Reckoning with Mass Criminalization and Mass Incarceration
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Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10
MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism. -
Imagining the Progressive Prosecutor
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 2021 Imagining the Progressive Prosecutor Benjamin Levin Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Levin, Benjamin, "Imagining the Progressive Prosecutor" (2021). Minnesota Law Review. 3206. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/3206 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Essay Imagining the Progressive Prosecutor Benjamin Levin† INTRODUCTION In the lead-up to the 2020 Democratic presidential primary, Sen- ator Kamala Harris’s prosecutorial record became a major source of contention.1 Harris—the former San Francisco District Attorney and California Attorney General—received significant support and media attention that characterized her as a “progressive prosecutor.”2 In a moment of increasing public enthusiasm for criminal justice reform, Harris’s rise was frequently framed in terms of her support for a more †Associate Professor, University of Colorado Law School. For helpful comments and conversations, many thanks to Jeff Bellin, Rabea Benhalim, Jenny Braun, Dan Far- bman, Kristelia García, Leigh Goodmark, Aya Gruber, Carissa Byrne Hessick, Sharon Jacobs, Margot Kaminski, Craig Konnoth, Kate Levine, Eric Miller, Justin Murray, Will Ortman, Joan Segal, Scott Skinner-Thompson, Sloan Speck, and Ahmed White. Thanks, as well, to the students in my Advanced Criminal Justice Seminar at Colorado Law School whose deep ambivalence about progressive prosecution helped inspire this Es- say. -
Do Black and White Americans Hold Different Views on Marijuana Legalization? Analyzing the Impact of “The War on Drugs” on R
Butler Journal of Undergraduate Research Volume 4 2018 Do Black and White Americans Hold Different Views on Marijuana Legalization? Analyzing the Impact of “The War on Drugs” on Racialized Perceptions of Legalizing Marijuana Benjamin S. Kaminoff Tufts University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/bjur Part of the American Politics Commons, Race and Ethnicity Commons, Social Control, Law, Crime, and Deviance Commons, and the Social Welfare Commons Recommended Citation Kaminoff, Benjamin S. (2018) "Do Black and White Americans Hold Different Views on Marijuana Legalization? Analyzing the Impact of “The War on Drugs” on Racialized Perceptions of Legalizing Marijuana," Butler Journal of Undergraduate Research: Vol. 4 , Article 8. Retrieved from: https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/bjur/vol4/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Scholarship at Digital Commons @ Butler University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Butler Journal of Undergraduate Research by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Butler University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Do Black and White Americans Hold Different Views on Marijuana Legalization? Analyzing the Impact of “The War on Drugs” on Racialized Perceptions of Legalizing Marijuana Cover Page Footnote I would like to express my deep gratitude and appreciation to Dr. Natalie Masuoka for her expertise, guidance, and encouragement while conducting this research study and throughout my undergraduate career at Tufts. This article is available in Butler Journal of Undergraduate Research: https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/bjur/vol4/ iss1/8 BUTLER JOURNAL OF UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH, VOLUME 4 DO BLACK AND WHITE AMERICANS HOLD DIFFERENT VIEWS ON MARIJUANA LEGALIZATION? ANALYZING THE IMPACT OF “THE WAR ON DRUGS” ON RACIALIZED PERCEPTIONS OF LEGALIZING MARIJUANA BENJAMIN S. -
© 2020 Media Education Foundation | Mediaed.Org 1 the MAN CARD: WHITE MALE IDENTITY POLITICS from NIXON to TRUMP [TRANSCRIPT] W
