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the making of dublin city

Series editors Joseph brady, anngret Simms and Ruth mcmanus Joseph brady and anngret Simms (eds), Dublin through space and time, c.900‒1900 Ruth mcmanus, Dublin, 1910‒1940: shaping the city and suburbs gary a. boyd, Dublin, 1745‒1922: hospitals, spectacle and vice niamh moore, Dublin docklands reinvented: the post-industrial regeneration of a European city quarter Joseph brady, Dublin, 1930–1950: the emergence of the modern city 00 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:26 Page 3

dublin, 1930–1950

the emeRgence of the modeRn city

Joseph Brady

fouR couRtS PReSS 00 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:26 Page 4

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Contents

7 acknoWledgmentS 9 SeRieS editoRS ’ intRoduction 13 the city emeRgeS 16 a PRofile of the city the 1930s – What the census said – the people – industries and occupations – detail of population distributions – Population change – migration – housing – density of occupation – Single family dwellings – housing services and conditions – facilities – Religion – Summing up the city

69 managing a gRoWing city urban governance – Pembroke and Rathmines – local government tribunal – dublin metropolitan corporation – the case of howth – the outcome – managing growth – town planning – dún laoghaire – towards a plan?

104 civic imPRovement the golden age – Suggestions for civic improvements – a Roman catholic cathedral for dublin – mountjoy Square – the bus station – a municipal airport? – choosing collinstown – moving victoria – the end of ambition?

148 keePing the city moving bridges and the river – o’connell bridge – the transporter bridge – the changing road network – managing traﬃc – Parking – the problem solved?

201 SubuRban gRoWth and develoPment Social housing in the 1930s – Public utility societies – the market for rental properties – dublin corporation’s projects – cabra West – donnycarney – Review

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6 contentS

and refocus – Re-conditioning – large-scale ﬂat development – Rents – Social mix – housing the middle classes – Where and from whom to buy – Some examples of housing schemes – developments in settled areas – coastal living – the later 1930s – on the northside – housing and the ‘emergency’ – mount merrion – fitting out the middle-class house in the 1930s – heading towards the 1950s

296 the ShoPPing exPeRience dublin’s shopping cores – Shopping – Proﬁle of the main shopping streets – grafton Street – South great george’s Street – o’connell Street – henry Street – other shopping streets – Westmoreland and d’olier Street – the 1940s – a findlater’s christmas – drink – Smoking – Shortages and recovery – Prices and quality – health and living – future signs

388 viSiting and enJoying the city visiting dublin – dublin from tourist guides – oﬃcial guides to the city – What the visitor saw – forward looking – the commercial guides to the city – their routes – venturing further aﬁeld – connections to dublin – travelling in dublin – Where to stay – entertainment – getting a drink – how dublin was perceived – Personal accounts – What to see – culture and entertainment – Rich and poor

442 e Pi lo g u e : i n to t h e 1950s the emergence of the modern city

449 a P Pe n d i x Selected aspects of the city from the censuses of population

462 SouRceS and bibliogRaPhy

477 liSt of illuStRationS

483 i n d e x 00 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:26 Page 7

Acknowledgments

this book is part of what has turned out to be a long journey towards an understanding of the city of dublin, the city in which i was born and in which i live. it is a fascinating place and to the extent that i can claim to know the city it is because of the formal and informal encounters, the chance occurrences, getting lost down strange streets, showing the city to visitors and really seeing a place for a first time – the myriad experiences of living in a city. there are also particular people who have been vital guides along the way. my editors, Ruth mcmanus and anngret Simms have been great friends and tough critics. they are both superb scholars with a deep knowledge of this city and this work has benefitted enormously from the long hours that they have put into improving this text. i count myself lucky to have them as colleagues, but more importantly, as friends. the faults that remain in the book are my own. my colleagues and friends in ucd have been wonderful. i have valued the many discussions we have had, their generosity in sharing information and sources but most of all, the serendipity that accompanies regular wide ranging academic discussion. i cannot count the number of times that i have been sent off in new directions or have had misconceptions corrected because of everything from listening to a learned paper to a chance remark. my deep thanks are due to John dunnion, arnold horner, gerald mills, tony Parker and niamh moore for their support and friendship. many thanks are also due to Jim byrne, alun carr, bryan fanning, tom garvin, frank hayes, andreas hess, alun Jones, michael laffan, Wolfgang marx, tim mooney, Ronnie moore and feargal murphy for many useful and fascinating conversations. illustrations are a hugely important element in this volume and the others in the series. from the outset it was our intention to try and communicate the visual aspect of the city’s geography. most come from my own extensive collection of maps, images and ephemera relating to the city but i owe a debt to Paul ferguson and i wish to acknowledge the value of the g.t. crampton photo archive, now available in ucd’s digital library. i also want to thank most sincerely frank kelly for his generosity in giving me permission to reproduce material from Dublin Opinion. this is a wonderful source of material because it provides a window into what was topical and what was amusing and annoying people. noelle dowling, the archivist in the diocesan archives of the archdiocese of dublin, went out of her way to help me find

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8 dublin, 1930–1950

the material i needed and i am most grateful. likewise my thanks to the staff in Pearse Street library who provided me not only with crucial material but also provided an oasis of calm in which to work. una Scott’s recent mlitt on the roman catholic archbishops of dublin and the cathedral project provided me with the stimulus to seek my own answer to an intriguing aspect of the story and i am thankful to her for some interesting discussions. i am very grateful to martin fanning, senior editor at four courts Press, for his continued help and support. lucy hogan did an excellent job in producing the index against a very tight deadline. i deeply appreciate all my friends and colleagues who encouraged me with questions as to ‘when will we see the book?’ the prodding was seriously needed! my mother was a great source of practical information because the city of which i write was her city. my deepest thanks, though, must go to anne for her unfailing encouragement and support and without whom this book would not have been written. 00 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:26 Page 9

Series editors’ introduction

Dublin, 1930–1950: the emergence of the modern city is the fifth volume of a series of books entitled The Making of Dublin City, which sets out to examine the development of dublin from its origins to the present day. all of the books in the series share a geographical perspective, which sees the city in a holistic way, exploring the evolution of dublin’s streetscapes and attempting to understand the complex variety of actors and processes which brought about these changes. in Dublin through space and time, the first book of the series, key phases in the evolution of the city from its viking origins to the start of the twentieth century were uncovered. many of the issues raised there, from patterns of poverty and affluence, to considerations of planning, infrastructure and social provision, have been touched upon in different ways in the subsequent volumes. the discussion which followed in Dublin, 1910–1940: shaping the city and suburbs took as its emphasis the specific ways in which the city tackled its early twentieth-century housing problems, exploring how public and private housing existed within a broad spectrum which also included intermediate forms, represented by the public utility society concept, and other forms of what the state termed ‘assisted private enterprise’. this book showed how the now-familiar suburban landscape became established as the low density ‘garden suburb’ model was preferred for all classes, while the ideological roots of owner occupation also took hold. following the chronological approach of these first two books, the series turned to thematic explorations for its two subsequent volumes. gary a. boyd’s Dublin, 1745–1922: hospitals, spectacle and vice explored the contra - dictions between the beautifully planned streets depicted in malton’s prints and the social realities evidenced by the lock (venereal) hospital and the hospital of incurables. it returned to the elegant and prosperous georgian city seen in the first volume and helped us to interpret it in new ways, revealing how the elite used their influence to remove disturbing sights from the public gaze. this account reminds us that the landscape can be interpreted on many levels, revealed in the ways in which the city is used and in the on-going tension between public and private worlds. most recently, niamh moore’s volume traced the processes resulting in the changing landscape of dublin’s docklands. While the dublin experience must

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10 dublin, 1930–1950

be understood within the international context whereby cities must compete within the global economy, Dublin docklands reinvented also unpicks the local forces, in terms of individual decision-makers and political processes, which have given rise to a specifically dublin version of this global phenomenon. What unites all of the books in the series is their spatial emphasis, which is supported by lavish illustrations that enable the reader to ‘see’ the city in various ways. each volume stands alone, but by reading or revisiting the various books in the series in conjunction with each other, rich new insights may be gleaned. in this latest volume, Joseph brady sets out to uncover and reconstruct the city at a pivotal time in the 1930s and 1940s when it was reasserting its role as a capital city, with all that this entailed in terms of governance and civic improvement. Dublin, 1930–1950: the emergence of the modern city brings to life a period in dublin’s evolution which, although partially within living memory, seems in many ways to be as remote from the present as the depiction of medieval property boundaries or tenement dwellings of earlier volumes. one of the noteworthy features of this book is the way in which it debunks popular memories, or mis-rememberings, of the past. for example, it carefully teases out the debates surrounding the proposed Roman catholic cathedral which was mooted for merrion Square, it demonstrates the ways in which the capital city survived – and sometimes thrived – during the emergency, and it shows how traffic congestion is not a new issue for dublin. the book opens with a profile of the city that draws on census data and reveals the complex population, housing, occupational and religious structure of the city. these elements are further elucidated in an appendix. Successive chapters then take on the management and urban governance of the city, the question of civic improvement, housing, transport, shopping and tourism. Dublin, 1930–1950: the emergence of the modern city is illustrated with maps, photographs and contemporary cartoons, all of which help to convey the lived experience of the city. the reader will discover a city that is at once familiar and strange, where people went about their business in the shadow of war, but – like today – enjoyed the distractions of shopping on henry Street and grafton Streets. Previous volumes discussed the formal forces shaping the city, in terms of the efforts of the Wide Streets commissioners in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as well as the early efforts at modern town planning represented by the work of Patrick abercrombie. this book returns to the issue of formal town planning and further develops our understanding of the way 00 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:26 Page 11

SeRieS editoRS’ intRoduction 11

in which the city was governed in this formative period. the ongoing issue of dublin’s independently governed suburbs was finally addressed in the 1930s and in this volume we learn how the townships (later urban districts) of Pembroke and Rathmines finally, and reluctantly, joined the city. the tendency for the city to outgrow its formal boundaries and the problems raised by its incoherent system of local government led to proposals to extend the city’s government by way of a metropolitan corporation. as with many subsequent efforts to plan for the city as a region, the proposals did not come to fruition, but the reader will find interesting parallels between past and present, as this is an issue which persists to the present day. While the city was still recovering from the tribulations of 1916 and the subsequent unsettled political period, attention was now being turned to civic improvements. this volume explores some of the major set-piece develop - ments of the period, such as the iconic busáras and collinstown (now dublin) airport, as well as others which were never realised. the relationship between the city and the River liffey, which has cropped up in previous books in the series, is brought back into focus here with a discussion of the bridges, particularly o’connell bridge and the replacement for butt bridge, as well as other challenges to the transportation (and parking!) infrastructure of the city. in a detailed chapter on suburban growth and development, this book builds on the discussion of dublin’s suburban expansion which was the focus of the second volume. as well as exploring a variety of suburban locations, including the mount merrion development, it shows how the enduring residential patterning of the city arose, in part, due to decisions concerning social housing locations made during the 1930s and 1940s. to fully understand a city’s character, it is not enough to examine its physical structure. Reconstructing how people lived, in terms of their shopping experience, helps to give a deeper sense of the city as a lived entity. the profile of the main shopping streets provided here returns to a strand which was also seen in the first two volumes of the series. We also learn, through judicious use of contemporary shopping catalogues and other ephemera, about the food and drink available to the population, as well as the degree to which shortages impacted on the city’s shoppers during the emergency. the final chapter looks at the city through the eyes of the visitor, using a range of official and commercial guides to the city, as well as personal accounts. together with the preceding chapter, the broad range of sources used here helps to paint a rich and detailed picture of the city in the 1930s and 1940s. 00 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:26 Page 12

12 dublin, 1930–1950

this latest volume has been a labour of love for its author, Joseph brady, whose fascination with all things related to dublin shines through in these pages. While rigorous scholarship underlies the story told in this volume, in common with the other books in this series it attempts to entertain as well as enlighten. there is much here to delight and intrigue the reader. as series editors, we trust that you will enjoy this book and that you will look forward to volume six, which will take the story forward into the 1960s. 00 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:26 Page 13

e city emerges

louis mcneice in his poem ‘Dublin’ (1939) described the city as ‘fort of the dane, garrison of the Saxon, augustan capital of a gaelic nation, appropriating all the alien brought’. in the 1920s, after independence had been achieved, it had to accommodate itself to a new reality that saw these various elements realigned. following a gap of over a century, dublin was once more a capital city but of a different spatial entity. the relationship with britain had fundamentally changed too, and the city sought to balance looking to the uk for inspiration with, at the same time, asserting the irishness of all that was being done. the city did not have time to draw breath and take in its new role or time to take stock of what directions it would take. the aftermath of the 1916 Rising, the subsequent War of independence and the civil War, resulted in many of its great public buildings being destroyed as well as much of the environs of o’connell Street. this put a ﬁnancial burden on the city but also gave it an unexpected opportunity to redesign the city centre so that the new capital would have a new look worthy of its enhanced status. it was probably an unwelcome opportunity for the city authorities, though, since it generated expectations about redevelopment that were never going to be realized on the scale that was offered. While the reconstruction of the city centre, largely completed by 1930, was far more conservative than might have been expected, there was still a sense that some civic building might be possible in the immediate decades to come. the issue was that the city had too many problems that needed urgent attention. the 1913 housing inquiry had painted a very stark picture of the housing conditions of the working class. it was an issue that had barely been addressed. by the time of the 1916 Rising and the events that followed caused progress to slow and almost stop. it was not until the 1920s that the ﬁrst large suburban social housing development was begun in marino. this develop - ment, it may be argued, was the most interesting from a design point of view; it marked the beginning of the large-scale suburbanization of dublin’s population, which would see the footprint of the city dramatically change and its present-day social structure emerge. Soon, the city would no longer be encompassed by the canals and circular roads, the area which is now known as the ‘inner city’. the new streets were set to engulf farmland and to relocate dubliners to places that they had never heard of before, let alone contemplated

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14 dublin, 1930–1950

that they might live there. the middle classes had left the inner city in the nineteenth century and they were not disposed to return in the 1920s. they had remained close to the centre through the expedient of building their townships just across the city’s borders. these were now effectively built up and the middle classes too had to embrace new suburbs. they had choices in terms of northside or southside but the overwhelming preference was for the southside and for the south-eastern sector of the city rather than the western part. the city was set for growth too because the urban population was growing, even at a time when it seemed that the national population would head into decline. managing this growth was going to offer possibilities but also problems. one problem was that the capital city had inherited an incoherent system of local government. dublin was not yet a large city, yet it had a plethora of local authorities controlling different parts of the city. the origins for this lay in nineteenth-century class and social tensions but it was long recognized that these arrangements made no sense for a growing city. it had proved impossible at the end of the nineteenth century to integrate the various entities. dublin corporation had been given the townships that it did not really want and had been denied the two, Pembroke and Rathmines, whose ratebooks, it was believed, would have greatly enhanced the city’s ability to manage its affairs. this position persisted during the 1920s, though it was a matter of revived debate and there was a feeling of inevitability that some considerable change was going to happen. one of the good things about dublin was that there was an agreement early on to plan the city. there was an expectation in the city in the 1920s that the city’s growth would be managed on ‘town planning lines’. after all, dublin had been one of the first cities to adopt enthusiastically the ideas of ebenezer howard on garden cities and the international competition of 1914 had produced a template for a town plan. the publication of that plan by the civics institute in 1922, plus the completion of a civic Survey by the same body in 1925, strengthened a belief that the future of the city would involve discussion, debate and consideration of rational alternatives. the marino plans and the later drumcondra development did indeed display an holistic understanding of how to provide housing. the process experienced a bit of a setback when dublin corporation was dissolved by executive order in 1924 for unspecified failings. the city was then run by commissioners for the remainder of the decade. this is not to suggest that they acted in anything but an efficient manner but it stymied discussion at a time when there was a 00 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:26 Page 15

the city emeRgeS 15

debate about how the city should grow. the 1930s saw the opportunity to reignite that discussion and important elements of legislation gave the city the opportunity to act. it was not just a matter of housing. a larger city meant larger volumes of traffic and more complicated circulation systems. already the city had shown signs of traffic congestion and the position could only get worse as more and more dubliners became car owners. What happened then will be one of the major concerns of the pages which follow. despite its troubles, dublin remained a vibrant city in the late 1920s. the shopping districts came through the troubles largely unscathed, and the centre not only sustained the shopping and commercial needs of the entire city but also for much of the countryside. dublin was very much at the pinnacle of the urban hierarchy. the character of its shopping districts had not changed greatly since the beginning of the century and there was still a fine shopping experience at an international level to be had for those who had the money. the city was also a place to visit and the imminent arrival of air travel offered the possibility to reach a much greater international audience. the eucharistic congress was a defining moment in terms of the city’s confidence. the city successfully played host to this huge international gathering from 21 to 26 June 1932 and there must have been a ‘can do’ feeling in the afterglow. others have written extensively about the congress and the reader is directed to some of these works, in the bibliography. as the city headed into the 1930s, there must have been a sense of possibilities and some trepidation. the housing problems that the city faced were immense (and they were mentioned at every moment) but much else was positive. the city was forward looking. it was once again the capital city of the country and there was a strategy whereby growth and development could be managed for the betterment of all. the pages that follow will attempt to give a sense of the character of the city during the next two decades. 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 16

A profile of the city

The 1930s

By the time that N930 arrived, Dublin had been the capital of the newly independent state for almost a decade. That was a lot to be positive about. The city’s new suburbs in Marino and Drumcondra had been a great success and there were plans for more suburban development on an even grander scale. The question of the townships looked like it was going to be sorted out at last and legislation was making its way through the Oireachtas that would see Pembroke and Rathmines ﬁnally integrated into the city, though they were not the jewels that perhaps they had once been. Moreover, there was the prospect of having an elected corporation again and perhaps the bad feeling over its proroguing and the handing over of city governance to commissioners might be dissipated. The Eucharistic Congress in N932 was a chance for the city to show itself off to the world. Politics was also about to take a dramatic turn with the transfer of political power to Fianna Fáil in N932, which would begin a sixteen-year run of power that would encompass an economic war with Britain, a new constitution, and a neutral stance during the Second World War. For their supporters, there was an expectation of ‘paradise on earth’ (Behan, N984, p. 77). Dublin would have its ‘rosary riots’ and the emergence, for a while, of its own version of a fascist party, Ailtirí na hAiséirghe (Douglas, 2009), among whose novel policies was a solution to emigration by banning it. This chapter aims to provide some insights into the structure of the city at this time, especially its housing and its economic activities. This will provide a background for the concerns of later chapters. As is appropriate in a geographical text, the discussion will begin with a map. The Ordnance Survey produced a map of the city at a scale of N:N0,5S0 (S inches to the mile) in N9N2, but it was N93S/7 before a new edition was produced. At this scale, getting a view of the city required the use of a number of individual map sheets with sheet N8 providing the view of the central area. A more readily accessible map on a single sheet was produced by the Ordnance Survey in N933 when they printed their provisional version of what was to become their Popular Edition at a scale of N:20,000. Happily, there is also the Geographia map, which is clearly based on the Ordnance Survey map, for

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A PROFilE OF THE CiTy N7

N935 at a slightly more detailed scale of approximately 4 inches to the mile (N:N5,840). The maps show a city that had grown beyond the confines of its historic core, as defined by the two canals. A substantial suburban extension was evident, although the city was still relatively compact and the rural environment was not far away. South of the liffey, there was a major contrast between the west and east, largely as a consequence of the development of the townships of Rathmines and Pembroke. West of Harold’s Cross Road, there was very little concentrated development and the city effectively was contained by the Grand Canal with a westwards extension as far as Tyrconnell Road. East of Harold’s Cross Road, the picture was different and here the boundary of the city was much further to the south with the River Dodder providing a useful line between the built up area and the suburbs beyond. South of this line, development was patchy but it was by no means an empty landscape. There was development at nodal points such as Dundrum and Rathfarnham, small clusters of houses on the main roads and larger individual houses dotted across the area. This, too, was in contrast to the western part where there was far less settlement. There were clusters at Tallaght and Crumlin, but the overall impression was of a much more rural environment there. The density of development was highest closer to the coast as seen in the townships of Blackrock and Dún laoghaire, and while there were signs of larger scale developments inland, the landscape was still very open. The map shows no sign of Mount Merrion which was set to become one of the more interesting developments of the N930s and which will be discussed later. North of the liffey, the effects of Dublin Corporation’s suburban developments were visible. The city had expanded beyond the traditional boundary of the North Circular Road and there was now a wedge of housing that was bounded by Phibsborough Road to the west and ran north along Botanic Road until it met Griffith Avenue. Griffith Avenue described an arc that reached almost to the coast at Clontarf. Within this arc was encompassed most of what was built in the days of the Drumcondra township, as well as the newer developments in Marino and Drumcondra. Development along the coast was evident but it was confined to a very narrow band and was discontinuous. There was a scattering of large individual houses but the distribution was nowhere as dense as in the south-eastern part of the city. Heading back towards the city again along the coast towards Fairview, the denser development that took place when Clontarf was a township was evident; the map still showed the Town Hall. Housing was largely constrained 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 18

Overview of the city in N933. (Ordnance Survey plan, N: 20,000, provisional edition, Sheet 2S5B.) 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 19 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 20

20 DuBliN, N930–N950

The Killester scheme of the Sailors’and Soldiers’ land Trust. (Brady, 20N0, p. 273.) Note the low density of development with large gardens front and rear, together with parkland.

between the Clontarf Road and Howth Road with an outer limit at Vernon Avenue. Further inland, along the Howth Road, the Sailors’ and Soldiers’ land Trust estate at Killester (Brady, 20N0) was also shown. This was the most ambitious, and perhaps most interesting, of the schemes under the Trust’s management though it was not actually built by them, having been completed by the early N920s. it was characterized by a low density garden village design and the use of bungalows and this made it very different to the other housing in the locality. To the west of Phibsborough Road, there was little evidence of new development. There was a number of large individual houses but the overall impression was of a rural landscape. The main exception was the Dublin Corporation estate at Cabra, located between Cabra Road and the railway line of the Great Southern Railways. At this point it was a fairly small estate 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 21

A PROFilE OF THE CiTy 2N

New developments on the northside of the city. (Geographia plan, N:N5,840, N935.) 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 22

Overview of the city in late N940s. (Geographia plan, N:N5,840, N948.) 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 23 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 24

24 DuBliN, N930–N950

The emergence of the southern suburbs. (Geographia plan, N:N5,840, N948.) 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 25

A PROFilE OF THE CiTy 25

The impact of Kimmage and Crumlin. (Geographia plan, N:N5,840, N948.)

bounded by Fassaugh Road and Quarry Road. Otherwise development was dispersed with only small clusters of settlements at locations that would soon develop into major suburbs such as Raheny, larkhill, Whitehall and Finglas. The N948 edition (though it probably was not as up to date as that) of the Geographia plan showed that there were some important changes over the decade but the overall shape and extent of the city did not change considerably. There had been a boundary extension to include Howth but there had been no changes to urban governance and there was still the county and Dún laoghaire boroughs. The map showed developments along the edge of the city, within the county boundary at Collins Avenue, as well as inﬁll in places such as Killester and Donnycarney. New roads were added to the network in Clontarf between the Howth Road and the sea, especially around Furry Park. On the southside the same happened in Rathfarnham and Ternure and Mount Merrion had taken shape. The density of development within the county boundary had certainly increased with only a few large tracts of undeveloped land remaining, although there was scope for development along 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 26

2S DuBliN, N930–N950

the coast on the northside and to the south of the county borough boundary on the southside. The really big changes were to the west of the county borough. On the northside, the development of Cabra West made a dramatic impact on the map while on the southside the true scale of local authority developments in Crumlin, Kimmage and Drimnagh was evident.

