in 2015: Punto Luce Roma is Giovanni Leonardi is opened opened In Torre Maura Torre Maura and serves as a school and community center

Fig 8: Timeline of Torre Maura’s History 8 DEMOGRAPHICS

9 Photo : Nick Cowan OVERVIEW TORRE MAURA DEMOGRAPHICS A statistical analysis of Torre Maura reveals numerous insights into the socioeconomic circumstances of the neighborhood and its residents. Overall, we have found that most current demographic data—from the distri- bution of age brackets and family sizes to the itemiza- tion of the labor force—is very comparable to that of Rome as a whole. Considering that Rome’s peripheral areas command a much larger spatial and demograph- ic presence than the historical center, such comparable findings support our conjecture that Torre Maura rep- resents the archetypal peripheral neighborhood.

However, as is evident in the subsequent analysis, there are some key distinctions that differentiate our neighborhood and provide the foundation for our research. Namely, Torre Maura is a dense and gray- ing neighborhood that suffers from considerably high dropout rates, but which has also experienced a mas- Fig 10: Age Range Population Change 2001- 2011 sive influx of migrants. This data, although only part of the story, has been backed up by resident interviews and meetings with key community institutions. POPULATION Our selected study area of Torre Maura is made up of 34 cen- sus tracts within Municipio VI. As of 2011, 9,013 people lived within this 0.58 square kilometer area reflecting an exceed- ingly dense urban fabric with 15,540 people per square kilo- meter (as compared with 2,232 people / km² in Rome overall, 10,120 people / km² in Rome’s historic center, 2,272 people / km² in Municipio VI, and 6,590 people / km² in Municipio VII). Moreover, within Torre Maura itself, densities vary widely with some census tracts reaching densities as high as 40,000 peo- ple / km².

Fig 9 : Population Pyramid Sources for both graphs: ISTAT Census Data 2011 10 TORRE MAURA DEMOGRAPHICS

An analysis of the population over time shows that Torre Maura’s In contrast to lackluster educational attainment statistics, Torre population has dropped by 1.6% since 2001 (from 9,160 people). Maura has relatively favorable employment figures. Within Moreover, Torre Maura is aging rapidly with a large increase in the neighborhood, 3,949 individuals (52.1%) are actively part people over the age of 74 and a decrease—or very minimal in- of the labor force—3,686 (93.3%) of which are employed and crease—in younger age groups. This demographic shift—in con- 263 (6.7%) are unemployed but seeking work—all of which per- junction with the fact that Rome’s population as a whole has in- fectly mirror Rome’s statistics. As follows, Torre Maura’s labor creased slightly—highlights both the importance of catering to force participation rate is 43.81% and most of this active pop- this prominent age bracket as well as the urgency of addressing ulation is composed of men (56.9%), a detail which contra- how the neighborhood can become more attractive to youth. dicts the fact that most university graduates are women (58%). EDUCATION & EMPLOYMENT

Considering that ISTAT reports do not include any data about income levels, this information must be inferred from data on educational achievement and employment status. As compared to Rome as a whole, very few people in Torre Maura hold a university degree (only 798 people or 8.9% of the total popula - tion). Instead, the majority of residents either only hold a high school diploma or have never obtained a diploma or degree.

These low rates of educational attainment do not necessarily imply that the neighborhood has substandard educational insti- Fig 11 : Educational Attainment tutions—in fact, Rome is known for having an exceptional public school system—but rather this most likely points to a lack of sup- plementary resources and student motivation (a topic we dis- cussed in depth with the director of Punto Luce, an organization that provides after school programs to students). Nevertheless, although the percentage of university graduates is low, this sta- tistic is consistent with national figures and has increased slight- ly from 5% of total population in 2001 which suggests that the Sources for graphs: ISTAT Census Data 2011 neighborhood has been making steps towards improvement.

11 TORRE MAURA DEMOGRAPHICS MIGRANTS Finally, in accordance to the theme of this report, it’s important to glean a thorough understanding of migrants’ presence in the neighborhood. As of 2011, there were 1301 foreign-born peo- ple living in Torre Maura (14% of the total population), of which most came from other countries in Europe or from Asia, which is very representative of Rome as a whole. Of this migrant popu - lation, most are women (53.7%) and the vast majority are young to middle aged; very few migrants are over the age of 54. This last figure is especially important for the future of the neighbor - hood’s demographics: in light of Torre Maura’s low fertility rate and graying populace, this influx of younger foreign-born res- idents can be seen as a much needed balancing factor for the neighborhood’s increasingly unsustainable population pyramid.

Especially remarkable is the trend of this foreign-born influx: between 2001 and 2011, the total population of migrants resid- ing within Torre Maura increased 264%. We can also presume that this exponential growth has continued—if not been even more drastic—in recent years with the permanence of the refu- gee crisis. This transformation intensifies the obligation of the neighborhood to adapt to this new demographic and to expand resources assist migrants so that they may more easily find eco- nomic opportunities and ways to integrate into the community.

Finally, the accompanying infographic maps show the most promi- nent migrant group and the total migrant population in each census tract, respectively. Interestingly, the Asian population is highly con- centrated in a North-South axis central to the study area and, being that Asian migrants make up a large part of the total migrant popula- tion, this area also contains the most amount of migrants in general.

Sources for graphs: ISTAT Census Data 2011 Fig 12 : Migrant Infographic 12 BUILT ENVIRONMENT

13 Photo : Nick Cowan OVERVIEW TORRE MAURA BUILT ENVIRONMENT Our secondary study area in Torre Maura is composed of 687 buildings which encompass a total of 4252 households. The average building contains 6.7 residen- tial units which, on average, accommodate 2.3 peo- ple. In great contrast to Rome’s very diverse building stock, most of the buildings in Torre Maura were erect- ed between 1945 and 1970, a period of intense devel- opment on the Roman periphery, especially in areas east of the historic center where the government fo- cused planning initiatives in the 1960s (Agnew, 1995).