THE MAN CARD: WHITE MALE IDENTITY POLITICS FROM NIXON TO TRUMP [TRANSCRIPT] WOLF BLITZER: Right now, a historic moment. We can now project the winner of the presidential race. CNN projects Donald Trump wins the presidency. JOE SCARBOROUGH: This was an earthquake unlike any earthquake I've really seen since Ronald Reagan in 1980. It just came out of nowhere. DONALD TRUMP: It's been what they call a historic event. NARRATOR: In 2016, Donald Trump pulled off one of the greatest upsets in American political history, defying both polls and pundits. JOHN ROBERTS: So help me, God. DONALD TRUMP: So help me, God. NARRATOR: Two explanations for his shocking victory dominated media coverage. One was economic and class anxiety. JAKE TAPPER: The Clinton campaign could see white working class voters going to Trump in places like Iowa and Ohio. NARRATOR: The other was racial and cultural anxiety. VAN JONES: This was a white-lash against a changing country. BAKARI SELLERS: We try to find these voters who are economic anxiety voters, but that is not what it is, Wolf. What it is is it's cultural anxiety. NARRATOR: While both explanations were legitimate, they only told part of the story. Yes, Trump won the white vote by a large margin. But a closer look inside the numbers revealed that it was white men in particular, who were most responsible for Trump's success. Trump not only won big with college educated and upper class white men. He won with a record setting margin with white working class men as well. -
Downloads/Pubs/Faculty/Wolch 2007 Report-Card-Policing-Homelessness.Pdf
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Under Siege: Black Women, the Choreography of Law, and the Public Carceral Sphere Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1244f7q6 Author Simpkins, Antwann M. Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Under Siege: Black Women, the Choreography of Law, and the Public Carceral Sphere A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in African American Studies by Antwann M. Simpkins 2016 © Copyright by Antwann M. Simpkins 2016 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS Under Siege: Black Women, the Choreography of Law, and the Public Carceral Sphere By Antwann M. Simpkins Master of Arts in African American Studies University of California, Los Angeles, 2016 Professor Sarah Haley, Chair This project endeavors to make an intervention in the discourse of carceral analysis by unapologetically placing the experiences of Black women at center while moving beyond the concrete and barbed wire walls of State and Federal prison facilities to explore the ways in which the public sphere is transformed into a carceral space. Approaching incarceration in this way illuminates areas that are not often considered when imprisonment is the subject matter at hand. Gendering the phenomenon of incarceration also permits carcerality to be conceptualized in alternative and various geographical spaces and locations, as opposed to being limited to static -
Or, the Unbearable Lightness of Perversity Arguments)
No Reason To Blame Liberals (Or, The Unbearable Lightness of Perversity Arguments) By MARGO SCHLANGER Review of The First Civil Right: How Liberals Built Prison America, by Naomi Murakawa Oxford University Press, 2014 Ours is an unprecedented era of mass incarceration. A familiar graph shows how prison and jail populations have increased over time: U.S. prison and jail population, 1970-2013 In addition to the current extraordinary number of people behind American bars, the other key feature of our current carceral state is the very high concentration of non-whites in that population. That concentration of non-whites has grown significantly since the 1960s, when whites constituted nearly two-thirds of American prison population; today, they are only a bit over one-third. Since 72% of Americans are white, the distinction in terms of incarceration rate is far more stark: among white men, the current imprisonment rate (counting only sentenced prisoners) is 4.7/1000; among Latino men it is two-and-a-half times that (11.3/1000); and among black men, it is six times as high as for white men (28/1000). Naomi Murakawa, a political scientist and associate professor of African American Studies at Princeton, has written an interesting book that blames both features on American liberals—in particular Harry Truman, Ted Kennedy, and Bill Clinton (and Lyndon Johnson and Joe Biden)— and American liberalism. In The First Civil Right: How Liberals Built Prison American, Murakawa takes as her target a conventional wisdom that explains the rise of mass incarceration as a victory of Republican law-and-order over Democratic civil rights. -
Introduction