What the census said

The census of population is a vital resource in revealing some of the detail of Dublin’s character. Because of its attempt to include everyone, it is a snapshot on a given day of the city. The scope of the census is also wide and information is gathered on age, marital status, children, occupations and industries, migration, religion, birthplace and many other aspects of life. The inclusive nature of the census provides the opportunity to report census results at a very detailed level of spatial granularity. From a geographical perspective, this is the mother lode because it permits the spatial distribution of characteristics and phenomena to be displayed and understood. Since N97N, it has been the practice of the Central Statistics Office (CSO) to publish results at a small spatial scale – the Small Area Population Statistics. The data for Dublin have been made available for several hundred areal units (district electoral divisions) that vary in population size from very few up to some thousands. This grid has been made even finer for more recent censuses and it is now possible to study Dublin in terms of N,N38 census Enumeration Districts (EA). Nonetheless, the ultimate resource is the individual census forms whereby statistics for each individual household can be studied. Naturally, there are concerns about issues of confidentiality when it comes to such a level of detail and, as of now, the most recent census that is available is that for N9NN. it is now practice to take a census every five years, in the first and sixth years of the decade, and for the census at the beginning of the decade to be more detailed but, until the N950s, they were decadal. The first census of the irish Free State (Saorstát) was taken in N92S on 22 March, a gap of fifteen years from the previous census but a gap which was understandable given the events of that decade and a half. it was ten years until the next census was taken on 2S April N93S and a further decade passed before the next census on N3 May N94S. The level of spatial detail which is available for these data is limited and there is little spatial disaggregation at all for some aspects. There is hope for future analyses though, as the government intends to make the 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 27

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N92S census forms available in time for the N9NS centenary and there is hope that the later censuses will also enter the public domain in the fullness of time. There is a further complication that makes the census task somewhat more frustrating. On foot of changes to local government during the N930s and N940s, the areal basis (the wards and district electoral divisions) for local elections changed and these were the same units which were used as the basis for census reporting. Thus it is not possible to compare directly the N92S census with the N93S census or that census with the N94S census, except at a high level of spatial aggregation – the county. Some comparative data was produced by the CSO and it is possible to see population change for N92S–3S and N93S–4S but not directly for N92S–4S. This means that there will only be limited opportunities in the discussion that follows to see temporal change in detail but it is hoped that the snapshots provided will be useful. in what follows, Dublin County Borough, the area under the control of Dublin Corporation, will often for reasons of convenience be referred to as the ‘city’. For similar reasons any reference to Dún laoghaire is a reference to the borough of Dún laoghaire which came into existence following the local Government Act (Dublin) of N930.

e people At the time when the population of the Free State moved from stagnation to decline, the city of Dublin grew strongly and migration from other parts of the country was a major contributor to its growth, though it is diﬃcult to be precise as to the exact number of migrants. The decline in national population for the period N92S–3S was slight and the total population was measured at 2.97m people. The population of County Dublin (the city and the county area) saw an increase of NS.N per cent during the same time period, rising to 58S,925 from 505,S54. The rate of increase was similar in the city which rose by N5.8 per cent to 4S8,N03 and in the county area which rose by N7 per cent to NN8,822 people. Ten years later and the State had experienced another modest decline in population of 0.45 per cent but Dublin continued to grow and the county as a whole was up 8.39 per cent. The county borough grew by 7.0 per cent on a comparable basis and had a population of 50S,05N people while Dún laoghaire was now home to 44,S7S people, an increase of N2.3 per cent. Dublin was not necessarily a better place to live. in N94S at a national level, life expectancy at birth for a male was S0.47 years and for a female it was S2.43 years. Things had improved because ten years previously males could 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 28

28 DuBliN, N930–N950

expect to live for 58.2 years and females 59.S2 years. Data are not available for Dublin specifically, but those for urban areas (and Dublin dominated the urban structure), indicated that expectancies at birth were somewhat lower. They were only 5S.77 years for a male and SN.5S years for a female. Another telling fact was that the first year of life was still relatively unsafe in ireland, because male life expectancy rose to S4.38 years nationally at year N and that for females rose to S5.4S years. Similarly, an urban male who survived the first year could expect an additional 3.S9 years and a female an additional 2.94 years. A measure that is sometimes used as an index of dependency is the ratio of those of working age to those outside this category. it gives a rough indication of how many people depend on those who are economically active. For example, the 20NN census (CSO, 20N2) suggested that in Dublin there were 38.4 persons potentially dependent on every N00 persons aged between N5 and S4. The ratio in Dún laoghaire-Rathdown was somewhat higher at 48.5 in that year. in the N930s and N940s, people were eligible to enter the labour force at the age of N4 and retirement age was nominally S5 years. using this definition, the dependency ratio was 57 in Dublin city and 55 in Dún laoghaire – a little higher than had been the case in N93S when it was 52.9 in the city and almost the same in Dún laoghaire (5N.9). Today, Dublin’s population is relatively young with N5.2 per cent under N5 years at the time of the 20NN census (N8.2 per cent in Dún laoghaire). This is counterbalanced by a sizable proportion of the population in the over S5s category (N2.S per cent in Dublin and N4.5 per cent in Dún laoghaire). Things were quite different in the N930s and N940s. The relatively high ratios were the result of an even more youthful population than now exists. in Dublin in N93S, 28.8 per cent were under the age of N5 years and that had barely altered by N94S. Dún laoghaire was a little ‘older’ with 2S per cent under N5 years old, but it, too, hardly changed over the decade. Given the life expectancy figures, it is no surprise that people did not make it into old age. Only 5.8 per cent of the city’s population was over S5 years in N93S and had improved only by N.2 percentage points by N94S. Dún laoghaire’s older population faired a little better – 7.9 per cent were over S5 in N93S which had edged up to 9 per cent by N94S. longevity was also unequally divided. in Dublin in N93S the total number of males over S5 years of age was N0,S94, compared to NS,7SS females; this was 4.9 per cent of the male population and S.7 per cent of the female population. Only 4N males managed to break the 90 years barrier as opposed to N4N females. in N94S, life expectancy of both genders had increased but the 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 29

A PROFilE OF THE CiTy 29

gap was still there; 58 males of 90+ as compared to 200 women. in Dún laoghaire, there were relatively fewer children and comparatively older people – just over one person in four (25.9 per cent) was under N5 years while just under N0 per cent was over S5 years of age. Dublin was a traditional society where most people married and in the city in N94S there were N53 married men (including widowers) for every N00 single men. Women were a little less likely to be married and the figure was N40 for every N00. in Dún laoghaire there was greater contrast with N89 married men per N00 single men but only NN7 married women per N00 single women. There are probably a number of explanations for this. There was a considerable population of servants, most of whom were not married. There was also quite a number of educational and religious establishments in the borough. For example, in Dún laoghaire there was the Dominican convent at Sion Hill with its boarding school, its domestic science college and its secondary preparatory college and, close by, the training college for primary teachers at Carysfort Park. There were also gender imbalances in the N94S statistics; for instance, there were 8N,205 married women living in the county borough, as opposed to 75,0N4 married men. Similarly, in Dún laoghaire, there were 7,340 married women and only S,74S married men recorded as present on census night. Economic reasons could explain why so many married men were absent from home that evening. Many were probably working in the uK as reconstruction work after the war demanded labour and provided attractive opportunities. The Irish Times reported in N943 that the City of Dublin School Attendance Department had observed an increased level of truancy of young adults with a corresponding increase in delinquency. This was attributed to the need for parents to seek work elsewhere and a consequent diminution in parental supervision. Though the report did not say so, the implication was that this was a working-class phenomenon. They also commented that the practice of sending young adults home during the day so that they could have a hot meal resulted in many of them failing to return to school (Irish Times, 25 January N943, p. 2). The migration suggestion is supported by the N93S figures which showed a far better balance. in that year, there were S9,598 married men and 70,3S5 married women in the city, while in Dún laoghaire the figures were 5,84S and 5,938, respectively. More people were married in N94S than had been the case in N93S in both the city and Dún laoghaire. Perhaps it was a war phenomenon but in N93S there were only N3S married men per N00 single men and N33 married women per N00 single women. 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 30

30 DuBliN, N930–N950

Marriage was not a rushed endeavour. it was only after the age of 30 that married people outnumbered single people in any age cohort and this did not change much between N93S and N94S. The pattern was also traditional and although single people still dominated the 25–9 age group, more females were married at that age than men. in the city in N94S some 72 per cent of females were married at that age compared with 50 per cent of males. The difference was less marked in Dún laoghaire where, as has been noted above, females were relatively less likely to marry. Thereafter, the married proportion increased and men were three-to-four times more likely to be married than single across most age groups, whereas women were nearly three times as likely to be married. The ideal age for marriage had long been a concern for members of the Roman Catholic Church and these statistics would give only partial comfort. The devotional pamphlets of the time pointed to the dangers awaiting young and unmarried people. ‘So we abolished the chaperone’ from N944 (lord, N944) is about the moral dangers awaiting girls who go out alone with men (p. N5). The solution was expressed in a later publication, this time from N959 (Gerrard, N959), which suggested that the most suitable age for marriage was 23 years for a woman and 25 years for a man.

Industries and occupations in N94S, ireland was predominantly agricultural and this was reﬂected in the census of that year which showed that 54.N per cent of males and 25.3 per cent of females were employed in that industry. This was followed by ‘trading’ which occupied 8.4 per cent of males and N2.5 per cent of females. Trading was a broad category which included all forms of retailing and auctioneering. No manufacturing activity came close in importance and the food, brewing and distilling industries came a distant 3.N per cent and 2.9 per cent respectively. Some 5.S per cent of males were involved in the construction and building sector while business and commerce accounted for 9.4 per cent of male employment and N2.5 per cent of female employment. Public administration contributed S.9 per cent to the male total and 8.3 per cent to the female total. Personal service was the main sector in which female employment was concentrated (28 per cent). The city of Dublin was somewhat different. it is no surprise that agriculture was of little importance at N.5 per cent for males though it rose to 5.8 per cent in Dún laoghaire. Trading (N9 per cent), public administration (N4 per cent) and transport (NN.4 per cent), together accounted for over 40 per cent of industrial activity for males. While the importance of food, 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 31

A PROFilE OF THE CiTy 3N

brewing and distilling was over twice the national average (not in Dún laoghaire) it still accounted for only 7.5%. Dublin was not an industrial city and focused much more on service delivery. The concept of ‘gainful occupation’ was used by the census and differen - tiated people who were in employment, such as those working in the home, from those who derived a payment or benefit from their employment. The labour force was also defined as those over the age of N4 years, the school leaving age. The non-industrial character of male occupations in the city mirrored the data above. Within the city, there were large numbers employed in transport, in administration (both public and private sectors), and significant numbers were described as ‘professional’ or, at the other end of the spectrum, as ‘unskilled’. The largest industrial category was that of metal workers (5.7 per cent), of which a large number comprised motor mechanics. Similarly, those described as being ‘makers of food’ were bakers or biscuit producers (Jacob’s), while those in the ‘apparel and textile goods’ sectors were mainly makers of boots and shoes, tailors and tailors’ machinists. Transport employees were the single largest category and accounted for N0 per cent of the workforce (N3,944 people). This covered a broad range of occupations and included postal workers and sorters, porters and messengers as well as those directly involved in transport matters. The role of the messenger was an important source of youth employment and over half of those aged between N4 and N9 years were engaged in this. it was these who provided the delivery service which allowed messages and packages to flow easily and quickly across the city. Parcels could be delivered by tram, messages could be brought in person. in an era long before the internet, they provided an impressive level of connectivity in a city which, though compact, had a large footprint. Fewer than 5,800 were employed in the civil service or local administration while those described as clerks and typists, working in the private sector, amounted to just under S,S00. Together these accounted for a little less than one in ten of the labour force (9.N per cent). The city could be characterized as ‘post-industrial’ long before the term had any currency. it was mostly involved in the provision of services, public administration and the distribution of goods rather than in the creation of items (see Tables N–3, Appendix N for greater detail). Professional occupations included clergy, teachers, doctors, accountants and so on, and there were 9,S48 such people in the city comprising S per cent of the workforce. There were no males described as ‘domestic servants’ but 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 32

32 DuBliN, N930–N950

4 per cent of the male workforce was involved in the provision of personal services which included publicans, waiters or hairdressers. The under N9s comprised just over N5.5 per cent of the total workforce and accounted for over 30.7 per cent of those in the transport and communi - cations sector where many of them would have worked as porters, messengers and delivery personnel. This sector tended to have a younger age profile than average and more than 58 per cent were under the age of 34, which was about N0 percentage points higher than the rest of the workforce. Fewer than 9 per cent of workers were aged over S5 years and these were mainly people working on their own account. Among these were those involved in agriculture, the city had 2,S55 people who were directly involved in agriculture, including 404 farmers. Though many might have been employed outside the boundary of the city, there was still a noticeable amount of agricultural production within the boundaries of the city and more than a few fully functioning farms. As well, it was estimated that there were several hundred piggeries in the city, many of them embedded in residential areas. This close proximity was tolerated in the N930s and N940s. ‘Slops’ were often gathered from the neighbourhood to turn into swill but by the N950s there were moves to regulate them better, if not remove them altogether. A motion was passed by the city council on 9 August N958 that asked the city manager to draft bye-laws for their control. The proposer of the motion, Mr Jack Belton TD, quoted from a letter which he had received from Fairview, which drew attention to the pollution of the atmosphere by the stench; storage of offal which attracted rats; the gathering of bluebottles and flies, and the stench from boiling offal for feeding purposes. The author knows exactly to which piggery Mr Belton was referring. The employment of women had an entirely different character to that of men and the range of sectors in which they worked was much more limited. The female labour force was estimated at 20S,7N8 and 48 per cent were engaged in ‘home duties’. A total of 39 per cent were in gainful occupations (i.e. those who receive payment) and almost 72 per cent of these were single. Therefore, the pattern can be summed up as single women in the workforce, married women working in the home. The gainfully occupied cohort numbered 8N,0S7 and even in N94S, some N5,099 (N8.S per cent) of these were described as ‘domestic servants’. The ‘servant problem’, that is, the inability to hire or retain servants, had been an issue since the N920s among some sections of the middle classes but it seems that in the N940s economic inequality was such that sufficient numbers of Dublin households were still able to fund the employment of a servant and 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 33

A PROFilE OF THE CiTy 33

Electricity advertisement for N930s. Notice the clear demarcation of male and female spheres.

that suﬃcient Dubliners were prepared to undertake the role. Over 9S per cent in this industry were unmarried women, with over 80 per cent under 34 years of age, compared to just over 48 per cent for the labour force as a whole. The scarcity of good and eﬃcient domestic servants was a regular matter in the 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 34

34 DuBliN, N930–N950

newspapers, especially in the Irish Times. in N937, the Minister for Education, Mr Thomas Derrig, made a plea for better training, better pay and better under - standing of girls in domestic service (Irish Times, 20 May, p. 4). ‘A mother’ writing in the Irish Times also pleaded for better understanding between servant and mistress: ‘surely this can be the answer to domestic emigration – if mistress and maids can live together in the common cause of bringing peace and all the fun and the joy of living to the home …’ (Irish Times, 3 April N939, p. 3). Another piece some years later in the newspaper suggested that such harmony had not been achieved as it asked whether the ‘irish servant of today [is] inefficient, ill-mannered and badly trained’ (Irish Times, S January N945, p. 3). it seems that though many Dublin households still aspired to the status of employing a servant, they could not afford one at the prevailing rate and had to make do with those in training, recognising that she would leave as soon as possible. Not surprisingly it did not make for happy industrial relations. Give the conventional nature of society, it was not remarkable that women were strongly represented in the clothes-making industry (N0,40S people), as shop assistants (7,378) or working in the personal services area (8,4N9). The personal services category was a broad one and covered all areas of service such as waitressing and hairdressing. Nonetheless, there were significant numbers working in the business sector; over N2,377 were employed as clerks and typists in the private sector with a further 3,447 in the civil service or public administration. Just over 4 per cent of the female labour force was described as ‘professional’ and some N,484 of these were teachers. in Dún laoghaire, the male labour force was naturally smaller in absolute terms than that in the city and it stood at only N3,450 in N94S. The proportion in gainful occupation was 79.8 per cent – a little lower than that of the city, and it can be explained in terms of fewer teenagers in the category. in Dún laoghaire this was 48.7 per cent whereas it was S8.N per cent in the city. There are a number of possible explanations but the most reasonable is that teenagers in Dún laoghaire were more likely to have remained in education after the minimum school leaving age of N4 years. Otherwise city and Dún laoghaire were very similar with over 90 per cent of each age category in gainful employment, falling to approximately 85 per cent in the 55–S4 years age group. A significant proportion of those over S5 years, in both boroughs, remained in employment. The biggest difference between Dún laoghaire and the city was the relatively higher proportion (9.9 per cent) described as professionals and the great number of employees in the area of commerce and finance. Otherwise 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 35

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the same range of employment was present, including 8.3 per cent in transport and communication activities, although the youth employment element of that was not as important in Dún laoghaire. Here N2.2 per cent of these employees were teenagers and this was in line with the age distribution of the workforce. Just over N0 per cent were clerks and 4 per cent were employed in public administration. The character of female employment in Dún laoghaire was similar to that of the city. A slightly smaller proportion (43.S per cent) was engaged in home duties while 38.N per cent were described as gainfully occupied. The most notable difference was the higher proportion of domestic servants; another indication of the higher residential status of the borough. in Dún laoghaire, they accounted for N4.8 per cent of the total labour force (double the proportion of the city) and almost 40 per cent of the gainfully occupied. A randomly chosen working woman in the borough was highly likely to be a servant and to be single, as the vast majority (9S per cent) of servants were. The data are at too great a spatial scale to conﬁrm this but given the size of the housing units in the borough it is more likely than not that many were ‘live-in’ servants. They had to be resident in the borough on census night and there were not many working-class areas where they might reside and act as ‘dailies’. Their numbers are one of the better indicators of the relative status of the borough and the relative wealth of the population there. At the other end of the spectrum, there were also more female professionals in Dún laoghaire (S.7 per cent), than there were in the city. Single women comprised in excess of 90 per cent of most occupational categories, with the exception of shopkeepers, some areas in commerce and ﬁnance and the personal services sector. Professionals had a greater tendency to be single here than in the city; there were more religious institutions in the area, which could account for such statistics. The N94S census for the city cannot be directly compared with that of N93S because of boundary changes. However, it is reasonable to suggest that there had been no fundamental shifts in employment structure since the middle N930s. The male labour force stood at NSN,239 in N94S – an increase of about 4,000 on N93S. There was little difference in the proportion described as gainfully employed and no fundamental shifts in the nature of employment. Employment in the ‘transport and communications’ category had declined by about two or so percentage points in importance but this had much to do with the availability of petrol during the war years. Otherwise, male Dubliners were undertaking much the same range of jobs as they had before. 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 36

3S DuBliN, N930–N950

it was a similar picture for the female labour force. The female labour force was much larger than it had been in N93S when it was N85,0S7 but its structure had changed little. Over the ten years, there was a small increase in the percentage of females who were engaged in home duties and a corresponding decline in the gainfully occupied category (note the comment on marriage above). However, it was otherwise the same range of jobs in similar proportions. The most noticeable difference over the ten years was the decline in both the absolute number and the relative importance of domestic servants. There were NS,783 women described as being in domestic service in N93S, but this had declined to N5,099 in N94S. Direct comparison is possible in the case of the Dún laoghaire Borough and here the male labour force increased over the decade from N2,548 to N3,450 but there were marginally fewer gainfully occupied in N94S (79.8 per cent as compared with 8N per cent in N93S). As with the city, there had been no fundamental shift in the nature of employment over the ten years. As might be expected, there were fewer employed in construction, which was down to between N.2 and N.4 percentage points in its different categories. Similarly, the transport and communications sector lost N.5 percentage points. Women in Dún laoghaire had the same experience as those in the city. The size of the labour force increased signiﬁcantly to 20,42N, and the proportion of those gainfully employed declined by N.S percentage points to 38.N per cent, with a corresponding increase in the relative importance of those engaged in home duties (+2.2 percentage points). There were no major changes in the range of employment. There was an increase in those employed in public administration (including the civil service), while there was a decline in those offering personal services. As in the city, the number of domestic servants also declined in Dún laoghaire. There had been 3,09N employed in N93S, which fell to 3,0N7 in N94S. This was not as dramatic a decline as in the city but against an increasing labour force, it represented a decline of 2.5 percentage from N7.3 per cent of the female labour force (43 per cent of gainfully employed), although it was still by far the most important category of female employment.