The majority of these buildings are two to five story self- built palazzine, although along arterial roads many build- ings can be characterized as professionally built palazzi. Figure 14 & 15: Building Age and Building Condition Moreover, of these households, 71.2 percent are owned, 20.3 percent are rented, and 8.5 percent are otherwise occupied. According to Borsino Immobiliare, a leading Cognitive Mapping real estate website, the average selling price of a typical In order to obtain a better spatial orientation of our neighbor - household in Torre Maura is €2,195 / sqm and the average hood, we followed Lynchian mapping techniques and diagramed rent is €8.22 / sqm / month (“Zone Casilino Maura Tower”). the locations in Torre Maura that were consistent with Lynch’s definitions for paths, nodes, landmarks, edges, and districts. In order to determine whether or not the landmarks and boundar- ies we deemed to be important aligned with those of communi- ty members we completed a second cognitive mapping activity with the residents. To overcome the language barrier we created a flyer explaining the purpose of our project and why it was im- portant for us to get opinions from the public. We also translat- ed the directions for creating a lynch map into Italian so that it would seem as simple and fast, but despite these efforts many of the people that we approached were unwilling to participate. Photo : Isabel Ling Figure 13: A Palazzo in Torre Maura 14 TORRE MAURA BUILT ENVIRONMENT

The most common feedback that we were given during this round of community engagement was that Torre Mau- ra is too large to draw using the lynch map technique. The people who were willing to attempt to draw the neighbor- hood focused on the main arteries of the neighborhood which lead to the market and other important landmarks. This helped us to see that although the neighborhood Photo : Isabel Ling is large many of the landmarks, nodes, and paths that community members are able to identify all lie close to Figure 10: Public Housing in Torre Maura one another which led us to our secondary focus area. BUILDING USE From our collected data we were able to catalogue building uses to visualize them in the accompanying land use map. From this map we can see that the vast majority of the neighborhood is comprised of residen- tial buildings (73.2% of total building stock). Mixed-use buildings are also very prevalent (21.7%) and are large- ly concentrated along major commercial arteries like Via dei Colombi, Via Casilina, Via delle Rondini, and Via dell’Aquila Reale. These buildings typically consist of both residential and commercial spaces with retail shops on the first floor and living units on all other floors. Commercial buildings make up a far smaller portion of the total building stock (2.9%) and can be found sporad- ically along Via Casilina, Via dei Colombi, and Via Walter Tobagi. Finally, the scattered institutional facilities (2.2%) include schools, churches, government buildings, and

Fig 16: Land Use Map 15 TORRE MAURA BUILT ENVIRONMENT BUILDING TYPOLOGY Torre Maura as a neighborhood grew out of previously agricul- tural land, remnants of which can still be seen on the periphery of our study area. As previously mentioned, in the mid-twen- tieth century, there was a surge in population in Torre Maura, which triggered a massive increase in building development. In order to save money, residents built their own homes typ- ically with the mindset that each floor would be designated for each generation so as to keep the entire family within the same building. We factored this history into our building ty- pology differentiating between the self-built and the formal- ly built. Thus, within Torre Maura we identified four distinctive building typologies: palazzina, palazzo, detached, and miscel- Photo :Isabel Ling laneous. These typologies are detailed below and the accom- Fig 18: Public Housing in Torre Maura panying map depicts the mixture of building types in our pri- mary study area, extruded to portray their relative heights.

Photo : Nick Cowan

Fig 19 : Mixed Use Residential Palazzine Fig 17 : Building Height 16 TORRE MAURA BUILT ENVIRONMENT

PALAZZINA PALAZZOPALAZZ0 Palazzine are typically two to five story freestanding self-built TheThe second second most most common common building typebuilding in Torre type Maura in (18.3%)Torre Maurais the archetypal (18.3%) Roman is houses. Early in Torre Maura’s development, these palazz- apartmentthe archetypal building. In Roman contrast with apartment pala- zzine, building. these buildings In contrastare formally with built and pala are- zzine, these buildings are formally built and are typically larger in ine were specifically constructed by the family around agricul- typically larger in size with more living units and floors. Moreover, this building type is size with more living units and floors. Moreover, this building type tural land. As seen in the map, palazzine make up the major- typically zoned for residential or mixed uses. As seen in the map, palazzi are more is typically zoned for residential or mixed uses. As seen in the map, ity of building types in the neighborhood (62.2%), especially concentrated in areas of high commercial and mixed uses, especially in the northwest of concentrated in the largely residential northeast and southeast. palazzi are more concentrated in areas of high commercial and themixed primary uses, study especially area. in the northwest of the primary study area.

DETACHED MISCELLAENEOUS Detached, single-unit buildings are more uncommon in Torre Mau- The last identified typology encompasses primarily one to two story ra’s physical typology (7.3%). Detached housing can take many forms commercial and institutional structures and makes up the remaining although those which we observed in our neighborhood tended to be 12.2% of the building stock. These buildings consist of retail complex- small one story houses or shacks meant to house one person/family. es, schools, churches, government buildings, and cultural centers. 17 TORRE MAURA BUILT ENVIRONMENT BUILDING MAINTENANCE According to ISTAT data, Torre Maura has fewer ‘excel- lent’ rated buildings than Rome as a whole, although the vast majority are in good condition (as seen in the accom- panying graph). To compare this data, we conducted our own subjective analysis of building conditions on the same scale—excellent, good, fair, and poor. The results fea- tured in the accompanying building conditions map find that, within our primary study area, 40% of total building stock is in excellent condition, 50.6% is in good condition, 7.8% is in fair condition, and 1.6% is in poor condition.