INTRODUCTION The deaths of Michael Brown and Eric Garner, two unarmed Afri- can American men killed by white police officers in the summer of 2014, and the subsequent nonindictments of the officers who killed them, have ignited a firestorm of responses, many engaging with and critiquing the law of policing.1 On August 9, 2014, Officer Darren Wilson shot Michael Brown, an eighteen-year-old resident of Ferguson, Missouri, at least six times, resulting in Brown’s death.2 In the imme- diate aftermath, protests, and then riots, swept the streets of Fergu- son3 — resulting in confrontations with the local police that in turn precipitated public debates on police militarization,4 as well as ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 1 Defining what constitutes “the law of policing” is more challenging than it may seem. Cf. Seth W. Stoughton, The Incidental Regulation of Policing, 98 MINN. L. REV. 2179, 2180–81 (2014) (“A small but growing cadre of scholars have begun [to recognize] . that ‘the law of the police’ is broader than conventional accounts acknowledge.”). For the purposes of these Chap- ters, the following suffices: there are legal frameworks and adjudicatory systems in place that col- lectively enable or limit an officer’s discretion to initiate interactions with citizens and that define how she, and the citizens with whom she interacts, can and must act. Such a definition, if imper- fect, is sufficient to unify the following Chapters around a singular explicative project. 2 Larry Buchanan et al., What Happened in Ferguson?, N.Y. TIMES (Nov. 25, 2014), h t t p : / / w w w . n y t i m e s . -
Are We Still Cheap on Crime? Austerity, Punitivism, and Common Sense in the Trump/Sessions/Barr Era
Hastings Journal of Crime and Punishment Volume 1 Number 1 Winter 2020 Article 3 Winter 2020 Are We Still Cheap on Crime? Austerity, Punitivism, and Common Sense in the Trump/Sessions/Barr Era Hadar Aviram Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_journal_crime_punishment Part of the Criminal Law Commons, and the Criminal Procedure Commons Recommended Citation Hadar Aviram, Are We Still Cheap on Crime? Austerity, Punitivism, and Common Sense in the Trump/ Sessions/Barr Era, 1 HASTINGS BUS L.J. 3 (2020). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_journal_crime_punishment/vol1/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Journal of Crime and Punishment by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 2 - Aviram_HJCP1-1.docx 12/5/2019 11:34 AM Are We Still Cheap on Crime? Austerity, Punitivism, and Common Sense in the Trump/Sessions/Barr Era HADAR AVIRAM* Abstract Literature on “late mass incarceration” observed a contraction of the carceral state, with varying opinions as to its causes and varying degrees of optimism about its potential. But even optimistic commentators were taken aback by the Trump-Sessions administration’s criminal justice rhetoric. This paper maps out the extent to which federal, state, and local actions in the age of Trump have reversed the promising trends to shrink the criminal justice apparatus, focusing on federal legislation, continued state and local reform, and the role of criminal justice in 2020 presidential campaigns. -
“Tough and Smart” the RESILIENCE of the WAR on DRUGS DURING the OBAMA ADMINISTRATION Matthew D
11 THE RESILIENCE OF THE WAR ON DRUGS “Tough and Smart” THE RESILIENCE OF THE WAR ON DRUGS DURING THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION Matthew D. Lassiter In July 2015, President Barack Obama toured the El Reno Federal Correc- tional Institution in Oklahoma and met with a multiracial group of six in- mates, all serving lengthy sentences for drug offenses committed in their youth. The encounter, filmed for an HBO documentary calledFixing the System, represented the first time a current U.S. president had visited a fed- eral prison. Obama identified the differing punishment for nonviolent drug cases as the primary evidence of racial bias against African Americans and Latinos in the criminal justice system, from arrest rates to prosecutorial discretion to sentencing outcomes. After exiting the cell block, the presi- dent told the assembled media that “a primary driver of this mass incarcera- tion phenomenon is our drug laws—our mandatory minimum sentencing around drug laws. And we have to consider whether this is the smartest way for us to both control crime and rehabilitate individuals.” Obama empha- sized the $80 billion annual cost to taxpayers of maintaining the world’s largest prison system and noted the bipartisan opening for criminal justice reform in Washington and in many state capitals. He then specifically dis- S tinguished “dangerous individuals who need to be incapacitated” from non- S violent drug criminals, “particularly young people of color,” who should be L L 162 Zelizer.indb 162 11/1/2017 8:47:08 AM T HE RESILIENCE OF THE War ON DruGS 163 diverted into treatment programs and provided with education and job training. -
The War on Drugs in Contrast to the War on Big Pharma