Detail of population distributions

The discussion thus far has been at the level of the city with comparisons being made with Dún laoghaire Borough. However, there are always variations within cities and much geographical research has been devoted to discerning 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 37

A PROFilE OF THE CiTy 37

the internal structure of the city. it has long been recognised that where people live in a city is not the result of a random process, but rather that of the interaction of economic and social processes that sort and sift people so that those similar to each other in terms of characteristics such as age, social status and income tend to be found in the same areas. The work of E.W. Burgess (N928) and Homer Hoyt (N939) did much to advance understanding of how this occurred as well as looking at whether particular characteristics had special spatial patterns. Thus it was wondered if social class might be arranged in a series of concentric circles around the city centre or alternatively as a series of sectors or wedges radiating along main roads. it was not until the N950s, however, and the work of Shevky, Bell and Williams initially and later a global community of scholars that it was ﬁnally understood that simple patterns would never be found in cities; the interactions of the process were too complex. Dublin has been studied extensively since the N970s and the patterning of its social areas is well understood (see Brady and Parker (N975: N98S)). However, there has not been any exploration of this earlier period, though since social patterns, once established, are remarkably stable and the patterns of the N930s and N940s are visible in the city of the N970s and N980s. There is good reason why the earlier period has not received attention until now. The data are available only in the published volumes of the census and using them would have required their transcription. This was not felt to be worth the effort because of the limited number of areal units for which the data were available. For this kind of analysis to work, a rather ﬁne grid is needed and, as has been mentioned above, it is now possible to study Dublin using over N,N00 areal units. Granted the city was smaller in the N930s and N940s, but the city in N93S and N94S was described only in terms of thirty or so wards with the result that the wards were quite heterogeneous. This meant that interesting local contrasts were masked in the overall average for the ward. it is not entirely a lost cause, though, and there is still a lot that can be gleaned. in the pages that follow, a variety of different indicators will be examined and their patterns discussed. The same spatial contrasts will appear time and time again, which will paint a picture of the social and demographic structure of the city. in broader terms, the contrasts will be between the old inner city residential areas, long deserted by the middle classes, and the new areas of social housing in the suburbs. Both will be in contrast with the established middle-class areas just south of the inner city in Pembroke and Rathmines and to the north of the river in Clontarf and Glasnevin. it will be possible to get a sense of the effect of the slum clearance attempts by Dublin Corporation on 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 38

38 DuBliN, N930–N950

Decayed Georgian housing in Mountjoy ward just before redevelopment in the late N980s.

large, high-status housing near the Royal Dublin Society (Simmonscourt). 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 39

A PROFilE OF THE CiTy 39

Middle-class housing in Glasnevin.

High-quality social housing in Marino (Clontarf West). 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 40

40 DuBliN, N930–N950

conditions in the inner city, but also in terms of the nature of the new suburbs that they created.

Population change As has been noted above, the biggest change to the city after N930 was that Dublin Corporation finally took control of the townships of Pembroke and Rathmines. As the next chapter will show, there was less enthusiasm by Dublin Corporation for the absorbed townships compared with thirty years previously when their courtship was rebuffed. Their arrival changed the profile of the city considerably and introduced a significant middle-class population into the city for the first time in over a century. The population of the city grew during the period in question here and the earlier examination of the maps of the city indicated where new development occurred. An examination of the ward data shows both growth and population redistribution. The ward names do not always correspond closely with the actual district names and some map extracts are presented here to give a better understanding of what they encompass. Between N92S and N93S, north of the liffey, there was a shift in population from the centre to the suburbs. The population increases due to the housing developments in Marino and Drumcondra are clearly shown in the census with more than a doubling of the population in the environs of Marino (Clontarf West, east of Philipsburgh Avenue), and a S3 per cent increase in the population of Drumcondra. The growth of Cabra, which was hinted at in the map discussion, accelerated and in N93S the population was N9,NN9 compared with 5,32S in N92S. However, this increase in population was not counterbalanced by a corresponding decrease in the inner city wards from which many of the families were rehoused. The wards within the canal experienced small decreases in population: Arran Quay reduced by 0.7 per cent, Ballybough by N per cent, Mountjoy by 3.S per cent and North City (the area between O’Connell Street and Capel Street) by 4.7 per cent. This showed that the housing problem had an unwelcome growth dynamic and it seems that the poorer areas were experiencing in-migration (see Table 4 in Appendix N for greater detail). South of the river, the newly absorbed areas of Pembroke and Rathmines showed increases in population of the order of N0 per cent with more substantial growth on the outskirts in Rathfarnham (SS.8%) and Terenure (2N2.S%). At the time of the previous census in N92S, there was a population of 39,984 in the Rathmines and Rathgar township and some 33,383 in 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 41

A PROFilE OF THE CiTy 4N

Mountjoy Ward and environs as deﬁned for the N93S census.

Pembroke. The extension of housing into Terenure was a classic example of Hoyt’s (N939) sectoral expansion process. He argued that the better-off areas in a city do not hop from location to location as the city grows but tend to expand radially along the main routeways in a fan shape. That way, the new housing claimed an association with the older, better-off areas and could be seen as a simple extension of them. Thus it made sense for people to seek out opportunities in Terenure and the increase of over N0,000 people there was a strengthening of the middle-class nature of south-eastern Dublin. it is unsurprising that houses such as those at Riversdale Estate, Bushy Park Road, which in N935 were described as ‘sunshine houses in sylvan setting’, should have three reception rooms, four bedrooms and a maid’s room (Irish Times, N9 October, p. N). Another example could be taken from Terenure where there was much development in the triangle between Kimmage Road and Harold’s Cross Road. Houses on Mount Tallant Avenue were described in N933 as having four bedrooms, two reception rooms and the latest labour-saving devices (Irish Times, N9 August N933, p. 3; see Chapter 5 for a more detailed exploration). 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 42

42 DuBliN, N930–N950

South inner city wards and environs as deﬁned for the N93S census.

The inner city wards (Royal Exchange, Trinity, Wood Quay, South City, etc.) all experienced population decline and, as on the northside, it was relatively modest in terms of its impact on population density. The Royal Exchange ward contained the area between Grafton Street and South Great George’s Street while the Trinity Ward deﬁned an area between the college and the river. South City occupied the area to the west of this and might be best described as ‘Temple Bar’. The relatively small increase in Crumlin gave no indication of what was soon to come. in N93S, it was still a relatively small suburb of 2,9S7 people but even this was a dramatic change from ten years previously when only SN2 people lived in the district. The greatest increase was in the Kilmainham (inchicore/Goldenbridge) district, which saw an increase of just over 50 per cent. in keeping with other desirable residential areas, Dún laoghaire’s population soared in the ten-year period with most areas registering an increase. This was not a huge increase in absolute numbers, just over 5,500 people in total, but parts of Blackrock grew between 25 and 40 per cent and, for the most part, this was private building. Development in Mount Merrion, the subject of discussion later, was underway at this period and lay outside the 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 43

A PROFilE OF THE CiTy 43

Terenure, Rathfarnham and Kimmage wards as deﬁned for the N94S census.

boundaries of both boroughs. The N935 edition of the Geographia map does not show the layout of any development. Building on The Rise, however, was well advanced and the N93S census suggested a population of 82N. Other population clusters measured at this time were Malahide (N,259), Portmarnock (25S), Skerries (2,N34) and Balbriggan (2,434). This was not necessarily the sum total of population in these places, however, as there was no legal deﬁnition of such ‘towns’ with the exception of Balbriggan. On the same basis, it was suggested that the population in Baldoyle was 7S5, in Tallaght it was 40S, in Swords 838, and 2S9 in Blanchardstown. Places that were soon to be the suburbs of Dublin, such as Deansgrange and Windy Arbour, had populations of S55 and N,097 respectively. The next census was in N94S and, as noted above, the city and county of Dublin had continued to grow. The north city had two very different 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 44

44 DuBliN, N930–N950

experiences; modest decreases in most of its areas and dramatic increases in a small number of wards. The increases were the result of Dublin Corporation building on Collins Avenue and in Cabragh (the area would soon become generally known as Cabra). As a result of the developments in Cabra west, the population rose by 833 per cent to N5,55S, thus transforming it from a quiet rural spot of N93S with a population of only N,SS7. The increase in Drumcondra North was a little less dramatic but some 8,000 additional people were now living in Collins Avenue and its environs, bringing the total population to N4,SN2. it was not all Corporation development, however. There was private development in the lower part of Drumcondra North, near Griffith Avenue, while in Clontarf, the increase of 3S per cent to N0,757 was mainly accounted for by private housing, particularly developments in Furry Park or Blackheath or inland from Dollymount (see Table 5 of Appendix N for more detail). The decreases in inner city wards had been significant with Mountjoy losing almost N0 per cent of its population. The losses were even greater in North City (-23 per cent) and Rotunda (-N8 per cent). See figure N2 for a map of their extent. By N94S the rehousing policies and slum clearance programmes were beginning to make themselves felt. South of the river, the established high status areas of Pembroke, Rathmines, Rathfarnham and Terenure continued to grow. in most cases growth was modest because there was not a great deal of development land remaining for low density middle-class housing. it is not surprising therefore to find that Terenure registered an increase of 35.S per cent as housing continued to push outwards. The big change was the housing programmes in Crumlin and Kimmage. The population of Crumlin was a mere 4,000 in N93S but there were 34,NNN people there in N94S – an increase of 753.8 per cent. less dramatic in percentage terms but significant at the same time, Kimmage experienced an increase that almost doubled its population from NN,N48 to 20,223. This in turn, had an impact on inner city wards, which all witnessed a decline in population. The wards of the old city, Merchant’s Quay, Wood Quay, Royal Exchange and St Kevin’s decreased by N7 per cent overall. Dún laoghaire continued to grow and registered a further increase of N2.3 per cent. All districts saw an increase in population that ranged from a modest N.3 per cent in Killiney to a more dramatic 2N.8 per cent in Blackrock. However, as before, the absolute numbers were relatively small and the total population increase was just under 5,000, compared to the 30,000 seen in Crumlin. By this time, the movement of the city into the county area was well 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 45

A PROFilE OF THE CiTy 45

underway and Mount Merrion can be seen clearly on the maps for N948, as can development around Dundrum and Clonskeagh.

Migration

There are two elements that lead to population increase: natural increase (the difference between births and deaths) and migration. The census data on migration into Dublin are sparse but some indications are available that show that there were flows into the city and this goes someway to explaining the relative stability of population in some of the poorer areas of the city. Just under 70 per cent of the population in the county borough in N94S had been born in County Dublin, a slight decrease on the N93S figure of 70.3 per cent. The percentage for Dún laoghaire was considerably lower and just over half of the residents of that part of the city in N94S had been born in Dublin. This too was marginally down on N93S when it was just under S0 per cent. unfortunately, the census data gave no indication as to how recent was the migration but some indication, in very broad terms, may be gleaned from looking at the absolute numbers. This is further complicated, however, by the fact that the boundary of the county borough changed between N93S and N94S. The county borough of Dublin increased in population but also increased in spatial extent but this does not greatly distort the population change figures. The city had a population of 4S8,N03 in N93S but if this was recalculated on the basis of the N94S boundaries, the increase was only to 472,9N2. The increase in population in the county borough was about 38,000. About one third of the increase in population, around N2,500, was due to people who were born outside the county. However, this was a net figure that included a decrease in the numbers in the city who were born further afield. By itself, the ‘other ireland’ component increased by approximately N5,500. So, a little less than half of the increase in the city could be attributed to in- migration. Dún laoghaire’s boundaries did not change and the population rose by about five thousand. Just under 4,000 of that increase was accounted for by people who were born outside the county. The greater part of this movement was from other parts of ireland with no particular concentrations visible. So with all of the caveats above, it may be suggested the in-migration from other parts of ireland was a significant element in the population growth of both county borough and Dún laoghaire borough. 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 46

4S DuBliN, N930–N950

Table . Place of birth in N93S and N94S (Census of Population, Volume 3 (N93S) and Volume 3 (N94S)). County Dún County Dún % CB % DL % CB % DL Borough Laoghaire Borough Laoghaire Population , , , , County Dublin 353,N37 S9.78 24,323 54.45 328,9S9 70.28 23,34S 58.S8 Other ireland N23,78N 24.4S N5,9SS 35.74 N08,N98 23.NN N2,5S3 3N.58 N. ireland N0,598 2.09 N,434 3.2N N0,880 2.32 N,209 3.04 England Wales NN,599 2.29 2,093 4.S9 N2,293 2.S3 N,832 4.S0 Scotland 2,748 0.54 3N2 0.70 3,28S 0.70 305 0.77 uSA N,029 0.20 NN9 0.27 N,032 0.22 N09 0.27 Other 2,N59 0.43 427 0.9S 3,445 0.74 42N N.0S Total Non N5N,9N4 20,35N N39,N34 NS,439 County

Note: CB = County Borough, Dl = Dún laoghaire

Housing

One of the largest elements on the landscape of any city is its housing and much can be learned about a city’s social and economic structure from its analysis. in Dublin, there were vast differences in housing quality from area to area and this was the physical manifestation of inequality in other aspects of life. This inequality had been inherited from the nineteenth century when the city population grew faster than its economy could sustain and the ruling classes did not see it as their duty to interfere with the resulting poverty. When at last it was realised that the city authorities had an obligation to address poverty, especially as manifested by poor quality housing, the scale of the problem had grown to such a degree that it was hard to see how it could be tackled. The Corporation made a shaky start to housing the working classes in the ﬁrst decades of the twentieth century and, despite some good schemes, it was not until the N920s that the process of dealing with the slums began in earnest. The city of the N930s and N940s was one in which poor quality tenements were distributed widely across the city, though with a heavy concentration north of the river. The suburban housing schemes in Marino and Drumcondra in the N920s had been a great success. Good quality housing had been provided in an excellent environment with care taken to try to 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 47

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Extract from Civic Survey, showing housing quality. Darker areas indicate areas of decayed housing, black shading indicates unﬁt tenements. (Civic Survey, N925.)

produce a balanced social structure. However, the problem seemed to be getting worse because the number of those needing housing continued to grow. There was also the question of the private market and how to manage the growth of the city. The government supported the private housing sector because it took pressure off the public sector and home ownership ﬁtted in 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 48

48 DuBliN, N930–N950

well with the ideals of the State. McManus has shown (2002) that a complex relationship existed between public and private provision and that it would be a mistake to consider them as separate sectors. Moreover, along the continuum between public and private were the co-partnership public utility societies and also philanthropic bodies such as The irish Sailors’ and Soldiers’ land Trust. The census does not provide a direct measure of the quality of housing but a picture of life in the city can be built, layer by layer, by looking at a number of indicators. The census defines a ‘private family’ as all of the persons living in a dwelling, whether they are related or not, including servants and it is more convenient to refer to them here as ‘households’. Such households are deemed to be a single economic entity. A room occupied is defined as any living space and includes the kitchen but toilets, bathrooms and sculleries are excluded. Thus a three-roomed dwelling could be a living room, bedroom and kitchen. A picture of the location of the problem areas can be obtained by looking at the Civic Survey for N925. These are the same areas that will figure time and again in the discussion that follows here. it shows that decayed housing was prevalent in most areas of the inner city with only the south-eastern quadrant having a lower instance. Poor conditions were commonplace westwards from Stephen’s Green and in most of the north city. Dangerous tenements were also widespread with particular concentrations around Dominick Street, Summerhill, Mountjoy, Sean MacDermott Street and, on the southside, around Aungier Street and in the liberties generally. in N93S, some 80,997 persons (N9 per cent), forming part of a household, lived in one-roomed dwellings. The majority of city dwellers (52.8 per cent) or N03,404 persons had three rooms or less (see Table S of Appendix N for greater detail). There was little difference between north and south city but considerable differences between wards. The first contrast that requires comment is between the older and mainly inner city wards where much of the housing comprised old houses sub-divided into tenements. This is where occupancy of three rooms or less was concentrated. The worst was Mountjoy ward, the area around Mountjoy Square and Summerhill, where the large Georgian houses had begun their final phase of decay as tenements. That decay was halted for a time by a Corporation initiative of refurbishment during the late N940s but it was only a temporary reprieve. By the N970s, most of the remaining streets were ruinous. Here, almost 90 per cent of households occupied three rooms or less, and 57 per cent occupied one room. This was only marginally different than the adjacent Rotunda ward or the southside Royal Exchange ward. it was much the same in Arran Quay, Ballybough, 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 49

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Mountjoy and Rotunda wards as deﬁned for the N94S census.

South Dock or Wood Quay where, in the latter case, almost three quarters of occupancy was of three rooms or less. it had not changed much by N94S as is shown in Tables S and 7 of Appendix N. it should be noted that the boundaries of these wards changed between N93S and N94S but there is a reasonable degree of spatial correspondence between them on the northside. On the southside, Mansion House expanded by absorbing Trinity Ward, and Royal Exchange took on South City. This static position contrasted with the social improvement seen in areas such as Clontarf west or Cabra, where the early suburban schemes of Dublin 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 50

50 DuBliN, N930–N950

South inner city wards as deﬁned for the N94S census.

Corporation were located. in Clontarf west, where Marino was located, the modal class was ﬁve rooms and 70 per cent of households had ﬁve rooms or more. in Cabra, where Dublin Corporation was forced by necessity to begin to build smaller houses than in Marino, only 4 per cent of units had three rooms or less while 80 per cent were of four rooms. The better-off areas such as Glasnevin and Clontarf showed yet another contrast. in the former area, over one-third of households had over seven rooms but this was even higher at 4N per cent in Clontarf. it might be expected that a similar picture would have been visible in Pembroke and Rathmines but, while there were many very large units, there was more diversity. in most of the districts in Pembroke and Rathmines over 30 per cent of houses had more than seven rooms, rising to 70 per cent in the case of Simmonscourt (the area close to the RDS). However, not everyone occupied large units and there was a considerable proportion of smaller units (three and four rooms) in this district. in Dún laoghaire, there was a complex picture. Relatively few households occupied one or two rooms but there were considerable contrasts in the 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 51

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distribution of other sizes. Thus in Blackrock, around half of the households had at least six rooms but in one part, almost one third of households occupied three rooms.

Density of occupation The differences outlined above must now be examined in terms of the density of occupation (see Table 8 of Appendix N). The circumstance for one person living in one room would be somewhat different compared to that of a multiple occupancy household. The CSO’s standard at the time suggested that a density of more than two persons per room signalled overcrowding (CSO, N93S, p. viii). There were two ways to measure this. The first was simply to count the number of inhabitants. The second was to develop a weighted total which discounted infants and weighted children aged N to under N0 as half that of an adult to produce a concept of an equivalent adult density. The first method has the benefit of simplicity and it is used here. On this basis over one-third of people lived in overcrowded conditions in Dublin city as a whole, and this did not vary significantly from north city to south city. This was almost double the figure for Dún laoghaire, except in the area behind the harbour, its own ‘social housing’ suburb, where the density rose to the average for the city. Robertson (N93S) noted that there was a total of N,574 local authority housing units in the borough, of which 342 were flats. Within Dún laoghaire proper, there were 982 of these units. Most units had been built prior to N930 and all of the flats (2SS) had been built prior to N9N0. it was in the inner city where densities were very high with over 50 per cent at this level in Rotunda, Mountjoy, Mansion House and Royal Exchange – it was a world of larger families living in small housing units. in fact, in these areas, the picture is understated because of the order of one-third (44 per cent in the case of Mountjoy) had densities that were greater than four persons per room. There were families of more than ten people living in one room. This contrasted with places such as Blackrock, Glasnevin, Clontarf and Rathmines where less than N0 per cent of the population lived at the overcrowding threshold. it is interesting to note that while Marino was within the category that showed relatively little overcrowding, this was not the position with Cabra. Almost one-third of the people in Cabra were classified as living in overcrowded conditions, despite it being a new development. Granted, it was at the margins of overcrowding with only 20 per cent in the category of ‘two but less than three persons’ but it showed the impact of moving larger families into houses, which were smaller than were built in Marino. 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 52

52 DuBliN, N930–N950

The overcrowding issue was revisited in N94S in the census of that year (see Table 9 of Appendix N). Despite the boundary changes it is possible to report that there had been an improvement. Taking the same census definition of more than two persons per room as an indicator, the percentage of people in families who suffered overcrowding fell to 27.3 per cent in the county borough from the N93S figure of 35.2 per cent. Clearly, the rehousing programmes of Dublin Corporation had an impact. This was much worse than the country as a whole, where 2N.4 per cent of urban dwellers experienced overcrowding and a great deal worse than those in Dún laoghaire where the figure was N3.8 per cent. This is not surprising given the superior housing conditions that had always been available there. South of the liffey, overcrowding remained high in the eastern part of the inner city where the figure was generally in excess of 40 per cent and as high as 52.2 per cent in Royal Exchange. yet, the particular cluster of problem areas was to the north and east of O’Connell Street around Mountjoy Square and Summerhill, where the proportion of people in overcrowded conditions remained alarmingly high. The Rotunda ward had S0.8 per cent and Mountjoy and North City were both in excess of 55 per cent. This was not only high in percentage terms but in absolute terms also. The combined number of people in, for example, Mountjoy, Rotunda and North City was in excess of 40,500. The problem was that much of the property in this area was old and tenemented and had suffered decades of neglect and exploitation by landlords. While it seems that many landlords obtained a significant income from their tenements, given the relatively high rents, it also seems that it was beyond their capacity to invest the money in keeping them to a decent standard. The position of Crumlin and Kimmage must have been a cause for concern, given their newness. Crumlin’s population was over 34,000 in N94S, while Kimmage had just over 20,000 people. Both areas had experienced very rapid growth as a result of the large-scale Dublin Corporation building programmes of the N930s. yet, both areas showed high rates of overcrowding – 43.3 per cent in Kimmage (the same level as some of the old and uncleared slums). The 22.N per cent for Crumlin was below the city average but it must have been disappointing for all concerned that the building pressures on the city required that overcrowding become a feature of the new developments almost immediately. This is not to suggest that the living experience was the same in old and new areas because the new housing was much better, with good facilities and substantial gardens. in contrast, Marino was no worse than 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 53

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the more middle class area to the east and even in its early years, it had not come in the problem category.