Based on our results, it is possible that a progressive renewal has occurred although, given that these are subjective evaluations, it is illogical to make conclusions on how our statistics compare to ISTAT other than to Fig 21: Street Types say that we have a more positive view of Torre Maura’s building stock. Nevertheless, it is important to note that the neighborhood’s self-built character has a big im- STREET HIERARCHY Torre Maura exists at the intersection of two major roadways: Via Casilina—which runs east from Station in the historic cen- ter out past the city boundaries and southeast to the town of Frosi- none—and E80—the ring road that encircles of all Rome. These transit arteries have disproportionately large trafficflows and noise levels and yet they are not representative of the archetypal Torre Maura street and, as we will discuss more in depth later, they do not affect accessibility between different parts of the neighborhood. The typical street in Torre Maura is narrow and lined with parked cars; which promote slower traffic flows.The accompanying map illustrates the mixture of street types within the neighborhood.

Fig 20 : Building Maintenance 18 TORRE MAURA BUILT ENVIRONMENT

ARTERIAL/PRIMARY STREETS

Within our street survey, we came across three main streets: Via Casilina, Via Walter Tobagi, and Via dei Co- lombi. However, based on usage levels by cars and/or pedestrians, we decided to further differentiate these streets between arterial roadways and primary streets.

An arterial road is a wide, heavily trafficked road which connects urban centers. Via Casalina and Via Walter Tobagi can be char- acterized as arteries as they are major thoroughfares for cars making their way from the historic center and other peripheral neighborhoods to the ring road and vice versa. The accompany- ing street cross-section of Via Casilina emphasizes the car-cen- tric nature of these streets with numerous lanes accommodat- ing through traffic, parked cars, sidewalks, and an abandoned tram line, totaling approximately 30 meters from end to end. Fig 22: Via Casilina A primary road, on the other hand, is a long neighborhood channel which supports a bustling pedestrian-oriented en- vironment. Via dei Colombi can be characterized as a pri- mary street as it is the commercial hub and principal pedes- trian thoroughfare in Torre Maura which runs north-south through the center of the neighborhood. This wide one- laned and one way street experiences moderate traffic flows and boasts the widest and best kept sidewalks in Torre Maura which run the full length of the street on both sides.

19 TORRE MAURA BUILT ENVIRONMENT

Fig 23: Via dell’Aquila Reale Fig. 24: Via delle Anitre

SECONDARY STREETS TERTIARY STREETS Torre Maura is predominantly made up of secondary Tertiary streets encompass all local and private roads in the streets which act as corridors between arterials and the in- neighborhood. The accompanying street cross-section terior blocks of the neighborhood. The accompanying street of Via delle Anitre illustrates the conventional structure and cross-section of Via dell’Aquila Reale highlights an exempla- key features of a typical tertiary street. Namely, they are nar- ry structure and key features of a secondary street. Namely, row, low volume, one-laned, and one way roads. Many are too they are medium-volume roads which consist of either one narrow to accommodate parked cars although those that are or two-lanes of traffic (one way or one in either direction, slightly wider are flanked by cars just like every other street. respectively) and are flanked by parked cars. As with most Moreover, some of these streets are private roads that are streets in Torre Maura, very rarely do you find street trees. used to access schools or private development complexes.

All images created via Streetmix 20 TORRE MAURA BUILT ENVIRONMENT NODE ANALYSIS We selected three nodes after performing a Lynchian analysis on Torre Maura in order to represent the different types of transportation and pedestrian flowsthat could be found in the neighborhood: the intersection of Via dei Colombi and Via Casalina, a connecting point between commercial and residential activity, the intersection of Via Casilina and Via Walter Tobagi, a major transportation hub situated by the Metro station and the ring road, and the intersection of Via dei Gab- bani and Via dei Colombi in order to show the flow between residential secondary roads and a main commercial artery. At each intersection we counted the number of vehicles and pedestrians for 10 minute intervals and averaged the trials.

Fig. 25: Via dei Colombi & Via Casilina Fig. 26: Via Casilina & Via Walter Tobagi

Conclusion After performing this node analysis we found that at the intersection of Via dei Colombi and Via Casilina on average had 34.5 cars/min passing through and 70 pedestrians walk across during the 10 minute interval while the intersection of Via Casilina & Walter Tobagi on average had 70.3 cars/min traveling and 14 pedestrians. This shows that while the metro stop adds another layer of transportation, the transportation hub still largely revolves around the automobile. 21 TORRE MAURA BUILT ENVIRONMENT TRANSPORTATION Torre Maura is served by 25 Metro bus stops along Via Wal- ter Tobagi, Via Casilina, Via Torre Maura, Via Casa Calda, Via Tucani and Via Colombi. The C9, N18, 556 and 313 bus- es all frequent the area. The Torre Maura stop on under- ground Metro Line C was opened in 2014 (thus replacing the now abandoned tram line that ran along Via Casilina), and is part of an expansion with the purpose of promoting the connectivity of peripheral suburbs. Currently, the Torre Maura and Torre Spaccata stops serve the area around the Photo : Nick Cowan Torre Maura neighborhood proper. It also serves as the neighborhood’s newest transportation hub, and comes as Fig. 28: On the Metro Line C a welcome addition to the bus lines. The stop has evolved into the main means of connectivity between the outlying communities along its line, and yet it is interesting that it is not connected to the center city directly, but rather stops at , just before the . Still, the line serves the communities outside the walls via contributions to their economies, and by providing essential connectivity to util- ity and shopping services. Currently the Metro Authority is constructing a connector between the Lodi station and the San Giovanni, wherein the C line would join the A line, which connects to Termini and from there all points forth.

Photo : Nick Cowan Fig. 29: Metro Map Fig. 27: Metro Line C 22 TORRE MAURA BUILT ENVIRONMENT SIDEWALK ASSESSMENT The accompanying map displays the locations in which sidewalks are present and where they are ab- sent. This clearly reveals that along most secondary and tertiary roads, there is a marked paucity of side- walks. This lack of sidewalks greatly affects the walk- ability of the neighborhood as it is far more danger- ous to walk on a narrow street flanked by parked cars which restricts the pedestrian to the center of the street and forces them to avoid constricted traffic flows.