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2019 The aW r on Drugs in Contrast to the War on Big Pharma: Contextualizing Shifts in Drug Policy During the Opioid Crisis Alexandra Carter Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Carter, Alexandra, "The aW r on Drugs in Contrast to the War on Big Pharma: Contextualizing Shifts in Drug Policy During the Opioid Crisis" (2019). CMC Senior Theses. 2263. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2263 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Claremont McKenna College The War on Drugs in Contrast to the War on Big Pharma: Contextualizing Shifts in Drug Policy During the Opioid Crisis Submitted to Professor Jon Shields By Alexandra Carter For Senior Thesis Year-long 29 April 2019 2 Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………4 Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………. 5 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………….6 Chapter 1: Drug Policies Past and Present……………………………………………… 13 Chapter 2: Cost-Benefit Analyses and Political Considerations………………………... 33 Chapter 3: Drug Policies and Socioeconomic Disparities ………………………………45 Chapter 4: Context of Today’s Opioid Epidemic………………………………………. 55 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….71 Citations………………………………………………………………………………… 73 3 Abstract New drug epidemics often unleash punitive campaigns to end them- highlighted -
It's Not Just the Drug
6/5/2015 It’s Not Just the Drug War | Jacobin It’s Not Just the Drug War Progressive narratives about what’s driving mass incarceration don’t quite add up. by Marie Gottschalk Cell Block D at Alcatraz. Library of Congress When it comes to uniquely American nightmares, it’s hard to beat our carceral state. Living in a country with 5 percent of the world’s population and 25 percent of the world’s prisoners, many are aware of the human rights catastrophe taking place around them. But when it comes to what’s actually driving this, the explanatory power of standard progressive narratives falls short. The growing unpopularity of the War on Drugs and the number of bipartisan moves to, supposedly, roll back mass incarceration have led some leftists to believe that, finally, the prison-state is about to be cut down to size. Yet a new book by University of Pennsylvania political scientist Marie Gottschalk, Caught: The Prison State and the Lockdown of American Politics, makes it clear that the problem is far worse than commonly suspected, and that the reforms on the table are unlikely to even make a dent in the forces that keep millions behind bars. https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/03/massincarcerationwarondrugs/ 1/14 6/5/2015 It’s Not Just the Drug War | Jacobin Contrary to what many progressives believe, Gottschalk argues it’s not primarily the War on Drugs that’s driving this beast. Instead, it’s an all-out assault that “extends a brute egalitarianism across the board.” Jacobin editor Connor Kilpatrick recently got a chance to interview Gottschalk. -
Racial Violence and the Politics of Innocence: from the Postwar South to Post-Racial America
Racial Violence and the Politics of Innocence: From the Postwar South to Post-Racial America Kirstine Taylor A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2015 Reading Committee: Michael McCann, Chair Jack Turner III, Chair Naomi D. Murakawa Megan Ming Francis Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Political Science ©Copyright 2015 Kirstine Taylor ii University of Washington Abstract Racial Violence and the Politics of Innocence: From the Postwar South to Post-Racial America Kirstine Taylor Chairs of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Michael McCann Professor Jack Turner III Political Science In 1962, James Baldwin identified racial innocence as the “crime” of being willfully untouched by the racial injustices of American life: “But it is not permissible that the authors of devastation should also be innocent. It is the innocence which constitutes the crime.” Beginning with that critical insight, this dissertation argues that racial innocence exists not only in the mind, where Baldwin and contemporary scholars who take up his critique tend to locate it, but also in the very fabric our political rhetoric, policy formations, and political institutions. Applying American political development methods of tracking changes in political authority over time to the ideological production of “racial innocence,” this project offers a study of a major tributary of racial innocence today: the lineage of liberal law-and- order politics in post-WWII southern political discourse and state policy. Beginning in the 1940s, northern liberals began to spotlight the problem of “lawless” southern white violence, iii viewing it as deeply inconsistent constitutional guarantees and national principles.