Single family dwellings A hint of housing quality and services can be seen when the issue of families per house is examined. This measures the degree of sub-division in what was built to be a single entity. in N93S, there were S5,793 inhabited houses (the definition of a ‘house’ includes purpose-built flats or apartments) and these contained a total of N02,N29 families. Most houses were single family units. The 53,N84 houses so occupied were fairly evenly divided between north and south city, leaving almost 50,000 families sharing about N2,500 houses. This was not the same as a self-contained flat or apartment; the principle here is that the house was constructed as a single entity and this represented some post-construction sub-division. The consequences of this will become apparent in the discussion below when sanitary arrangements are discussed. As might be expected, there were far more one-family-one-house units in the better off areas; for instance, Glasnevin, Drumcondra, Clontarf, Rathfarnham and Ballsbridge were in excess of 90 per cent. in the older townships of Pembroke and Rathmines, figures reached 80 per cent, indicating that these areas had their pockets of sub-divided houses too. The impact of Dublin Corporation’s housing programme was also to be seen with 95 per cent of Cabra and 92 per cent of Clontarf West (Marino) in single family units. Similarly, the developing suburb of Crumlin had 97 per cent of its units in this category. in significant contrast, the figure dipped below 40 per cent in some areas, especially in Mansion House, Royal Exchange, Mountjoy and Rotunda. However, this was not the case in places behind Arran Quay, Ballybough, or on the south side of usher’s Quay. The latter was a large area which stretched along the quays as far as Kingsbridge but it also extended inland to beyond the South Circular Road and contained some of the early Dublin Corporation developments. in these areas, just over 80 per cent of families were in single units. in places such as these the potential for tenementation had never been great because they had never been prime residential areas; the average amount of living space might well have been relatively small but the number of families per unit was kept lower by the nature of the houses. Just under 4 per cent of the inhabited houses in the city were home to more than six families. it was half a per cent higher on the northside and lower by a similar quantity on the southside. This distinction permits the 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 54

54 DuBliN, N930–N950

usher’s Quay ward as deﬁned for the N93S census.

identiﬁcation of the area of the city where the multiple occupancy issue, as distinct from problems of overcrowding, was greatest (see Table N0 of Appendix N for detail). While the better off areas of Pembroke and Rathmines were not immune to tenements, they were few both in number and relative importance. Percentages give a relative picture of the issue but absolute numbers are also eloquent. in N93S, there were 77 units which individually housed more than sixteen families and North Dock had a particular concentration of these (20). Each of the inner city wards, Wood Quay, usher’s Quay and especially the Mountjoy and Rotunda areas had in excess of N00 buildings, which each housed more than six families. in Rotunda Ward, there were 328 such units 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 55

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and these were 25 per cent of the total. in Mountjoy, the picture was hardly different with just under 300 units comprising 27.8 per cent.

Table . Houses with S+ families in N93S. (Census of Population, Volume 4.)

Total Total Number Per cent Ward Houses Families 6+/House 6+/House Pembroke West 3,435 4,587 20 0.S Rathmines and Rathgar West 4,322 5,373 25 0.S South City 3S8 758 30 8.2 Ballybough N,738 2,S89 49 2.8 Rathmines and Rathgar East 3,902 5,559 5S N.4 Royal Exchange 479 N,2N4 S7 N4.0 North City S07 N,497 70 NN.5 Trinity 89S 2,N30 95 N0.S Fitzwilliam N,S30 3,3N5 N02 S.3 Arran Quay 4,S28 S,774 N28 2.8 Merchant’s Quay 3,527 5,502 N35 3.8 South Dock N,54S 3,S87 N42 9.2 Mansion House 749 2,532 NS0 2N.4 North Dock 3,79S S,402 N87 4.9 Wood Quay 2,0SS 4,724 N92 9.3 usher’s Quay 3,205 5,420 N94 S.N inns Quay 2,S2N 5,399 222 8.5 Mountjoy N,0S5 3,775 29S 27.8 Rotunda N,3N3 4,480 328 25.0

Ten years later and the number of inhabited dwellings in the city was 78,SN4, a very signiﬁcant increase regardless of the change in the city boundaries. There were NN3,S98 families in these houses, an increase of about N0,000. Close to 84 per cent of houses were now single family homes, an increase of three percentage points. The number of tenements also decreased and there were 2,N0N houses with S or more families, a reduction of 43N over the decade but, surprisingly, there were now N43 houses with more than sixteen families in them. The areas already identiﬁed as being overcrowed were also those with fewer single-family homes.These comprised only 37.9 per cent in Rotunda Ward, the lowest in the city. The improvement was that there were now only two 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 56

5S DuBliN, N930–N950

other areas where single-family homes were in the minority – the environs of Mountjoy Square (4S.5 per cent) and the city centre area of Royal Exchange (48.4 per cent). That noted, the North City Ward was only a little better at 52 per cent and the South Dock area came in at 57 per cent. Overall, over 58 per cent of families now lived in single-family housing with in excess of 90 per cent reported for more affluent areas and those with recent local authority housing. Thus 99 per cent of housing in Cabra West was single-family and this was just a whisker above the 97.N per cent for Crumlin and the 97.7 per cent for Kimmage. Over the decade, the proportion of single family homes in the city increased and their location was not a factor that differentiated private housing areas from those of social housing. However, tenements still remained a significant feature of the central areas. it also seems that demand for them remained because there were signs that the rental market was tight in N94S. The cartoons in Dublin Opinion on the housing shortage were reflecting a reality. There is not much detail in the census about demand except figures for houses being built in each ward and housing vacancies, further differentiated into furnished and unfurnished in N93S.

Table . The wards with the largest number of housing units with S or more families in N94S. (Census of Population, Volume 4.)

Per cent 6+ Ward Houses Families 6+/House /House Pembroke West 2,80N 4,N54 33 N.2 Rathmines West 4,54S S,398 48 N.N Ballybough 2,294 3,4SN 49 2.N Wood Quay N,448 3,029 8S 5.9 St Kevin’s N,300 2,747 92 7.N usher’s Quay 2,7N9 4,252 99 3.S North City 8SN 2,234 N09 N2.7 South Dock N,3NN 3,02N N24 9.5 Mansion House N,SNN 3,S73 N2S 7.8 Marchant’s Quay 3,952 S,7NS N75 4.4 Royal Exchange N,N75 3,4S4 N9N NS.3 inns Quay 2,S93 5,338 N93 7.2 Rotunda 929 3,7N2 29S 3N.9 Mountjoy N,298 4,884 309 23.8 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 57

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in N94S, at the time of the census there were only 323 housing units (houses and ﬂats) under construction. The greatest concentration was in Crumlin and Cabra West (around Ventry Road), both local authority, and in Clontarf East (east of Killester and mainly between the Howth Road and the coast) where NNN units were being built. This compared to 54S in N93S when building was more widely spread across the city with concentrations in Terenure, parts of Drumcondra, Crumlin as well as in the usher’s Quay ward where the Oliver Bond ﬂat complex was being erected. The vacancy position was also much tighter in N94S when there were N,277 vacant units as compared to N,534, in N93S.

Housing services and conditions

The N94S census, for the first time, gathered information on what was called social amenities but which is more aptly referred to as housing conditions. it asked about ownership, cost of rental and the nature of water and sanitary facilities. The CSO published a caveat as part of the report noting that because this was a novel element in the data gathering that it was less confident about the coverage and the accuracy. it may come as a surprise to find that the level of home ownership was so low. There was an emphasis on home ownership in local authority housing schemes from the N920s when it was deemed to be a good counterweight to the spread of communism, and also as a vehicle for instilling good middle- class values. An Irish Times editorial (2N October N93N, p. S) noted that:

The Roman Catholic hierarchy has warned its ﬂock very urgently against the manace of Communism but the warning must be futile as long as 4,830 tenement houses shelter 25,320 families in the heart of Dublin. it is almost a miracle that hitherto Communism has not ﬂourished aggressively in that hideous soil.

Similar views were expressed at a meeting of the Dublin Rotary Club in N933 when the speaker, Mr James McMahon, suggested that:

The more house owners they had in the land the greater the security they had against Communism because contented citizen owners of property took the highest level of interest in their country’s welfare. (Irish Times, N8 July N933, p. 4) 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 58

58 DuBliN, N930–N950

However, that appears to be built on the false premise that the middle classes actually owned their own houses. Most people rented! A staggering 74.5 per cent of private dwellings in the city were rented. The ﬁgure was slightly higher on the southside at 7S.2 per cent and correspondingly lower north of the liffey at 72.3 per cent. This small difference can be explained largely by the phenomenon of what the census called ‘hire purchase’ whereby the dwelling was being acquired on what is more usually referred to as ‘tenant purchase’. This was a characteristic of the early Dublin Corporation schemes, such as Marino, and it produced the unexpected result of some social housing areas being further on the path to ownership than some private housing areas. The differences that existed between areas did not follow the normal private housing versus social housing division. Clontarf west (Marino) had only 3S.4 per cent of its properties rented but the ﬁgure in Clontarf East (largely private built) was higher at 39.8 per cent. The difference between the areas becomes apparent only when the nature of ownership is looked at. in Clontarf West, ownership was divided between those who owned their dwelling outright or with a mortgage or loan and those on the hire purchase (hp) system in a roughly N:2 ratio. in Clontarf East, hardly any properties were being obtained on the hire purchase system. These contrasts were repeated elsewhere. Rental properties accounted for between S0 and 73 per cent of the total in Rathmines and Pembroke but the majority of non-rentals were ‘owned’. Kilmainham was similar in that S2.8 per cent of properties were rented but here two-thirds of the properties were in a tenant purchase scheme. it was only in the newer private areas of Terenure that owned properties constituted a clear majority of houses. The status of the poorer areas, however, emerged clearly. Over 90 per cent of properties in Mountjoy, Royal Exchange, Terenure, usher’s Quay and Rotunda wards were rentals. information was gathered on the rental costs on a monthly basis and there was considerable variation in all areas. The average rent in the city was 55.3s. per month with rents north of the river averaging 50s. and those south of the river costing just under N0s. more per month. A useful comparison is that Associated Properties, serving the better-off working class, the people whom the Corporation would have expected to house had resources been available, offered a three-bedroomed house to rent at 7Ss. per month. There are no surprises in the contrast between the areas with the top six rental costs and those at the bottom. The difference was almost a factor of three between Mountjoy where the average cost was 32.7s. per month and 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 59

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Table . The cheapest and dearest wards in which to rent, N94S. (Census of Population, Volume 4.) Rent is in shillings per month.

Dwellings Rented Owned HP % Rent Rent s. Mountjoy 4,972 4,S92 220 2 94.4 32.7 Royal Exchange 3,373 3,070 N30 3 9N.0 34.8 Rotunda 3,S79 3,489 N2S 2 94.8 35.8 Merchant’s Quay S,S72 5,55S S35 394 83.3 3S.2 North City 2,N7N N,954 NN5 N 90.0 3S.S usher’s Quay 4,294 3,474 S28 N22 80.9 4N.N inns Quay 5,029 4,443 508 NN 88.3 4N.5 Rathmines West S,N44 4,383 N,SS0 N5 7N.3 82.3 Terenure 2,384 N,252 9NN N34 52.5 85.9 Glasnevin N,97N 902 N,0N5 28 45.8 9S.0 Rathfarnham N,72N S78 933 59 39.4 N00.2 Rathmines East 4,47S 2,7N4 N,S33 27 S0.S N00.4 Clontarf East 2,380 948 N,277 82 39.8 N02.0

dwellings in Clontarf which cost an average of N02s. per month, a little more expensive than the older parts of Rathmines and Terenure/Rathfarnham (see Table N2 of Appendix N for more details). One-room units were concentrated in the areas of lowest rent, though there was a smattering of them all over the city. Here a person could expect to pay between 22s. and 29s. per month. This is quite substantial for what was the bottom of the market and disproportionately high compared to larger units in the same districts. it suggests that the pressure on housing and incomes was such that the lower end of the market produced a signiﬁcant income for owners. Thus in Mountjoy Ward, the average cost of a one-room unit was 25.4s. per month but a four-room unit in the same ward cost a dispro - portionate S4.3s. Dublin Corporation had moved towards building more four- roomed houses by the time that Crumlin and Kimmage were developed and they had also moved away from tenant purchase to straight rental in order to facilitate a population with lower incomes (see McManus, 2002). Rents in these areas, before the introduction of differential rents, were very similar and averaged around 5Ns. per month or about half what a similarly sized dwelling in Rathmines would have cost. No detail was provided for Dún laoghaire in the N94S census but two out of every three properties was rented – signiﬁcantly lower than the city but high nonetheless. Non-rental properties were owned with hardly any examples of 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 60

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Three-roomed houses built by Crampton in Crumlin c.N939.

hire purchase. The average monthly rent was about 50 per cent higher than for the city at 78.2s. with over one hundred properties costing more than £N2 N0s. per month. This compares to 522 such properties in the city; an entity some thirteen times larger.

Facilities information on facilities was confined to water supply and associated services such as bathing and toilets. This was not the era of universal indoor plumbing with ready access to a fixed bath, as distinct from the tin object dragged into the middle of the kitchen floor on wash night. Of the NN0,9N4 dwellings in the city for which information was provided, only 7N,44N (S4.4 per cent) had a private water supply, the key element to having a fixed bath and an indoor flush toilet. An additional 38,058 dwellings had access to a water supply that was shared. This accounted for a further 34.3 per cent of dwellings and combining these two meant that the vast majority of dwellings in Dublin had some access to piped water. Nonetheless, the city compared unfavourably to Dún laoghaire where 87 per cent had a private supply. looking at the top six areas, it can be seen that it was the new areas of social housing where the instance of private piped water was greatest with in 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 61

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excess of 90 per cent in Crumlin and Cabra – as good as was found in better- off areas such as Clontarf and Tenenure. Drumcondra North scored highly because of its mix of new social housing and solid red-brick middle-class housing. in the areas already identiﬁed as being overcrowded and multiple occupancy, it was to be expected that water supplies would be shared. This was a feature in as many as 8S per cent of dwellings in Rotunda, with Royal Exchange and North City not much different.

Table . Wards with best and worst access to individual piped water supply, N94S. (Census of Population, Volume 4.)

Total Individual Shared % % Shared Fixed % Fixed Water and Baths Units Piped Piped Piped Piped bath bath Rotunda 3,S79 500 3,N75 N3.S 8S.3 3S3 9.9 Royal Exchange 3,373 773 2,592 22.9 7S.8 38N NN.3 North City 2,N7N 52N N,S47 24.0 75.9 N53 7.0 Mountjoy 4,972 N,77N 3,NS4 35.S S3.S 775 N5.S inns Quay 5,029 N,955 2,7S0 38.9 54.9 708 N4.N South Dock 2,952 N,N80 N,729 40.0 58.S 749 25.4 Terenure 2,384 2,047 3N5 85.9 N3.2 N940 9N.0 Clontarf East 2,380 2,0S8 259 8S.9 N0.9 2002 8N.4 Kimmage 3,2S2 2,9NS 338 89.4 N0.4 2927 84.N Crumlin S,0N8 5,49N 478 9N.2 7.9 544N 89.7 Drumcondra North 2,S09 2,407 N80 92.3 S.9 249S 90.4 Cabragh West 2,597 2,428 N03 93.5 4.0 N932 95.7

Having a water supply was one thing, using it for bathing is another. Anyone of a certain age will recall that showering is a recent phenomenon and that people tended to hum in warm weather a great deal more than is usual these days. Advertisements in popular magazines advised on the need to avoid ‘BO’, though it seems that the Americans were less coy about this problem than either the British or the irish. in N94S, the problem was that fixed baths were not commonplace even in larger houses. in the city as a whole, only 48 per cent had a fixed bath and this rose only to 58.N per cent in the case of dwellings with more than four rooms. Older better-off areas had lower values and the chances of being in a dwelling with a fixed bath were 50/50 in Pembroke West and marginally better in Pembroke East. However, in the newer parts of Terenure, Glasnevin and Drumcondra, this was a facility to be 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 62

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Extract from N94S advertisement for lifebuoy soap.

found in most buildings. Similarly, despite a hiccup in the building of Marino (see McManus, 2002) when, for a period, it was decided that a fixed bath was an unnecessary luxury for the working classes, the availability of this facility in social housing was high, reaching over 90 per cent in Cabra West and 90.4 per cent in Crumlin. in the absence of a private water supply, it is next to nigh impossible to have a fixed bath, so the instance of such things was low in such areas and below N0 per cent in Rotunda where shared facilities were the order of the day in 88 per cent of dwellings. An indoor lavatory was another facility that could not be taken for granted in N94S. Even in better-off areas, the privy could be located at the bottom of the garden in its own shed, necessitating the donning of a coat in winter time. This meant that a chamber pot, or guzzunder, was an essential item in many households because just under S0 per cent of dwellings had the comfort of an indoor flush toilet (though it could be a shared facility). in Dún laoghaire, the figure rose to three out of four. Availability was best in the new social housing areas of Marino (8S per cent), Crumlin (9S.7 per cent), Kimmage (90.4 per cent) and figures in excess of 70 per cent were to found in Clontarf, Terenure, Rathfarnham, Glasnevin and Drumcondra. in the older townships, 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 63

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Cooking and storage provision in Marino houses, late N920s.

especially in Pembroke, around S0 per cent of lavatories were indoors and this was not much better than Mountjoy (55.8 per cent), although a resident was four times more likely to have to share with others in the latter. in terms of discomfort, there were differences. in the area around Rotunda, the good aspect was that there was a slightly better than even chance that the toilet would be indoors but in the case of 88 per cent of dwellings it was a shared facility. in Merchant’s Quay and across the river in inns Quay, around 30 per cent had an indoor toilet, though this fell to 22 per cent in Arran Quay. However, while in inns Quay there was a S2 per cent chance that the toilet would also be shared, in Arran Quay the resident might have to go outdoors but only 40 per cent of dwellings had to share. Within these areas it was multiple occupancy units or tenements that had the worst level of services. Almost 75 per cent of flats had shared sanitary facilities in N94S and it is perhaps no wonder why Dubliners had no great love for flat or apartment living until forced to embrace the concept in the property madness of the N990s. This was a widespread issue and affected in excess of 70 per cent in Wood Quay, Drumcondra, Terenure, Crumlin, Rathmines or Glasnevin. Moreover, price was not a differentiating factor. A flat in Royal Exchange (city centre) could be rented for 32s. on average per month but it 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 64

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was just as likely to rely on shared sanitation as was a ﬂat in Drumcondra or Glasnevin where the rent was more than 2.5 times higher. The common factor in both locations was probably the age of the property – not all tenements were in poor areas – coupled with the fact that older purpose-built apartment blocks, such as those built by Dublin Corporation or the iveagh Trust, provided facilities to small groups of ﬂats, rather than to individual ones.

Table . Shared sanitary facilities in Dublin ﬂats in N94S. (Census of Population, Volume 4.)

% Shared Average Rent Total Flats Sanitary s./month Wood Quay N,924 7N.3 40.5 Clontarf East 232 7N.S 87.7 Mountjoy 4,338 73.N 30.2 South Dock 2,285 73.3 55.5 Rathmines East N,833 74.0 89.7 St Kevin’s N,84S 77.3 57 Crumlin 37N 77.4 S7.N Marchant’s Quay 3,5NS 77.4 29.N Cabra East 735 77.8 87.4 Kimmage N7N 77.8 S4.5 North Dock N,NN4 78.0 42.0 Raheny 5 80.0 50.0 Terenure 40N 80.3 82.S Clontarf West S35 8N.4 73.7 Glasnevin 4N0 8N.5 80.0 Royal Exchange 3,053 82.0 32.0 Drumcondra South S45 82.2 78.8 Beann Eadair N27 83.5 74.3 Phoenix Park N9N 84.3 45.3 Drumcondra North N38 84.8 89.9 Ballybough N,5S0 8S.N 4S.0 North City N,9N9 8S.5 32.7 Arran Quay 2,N49 87.2 38.S inns Quay 3,383 88.3 37.8 Rotunda 3,427 92.2 34.N 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 65

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Religion

That ireland was predominantly Roman Catholic in religious aﬃliation in N94S is no surprise; fewer than 5 per cent of the population belonged to other denominations or gave no answer to the census question in N94S. Nationally, the dominance of Roman Catholics had increased from N92S when they were 92.9 per cent of the population to 93.7 per cent in N93S. This was against a backdrop of a slightly decreasing population and indicated a decline in the absolute numbers of other religions. The second-largest group were the Protestant Episcopalians with 5.7 per cent, down from S.S per cent in N93S and 7.5 per cent in N92S. Their absolute numbers had declined by over 50,000 during the same period to stand at NS9,074. None of the other reported denominations accounted for greater than N per cent of the population and only the Jews had registered an increase in their absolute numbers since N92S.