Fig. 31: Sidewalk Maintenance in Primary Study Area SIDEWALK MAINTENANCE In accordance with the sidewalk assessment, we also doc- umented the upkeep (or lack thereof) of streets and side- walks. The accompanying map displays how well streets have been maintained on a ranking system from good to fair to poor. As shown in the accompanying photos, a good street was characterized by a clean and level sidewalk and well-paved roadway, a fair street was characterized by a messy but acceptable sidewalk and cracked roadway, and a poor street was characterized by a dilapidated and crum- bling sidewalk and a roadway filled with potholes. This survey reveals that most streets in our study area are fair- ly maintained. Interestingly, the most poorly maintained Fig. 30: Sidewalks in Primary Study Area roads included those with the highest volume traffic(Via Casilina and Via Walter Tobagi) and the best maintained road was Via dei Colombi which has the highest foot traffic. 23 TORRE MAURA BUILT ENVIRONMENT PUBLIC SPACES Older residents make use of bars and restaurants lo- The built environment in Torre Maura is extremely dense cated along the major arteries of the neighborhood and supports a large population, but despite public de- because they are easily accessible to all residents and mand there are very few public open spaces throughout are close to both the market and the supermarket. One the neighborhood that satisfy the wide range of needs group of women told us that they gather every morn- in the community. During community interviews, several ing at a local cafe and a group of men told us that adults reported that they are unsatisfied with existing pub- they do the same at a different cafe. Overall, Torre lic spaces and with the lack of leisure activities available Maura is severely lacking in the realm of public spac- in the neighborhood. Younger respondents expressed es and could benefit from projects such as the mixed interest in movie theatres, sport courts, public parks, and use park being proposed by the children involved in spaces where adults and children alike can gather freely. Sotto Sopra. If the density and age distribution in the neighborhood continue to shift, it will become increas- Indeed, the neighborhood lacks formal municipal pub - ingly essential to accommodate the aging population lic spaces, but it is home to an abundance of private- as well as the influx of younger immigrant families. ly-owned assembly spaces such as recreational areas, cafes, churches, and the market, all of which have served the basic needs of the community for generations. For example, since the early 1930’s churches have offered reliable educational spaces, parental support via day- care centers, and general spaces for community gath- ering and social interaction. Children reported that they enjoy using the church recreational facilities, but be- cause they are fenced off and locked at night they ar- en’t able to use them with great regularity. When asked where friends meet after school, the children we inter- viewed at Punto Luce reported that starting from middle school, kids begin to take the metro to nearby neighbor- hoods to hang out at McDonalds or the Centro Commer- ciale Casilino. However, if they had spaces to play and gather in the neighborhood they would opt to stay local. Fig. 32: Nodes and Public Space Map 24 COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT

25 Photo : Isabel Ling TORRE MAURA COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT PUNTO LUCE On one afternoon, we attended a meeting with a team of Finally, we met with a group of children who attended the af- mentors and students from Punto Luce, a Save the Children ter school program and expressed interest in transforming an facility located on the North end of Via Walter Tobagi on the old basketball court on the Punto Luce property into a func- East side of the neighborhood. The facilities were built in 2011 tional mixed use space. Punto Luce connected the children by the Municipality of Rome and were intended to be a li- with Sotto Sopra, a national organization which encourages brary and cinema for the residents of Torre Maura, but when youths to participate in community planning across Italy. The the funds did not come through, the facilities were repur- Torre Maura chapter of Sotto Sopra—led by a group of three posed and reclaimed by the ‘Save the Children’ organization. middle school children—has since joined forces with local leg- islators, and has come up with a comprehensive plan to trans- Punto Luce provides recreational activities and academ- form wasted public spaces into safe functional spaces by adding ic support for children between the ages of 6 and 16, as well street lights, railings, and ramps. The group is hoping to even- as family support services to anyone who expresses inter- tually find financial support so that they can turn their vision est, completely free of charge (they are funded by private into a reality so that the community can have access to the fa- donations from partnering companies). The majority of stu- cilities it deserves. Their focus on promoting more public spac- dents who come to Punto Luce are residents of Torre Mau- es in Torre Maura which are inclusive to all has certainly guid - ra, but an increasing number of travel from nearby neighbor - ed the analysis of our research and aligns well with our belief hoods via the newly constructed metro to use the facilities that the neighborhood needs to address the needs of youth if and educational resources. The educational assistance plac- it is to continue to foster a vibrant and inclusive community. es special emphasis on study skills and motivation in or- der to address the high dropout rates in the neighborhood.

Moreover, Punto Luce has become a stalwart institution for migrant integration. Approximately 50% of the stu- dents who attend the after school programs are first gen- eration migrants, largely from North African nations. In order to address the inadequate resources available for migrant integration Punto Luce provides child care for very young children and language programs for parents.

Fig 33: Sotto Sopra members presenting their model 26 MARKETS & FOOD SYSTEMS

27 Photo : Avery Riester OVERVIEW TORRE MAURA MARKETS & FOOD SYSTEMS Food and agriculture are an essential part of Italian soci- ety and through this lens we hoped to better understand the social networks and hierarchies that exist in Torre Maura. Within Torre Maura we studied both the Mer- cato di Piazza degli Alcioni and the larger food systems and networks of the neighborhood. In order to spatial- ize the food network we categorized and mapped all of the different food distributors along the Via Dei Colombi, a main commercial artery. In addition, we mapped the different market stalls in order to better understand the products the market provided and the need it filled in the neighborhood. The market was heavily incorporated in our community engagement efforts, and we interviewed market vendors and local patrons in order to understand how they use the market. In addition, our studio met with Armando Zelli, the General Secretary of Federazione Itali- ana Venditori Ambulanti, to learn more about the vendor populations and about how Mercato di Piazza degli Alcioni fits into the larger market system. We also met with Fran- cesco Panié of the activist organization Terra! in order to learn about the supply chains that feed into the market.