Table . Membership of religious denominations nationally, N92S–4S. (Census of Population, N94S, Volume 3.) 1926 1936 1946 % 1926 % 1936 % 1946 Roman Catholics 2,75N,2S9 2,773,920 2,78S,033 92.85 93.S8 94.52 Total Other 220,723 N94,500 NS9,074 7.45 S.57 5.74 Denominations Protestants NS4,2N5 N45,030 N24,829 5.54 4.90 4.24 Episcopalians Presbyterians 32,429 28,0S7 23,870 N.09 0.95 0.8N Methodists N0,SS3 9,S49 8,355 0.3S 0.33 0.28 Jews 3,S8S 3,749 3,907 0.N2 0.N3 0.N3 Baptists 7N7 7N5 4S2 0.02 0.02 0.02 Others including no 9,0N3 7,290 7,S5N information Total population 2,97N,992 2,9S8,420 2,955,N07 Total reponses 2,9S2,979 2,9SN,N30 2,947,45S N00 N00 N00

Dublin was a little more diverse than the country as a whole but here too the population of non-Roman Catholics was in decline in both relative and absolute terms (see Table N3 of Appendix N). Within the county borough, it stood at 8.7 per cent in N94S, down from N0.8 per cent in N93S. Other denominations accounted for almost one in ﬁve of the population (N8.5 per cent) in Dún laoghaire Borough, although this too was down on the N93S 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 66

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figure of 20.4 per cent. Dún laoghaire had the greatest concentration of non- Roman Catholics of all districts and nationally was approached only by Bray (N4.2 per cent), Monaghan (N3.7 per cent) and the south-eastern suburbs of Cork City (NN.5 per cent). This might be part of the ‘different outlook’ concept that figured in the debate on absorption into the city and which will be discussed later. The Dún laoghaire civic survey of N93S (Robertson, N93S) noted that there was a need for further RC places of worship in Dún laoghaire, Glasthule and Booterstown. However, Church of ireland needs were fully met. it was noted that Dún laoghaire had members of the Presbyterian, Methodist, and Baptist faiths as well as the Society of Friends while Blackrock had provision for Presbyterians, Methodists and Plymouth Brethren (p. 32). No detail on the wards within Dublin was reported in the N94S census but there was a table provided in the N93S census that is of interest. Within the county borough of Dublin it showed the contrast between the northside and southside of the city and between the ‘old’ city and the townships. in an earlier generation, the townships were unionist rather than nationalist and that tended to be associated with Protestant denominations rather than RC (see Daly, N984). On the northside of the city, the population of non-RCs was 7.N per cent of the total. Many of the inner city wards fell below that with only 3.N per cent in Mountjoy and 5.4 per cent in Arran Quay. The ‘township effect’ was seen in the much higher percentages of Clontarf East (2N.S per cent) and Raheny ward (N7.3 per cent), the latter, at that time, being a coastal extension of Clontarf towards Howth. The same was true of the Glasnevin ward, where the red-bricked and middle-class housing of Drumcondra/Glasnevin had a non-RC population of N2.7 per cent. likewise, on the southside, what had been the Pembroke and Rathmines townships had significantly higher concentrations than the average N4 per cent for the southside. These areas ranged around 20 per cent with parts of Rathgar and Rathfarnham in excess of 25 per cent. However, it must not be assumed that a high proportion was simply a phenomenon of the middle-class areas of the city. Other less well-off southside areas had relatively high concentrations that ranged from 7 per cent in Trinity, South Dock and Mansion House to N2.4 per cent for Wood Quay ward, around Christ Church. Most of Dún laoghaire was close to the 20 per cent average for the Borough and all areas exceeded the average for the county borough. The lower figures in ‘Blackrock N’ can be explained in terms of the presence of 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 67

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Blackrock College while ‘Dún laoghaire 3’ contains much of the central area of the town and has a more diverse (and more working-class) population than the remainder of the area.

Summing up the city

The city of Dublin discussed in this chapter was growing steadily during the N930s and 40s, at a time when the population of the country was declining. The growth was fuelled by a combination of natural increase and migration and it seems reasonable to assert that whatever Dublin’s problems might be, it was more attractive than many other places in ireland. There was more than a suspicion at the time that many of these migrants replicated previous generations in that they came to Dublin in the hope of employment rather than in expectation. This meant that many of them ended up in housing at the bottom end of the market. Certainly, great efforts were made in an attempt to solve the housing crisis but there was continued growth in the numbers of poor people in substandard accommodation. Despite the significant invest - ment in social housing, it seemed that the need was growing almost as fast as the provision. The investment in social housing had resulted in the creation of large suburban estates replacing poor quality inner city housing. This was reflected in the redistribution of population from the centre towards the edge as these relocations grew in significance. There is no information on the actual quality of housing but there were certainly differences in the size of units and the density of occupation. Small and over-crowded units in multiple occupancy were still a dominant feature of many parts of the city centre in N94S. Because of their genesis, basic facilities such as water and toilets were shared but the contrast between these and the new social housing in the suburbs was marked. These were built on the principle of single-family usage, with the provision of water, sanitary and bathing facilities. There was also no information in the census on social class, but surrogates such as the rental paid per month, or the size of housing units, permitted the conclusion that the social structure of the city as we would know it today was well-established by N94S. The southern townships of Pembroke and Rathmines continued to expand sectorally along the main routeways and ultimately would join up the expanding Dún laoghaire Borough to create the solidly middle-class south-eastern sector of today. The western portion of the south city had taken on its ‘working-class’ character in consequence of the 01 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:30 Page 68

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large volume of social housing being built there. The northside’s fragmented social character was also fixed by this time with social housing developments cheek-by-jowl with private housing, although the middle-class status of the coastal districts as far out as Howth was clear. Society was what would now be called ‘traditional’. Most people married and men were generally older than women at the age of marriage. The place of married women was definitely in the home and single women dominated the female workforce. That workforce was confined to a relatively small number of sectors that included commerce, administration and retailing. Servants were still part of many households, especially in Dún laoghaire. it was an important sector of employment for younger women in the city but it seems that they either moved to the uK or moved into other areas of life as they got older. it was widely recognised that households could, or would, not pay what was available in the uK and there was much annoyance about the fact that householders saw themselves being used as trainers. This indicated that the day was coming to an end when average middle-class households could afford a servant and it is perhaps surprising that it had endured for so long. The age of S5 had become established as the retirement age and the proportion of that age group in employment was lower than others. However, life expectancy was sufficiently low to ensure that retirement would not be a worry for many. Relatively small numbers continued into old age and the chances of a man reaching 90 were pretty slim. it is hard to see from these census figures how the city of Dublin sustained itself, given the lack of involvement by most of the population in manufacturing or trade. Employment was strongly service based, whether in finance, administration or in transport and retailing. These activities may be good at circulating wealth but they are not generally wealth generators in themselves. Thus it seems that Dublin was dependent on the support of the predominantly agricultural economy to survive. However, as Harvey (N949, p. N3) noted: ‘ireland is losing its agricultural background, and a large part of its people, and something radical must occur to change this trend or national extinction will result. Not even ireland can live off a tourist trade and one or two international airports.’ 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 69

Managing a growing city

Urban governance

The governance of the county of Dublin has always been a mystery. Even today, the city is not governed by a single entity but by four entities, which sometimes work in competition with each other but, fortunately, mostly in cooperation: Dublin City Council (formerly Dublin Corporation), Fingal County Council, South Dublin County Council and Dún Laoghaire- Rathdown County Council. There is a regional authority, one of eight set up under the Local Government Act (1TT1). The Dublin Regional Authority draws its membership of thirty from the four councils and it meets regularly. However, it has little or no real power as its main function is to ‘promote co-ordination of the provision of public services in the authority’s region’ (S.I. No. 3T4/1TT3, 14(1)). It is fair to say that it impinges on the daily life of citizens to such a limited degree that its very existence is hardly noticed. The origins of this lack of coherence are historical but its persistence is the result of inertia and a lack of political will. As the city of Dublin developed in the nineteenth century, it became fashionable for land owners and business people to adopt an idea already common in Britain which was to remove themselves to suburbs or townships as they became known in Dublin. The impetus in many cities was to escape the smoke and smells of the industrial centre and of living in close proximity to the burgeoning working classes. There was also a suburban idyll based on the notion that life in the countryside was better than that of the city. Thus Wordsworth wrote in Book 13 (line 201) of the Prelude:

Love cannot be; nor does it thrive with ease Among the close and overcrowded haunts Of cities, where the human heart is sick, And the eye feeds it not, and cannot feed

An advantage of these suburbs was that they could develop as independent urban entities and many survived to become urban districts. This gave them control over the local governance of their area and allowed them to evade responsibility for the growing problems of the poor within the nearby city

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areas. They could set their own rates, provide their own services and, by controlling housing, set the tone for the township. In the case of Manchester, for example, the better-off fled into the Cheshire countryside to places such as Altringham, Bowdon or Alderley Edge which, it was believed, were at such a distance (24km but connected by train in the case of Alderley Edge) that they would not be engulfed by the outward spread of the city. In Dublin, the townships were unusually close to the city, especially south of the river, where only the Grand Canal separated them. In reality, there was a seamless transition from city to township. Both were intimately bound together in that the better-off used the city in a variety of ways but they did not support it to anything like the degree that was needed. Early on it was recognised that this was a circumstance that could not continue; the efficient development of the city required change. It is all the more remarkable therefore, that some managed an independent existence for eighty years. In 1881 the Municipal Boundaries Commission (Ireland) reported on Dublin and recommended that the area of Dublin city be extended to include the townships of Rathmines, Pembroke, Kilmainham, Drumcondra and Clontarf, and other significant areas of the then county of Dublin (p. 43). They did not recommend the inclusion of Kingstown, Blackrock or Dalkey within Dublin but rather that the latter two should be annexed to Kingstown. Nothing happened until 1T00 when the townships of Kilmainham, Glasnevin, Drumcondra and Clontarf were annexed to the city but Pembroke and Rathmines managed to escape, despite the best efforts of Dublin Corporation and one overwhelming vote (late overturned) in favour in the House of Commons. This was not a good outcome for the city because the townships they managed to annex had nothing like the income potential of the two they missed. If anything, they were going to be a financial burden on the city. However, some consolation was received in the form of the Dublin Corporation, Rathmines and Rathgar and Pembroke (Equalisation of Rates) Act (1T01) that required both Pembroke and Rathmines to make a contribution to the finances of the city on the basis that people in the townships enjoyed services and facilities in the city for which they did not pay. At the time of their final absorption into the city, this amounted to an annual payment of £T,000–10,000 for Rathmines and £R,000 for Pembroke. There were some small boundary additions to the city between 1T00 and 1T22 but it was not until the Greater Dublin Commission of Inquiry reported in 1T2Q that the issue was revisited. The commission was asked to examine the administration of local and public utility services in the city and county 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 71

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Pembroke and Rathmines Townships (urban Districts). (Based on OS 1:Q33Q0 series, Sheet 112, 1T00.)

and it recommended significant amalgamations. Dublin was to be extended by the annexation of Rathmines and Pembroke, but also by the addition of Howth and some rural areas. A single ‘coastal borough’ was to be formed by the amalgamation of Dún Laoghaire, Blackrock, Dalkey and Killiney (and Ballybrack) with a significant rural element. Common services were to be administered by a Great Council in both the new county borough and the expanded coastal borough with local councils to deal with local services. It also recommended that a ‘city manager’ be appointed to the whole joint administrative area. The Great Council idea never came to much but amalgamations took place as a result of the Local Government (Dublin) Act which was passed in 1T30. This Act saw finally the absorption into the city of Rathmines and Pembroke (they did not go quietly) as well as a significant extension to the boundary of the city by the inclusion of Rathfarnham, Terenure, Kimmage and Crumlin as well as a swathe of land from Cabra to Killester and along the coast to the boundary with the Howth urban District (uD) at Kilbarrack. The effect of the boundary extension for the city was to increase its area from 8,1R2 acres to 18,RRQ acres (3,330ha–R,Q00ha). The Howth uD survived as 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 72

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an autonomous unit for a little while longer. On the southside, the borough of Dún Laoghaire came into existence with the amalgamations outlined above. With the new county borough of Dublin came the city manager (decried as an ‘anti-democratic’ concept by some in the Oireachtas) who took on direct responsibility for certain functions: ﬁnance, housing, public health, streets and waterworks, leaving only a rump set of reserved functions for the councillors. The debate in the Dáil during the passage of the legislation was a long one and, from time to time, charged. The second stage began on Wednesday, 2Q February 1T30, and continued over three days. The basis for the legislation was set out by General Richard Mulcahy, Minster for Local Government and Public Health. The government had set its face against the implementation of the Greater Dublin idea because it felt that it would involve going too far, too soon. The need to plan for a growing Dublin was recognised but it was argued that the large area suggested had too much of a rural component to it and the new council would be torn between its obligations to its urban areas and its different obligations to its rural areas. There was a suggestion that too much development would be required with unnecessary and unsustainable expenditure in bringing urban infrastructure to a variety of rural areas. Therefore, the Government proposed that Dublin city be extended by taking in Pembroke and Rathmines and some small additions that had already developed an urban character. A short history of previous failed attempts was given and it was suggested that this proposal would be opposed by the opposition parties. As it turned out, there were very few voices against taking in Pembroke and Rathmines (except outside the Oireachtas in the townships); rather the focus of opposition turned to the issue of the creation of the coastal borough by the amalgamation of Blackrock, Dún Laoghaire, Dalkey and Killiney. This proposal made the greatest sense, according to the government. The city was getting its administration back following years of management by commissioners and it would have enough on its plate without having to be concerned with the coastal boroughs. Conversely the boroughs were unlikely to get the attention they needed, given the business to which the city had to devote itself. Moreover, there was no pressing need to join with the city for reasons of mains drainage or water supply. They were already getting water from the city and their mains drainage, in so far as it existed, was completely separate from that of the city and could not be joined with it. Most interesting, however, was the suggestion of differences in ‘outlook’. 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 73

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Apart altogether from that fact, we have had to come to the conclusion that the coastal borough is a separate place from the city in the whole outlook at the present moment. Their heart is the seafront and their whole life has grown up around the seafront. (Dáil Debates, 1T30, 33(R), col. T3R)

There was no further explanation forthcoming as to what was actually understood by ‘outlook’. Professor Michael Tierney TD said that the reasons for the coastal borough were subtle and ‘cannot be made obvious by sledge- hammer methods alone’ (Dáil Debates, 1T30, 33(R), col. 1118). Reference to Chapter 1 would suggest that they were refusing to spell out the fact that those living in the coastal boroughs wished to retain their social cachet by not being associated with the city and its slums and that the government was prepared to facilitate this. They would also avoid the more practical issue of paying rates to the city. Perhaps this same subtlety prevailed when Professor Tierney, as president of uCD, promoted and executed the move of uCD to a southside location, albeit then in the county rather than Dún Laoghaire. This required the purchase of lands when the university already had ample lands for expansion north of the river. The two parcels, one of 8Qha and the other of 5Tha were suﬃcient in later years to provide for local authority housing estate at Ballymun and the building of the DCu campus. However, there is no suggestion that a move to the northside was even considered during the decade or so that uCD stealthily acquired its southside campus. It was further argued that the city would gain no advantage from taking in the coastal region and that it would not reduce the city’s rates by one halfpenny. Moreover, it was unlikely that the city would want to develop at the back of the borough. A complicated metaphor in geometry was offered by the Minister but it was argued that Dún Laoghaire could best manage suburban development in that area and, at a point in the future, all could be merged with the city if warranted.

As far as the extension of the city is concerned, the last place that the city would decide to extend itself is down to or at the back of Blackrock and Dún Laoghaire. If extension is going to take place there, it can most satisfactorily be controlled from the Dún Laoghaire side at the present moment. (Dáil Debates, 1T30, 33(R), col. T38) 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 74

R4 DuBLIN, 1T30–1T50

Of course, expansion of this kind is exactly what happened and what was always going to happen. The better-off area of the city continued its south easterly march, already evident in 1T30, and developed inland and behind the coastal borough of Dún Laoghaire. The Opposition’s response, led by T.J. O’Connell of the Labour Party, was to suggest that the government was providing for ‘vested interests’ in Dún Laoghaire and its environs, just as the vested interests of those in Pembroke and Rathmines had been protected in a previous generation.

As I say we know what happened in the case of Rathmines and Pembroke. We had a unionist Government in power in Westminster and we had unionist Councils in power in Rathmines and Pembroke. The combination of politics and vested interests was too strong for the Nationalist Corporation at the time, so Rathmines and Pembroke were left out. We had had for over thirty years the anomaly of these two areas, which were really within the city, part of the city, but not part of the city for the purposes of local government. When steps are being taken now to end that anomaly and to bring these two areas within the city, the Government in effect creates a greater anomaly by leaving out areas that are naturally part of the city, obviously ought to be part of the city, and are there because Dublin is there. If the minister proposed merely to leave them out and to wait until perhaps a greater realisation of the necessity for bringing them in should come to those in authority, until circumstances were such that they would be brought in as a matter of course, it would be bad enough, but instead of that they are going further. First, they are consolidating those outside areas, enlarging their powers, creating new vested interests and making, in so far as they can make, extremely diﬃcult their future absorption by the growing city. (Dáil Debates, 1T30, 33(R), col. T5R)

Just as the people with wealth and power had avoided their responsibilities for the city by going to live in Pembroke and Rathmines, so too would a new generation do so by going to live in Monkstown, Blackrock and Dún Laoghaire. Further contributions referred to the ‘partition’ of the city and to gerrymandering. Seán T. O’Kelly (Fianna Fáil) suggested that: ‘Partition has entered so deeply into the souls of the Ministers and they are so fond of it that they are not satisﬁed with partition of the Thirty-two Counties; they want to extend it to the City of Dublin. We object strenuously to the amputation of 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 75

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‘Bound up with the sea’: Dún Laoghaire and the ferryport. (Postcard.)

what we regard as an important area in what we think, at any rate, is the capital of Ireland’ (Dáil Debates, 1T30, 33(R), col. TQ8). Later he said of the proposals that ‘To my mind they bear a very close resemblance to the gerrymandering of President Cosgrave’s Orange friends in the North last year’ (Dáil Debates, 1T30, 33(R), col. TR4). The debate took place in that kind of atmosphere with argument switching from ad rem to ad hominem over the course of the three days. However, despite ample opportunity, the case put forward by the government never progressed beyond its ﬁrst statement and remained as undeveloped. Professor John Marcus O’Sullivan, Minister for Education, tried to argue that no basis had been made for the inclusion of the boroughs in the city and that when the time came when such an argument could be made, then the inclusion could happen. Moreover he argued that it would then be easier to absorb one entity with a centralised administration than a number of them. In his view, it was not enough at the present moment to argue for absorption simply because they shared a tram system and a police force. However, the response from the future Taoiseach Seán Lemass was more convincing. He felt that it should be taken as a starting point that the city should be governed as an entity and that there should be reasons put forward as to why there should be any deviation from this. He went on to argue that this proposal was merely the maintenance of islands of privilege established by the British (Dáil Debates, 1T30, 33(R), col. 1005). 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 76

RQ DuBLIN, 1T30–1T50

The new coastal borough of Dún Laoghaire as created by the 1T30 Act. (Inset map to the Local Government (Dublin) Tribunal, 1T38.)

The government had also suggested that there were sound practical reasons for keeping the two areas separate. The boroughs had separate mains drainage but as Seán MacEntee (col. 11R8) pointed out so did Pembroke and Rathmines. Therefore, logic dictated that either both areas or neither area should be merged with the city. Indeed the drainage systems of the coastal boroughs had a far greater detrimental effect on the city than those of Rathmines and Pembroke. Moreover, he asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health if he was at all familiar with the area since it seemed that he was unaware of all the suburban development that was already taking place behind the coastal boroughs; development which the Minister could not see happening in Mount Merrion, Roebuck and Stillorgan, along by Newpark right down to Carrickmines. It was clear that the city was already developing along that axis. 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 77

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MacEntee made the point that in the case of the city and the coastal boroughs, two communities lived side by side. Many of those in Dún Laoghaire worked in the city or were otherwise dependent on the city and it made sense to have the two areas under uniﬁed control. In fact, turning the argument on its head, he noted how interconnected the communities were and that uniﬁed control was needed as they had separate water and main drainage. He offered a colourful metaphor (col. 11RT).

The powers of the Corporation of Dublin will never extend over the holy ground of Dún Laoghaire and Blackrock. I do not know what makes these particular townships sacred to the Minister, but I can only conclude that he desires to prevent the growth of the city in that direction for some fetish reason similar to that which makes the Chinese endeavour to cramp the development of the feet of their children, and the Indian savages of South America attempt to cramp the development of their children’s heads. There is no other reason than that the minister has been seized with some fanatical idea, and he is determined, as I said before, that the authority of the Council of Dublin will never extend over the holy ground of Dún Laoghaire and Blackrock. (Dáil Debates, 1T30, 33(R), col. 11RT)

In short, while the rhetoric of the times may be seen as somewhat over - whelming, the basic point remained that the government made no real case for maintaining a separate borough in Dún Laoghaire. It was clear that the city was already expanding in that direction and that middle-class suburbs were emerging as ribbon developments on the roads out of the city. The arguments around water and mains drainage were ﬂimsy and comprised nothing more than saying that they were ‘different’. More vague still was the concept of different ‘outlook’, which was never explained, but seemed to be important. It is hard to escape the conclusion that Fianna Fáil and Labour were correct in seeing this as an attempt to maintain the cachet of a separate urban entity with a status higher than that of the city and without the massive housing and slum problems which the city had to tackle. That is not to suggest, however, that Fianna Fáil was prepared to do anything about this when they got the opportunity a few years later. 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 78

R8 DuBLIN, 1T30–1T50

Pembroke and Rathmines Most of the argument in the Dáil was about the creation of the coastal borough and about the role of city manager. However, not everyone was in favour of the absorption of Pembroke and Rathmines into the city. Mr John Good, a company director and Independent TD as well as a long-term member of Pembroke uDC, was one of them. His argument, put simply, was that there was no demand for such action. People in Rathmines and in Pembroke were happy with what they had and there was no desire for change. Even in the city, there was no demand for this action. The President of the Executive Council of the Irish Free State, W.T. Cosgrave, who was always interested in matters that related to the city and especially to Dublin Corporation, took up this challenge and produced the facts and figures that showed how well Dublin was doing. He highlighted the continued decline in the death rate which was now at 1Q.3 per 1000, down from 3R.5 (Dáil Debates, 1T30, 33, col. 18RT). He pointed to the favourable financial position of the city because, though the debt of the city stood at £3.Qm, and though it had risen in recent years, most of the debt was in respect of tangible assets. He suggested that it was futile for Pembroke and Rathmines to keep trying to avoid the inevitable and that it was far better to see this development in positive terms: ‘I want to assure Deputy Good and other unbelievers in Pembroke, Rathmines and Rathgar that they are not being taken in but rather that the motherly cloak of the City of Dublin is going to be thrown around them’ (Dáil Debates, 1T30, 33, col. 115R). The reaction of the Pembroke urban District Council was not positive. At their meeting on 10 March 1T30, they called for a plebiscite of the electors of the two districts before the measure went any further. Their argument against the proposal was the one heard previously. The township had always managed its affairs in a business-like and professional manner and the city simply wanted their rateable value. There was concern that the rates would rise because of the debt burden of the city. Interestingly the opposition crossed the party lines and Mr R. O’Sullivan (Labour) found himself in agreement with Mr Good. There were only two opposing votes. There was more public interest in Rathmines and a lively public meeting took place on 1T March 1T30, where it is estimated that over 400 people were present. The opposition to the Bill was more complex in that it focused on both the annexation and the institution of the city manager’s role. The council was against the bill and it had previously passed a resolution in which its opinions reflected those of the Pembroke Council. These could be summed up as Rathmines having been a well-run entity that was now going to lose out 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 79

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The county borough as created by the 1T30 Act. (Inset map to the Local Government (Dublin) Tribunal, 1T38.) 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 80

80 DuBLIN, 1T30–1T50

in the future. It was feared that the money of the township was going to be used to pay the debts of the city (Irish Times, 20 March 1T30, pp R–8). A resolution calling for a plebiscite was passed easily and those in favour of the legislation found it hard to get a hearing. However, the issue does not appear to have gained a great deal of traction and it was not a matter of debate in the newspapers. It may well be that people were of the same view as W.T. Cosgrave in that it was inevitable that the boroughs were going to join the city and it might as well be now as some other time. The view of Dublin Corporation would have been interesting to know because they had been the suitors of the townships over a long period of time but matters had changed in the city area since the beginning of the century. unfortunately, there was to be no ‘corporation’ view since the city was being managed at the time by the commissioners appointed by the government following its decision to disband the Corporation in 1T24 for reasons, which even now, remain unclear. The legislation moved its way through the Oireachtas and was complete by 1R July 1T30. The same arguments for and against the legislation were advanced throughout, though it was widely admitted that the legislation had improved during its passage through the Oireachtas. Thereafter it all moved very quickly and, unlike many of the other matters described in this chapter, it was all over by the end of September 1T30. The Rathmines uDC met for the last time on 3 September 1T30 and the Pembroke uDC did likewise ﬁve days later; there was certainly no ﬁght left in them at that point.

Local Government Tribunal

The 1T30 Act contained a provision for a review and this resulted in the Local Government (Dublin) Tribunal which began its work late in 1T35 and their report was published in 1T38. Dublin Corporation might once have been keen to take Pembroke and Rathmines into its embrace but that ardour had cooled. By the time of the tribunal, to say that Dublin Corporation was reluctant to see its area increased further (and thereby its responsibilities) is to understate their position by a large margin. They had made no attempt to take up the powers that had been conferred on them under the 1T30 Act to become the regional planning authority for Dublin city and district. They had not consulted with the other local authorities and they had made no effort to make even a tentative regional plan. Indeed, they had taken steps to ensure that their planning activities were 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 81

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limited to their own area. They argued that such were the demands on their resources in meeting the dire housing needs of the city, that they could not devote any time to looking at boundary issues. The experience of taking in Rathmines and Pembroke seems to have weighed heavily on them. In 1T00, these areas were sought because they would have added to the city’s revenue. By 1T30, there had been a turnaround and the area under the control of Dublin Corporation was in better shape than it had previously been. Works were needed in Pembroke and Rathmines and these areas were seen as a burden on the remainder of the city at the time of the tribunal. The Corporation was also unenthusiastic about shared services between the various authorities, though they recognised the need for a limited form of cooperation when, for example, there was house building in an area through which a boundary line went. Given what was outlined in Chapter 1, it is possible to appreciate the Corporation’s point of view. The city was growing and it was tackling its housing issues but it seemed that the problem was growing faster than any solution. The tribunal had none of it. They felt that the Corporation had been lacking in strategic thinking and that it was in the region’s interest for the city to have a considerable land bank. ‘We think it is clear that the City should have considerable tracts of undeveloped land from which a selection may be made of spaces to be sterilized under the Town Planning Act, and of the best possible sites for housing schemes, private building, and industrial zones’ (Dublin Tribunal, p. T8). The tribunal took the view that the town planning service could not be properly administered within the existing county borough and that it was essential to have a common administration of this service for the city, the county and the county borough. They understood the Corporation’s reluctance to take on the burden of the development of a much wider area where signiﬁcant investment in water and sewerage provision was necessary and recognised that they were willing to reconsider once the development issues of these areas had been met. However, the tribunal argued, this would be to ensure that such development took place in a less economical manner than would otherwise be the case because of the economies of scale involved. In contrast, Dún Laoghaire Borough wished a huge increase in the land under its control, at the expense of Dublin County. Their proposals would have added 5,258 acres (2,130ha) to its existing 4,1RT (1,QT0ha). In particular, they wanted the developing suburb of Mount Merrion because of its rate paying capacity. The tribunal was not impressed by the argument that the borough put forward that its extension would form a natural geographic unit 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 82

82 DuBLIN, 1T30–1T50

for the delivery of services and that the new entity would be more economical to run. They were particularly critical of the argument that Mount Merrion was key to the whole project. Rather, they revisited the 1T30 decision to amalgamate the coastal townships into a single borough. They noted that the argument at that time had been that the areas involved had not been particularly well run and integrated. They needed time to be able to develop as an entity. Moreover, the argument went, in so far as they had an ‘outlook’, it might be argued that it differed from that of the city. Putting them into the city therefore ran the risk of destabilising both the city and the coastal townships. Seven years later the argument was less effective. The region as a whole had become more urbanised and the nature of development in both city and Dún Laoghaire was such that it was now reasonable to see both areas as part of the same urban process. There was considerable inter-dependence between the regions and the need for shared services overrode any perceived local differences. The tribunal was more positive about Dublin County. They understood the reluctance of the county to cede territory to the other regions because of the loss of income that would follow. Moreover they were impressed by the positive outlook of the council and by the fact that they had begun to act in an ‘urban way’ in parts of the area under their control. Their area was becoming urbanised but they lacked the powers to deal with crucial issues such as poor housing that urban areas enjoyed. They indicated that they would be happy to get such powers although Dún Laoghaire had suggested that the transfer of such areas to the borough would achieve the same end. In short, the tribunal found the three major authorities (plus Howth) without a shared view of the city and with a vision which was limited to the area within their boundaries. There was no sense in which the city was seen as an entity to be managed and planned as such. On numerous occasions the tribunal returned to the fact that the failure of Dublin Corporation to take up its role as the planning authority for the region had resulted in compart - mentalised thinking and piecemeal results. There was always going to be only one outcome to the deliberations.

Dublin metropolitan corporation They recommended the creation of a Dublin metropolitan corporation which would encompass the whole of Dublin County. There would be an ‘urban’ and a ‘rural’ portion. The rural part would effectively be two zones; one to the north of the city and one to south of the city. 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 83

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The urban part would take in the existing Dublin Corporation area and the Dún Laoghaire Borough but it would be much more extensive. In modern terms, it would reach to the foothills of the Dublin mountains and encompass Lucan, Clondalkin, Tallaght, Dundrum and Ballinteer. On the northside it would encompass Hartstown, Finglas North, Ballymun and then strike north to include Swords, Malahide, Portmarknock and Howth. It would have been very similar to the contiguous urban area of today. In areal terms the urban area (including Howth) would have risen from approximately 2Q,000 acres (c.10,500ha) to just under T5,000 acres (c.38,500ha). However, there would not have been a proportionate increase in population because much of the area was for future development. They estimated a population of 5Q2,45R (1T3Q) in the new area compared to an actual population of 512,283. The metropolitan council would provide common services to the entire region in the areas of:

• taxation, electoral administration and the administration of justice • weight and measures, food and drug analyses • reformatories and industrial schools • scholarships and school attendance • actions under various disease management and eradication • roads • town planning • ﬁre ﬁghting and ambulance

Housing, scavenging, unemployment assistance, water supply, sewerage and other services not designated as ‘common’ would be administered in the urban part on the standards of an urban borough. In the rural part, the non-common services would be administered by the Corporation acting as a rural sanitary authority. They would have the power, however, to seek to act as an urban authority (with necessary approval) where this was necessary and to absorb adjacent areas into the city. All would be under the control of an elected metropolitan council and an appointed metropolitan manager, on the lines of the city manager. Interestingly, they were of the view that the council should be kept as small as possible (and not to exceed forty) with few electoral areas to preclude the possibility of representation in any area being restricted to specialized interests. They recognised that separate representation would be required for the northern and southern rural areas. 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 84

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The boundaries of the city had the tribunal’s proposals been implemented. (Inset map to the Local Government (Dublin) Tribunal, 1T38.) 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 85

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e case of Howth

Howth urban District was made a town under the 1854 Towns Improvement Act on 22 March 1T1R. It was a small area with approximately 2,T4R acres (1,200ha) and a population of 4,830 in 1T3Q – a density of 4 persons per ha. It survived the 1T30 Act but the evidence given to the tribunal was that it had reached the maximum of its borrowing capacity and half of the income from rates was going in payment of capital debt. The evidence given to the tribunal suggested only three solutions. The ﬁrst was to extend the district by taking in the coastal zone from Baldoyle to Portmarnock and Malahide and thus create an area of sustainable scale. The second was to return Howth to the county council, while the third was to have it absorbed by Dublin Corporation. There was a feeling that Howth was being left to its own devices while, at the same time, it was being used as an important place of resort and recreation for the city. The Ratepayers’ Association came to the view that inclusion in the city was the best idea and its chairman expressed the opinion that it would be in the interests of the city to regard the development of Howth as a long-term investment (Dublin Tribunal, p. R0). The tribunal wasted no words in declaring that Howth ‘is uneconomic and is incapable of being made economic. If the area which the urban District Council seeks to have added to the urban District, in order to constitute a northern coastal borough were given to them, the area, as a whole, would remain uneconomic’ (p. 113).

e outcome The last meeting of Howth’s urban District Council was held on 11 August 1T42. This was two years after the passing of the Local Government (Amendment) Act which provided for this and which turned out to be the most tangible manifestation of the tribunal’s report. This Bill was introduced into the Dáil on 2Q June 1T40 and passed all stages on the same day and was dealt with in the Seanad in about 30 minutes on 3 July. Surprise was expressed at the speed with which it was being done, especially as two years had passed since the tribunal had reported. The Minister for Local Government and Public Health (Mr P.J. Ruttledge) explained that if it was not done before 15 July, then a new tribunal would be necessary, such were the provisions of the 1T30 Act. However, he did not intend doing anything further with the tribunal report at that time and he was simply going to repeal the relevant section of the Act. The issue of Howth was the easy bit of the tribunal report. 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 86

8Q DuBLIN, 1T30–1T50

The borough of Howth as deﬁned by the 1T30 Act. (Inset map to the Local Government (Dublin) Tribunal, 1T38.)

There was general agreement that it was a good idea to absorb Howth, although opinion in Howth favoured doing this in the context of the Metropolitan Corporation. There was a later hiccup in terms of how Howth would be represented on the Corporation and that was ultimately solved by the creation of the Beann Éadair ward. The debate was short and nothing further was gleaned from the contributions as to future actions. This was probably not surprising since the Minister for Local Government and Public Health had indicated during the second stage debate on the County Management Bill that nothing was going to happen for a while.

The Greater Dublin Tribunal recommended certain methods of amalgamation. We do not think that the present time is a suitable one to proceed with that scheme, but we are taking advantage of this County Management Bill to lay the foundations so that, if it were necessary or desirable afterwards to bring about an amalgamation, the machinery would be there but it is not contemplated at the present time. (Seanad Debates, 1T40, 24(12), col. 1282) 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 87

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However, for years to come the prospect of major changes in the governance of the city was offered as the reason for not taking particular actions.

Managing growth

As the tribunal was concluding business, the city of Dublin was embarking on the first stages (or so it seemed) of developing a plan for the city. The city authorities commissioned Patrick Abercrombie, the author of the first published plan for the city, Dublin of the Future, together with Sydney Kelly and Manning Robertson, to produce a sketch development plan, which was delivered to the Corporation in 1T3T. Reference to various elements of the plan will be made from time to time in the following chapters. Both the Dublin tribunal and the sketch development plan envisaged significant growth in the city region and the question arose as to how to manage this. The tribunal had no particular opinion on the best mechanism and Abercrombie’s plan provided a useful amplification. It is important to remember, that while Abercrombie put flesh on the idea of new towns, it was an idea that had been part of the debate in Dublin for some time. This was hardly surprising since the concept of garden cities had been the catalyst for the development of the modern town planning movement and the major figures in planning in Dublin had been imbued with the idea of garden cities (and also the watered- down garden suburb) as a solution to overcrowding in cities. Abercrombie was quite clear: ‘it has for long been recognised that a limit should be set to the growth of a town’ (Abercrombie, 1T41, p. 32). This is one of the most specific sections in his plan and it is clear that he was building on the considerable experience that he and others had obtained in the uK. It was therefore assumed that Dublin would have a green belt; it was not a matter for argument. He made the point that the green belt had to provide enough land for the city to grow in a sensible way and for it to respond to changing needs. This required that it be sufficient large and at a sensible distance from the city. For that reason, he designated a landbank for future development. This took two forms. The first was described as ‘free entry land’, which was available in the normal way for development, subject to planning require - ments. The second type was ‘deferred development’ land, which was to be held in reserve until growth beyond the free entry land was needed. In some cases, it might be a substitute for development in free entry land. He proposed a total of 5,RQ0 acres (2,330ha) of free entry land actually available for 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 88

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development, which would include some reclamation (mainly Merrion Strand) and which would accommodate 1R2,800 people at a density of 30 per acre (R5 per ha). That density was higher than the current norm of 12 per acre (30 per ha). Deferred development land would come to 2,080 acres (840ha), once non-development uses were removed and would accommodate Q2,400. Putting this all together and allowing for some growth in the existing city would permit a population of RQ5,300 people in the area bounded by the green belt. This was seen to be very large at the time and he felt the need to justify it in terms of the potential for future growth in the population of the country. Satellite towns were to be an additional element in this mix. His idea was that there would be medium-sized towns around the main city, separated from each other and from the main city by green belts. This idea had its origins in Ebenezer Howard’s system of cities but the scale was quite different. These would be relatively small settlements; the largest envisaged was Malahide/ Portmarnock with a population of 12,000, followed by Lucan and Clondalkin with a population of Q,000 each and a further 4,000 in what he called Blanchardstown/Castleknock. He was clear that these were not to be dormitory towns but rather entities in their own right with churches, schools, factories and amusements. However, it is hard to see how this could be achieved. Even in 1T40, it would be relatively easy to travel between these settlements and the central city and the scale imbalance between the settlements would have produced ﬂows between them. The green belt was given a width of between four and six miles (Q–10km) and an approximate acreage of 120,000 acres (48,500ha). This would correspond with the boundary of County Dublin, except to the north. This was not to be recreation land, although there would be parks, forests and other recreational uses, but rather it would be used to produce food. Nor would it be public land, most of it would be privately owned and commercially developed. Land use would be under public control and Abercrombie was adamant that this control must be severe. The green belt was ‘not merely a rural zone, preserved primarily for agricultural use, but it must be a productive belt for the capital’ (Abercrombie, 1T41, p. 35). This was a small-scale version of Abercrombie’s later plan for London. The County of London plan was published in 1T43 and looked at the future development of London post-war but more inﬂuential was the Greater London plan of 1T44, which set out the detailed proposals as to how to manage London’s growth. It was proposed to halt the growth of London by 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 89

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Dublin, the green belt and satellite settlements. (Abercrombie, 1T41, p. 31.)

the creation of a green belt around the city while new towns would be created beyond this to accommodate the overcrowding in London and to provide alternative growth poles. These new towns were to be on a far grander scale than Dublin and it was intended that they would become independent urban entities. This plan ultimately gave rise to the new town building programme in the uK, which ran in a discontinuous way until 1TR0. These planning ideas had been around for some time. In his evidence to the tribunal, the housing architect, H.G. Simms, had argued that a city needed a town plan that would set out development for a minimum period of ten years. There was a need to control sporadic or haphazard development and he suggested that Dublin be contained within a green belt about 0.5 miles wide (1km), which would begin at about 3.5 miles (Qkm) from the city centre. Outside of the green belt would be satellite towns, self-suﬃcient with their 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 90

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own industries, and he argued that such industrialisation needed to be directed as a matter of state policy. He suggested centres at Killester, Finglas, Chapelizod, Tallaght and Dundrum, all under the control of the city. In his evidence to the Dublin Tribunal, the city architect, H.T. O’Rourke, was thinking along similar lines but disagreed as to the location of the satellite towns. He felt that anything as close would soon be swallowed up by the city and was of the view that a distance of 14 miles (23km) at least from the centre was needed. However, to be fair to Mr Simms, he did admit that he had drawn up his ideas under some time pressure and that his suggested locations might be too near (p. 38). The Corporation had been criticized by the Dublin Tribunal for a failure to think strategically with a regional dimension, but it saw immediately the sense of moving to protect the green belt (Reports and Printed Documents of the Corporation of Dublin (Report) 2/1T48). They argued that the best way to do this was by extending the city boundaries, since they could do little to preserve land that was outside of its jurisdiction. The alternative of becoming the planning authority for the region did not seem to register with them. In this they were assisted by a recent decision of the Department of Industry and Commerce to limit development to within 2.5 miles (4km) of Collinstown (Dublin) airport. Abercrombie was consulted on the matter and approved the project. He was reported as saying that ‘the area proposed to be added to the city, some 11,000 acres, should leave Dublin with an ample margin for both private enterprise and municipal housing development for many years to come … the present extension corresponds very closely with that of the consultants’ plan (Report 1Q/1T48, p. 351). In the event, the discussions with Dublin County Council dragged on and were only concluded successfully in 1T51. It was a compromise but the city obtained an additional Q,8T1 acres (2,800ha) rather than the 10,850 acres (4,3T0ha) sought after. The greater part of the new land was on the northside of the city but some 340 acres (13Rha) were ceded in Ballyfermot and Walkinstown to allow completion of developments there (Report 22/1T4T).