Photo : Nick Cowan Fig 35: Food Network Fig 34: Mercato di Piazza degli Alcioni 28 TORRE MAURA MARKETS & FOOD SYSTEMS

29 Fig 36: Market Stalls at Piazza degli Alcioni TORRE MAURA MARKETS & FOOD SYSTEMS PIAZZA DEGLI ALCIONI The local market in Torre Maura at Piazza degli Alcioni is not only a cornerstone of the food system in Torre Mau- ra but also an important social gathering space for the community. It is a daily market with stalls dedicated to dry goods, clothing, meat and cheese, and fresh produce, and is bordered by cafes, a supermarket, and other commercial spaces. This layering of uses creates the social importance that has helped this local market thrive. As a whole, local markets in Italy are struggling, facing tensions with the ris- ing popularity of shopping malls that not only have large supermarkets with facilities and products markets lack but which also mimic the socio-spatial structure of markets.

Within Torre Maura there exists this same tension, with many residents choosing to go to the Centro Commerciale Casilino to do grocery shopping and the youth gathering at the McDonalds in the shopping mall to socialize. However, according to Armando Zelli, the General Secretary of Fed- erazione Italiana Venditori Ambulanti (FIVA), 89% of Italians go to to a market at least once a week with 60% spending 20 euro a week or more. As a social space, the market serves as a commons, where people of all ethnic background and demographic interact, build relationships, and shop. Fig 37: Mercato di Piazza degli Alcioni The marketplace also serves as an economic point of en- try for many of the migrant population, with a diverse de- mographic of Bangladeshi, African, and Chinese vendors.