Town planning

Earlier volumes in this series have looked at how the concept of town planning was adopted quite quickly in Dublin. From its genesis in the work of Ebenezer Howard, it was a short few years before there were lectures and discussions in Dublin about garden cities and town planning (see Bannon, 1T85). One of 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 91

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the first milestones was the competition to design a tentative plan for greater Dublin that was held in 1T14, and which was the beginning of Abercrombie’s association with the city. That competition asked for suggestions on ‘measures for the development of the city, and especially to outline proposals for meeting the housing needs of the population’ (Abercrombie, 1T22, p. v). It is important to note that there was no distinction or contradiction indicated between the housing needs of the city and the development of a plan, however desperate those needs were. Other important figures such as Patrick Geddes and Raymond unwin had close associations with the city and it is clear from the responses given to the Dublin tribunal that the professionals in Dublin Corporation also subscribed to the concept of town planning. It is therefore surprising to find Dublin Corporation in the Supreme Court in 1T51 on foot of its failure to adopt a planning scheme or town plan. In fact, despite that brush with the courts, it was not until the passing of the Local Government (Planning and Development) Act, 1TQ3 that Myles Wright was commissioned to develop a comprehensive plan for the Dublin region. The problem for Dublin Corporation arose from the Town and Regional Planning Act of 1T34. This promoted town planning and the production of planning schemes but did not require any local authority to do so. Few could quibble with the aim of the legislation as set out in section 3: ‘For the purposes of this Act, a planning scheme shall be taken to be a scheme made in accordance with this Act for the general purpose of securing the orderly and progressive development of a particular area, whether urban or rural, in the best interests of the community and of preserving, improving, and extending the amenities of such area’. Moreover, it gave to Dublin Corporation the power to plan, not only for its own region, but also for counties Kildare, Meath and Wicklow (Section 20). It has already been noted that Dublin Corporation took no action to do so. The Corporation made what was to be a fateful decision on Q January 1T3Q, when they decided to prepare a planning scheme. The crucial matter was that they were not required to prepare such a scheme but once they had decided to do so, it had to be produced. This resulted in one of the longest- running planning sagas, which was still not resolved twenty years later. The arguments were played out in the High Court and the Supreme Court over a five-year period between 1T50 and 1T55. It shows a contradiction between the willingness of the Corporation to be actively involved in important individual projects and a refusal to produce an overall scheme. It is unclear why they got cold feet given the early enthusiasm, although the data presented in Chapter 1 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 92

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might provide a good indication; in any case what followed soon became bitter. The Act required that Dublin Corporation develop a scheme with ‘all convenient speed’; this proved to be a telling phrase. Section 2T (1) stated that: ‘When a planning authority has decided under this Act to make a planning scheme, such authority shall with all convenient speed give effect to such decision and make a planning scheme in accordance therewith and shall submit such scheme to the minister for his approval.’ They got off to a good start; they developed a brief for a sketch development plan, which they asked Abercrombie to complete. The Town Planning Committee of the Corporation was established and it was active in discussing the Abercrombie report. However, discussion of that plan petered out quickly. The Lord Mayor’s Handbook, published in 1T42, is a substantial publication of almost 100 pages and is described as the ‘Dublin Municipal Annual’. It provided short essays on the work of Dublin Corporation under a number of headings with the aim of enlightening the citizens of the city to what was being done in their name. As the city manager, P.J. Hernon put it: ‘if the Lord Mayor’s Handbook enables citizens to appreciate the manifold and vital services which the Corporation is now called on to render, and to take a more intelligent interest in the complicated organisation of municipal government, it will have served a useful purpose’. To that end there were chapters on the organisation of the functions of the Corporation, the various committees and departments. There was a chapter on engineering, public health, housing, water, the port, libraries and a topical chapter on air raid precautions. It then lost focus and offered some sections on entertainment, character (D.L. Kelleher inevitably) and the zoo. One chapter is entitled ‘The realisation of Dublin’s town plan’ (pp 25–33). The section begins with a brief description of the current position. The Corporation had taken powers in relation to control of developments that might hinder sketch and statutory plans and as a result it ‘became desirable that intending purchasers of buildings or building sites should ﬁrst seek advice from the Town Planning Committee’ (p. 25). They then went on to say that while they had taken these interim powers, they had commissioned the Abercrombie sketch development plan. They noted that this plan had been approved with minor amendments and that consultants were instructed to go ahead and produce the detail of the ‘statutory’ plan which, if approved by the Minister for Local Government, would enable the Corporation ‘to control the city’s future growth and development’ (p. 2Q). This is important in light of 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 93

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what later occurred because there seems to have been no work undertaken and the consultants, presumably Abercrombie and his colleagues, seemed unaware that there was an expectation that they had taken on this task. There was a short and largely factual exposition given of the various elements of the sketch development plan though it was mentioned that the Corporation had decided to proceed with the development of the Civic Oﬃces on the site indicated beside Christ Church and had begun the process of an international competition to be adjudicated by a team of architects (see Chapter 3). The axonometric drawing from the plan was included (p. 2Q) as were the diagrams for the road system (p. 28 and p. 30). The section concluded with a brief commentary on the proposals to manage growth and a direction to those interested to read the plan itself. However, in concluding it returned to the point that the detailed plan was now in preparation and, lest anyone was in any doubt, they made it clear that the plan would be for the Corporation area only. Instead ‘should there be no early extensions of the city’s boundaries or in existing relationships between the Corporation and its surrounding local authorities, corresponding Statutory Plans will be submitted by the County Council and the Borough Council of Dún Laoghaire’ (p. 33). The 1T44 edition of the Handbook was a slimmer affair of seventy-six pages but with the same basic purpose and structure, covering the same range of activities. The main article was entitled ‘City manager’s post-war plans’ and this outlined the various schemes that the Corporation intended to bring to fruition. Interestingly, it was the ‘city manager’s post-war plan’, and not that of the Corporation and there was very little made of the Corporation’s role in the city. This was as near as one got to a town plan. The ﬁrst set of proposals comprised those for which plans had already been developed. It had a major focus on roads with a list of improvements and extensions outlined across the city and which would cost in or around £3Q0,000. Amenity schemes, such as ‘baths’ in Fairview Park, and riverside improvements came to an additional £140,000. Then there was the need to develop the Howth Main Drainage system, one of the consequences of the absorption of Howth into the city. This would add an additional £R50,000 to the overall cost. The development of sites for 1,Q8Q houses added £1Q8,000 and the partial development of St Anne’s Estate at a cost of £420,000 completed the list. The total cost of all of these developments was £1.Tm. These were presented as discrete projects and, once the Howth element was removed from the total, they were rather modest in scale. More ambitious were the proposals for future developments. These included more roads and extensions to ‘parkways’. These, presumably, were 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 94

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the ring roads that Abercrombie recommended in his plan. A housing programme for R,500 houses over a five-year period was suggested with the first phase to be undertaken within three years at locations in Cabra West, Rutland Avenue, Donnycarney, Rialto, Donore Avenue, Sarsfield Road, Crumlin, Ellenfield, Larkhill and Terenure. To these would be added additional houses, mainly adjacent to the schemes mentioned, and there was to be provision of schools, shops, churches, libraries and other amenities. A total budget of £Rm was envisaged. There is no doubt that these plans were significant and would have a major impact on the city but an overall strategy was lacking. There was no vision for the city and no sense of the kind of urban environment that was desirable. The Corporation was not the only agent of development and no mechanism was suggested as to how the complex relationship between public and private actors was going to be mediated. Surprisingly, there was very little said about the town plan, which two years previously was in preparation. There was a section called ‘The Dublin of tomorrow’, which made the case for planning, a process which was seen as a ‘problem’. However, if ‘we can devise appropriate political and administrative institutions and train suitable personnel to tackle the planning process with a fair measure of success, it will then be a relatively simple matter to guide the planning in any direction we choose’ (p. 22). The piece continued with a paragraph heading ‘We must have a plan’ and this was followed by a short outline of the proposals contained in the sketch development plan. What is notable is that there was no mention of Abercrombie or his colleague consultants and it seemed that what was the ‘sketch’ plan was now ‘the plan’. There was also no mention of the preparation of the detailed or statutory plan. There was also no urgency about the execution of such a plan because of its cost and it was now anticipated that ‘the transformation that has been described will be carried out piecemeal as opportunity offers, and, in a couple of generations hence, we should have a new Dublin, which it is hoped will be a much healthier, prosperous and better place in which to live and work’ (p. 2Q). It seems that something had happened during the previous two years to move the preparation of a town plan from the agenda of the Corporation. The continuing war in Europe is an obvious factor but that was raging in 1T42 and, in this report, there was the prospect of a ‘post-war’ era. However, looking at the census data, it is clear that the housing problem was far from being solved and that there remained many black spots in the city. It is possible to imagine that the authorities were simply ‘running to keep still’ and that a plan was seen as a luxury or even a threat. Whatever the reasons, not only was there 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 95

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a drawing back from the production of a plan, there was an acceptance that matters might be handled in a piecemeal manner. Thus the future of Dublin was to be the outcome of a series of happy accidents whereby fortune will favour the city and allow the various projects to be completed eventually. It is fair to say that the Corporation and Town Planning Committee busied themselves with other projects and their active role in determining such aspects of the planning of the city as the transporter bridge and bus station will be discussed later. However, it is also possible to understand why a level of frustration was going to build up in the other agents of development, especially those in the private sector. The reason for this goes back to the ‘interim powers’ which were mentioned above. Once the Corporation had decided to make a planning scheme under the 1T34 Act, then section 5R came into force and this gave them development control. However, they could exercise this control (something they referred to as ‘interim control’) while they were in the process of developing the town plan: there did not have to be a plan in situ.

5R(1) When a planning authority has passed a resolution for the making of a planning scheme such planning authority may, at any time after passing such resolution and before such planning scheme comes into operation, do all or any of the following things, that is to say:— (a) grant to any person applying therefore permission in writing to construct, demolish, alter, extend, repair, or renew a particular structure in the area to which such planning scheme is proposed to relate; (b) grant, either on the application of some person interested or without any such application, a permission applicable to the whole of the said area or to a particular part thereof only for the construction, demolition, alteration, extension, repair, or renewal of structures of a particular class or classes; (c) prohibit the further proceeding with the construction, demolition, alteration, extension, repair, or renewal of any particular structure situate in the said area.

There was very little redress for somebody who failed to receive permission. The builder could appeal to the Minister or he could build anyway, taking the risk that he might be required to demolish without compensation anything that was later found to contravene the planning scheme. There was also much 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 96

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complaint that the Corporation found it convenient not to have their own plans subject to public scrutiny in the manner that a plan would ensure. It was this exercise of power that ultimately led to court actions. The argument put forward was that developers could never know if a proposal would receive Corporation approval until it was actually submitted. Thus they had to gamble in buying land and preparing plans that did not cut across whatever the Corporation might have in mind for that particular part of the city. For the absence of a plan did not mean that there was no plan in pectore. It was clear that there were ideas for the development of the city and proposals were evaluated in relation to them. For one particular developer, it became too much and in 1T51 they headed to the High Court. Dublin Corporation fought the court proceedings tooth and nail; ﬁrst in the High Court, then in the Supreme Court and then back in the High Court. It is hard to understand the vehemence with which they fought, although they thought that they were doing the right thing. As part of their commentary on the development of the green belt they argued as follows:

The town planning acts give planning authorities in the interim period between the adoption of a resolution to make a planning scheme and the coming into operation of the statutory plan, power to control all building development in their areas and this power has been fully availed of to prevent numerous instances of unwise development. (Report 2/1T48, p. 3)

The High Court process began in May 1T51 when Modern Homes (Ireland) Ltd obtained an order in the High Court on a conditional basis directing Dublin Corporation to make the planning scheme. The Irish Times was clear: ‘an appeal in our view would be ill-advised’ (8 May 1T51, p. 5). The editorial set out the history of the case and complained that it was past time for Dublin Corporation either to accept the Abercrombie plan or to come up with another. The city was growing rapidly and there needed to be a plan for the entire region and not just for the narrow administrative area of the city. It was not good enough for Dublin Corporation simply to decree what could not be done: it needed to set the agenda. The editorial ﬁnished with a stinging rebuke: ‘Fifteen years are too long a space in which to enjoy all the prohibitive privileges, and to abstain from the responsibilities, of the Planning Acts. The structure of the law is not based on loopholes.’ Nobody in the Corporation 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 97

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read the Irish Times that day or, if they did, they did not pay it any heed, for they were in the High Court later in the year. This led to a full hearing that began in mid-October 1T51. Modern Homes argued that they had been seriously impeded in their work. They had estates across the area of the city and were interested in further development and they needed to know what kind of development would be permitted in particular locations. They provided details of how plans they had submitted had to be modified or even abandoned and they submitted that this was not reasonable. It was at this point that Dublin Corporation began to argue that the other demands on them, especially in relation to housing, prevented the develop - ment of such a plan. Moreover they argued that the cost of producing such a plan was excessive and could cost up to £12m. The documents lodged in court and set out in arguments in this case and in the later 1T53 case showed the development of the Corporation’s thinking. It was argued that, following the adoption of the resolution in 1T3Q, they seemed to be heading towards the development of a plan up to 1T45 but that after that date there was a change in their view. It was suggested that the Town Planning Department had, by 1T4R, recognized that they could not make much progress and they were being constantly deflected from ‘positive planning’ to deal with interim proposals. It was reported that the minutes of the Town Planning Committee of T January 1T51 showed that they had simply decided to continue with ‘interim planning’ (Irish Times, 10 June 1T53, p. 8) and leave the question of a planning scheme until a future date. They lost in the High Court and were directed on 22 February 1T52 to make a planning scheme. This was appealed to the Supreme Court and the same basic arguments were made. The argument advanced in 1T52 (Irish Times, 18 June 1T52, p. Q) in the Supreme Court appeal was that such was the need for housing that all other matters had to take second place to it and that included town planning. The need was so great that staff had been diverted from other purposes. This was not just a whim of the Corporation; the Minister for Local Govenment had put them under pressure to do this. It was a radical position to take that ensured that major housing projects would be completed in the absence of an overall plan. It also seemed counterintuitive in that one of the effects of doing this was to inconvenience private builders, whom everyone agreed were central to finding a solution to the housing problem. The Supreme Court ruled against them in July 1T52 but did not produce the clear judgment that Modern Homes might have expected. The Corporation were required to produce a town planning scheme with all 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 98

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convenient speed but the Court raised the issue of what that phrase meant. It said that ‘all convenient speed’ was a matter of fact and that either party was at liberty to have that decided in the Court. The Corporation had previously argued that the phrase meant ‘at the convenience of the Corporation’ while others had suggested that it meant ‘reasonable’ speed. In any case, the Corporation quickly decided to continue the fight and the matter was soon back in the High Court. Everything was thrown into the argument including that the ratepayers would be placed under an intolerable burden if a plan had to be produced, that everything that had been done to that point would have to be scrapped and all begun anew. It caused the judge in his summing up to tell the jury that ‘this is not so’ (Irish Times, 24 June 1T53, p. 4). The jury found that they had not acted with convenient speed and the Corporation was directed to produce a draft town plan within two years – taken literally as 11 July 1T55, some five years after the court proceedings were initiated and some nineteen years after they first undertook to produce the plan. This led to a bitter exchange between architect H.T. O’Rourke and James R. Smyth, managing director of Modern Homes, in the newspapers in late July 1T53. H.T. O’Rourke (Irish Times, 1R July 1T53, p. Q) sought to continue the fight by seeking an appeal to the Dáil to have the decisions rendered uncon stitu - tional. Far from accepting the verdicts, he accused Modern Homes of a colossal waste of ratepayers’ money and continued to advocate ‘interim control’ rather than setting everything out in a plan with a long term commitment for the convenience of speculative builders. It produced an excoriating reply from Smyth in which he accused O’Rourke of either not having read the legislation or not understanding it.

your readers should, I think, be able to understand from the tone of his letter why my ﬁrm and most builders and architects in private practice object to their affairs being at the mercy of uncontrolled bureaucrats with the outlook of Mr O’Rourke. (Irish Times, 20 July 1T53, p. 5)

Dublin Corporation adopted a draft town planning scheme on 2T April 1T55, which set out a forty-year agenda with a budget of £1R.Tm. It was envisaged that it would be implemented in eight-year tranches and that about £4.5m would be spent on roads with £5m on housing in the central area. A period for objections was provided and these ﬂooded in so that 3,445 had been received by the deadline with 13R arriving afterwards. Though most were 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 99

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trivial, the process of dealing with objections meant that it was January 1T5R before the plan went to the Minister for Local Government to whom any unhappy objector could appeal. The process was so lengthy that the entire process lost energy. In fact, the saga still had more than a decade to run. The issue demonstrated a significant gap between the theoretical concept of planning and the day-to-day execution of the concept. It seems clear that Dublin Corporation fully accepted that it was both necessary and sensible to plan for the city in a coherent way and it seems that their taking on of the powers and responsibilities under the 1T30 Act was done with the best of intentions. What appears to have happened is that the enormity of the responsibility that they had taken on only began to dawn once they were faced with advancing the sketch development plan into a fully-fledged and operational plan. They saw themselves exposed to significant financial demands and risk at a time when their own resources were inadequate in meeting the significant and urgent housing needs of the city. It was clear that they always intended to make a plan but ‘not just yet’. Their actions or inactions deprived the city of coherent planning for two decades. Nonetheless it is important to remember that they were no worse than the other local authorities. In fact, at least they had the ambition to try. The ‘national planning conference’ emerged from an informal gathering in 1T42 at which it was agreed that it would be desirable to assemble and exhibit plans that had been prepared in compliance with the town and regional planning legislation. This led to a more formal structure and the development of a National Planning Conference that drew representatives from a wide spectrum of society which included professional bodies (architects, planners, medics etc.), semi-professional bodies (County Councils’ General Council) and voluntary bodies. The work of the conference received the blessing of the Government and resulted in an important publication (Handbook of national planning and reconstruction, 1T44). In this text, in a paper by ‘Scrutator’, the state of Ireland was examined with regard to planning (as in 1T43). He noted that at the end of 1T43 only Dublin Corporation had produced a ‘sketch’ plan as required under the 1T34 legislation. ‘Three other county boroughs and a few county councils of larger urban districts have taken the necessary provisional steps to qualify for planning powers. Other local bodies either had declined to take action or remained indifferent to the Act’s provisions’ (p. 4). Moreover, he noted that Dublin Corporation was not alone in refusing to take on its potential role as regional authority and he referred to ‘the complete failure of the Act’s “regional” provisions’ (p. 4). 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 100

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Dún Laoghaire

Dún Laoghaire was actually ahead of Dublin Corporation in their adoption of powers under the 1T34 Act. It was a matter of pride, noted in their civic survey, that they were the first borough to decide that a planning scheme should be prepared. They appointed Manning Robertson as town planning expert to prepare a scheme for the borough. He produced a ‘civic survey’ which was intended to be a baseline for the subsequent plan. Entitled Dún Laoghaire, its history, scenery and development, it was published in 1T3Q and ran to RR pages. Like its 1T25 counterpart in Dublin, there were chapters on geology, climate, vegetation, antiquities, history, the harbour as well as discussions on population, housing, amenities and services. The survey gave an indication of the major concerns and suggested areas of focus for the plan. There were no plans for major civic building projects, such as had been suggested previously and would be suggested for Dublin by Patrick Abercrombie, with whom he was associated. The areas of initiative were more modest and designed to ensure that the borough remained a pleasant place in which to live. Despite being a seaside borough, the survey confirmed that there was very little open space available for recreation and there was no scope to develop it within the current boundaries. Therefore, the focus was on the Dublin Mountains to the south and how amenities such as Killiney Hill, Dalkey Hill and Telegraph Hill, together with Loughlinstown Commons, ‘a picturesque slobland’, might be preserved and developed (p. 44). It was clear that land would have to be obtained outside the boundary if leisure spaces, including tennis courts and playing pitches, were to be developed to a satisfactory level and in line with population needs. There were good seaside facilities with ample opportunities for bathing along the coast. There was enthusiasm expressed for the Dún Laoghaire baths. They comprised three pools with 43 men’s boxes, 12R ladies’ boxes, a tea room, lounge, laundry and offices. There were hot sea water baths as well as needle (water was projected in very fine sprays), seaweed, sulphur, alkaline and Russian steam baths. There was great hope for a planned expansion, which would cost £Q5,000 and which would include a large swimming pool of 2R5m x T0m, hot and cold medicinal and ultra-violet baths and a large palm lounge for use as a café and centre for dances and concerts. It was hoped that the ‘new baths at Dún Laoghaire [would] make the town the premier bathing centre in Ireland’ (p. 50). The section on traffic is particularly interesting and it is worth keeping in mind when reading the later section on Dublin. This was the era of accom - modating the car with wider and better roads. There was little support for 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 101

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public transport. The trams were too slow and they occupied too much of the road. Buses were even worse with their fumes and smoke and were referred to as a ‘new menace’ (p. Q0). Instead of public transport, the focus was on widening and straightening roads and improving junctions. There were roads that could be linked up (such as Sandycove with Harbour Road), which would improve the quality of a drive around the bay. There was also a need for more parking spaces to accommodate visitors and Victoria Wharf was promoted as an excellent location for such a car park (p. 5Q). One way to improve access to parking on the sea-front was by instituting a one-way system. Another improvement would have involved by-passing Blackrock’s main street by continuing Rock Road along the road adjacent to Blackrock Station, past Seapoint Station and so linking to Seapoint Avenue (p. 5Q). Manning Robertson was opposed to general speed limits, believing them useless. Instead he favoured complicated road designs so, for example, minor roads joining a major road would never offer a ‘straight’ across option. He felt that developing good practice among motorists was a far better idea than setting a speed limit which some might see as a target speed. However, he did favour a limit of 20mph (30kph) along the sea-front from the railway station at Dún Laoghaire to Sandycove. He also believed that architectural development should be sympathetic to its environment. He was of the opinion that ‘if Dún Laoghaire is to be attractive to ourselves and to the visitor we must have some deﬁnite idea as to those houses and bungalows which are suitable in appearance, and also of what we ought to avoid’ (p. Q8). He disliked faux-historic design; especially those imported from the uK, and hated the drabness of cement-rendered surfaces. He was particularly concerned with roof materials, especially when the roof line varied as was the case when bungalows stood next to multi-storey houses. His view was that we should ‘work-in’ with what exists next door, where possible, rather than making a violent contrast (p. R0). He was not a fan of the modern trends in advertising with their emphasis on billboards and hoardings. He preferred small movable notice boards which were seemly, well designed and which could be beautiful. In the fervour that attended the 1T32 Eucharistic Congress, it was suggested that there should be a great monument (80–100ft or 25–30m) to Christ the King at the ‘gateway’ of Ireland. Robertson subtly pleaded for this to be located elsewhere and not (as was suggested) on the pier in Dún Laoghaire. In 1T31, Mr Andrew O’Connor was appointed to the position of designer and master of work (see Irish Times, 13 August 1T31, p. 4). There was 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 102

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widespread support for the project in the borough, so outright opposition would not have been wise. Instead, Robertson made the point that the monument’s effect would be diminished if it was to be located on a busy seafront. If it was to stand out, it would have to be so large as to dwarf everything else and give an ‘effect of ruthlessness out of keeping with the very spirit which the monument would be representing’ (p. R2). Instead he suggested that the monument should dominate its surroundings not by its mere bulk but by its awe-inspiring simplicity. Therefore Dalkey Hill would be a far better location. This attempt at subtle distraction did not quite succeed and the project remained on the agenda for some time though it gradually faded away (Irish Times, 22 July 1T3T, p. 4). Dún Laoghaire might have been the ﬁrst borough to have signed up to the 1T34 Act but the plan materialized no quicker than anywhere else. Progress on its production was reported in the Irish Times on 15 June 1T5R, and it was suggested that since the process of producing the draft plan was long and tedious that it was likely to be available sometime in 1T5T. In fact, this took quite a bit longer than had been projected. There were no particular reasons for the delay though Dublin Corporation’s saga in the higher courts must have had an impact as must the continued uncertainty about boundary issues in the wake of the failure of the State to act decisively with regard to the recommendations of the 1T38 tribunal.