30 TORRE MAURA MARKETS & FOOD SYSTEMS CUSTOMER BEHAVIOR AND SHOPPING HABITS The market oriented food system in Torre Maura is an- chored by the variety of products and goods found in the stalls of ambulant vendors in Piazza degli Alcioni. Due to the size and success of the market despite the presence Fig 38: Market Interview Responses of competitive supermarkets, we were curious to discover what consumers prioritized when deciding where to shop MARKET SYSTEM AND TRENDS Shoppers who were more concerned about price than quality were sat- (price, quality, location). Community interviews revealed Shoppers who were more concerned about price than quality were sat- isfied with isfied with the selection in the market, but were willing to sacrifice what that consumer preferences were first and foremost based the selection in the market, but were willing to sacrifice what is perceived to be is perceived to be superior quality food for more reasonable prices. on price, but were also affected by quality and accessibility. superior quality food for more reasonable prices. Younger shoppers living near the Younger shoppers living near the market were overall the most sat- marketisfied were with overallthe consumer the most sat- vendor isfied withrelationship, the consumer selection, vendor relationship, and price of The geography of the neighborhood would suggest that shop- selection,food offered and pricein the of food stalls. offered These in the respondents stalls. These respondentsoften had childrenoften had in pers in the northern half of the neighborhood might prefer to childrenschool innearby school nearbyand were and werehappy happy with with the the convenience convenience ofof the the market market shop at supermarkets close to their homes, but many people despite its lack of parking. While price and quality remained import- reported that they are willing to travel one kilometer or more despite its lack of parking. While price and quality remained import- ant, these ant, these respondents reported that their relationships with the ven- in order to have access to quality goods despite the steeper respondents reported that their relationships with the ven- dors made the market and dors made the market and community feel more like a small village price. The exception to this trend is a group of elderly shop- community feel more like a small village than a neighborhood in a large city. They than a neighborhood in a large city. They also added that they wish pers who live far from the market and only make the trip for alsothe addedmarket that had they more wish the non-food market had vendors more non-food because vendors many because of the shopsmany of specialty items (wine, meat, fish). Thus, while many people thein theshops neighborhood in the neighborhood are loware lowquality quality and and sell sell outout ofof date date clothing. clothing. are satisfied with the quality of goods in the neighborhood, the distance and lack of parking near the market make super- Overall, the majority of respondents were satisfied with the qual- markets more attractive to shoppers who need easy access. ity of goods in the market, but make their consumer decisions Middle aged consumers often reported that they shop based on convenience and/or price before considering quality. In at both the market and at the supermarket depend- order to satisfy the changing tastes of residents, Torre Maura in- ing on the prices at each location, “I prefer to shop at troduced ambulant vendors on a rotation basis meaning that no the supermarket because I can buy everything I need singular vendor can occupy the same market more than two times at once, but because the quality in the market is high- per year. This creates a sense of curiosity in the market and mo- er I don’t mind buying produce there and everything else tivation for younger shoppers to take their business to local ven- in the supermarket if I have time to go to both” (Simona). dors who benefit from the increased foot traffic in the piazza. 31 PUBLIC SPACE IN THE FOOD TORRE MAURA MARKETS & FOOD SYSTEMS SYSTEM AsAs we we analyzed analyzed previously, previously, Torre MauraTorre hasMaura a notable has apaucity notable of formalized paucity Nevertheless, although cafes and markets may have become publicof formalized spaces. With public green spaces.spaces restricted With green to the spaces far reaches restricted of the to the popular stand-ins for more formalized public spaces, they have neighborhood—visiblyfar reaches of the underutilized,neighborhood—visibly poorly maintained, underutilized, and widely regarded poorly their own obstacles which may inhibit social gathering and cre- maintained, and widely regarded as inadequate—and an ev- ate more problems than solutions. For example, in order to as inadequate—and an ev- ident lack of publicly-owned spaces like libraries, ident lack of publicly-owned spaces like libraries, community utilize the seating of a cafe to socialize, it is usually expected communitycenters, centers,and piazzas, and piazzas, residents residents have have been been forced forced to to adaptadapt and and that you would purchase something. Moreover, we learned makemake better better use of use semi-public of semi-public spaces, like spaces, cafes, street like cor-cafes, ners, street cor- from market vendors that Piazza degli Alcioni has been a diffi- recreationalners, recreational centers, churches, centers, and churches, of course andthe market. of course the market. cult place to do business. Namely, the piazza is actually just a parking lot and intersection where vendors set up temporary According to Mike Francis and Lucas Griffith in their journal ar- stalls each morning. This inhibits traffic flow and some ven- ticle on The Meaning and Design of Farmers’ Markets as Public dors believe that the market should be located somewhere Space, “markets today...reflect a demand and appetite for new else where it may draw in more people—a crucial factor for types of civic space. They offer opportunities for social interac- the success of the market in a time when business is dying and tions that are less prevalent in contemporary public space and vendors are simply competing on price to survive—such as the bring a diversity of people together in public space” (2011). As plaza outside the Metro Station which is visibly underutilized. we have mentioned, Piazza degli Alcioni Market is a space large- ly utilized by migrants who are selling goods, shopping, and/or simply trying to better integrate into the community and cus- tomers of the market explained that although it may be high - er priced and more of an inconvenience than simply going to a supermarket or shopping mall, they enjoyed the social inter- actions that the market fostered and especially the trust they built over time with vendors. Something similar can be said for cafes—especially those near the market like Il Forno and Star- dust—where we frequently see older residents enjoying a morn- ing espresso or simple lunch while sitting outside people watch- ing and talking with their friends. One resident named Antonio even bought us coffee and sat us down at a cafe to discuss the history of Torre Maura and his opinions on the neighborhood. Fig 39: Public Space Outside Metro 32 TORRE MAURA MARKETS & FOOD SYSTEMS LOOKING AHEAD Similar Similar to the to municipality the municipality of Rome, of Torre Rome, Maura Torre can expectMaura to can see expectchanges to in Still, the future is not completely certain for Torre Maura and thesee way changes that residents in the interact way thatwith the residents urban en- interact vironment with as public the urban en- certainly not the market at Piazza degli Alcioni, due to several vironment as public transportation connects peripheral neigh - administrative issues and social trends. On a grassroots lev- transportation connects peripheral neigh- borhoods. The recent construction of borhoods. The recent construction of Metro Line C connects el, there has been an effort on behalf of the permanent ven- Metroperipheral Line C connects neighborhoods peripheral neighborhoodsallowing residents allowing to residents take advantage to take dors to move the market to a more formalized space, possibly advantageof resources of resources and facilities and facilities nearby. nearby. Upon Upon completion, completion, Line Line C willC will near the new metro stop. Currently an underutilized public extendextend Northwest Northwest past the past Colosseum, the Colosseum, Piazza Venezia, Piazza Largo Venezia, Argentina Largo and space, many vendors see the transportation hub as a way to theArgentina Vatican. Although and the the introductionVatican. Although of the line has the encouraged introduction economic of the anchor the market and bring in untapped customer demo- activityline hasbetween encouraged the peripheral economic neighborhoods, activity Torre between Maura the is still peripheral isolated graphics. However, due to issues with both municipal and lo- neighborhoods, Torre Maura is still isolated from the historic cal governance, no action has been taken. Although the market from the historic center of Rome. With the connection, it is expected that there center of Rome. With the connection, it is expected that there is a local landmark and node, it is also located in a function- willwill be anbe increasean increase in economic in economic opportunities opportunities and a reshaping and ofa reshapinglocal identity ing parking lot and thoroughfare, creating automobile traf- forof people local who identity currently for reside people in Torrewho Maura.currently reside in Torre Maura. fic. While the market’s current location in Piazza degli Alcioni has helped shape both the identity and built environment of Like other peripheral neighborhoods, much of the young- Torre Maura, in order for the market to have a sustainable fu- er generations are looking beyond Torre Maura for educa- ture it is important to either envision the market in a different tional, employment, and social opportunities. This has re- space or to make the current space more pedestrian-friendly. sulted in an aging population that is inhibited by the physical accessibility of the built environment, but due to the lack of public spaces the elderly choose to gather in the market. Shopping preferences are often influenced by walkability, parking, and product availability which affect customers de- cision to prioritize convenience and affordability over quality.

The ever rising popularity and convenience of large ‘big-box’ super markets and shopping malls like the Centro Commer- ciale Casilino is also jeopardizing the future of markets across the city. Though market vendors were trusted in the past, and many still are by some of the neighborhood’s older citizens, the fact that many of the stalls in the market rotate every few weeks, compared to the large corporate grocery stores’ con- 33 sistency in products, location and staff gives them appeal. Fig 40: Photo memories of a 70-year resident of Torre Maura BIBLIOGRAPHY Agnew, John (1995) Rome, Chichester: John Wiley & Sons

Busby, Mattha. “‘I Love Rome, but Rome Doesn’t Love Us’: the City’s New Migrant Crisis.”The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 19 Feb. 2018, www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/feb/19/rome-italy-migrant-crisis-squatting-emergency-shel- ters-asylum-seekers.

“Illuminiamo Il Futuro - La Povertà Educativa.” Save the Children Italia, 12 Apr. 2017, www.savethechildren.it/cosa-faccia- mo/campagne/illuminiamo-il-futuro/povertà-educativa.

“Italy’s Resident Foreign Population Ascolta.” Italy’s Resident Foreign Population, 30 Nov. 2012, www.istat.it/en/ar- chive/40658.

Lynch, Kevin. The Image of the City. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Technology Press and Harvard University Press, 1960.

Marinaro, Isabella Clough., and Bjørn Thomassen. Global Rome: Changing Faces of the Eternal City. Indiana University Press, 2014.

Parish Staff. “Parish of San Giovanni Leonardi.” Parrocchia San Giovanni Leonardi, 2017, www.sangiovannileonardi.com/ storia-della-parrocchia/.

Popolazione residente e abitazioni nei grandi comuni italiani. Rome. 14° Censimento generale della popolazione e delle abitazioni. 2001. Roma: ISTAT

Riester, Avery E, and Simona. “Torre Maura Market Interview.” 10 Apr. 2018.

Stefano Vannozzi, “Racconta La Sua Torre Maura,” Abitare A Roma, 9 June 2007, Parrocchia S. Giovanni Leonardi, Tipolito- grafia Sabry snc, Roma, maggio 2001, pp. 27–29.

Struttura demografica della popolazione: Dati definitivi. Rome. 15° Censimento generale della popolazione e delle abitazioni. 2011. Roma: ISTAT “The Roman Palazzina.” Housing Prototypes, housingprototypes.org/project?File_No=ITA029. 34 FiguresFIGURES FigureFigure 1: Cowan, 1: Cowan,Nicholas. “Context Nicholas. Map.” Map. “ContextMay 3, 2018. Map.” Map. May 3, 2018. Figure 2: Cowan, Nicholas. “Woman decorating for Carnival.” Photo. February 7, 2018. Figure 3: Cowan, Nicholas. “Backyard of a Self-Built House.” Photo. February 7, 2018. Figure 4: Cowan, Nicholas. “Building Typology Survey Methodology.” Digital Image. March 1, 2018. Figure 5: Cowan, Nicholas. “Primary and Secondary Study Area.” Digital Image. March 22, 2018. Figure 6: Ling, Isabel. “Community Engagement Poster.” Digital Image. April 12, 2018. Figure 7: Unknown. “Photo from 1950s of Via dei Colombi.” Photo. Figure 8: Riester, Avery. “Timeline of Torre Maura’s History.” Digital Image. April 26, 2018. Figure 9: Cowan, Nicholas. “Population Pyramid.” Digital Image. March 1, 2018. Figure 10: Cowan, Nicholas. “Age Range Population Change (2001-2011).” Digital Image. March 1, 2018. Figure 11: Cowan, Nicholas. “Educational Attainment.” Digital Image. March 1, 2018. Figure 12: Cowan, Nicholas. “Migrant Infographic.” Digital Image. March 1, 2018. Figure 13: Ling, Isabel. “A Palazzo in Torre Maura.” Photo. February 7, 2018. Figure 14: Cowan, Nicholas. “Building Age.” Digital Image. March 1, 2018. Figure 15: Cowan, Nicholas. “Building Condition.” Digital Image. March 1, 2018. Figure 16: Cowan, Nicholas. “Land Use Map.” Map. March 22, 2018. Figure 17: Cowan, Nicholas. “Building Height.” Digital Image. March 29, 2018. Figure 18: Cowan, Nicholas. “Public Housing in Torre Maura.” Photo. February 7, 2018. Figure 19: Cowan, Nicholas. “Mixed Use Residential Palazzine.” Photo. February 7, 2018. Figure 20: Cowan, Nicholas. “Building Maintenance.” Digital Image. March 8, 2018. Figure 21: Cowan, Nicholas. “Street Types.” Map. April 5, 2018. Figure 22: Cowan, Nicholas, and Streetmix. “Via Casilina.” Digital Image. March 22, 2018. Figure 23: Cowan, Nicholas, and Streetmix. “Via dell’Aquila Reale.” Digital Image. March 22, 2018. Figure 24: Cowan, Nicholas, and Streetmix. “Via delle Anitre.” Digital Image. March 22, 2018. Figure 25: Ling, Isabel. “Via dei Colombi & Via Casilina.” Digital Image. March 29, 2018. Figure 26: Ling, Isabel. “Via Casilina & Via Walter Tobagi.” Digital Image. March 29, 2018. Figure 27: Cowan, Nicholas. “Metro Line C.” Photo. February 7, 2018. Figure 28: Cowan, Nicholas. “On the Metro Line C.” Photo. February 7, 2018. Figure 29: Mapa-Metro.com “Metro Map.” Digital Image. Figure 30: Cowan, Nicholas. “Sidewalks in Primary Study Area.” Digital Image. March 22, 2018. Figure 31: Cowan, Nicholas. “Sidewalk Maintenance in Primary Study Area.” Digital Image. March 22, 2018. Figure 32: Cowan, Nicholas. “Nodes and Public Space Map.” Map. April 26, 2018. Figure 33: Ling, Isabel. “Sotto Sopra members presenting their model.” Photo. March 22, 2018. Figure 34: Cowan, Nicholas. “Mercato di Piazza degli Alcioni.” Photo. February 7, 2018. Figure 35: Ling, Isabel, and Nicholas Cowan. “Food Network.” Map. April 12, 2018. Figure 36: Ling, Isabel. “Market Stalls at Piazza degli Alcioni.” Map. April 12, 2018. Figure 37: Ling, Isabel. “Mercato di Piazza degli Alcioni.” Photo. February 7, 2018. Figure 38: Riester, Avery. “Market Interview Responses.” Digital Image. March 29, 2018. Figure 39: Cowan, Nicholas. “Public Space Outside Metro.” Photo. February 7, 2018. Figure 40: Ling, Isabel. “Photo memories of a 70-year resident of Torre Maura.” Photo. April 23, 2018. 35 APPENDIX

36 STATISTICAL TABLE S1

Sample Building Typology Survey Results

Section Zone Building Num. Building Type Use Type Num. Num. Unit Vacancies Num. Shop Types (if applicable) Shop Maintenance Level Stories Units Shops Vacancies Palazzina 12 Tattoo Parlor, Unipol Bank, Driving 4 2 1 Mixed 6 0 3 School 0 A 4 2 2 Palazzina Residential 5 12 0 0 N/A 0 A 4 2 3 Palazzina Residential 5 12 2 0 N/A 0 A 4 2 4 Palazzina Mixed 5 8 0 3 Hair Salon, Pet Shop 1 B 4 2 5 Palazzina Residential 5 12 0 0 N/A 0 B 4 2 6 Palazzina Residential 5 12 0 0 N/A 0 B 4 2 7 Palazzo Commercial 2 0 0 1 Pizzeria 0 B 4 2 8 Palazzina Residential 2 6 0 0 N/A 0 B 4 2 9 Palazzina Mixed 5 14 0 4 Bar, Barber 2 B 4 2 10 Palazzina Residential 5 12 0 0 N/A 0 B Palazzo Commercial Tabacchi, Pizzeria, Persian Grill, Nail 4 2 11 1 0 0 4 Salon 0 B 4 3 1 Detached Residential 1 1 0 0 n/a 0 C 4 3 2 Vendor Commercial 1 0 0 1 Market Vendor 0 B 4 3 3 Vendor Commercial 1 0 0 1 Market Vendor 0 B 4 3 4 Detached Industrial 1 0 0 0 N/A 0 D 4 3 5 School Institutional 3 0 0 0 Elementary School 0 B 4 3 6 Palazzina Residential 2 2 1 0 N/A 0 B 4 3 7 Palazzina Residential 3 4 0 0 N/A 0 B 4 3 8 Detached Residential 1 1 0 0 N/A 0 D 4 3 9 Shack Residential 1 1 0 0 N/A 0 D 37 STATISTICAL TABLE S2 Resident Interview Results

Respondent Distance Num. visits Goods Quality Satisfied/ Male/ Age from Market per week Purchased or Price Dissatisfied Female Notes Simona .5 KM Vegetables Quality Satisfied Female 41 "I live right next to Via Dei Colombi. So, when I see the fish truck pass by my house on Tuesdays and Thursdays I know I can get fresh fish. The 7 supermarket in Torre Maura is definitely the most convenient, but vegetables and produce are lower quality. The goods in the markets come from local producers on the East side of Rome, so you can't get things in the market that are out of season.” Giacomo 100 Meters Fruits, Both content Male 45 "I spend a lot of time at the market because it is so close to my house and 7+ vegetables, all of my friends are around. When I need groceries I get them before I go home so that I can have fresh food every day. If I need to save money I go and meat to EuroSpin because the quality and price are both good. The market

4-5 Visits/Year needs a bigger location, but I don't know where it would go." Mother & baby 8 KM Clothes Price Satisfied Female 31 "I don't live in Torre Maura but I come here a few times a year to buy clothes and other things that I can't get in my market” Luigina Wine & eggs Both Dissatisfied Female 79 “I want to move to Thailand because people are very educated and they 1 KM smile a lot there. In Torre Maura we only have old people. The only reason 2 I come to the market is to buy wine from my friend and to buy eggs” Ernesto Fruit & Both Dissatisfied Male 55 "I like to buy fruits and vegetables in the market and then go to the 1 KM Vegetables supermarket to buy everything else. The quality is really good, but the 2 prices are high in the stalls. I normally come to the market and then stop by the bar because there is nothing else to do. If I could change the market I would want it to have better prices and more choices. Some stalls with sweets and pasta would be nice. " Carmen Fruit & Both Dissatisfied Female 66 " I don't have any hope for the future of the market. It will always be the 1 KM Vegetables same. I am happy with the quality and availability in the market, and I like 3 the walk because I get to exercise a bit and buy things for my dog at Conad" Valentina 1.5 KM Fruit & Price Dissatisfied Female 61 "I have a husband with alzheimer’s so I can't go to the market unless I have 3 Vegetables a lot of time and I'm in a good mood, but I like the quality." 38 STATISTICAL TABLE S2 (CONT.) Respondent Distance Num. visits Goods Quality or Satisfied/dissatisfied male/female age from market per week purchased price Notes Gabriella & Marco Fruit & Vegetable Quality Satisfied Male "Stalls in the center of the market are not always the same, so it is nice to have some variety. Without Conad next to 1 KM 40 the market you would have to go very far to find a supermarket. My kids go to school at Via Torre Maura nearby so and it's nice to have a place to stop on our way home. I think they need to remove or replace some of the stalls because 3 Female they are falling apart.

3 old ladies 1.5 KM Fruit & Price Dissatisfied Female 89 "We shop in the market whenever we need something but it's not 2-3 Vegetables everyday. We meet at Forno for a cappuccino every morning because we like having a place to sit and talk. Roberta Fruit & Both Satisfied Female 73 "I have lived here since I was 13 years old and now I'm 73. When my family 100m Vegetables moved here Via Casalina was not yet developed. I shop at the market and at 7 Conad, but before I started having knee problems I would come down to the market every day. Now I shop for convenience so that I don't have to come as often. The only thing that I dislike about the market is that its next to my house. Sometimes you don't want to run into so many people" Loradana Price Dissatisfied Female 41 "Sometimes I will buy fruit in the market, but I mostly walk in this direction so 1 KM Fruit that I can walk my dog or get pizza. Going to the supermarket is much better 1 because I can park my car and get everything I need at once. I don't like the Chinese shops because you don't get a receipt and it doesn't seem right"

Partick .75 KM Clothes Price Satisfied Male 17 "My parents mainly come to the market, but sometimes I will get 2 socks and shirts at the market. The only time I go into the Chinese stores is when I need to buy poop bags for my dog" Yolanda .5 KM Fruit & Quality Dissatisfied Female 63 “The quality of products in the neighborhood has improved. Conad Vegetables is getting cheaper, but I trust them more than the market for fish. 3 The market is too small now because some of the vendors have retired, so I go to the supermarket because it has choice." 39 LYNCH MAPS

40 BUILDING TYPOLOGY METHODOLOGY

41