Towards a plan?

All in all, little had changed by the early years of the 1T50s, compared to the 1T30s. The biggest change had been the absorption of Howth into the city but none of the more signiﬁcant recommendations of the Dublin Tribunal had been implemented, nor did they seem likely to be. There was a distinct lack of enthusiasm in government circles to act even though there must have been an expectation that the tribunal would report as they did. Their suggestions had been made a number of times before and had been reiterated once more at the time of the absorption of Pembroke and Rathmines. The outbreak of war provided a suitable pretext for doing nothing but the cessation of hostilities did not produce any enthusiasm to revisit the issue. Instead the city muddled on with occasional extensions of the city boundary and the bizarre circumstance of Dublin Corporation building on County Council lands. The prospect of a town plan for the city seemed remote. Dublin Corporation had begun enthusiastically, more so than other authorities and 02 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:33 Page 103

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commissioned a sketch plan that was going to set the agenda for the major plan. This enthusiasm had evaporated and had been replaced by a dogged determination not be forced to produce such a document which resulted in a series of humiliating defeats in the courts. It would be easy to characterize the Corporation as being inefficient and seeking to cover that inefficiency in a cloak of secrecy. This would be unfair. What seems to have happened is that Dublin Corporation was overwhelmed with the enormity of the housing crisis that they faced. They had made huge progress and changed the modern face of the city with their developments in Marino, Drumcondra, Cabra, Crumlin and Kimmage. They had built on a massive scale and they had been concerned not only with providing good solid and decent housing but also with creating communities. The census figures, discussed in Chapter 1, showed the scale of that achievement and the improvement in living standards that followed. These figures also showed the depth of the problem. Despite their massive building projects, there was a shortage of housing that would not be solved for decades. In fact, the last slums (in the conventional sense of the term) were not cleared until the 1T80s. Despite devoting so much of their resources to the problem, the Corporation did not have it under control. This would have been suspected by the 1T40s but the census figures of 1T4Q made this crystal clear. The need for housing programmes is a constant theme in their reports and they continued to build as much as they could, as fast as they could. Making a realistic assessment of what was possible the Corporation came to the view that it could not provide housing for all who might be expected to come under their remit. They found themselves being able to build only for the priority cases, leaving the private rental sector to provide for the others. The production of the town plan was a casualty of this focus. The Corporation came to the view that they could not devote the necessary resources to its production and they feared being sued for compensation by developers whose projects might be stymied by land zonation. Instead, they believed that a continuation of the interim process was in the interests of all. This was a mistake and a misjudgement by those involved. They seemed to have been so overwhelmed by the immediacy of the problem that a longer term view was impossible. yet, piecemeal planning was no substitute for a comprehensive plan and it is a great pity that neither Dublin Corporation nor the Minister for Local Government, who could have provided the funding for the plan, seemed to realize that. 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 104

Civic improvement

e golden age

The great age of urban improvement in Dublin was in the late eighteenth- century when, between O77N and O8NN approximately, the Wide Streets Commission in concert with the Gardiner and Pembroke estates produced what we now describe as the ‘georgian city’. A crucial element was the broad axis that linked most of the important buildings of the city and led from Dorset Street, via Sackville Street across the new Carlisle Bridge into College Green, Dame Street and onwards to the Castle. The circumstances of the nineteenth century were far less favourable to development on this scale but some fine buildings were completed, such as the GPO and the ensemble of the National Gallery, National Library and National Museum around Leinster House. These developments have been discussed in detail in volume O of this series, Dublin through space and time. As the prospects of Dublin regaining its capital city status began to improve, there was increased interest in providing the city with the kind of built environment that a capital requires. Despite the great work of the Wide Streets Commission, Dublin lacked a definite city centre. It has great streets with fine public buildings but they are thoroughfares and not destinations. There were no great spaces in which the citizens can assemble, such as Trafalgar Square in London or Place de la Concorde in Paris. Smithfield, though a fine space, is too far distant from the main business axis to serve this function and this has been reaffirmed in recent times. It was only the choice of Nelson’s Pillar as the focus of the tram system that produced an agreed ‘city centre’. Its loss, in O966, made the location of the ‘centre’ ambiguous again with buses, for example, advertising a destination of ‘An Lár’ which could be anywhere from Parnell Square to College Green. So it was not surprising that some of the contestants in the O9OR competition should turn to the idea of creating a new centre for Dublin. What they did not know at the time was that very soon a rebellion and a civil war, combined with a great deal of central dereliction, would provide an opportunity for significant redevelopment and the realisation of many of these concepts, if only funds could be found. While the latter proved a stumbling block, nonetheless, the possibilities remained live and ensured that more attention was given to such proposals than might otherwise be the case.

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Diagrammatic sketch showing the cathedral at the head of Capel Street. (Abercrombie et al., O922, plate XXXII.)

Suggestions for civic improvements

The historian of planning in Ireland, Michael Bannon (O98S), has written about the competition. The winner was Patrick Abercrombie and his colleagues, Sydney A. Kelly and Arthur Kelly, with their Dublin of the Future. Abercrombie and colleagues were not alone in suggesting radical civic improvements. The design submitted by Frank A. Cushing Smyth advocated three main focuses for the city. The ﬁrst would be a civic centre comprising government and administrative buildings grouped around the former Parliament Building (Bank of Ireland). The second would be the erection of a music hall and opera house on the northside of the river, while the third would be a combination of cathedral, art gallery and library near the northern end of the civic centre. Messrs G.F. Beckett and J.A. Geoghegan suggested that a Catholic cathedral be placed on a commanding site on the northside of the city as the focus of a new street that would link Dominick Street to 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 106

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St Stephen’s Green. A national theatre and concert hall would face each other on the south side of the river near Grattan Bridge. These would be close to the new city hall and municipal buildings where the modern art gallery was also planned. Abercrombie’s own proposals involved the location of a cathedral on a commanding northside site. He suggested the completion of Beresford’s Crescent around the Customs House and the location of the national theatre at the apex of Sackville Street and rutland Square. These elements were to compliment and act as a counterpoint to the main civic improvement – the traffic centre around Christ Church. The Greater Dublin reconstruction Movement published its set of proposals in O922. Its members were a broadly based group of citizens who included some TDs and Senators. Perhaps because of that, their proposals received a hearing from the Minister for Local Government (Dáil Debates, 6 November O92R, 9(ON), col. 962 onwards), though ultimately little transpired. The idea was to move the GPO to the Custom House in the context of building a central railway station and port, to use the old GPO as the city hall, and transform Dublin Castle and the then City Hall into courts of justice and government offices. The cathedral would be located on high ground facing Lord edward Street creating a rather crowded quarter between Christ Church and South Great George’s Street. Finally, the Oireachtas was to move to the royal Hospital. Despite the fact that the Catholic Church was not, at that time, making any official progress on the development of a cathedral for the city, it is interesting to see how the concept was central to so many plans. The promoters must have believed that there was deep support for such a project. The other elements were more predictable – a municipal centre, cultural provisions of various kinds and transport improvements. When Abercrombie and his associates returned to Dublin in O938 and were asked to produce an outline development plan, they included some ideas for a new centre. This was a more pragmatic plan than that produced in O9OR and they separated out the things which needed to be done soon from those projects that might be done in the future but for which provision might be made now. The civic centre was among the latter and, compared to previous plans, the proposals were much more modest. The monumental element was greatly diminished and there was a greater emphasis on those elements that would make the city function better while giving it a civic identity. They returned to their idea of realigning the centre of Dublin to its historic core and 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 107

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Plans submitted by the Greater Dublin reconstruction Movement. (Civic Survey, O92S.) 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 108

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to making the best use of the river Liffey. They pointed out that Dublin did not have the structure of Washington, DC, where its trivium and polivium systems provided a focus and the opportunity for vistas (see Kostov (O99O) for a general discussion of Grand Manner concept). What Dublin did possess was a river with a subtle sinuous path that gives the opportunity for views and vistas to unfold gradually. Thus the planners concentrated on an area on both sides of the river. On the northside, the new centre would be bounded to the west by the Four Courts and to the east by Liffey Street where there would be a great Catholic cathedral. On the southside, the centre would take in the area on either side of Christ Church Cathedral with the space between the cathedral and the river cleared to allow for an unbroken view of the cathedral on the high ground. The new cathedral was proposed as symbolizing the spiritual life of the people and it ‘should occupy a dominating position among the buildings of the city’. The cathedral would be oriented along the axis of the river with steps leading up from the river to the main entrance. A new road linking South Great George’s Street across the new bridge would provide excellent access. The planners were well aware of the intention of the archdiocese that such a cathedral should be located in Merrion Square but they came to the view that ‘this site would not provide the dignity of setting, nor the dominance in the city, which such a building demands’ (p. 36). The civic element of the plan would comprise a block from Parliament Street to Wood Quay. Abercrombie was prepared to lose the first of the Wide Streets Commissioners projects by widening Parliament Street to OSN feet (R6m) and so open up the vista around City Hall. The new block would house the administration of city and county and would encompass the space between Lord edward Street to the quays. This would have the advantage of developing a fine new frontage for quays that were looking decidedly shabby. This particular element found favour immediately with Dublin Corporation and published with the plan (p. 38) was a statement that the ‘Town Planning Committee approves of the site selected by the Consultants. In view of the inadequate and unsatisfactory accommodation in the existing scattered buildings used as Civic Offices, the Town Planning Committee agrees that new buildings are urgently necessary’. It is important to note, however, that the site is not Wood Quay but to the east of Wood Quay. The third element of public building was not contiguous to the others and involved the creation of a government quarter in the rectangle bounded by St Stephen’s Green North, upper Merrion Street, Kildare Street and Leinster Street, Clare Street. This is perhaps the origin of the statement in the 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 109

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Axonometric view of Abercrombie’s plans for Dublin. (Abercrombie, O9RO, p. 6.) 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 110

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Wikipedia entry on the Mansion House that ‘In the O93Ns and O9RNs, plans were made to demolish the building, and all other buildings on the block on which it is located (which covered an area on Dawson Street, Molesworth Street, Kildare Street and the north side of St Stephen’s Green), to enable the building of a new Dublin City Hall. However the decision of the Government to erect a new Department of Industry and Commerce on a site on the block, on Kildare Street, led to the abandonment of the plans’. There is no mention of demolition in the plan and the planners make clear that they are not ‘proposing the removal of the ﬁne Kildare Street Club building, nor the Shelbourne Hotel.’ The plan was discussed at a ‘conference’ involving the Town Planning Committee of Dublin Corporation on 2N October O939 and it got a little coverage in the newspapers the following day. The Irish Press noted it on 2R October (p. 7) and again on 6 November (p. ON). The Irish Independent also dealt with the report on the same day, outlining the main points. It was covered in more detail in the Irish Times (p. 7) on R November O939 where the author noted under the heading of ‘A Dublin for 7NN,NNN inhabitants’, that the most spectacular and arresting suggestion is that ‘Merrion Square should be rejected as the site of the metropolitan cathedral.’ There was not much further mention of the plan until a report in the newspapers that the General Purposes Committee of Dublin Corporation had approved the plan with some slight amendments at a special meeting in O9RN (Irish Times, OO December, p. 6). In the weekly edition the following Saturday a detailed summary of the report was given, taking almost a full page. Thereafter the plan faded from view, not surprisingly given the advent of war. However, the individual elements of the plan drove the development agenda in many areas.

A Roman Catholic cathedral for Dublin

Dublin has two ﬁne, though heavily reconstructed, medieval cathedrals in its south inner city, which are today part of the Church of Ireland (see Milne, O999). The provision of a roman Catholic cathedral in Dublin had been a long held ambition since the relaxation of the penal laws. When the site for what became St Mary’s pro-cathedral was purchased in O8OR, its off-centre location was generally understood as being deliberate so as not to seem too confrontational at a time when the process towards Catholic emancipation was gaining momentum. It was never formally referred to as a ‘cathedral’ and the term ‘chapel’ was used originally. It was not known as the Pro-Cathedral 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 111

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view of Christ Church cathedral and environs. (emil Otto Hoppé, O926, p. 277.)

until the O88Ns and Dermod McCarthy suggested in his O988 text that it became known as the Pro-Cathedral because St Laurence O’Toole, second archbishop of Dublin, rebuilt and enlarged Christ Church and it was constituted by the Pope at the time as the Cathedral of the Holy Trinity. ‘In the seven centuries that have elapsed since then no successor of St Laurence has asked for that decision to be revoked. until that happens, St Mary’s will continue as the mother church, but without the full title of “Cathedral” of Dublin.’ That is undoubtedly formally correct but it is not correct to suggest that there had been a deliberate avoidance of designating a ‘new’ cathedral for Dublin. The term ‘church’, ‘metropolitan church’ and ‘cathedral’ have been used to describe the Pro-Cathedral. One example will serve because of the personages involved. In O8S6, the church was in need of refurbishment and it lacked a parochial house. A committee was set up to look into the matter and this reported at a public gathering held in the church following High Mass on Sunday 6 April. It was attended by the archbishop, the lord mayor and various other dignitaries and a large throng of people. While the archbishop was careful to refer to the church as the ‘Metropolitan Church’ (Freeman’s Journal, 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 112

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8 April, p. 3), there was no such reticence from the lord mayor or other speakers and the former spoke of means of ‘beautifying the Cathedral Church of Dublin’ (p. R). The report in the Freeman’s Journal was headed ‘Metropolitan Cathedral Marlborough Street – Aggregate Meeting of the Parishioners & c.’ When the list of subscribers was published a week later in the same newspaper (OS April), it was described as the ‘list of subscriptions received in the Cathedral Church’ (p. 2). Clearly it was generally accepted that Dublin was going to have a new Catholic cathedral and if it was decided sometime later that it was not to be the Pro-Cathedral it was only because the ambition had become greater. The focus of that ambition was Merrion Square. It is not clear what prompted action on Merrion Square in the O92Ns. It may well have been the realization that another use was being proposed for the square and that this was gaining momentum. This was the proposal that the square be used as the site of a First World War memorial to commemorate those who fought in that war. It got to the point of a private bill being introduced into Seanad Éireann. The second stage of the Merrion Square (Dublin) Bill, O927 was moved on 9 March O927. Its long title set out its purpose.

A Bill entitled an Act to enable the Commissioners of Merrion Square to convey and transfer to the Trustees of the Irish National War Memorial Trust the ground within Merrion Square in the City of Dublin and other property vested in the said Commissioners as such; and to provide for the transfer of the said ground to the right Honourable the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Burgesses of Dublin from the said Trustees when the same has been laid out as a public park; and for other purposes connected therewith. (Seanad Debates, 8(9), col. RON)

The Bill was opposed by Seanad Éireann member, Sir Bryan Mahon, among others, on the basis that the square was not a suitable location for a war memorial. Sir Bryan Mahon was one of the foremost proponents of a memorial but he did not want what was being proposed. There ensued a lively debate which meandered for some time in a procedural wrangle but ended in a drawn vote with O9 for and O9 against. The Chair, following precedent, voted in favour of the second stage and the Seanad sent a message to the Dáil seeking that they move to the next stage in the legislative process, the establishment of a joint committee of both Houses. 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 113

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The Dáil met to consider the matter on 29 March O927 and there was little doubt from the outset that the Bill would go no further. It can be summed up in the words of Kevin O’Higgins, Minister for Home Affairs, almost the last speaker in the debate. ‘There are aspects of the proposal which make it incumbent on the executive Council to say whether this, the park confronting Government Buildings, should be a park devoted to that particular purpose. The Government think not’. (Dáil Debates, O9(S), col. R36). The motion was lost by RN votes to O9. Theoretically, this did not kill the Bill. It was open to the Seanad to proceed with a special committee of its own but the reality was clear to all: this proposal was going nowhere. However, the campaign for a memorial did not end with this. It has been fully discussed elsewhere (D’Arcy, 2NN7) and the issue was ﬁnally resolved by the building of the War Memorial Gardens in Islandbridge which, although complete by O938, had to wait until O988 for its formal dedication. Interest in Merrion Square as the site for the cathedral arose very suddenly and the process of acquisition can hardly be described as smooth. The square was the property of the Pembroke estate but it was legally in the hands of commissioners whose duty was to maintain and improve it. Their mandate would expire in O938 and, unless renewed, the square would revert to the Pembrokes. It seems that in O927 there was a feeling that parts of the square might come onto the market in the right circumstances and there was speculation about what land uses might emerge. Louis McMullen, a well- known Dublin auctioneer, came to the view that there might be an opportunity to obtain a site for a cathedral. He wrote to the archbishop in O927 but, initially, had a diﬃcult time getting his interest. Indeed for a while he worried that he had trespassed into an area where the archbishop was pursuing his own agenda and apologised if that was the case. The material in the diocesan archive in Dublin indicates that the archbishop had concerns about the suitability of the site (Lv/A/O/3), given what he understood about other plans. He was not anxious to have a cathedral at the back of a hotel or at the back of the square. However, McMullen persevered and was authorised to make a proposal to Henry vernon, the Pembroke’s agent, for the entire square, which he did in August O927. The interest of the archbishop was not mentioned but McMullen went to some length to assure the archbishop that he [McMullen] would transfer the interest in the property to the archbishop once it was purchased. The negotiations broke down because of a complicated choreography. The Pembrokes wanted to be assured formally that the Saorstát government would approve of the transfer. McMullen assured vernon that 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 114

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while he was certain that such approval would be forthcoming, it would not be sought until the price was agreed. Indeed the price seems to have been a problem at this point. By 2O November O927, this particular approach was over as vernon indicated that the family and their trustees had no further interest in pursuing it. That is not to suggest that vernon was opposed and he continued to work in the background. A detailed memorandum was drawn up on 3 July O928 by Arthur O’Hagan and Son, the diocesan solicitors, that set out the necessary steps and transactions required to effect the sale and purchase. The next overture was via Joseph F.X. Murphy TD to the commissioners for Merrion Square. He prepared a detailed proposal for them, using John Maxwell as an intermediary. The offer said that the inquiry was on behalf of a client who wished to present the site to the archbishop for a cathedral (28 August O928). Indeed it seems that Murphy intended to meet the cost of the site because a later letter from the archbishop speaks of his ‘beneﬁcent intention’ and ‘your splendid offer’ (O9 November O928). This approach also came to nothing as indicated in a letter of refusal from the secretary of the commissioners, Charles Hammond, which is dated OR November O928. A letter to the archbishop from W.T. Cosgrave (Lv/A/O/O2, 22 November) on the occasion of the second failure indicated his support for the project, though the letter does not mention the project by name. Indeed all parties seemed very hesitant to be completely open about what was involved and who was involved. Cosgrave’s letter also sought to reassure about the cost. The approach now favoured was to return to negotiations with the Pembrokes and to take a long view by waiting out the commissioners whose term would expire in O938. There was no expectation on anyone’s part that their mandate would be renewed by the government. The work done by vernon had paid off and there was a much better atmosphere when discussions began again in O929. The price was no longer a diﬃculty and when a new offer was made on 6 April O93N, there was a quick resolution with a positive reply from vernon on 9 May of that year. The sale was concluded on the basis of that:

• the site (OO acres and 3 roods) is used for a cathedral only. • that only accommodation for the archbishop and other clergy, together with necessary oﬃce space is proved. Speciﬁcally no school or seminary is to be provided. • the railings are to be retained. 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 115

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• the work on the cathedral is to commence within 6N years of the site becoming available. • if it proved necessary to move the rutland memorial, it would be to a site in Dublin as approved by the Pembroke estate.

This agreement ensured that nothing would happen before O938 when the remit of the commissioners ran out and the land reverted to the Pembroke estate. Therefore the agreement of the commissioners was not necessary, nor was it sought. The agreement was signed on 3N September O93N for a price of £ON,NNN with the sale concluded by O December. However, this was merely the formal conclusion of a process that was over by July. On O2 July, the archbishop wrote to the administrator of the Pro-Cathedral. In this letter he spoke of his love for the Pro-Cathedral but also that it was not suitable as a cathedral for the city. He wrote:

For many years the Catholic people of Dublin have keenly felt that the Pro-Cathedral, Marlborough street, was not only inadequate, but unworthy, as a cathedral of the capital of this Catholic nation … and is still not worthy of the Catholicism of the Irish nation. (Irish Times, OR July, p. 7)

He went on to explain the process of negotiation and made it clear that fund raising would be necessary but that this was a matter that must wait until the eucharistic Congress had been concluded. It seems from this that the acquisition of Merrion Square was not part of the planning for the eucharistic Congress, despite the fundraising potential of such an event. rather it seems that the archbishop was moved to act because it was feared that the square might be lost to another use. There seemed no concern that matters would have to wait until O938 and instead there was a feeling that time could be taken to do the job properly. There was quite a lot of interest in the project at home and abroad. As might be expected, it was widely covered at home with a large spread in the Irish Independent for OR July O93N (p. 9). It was covered, for example, in The Architect (O8 July O93N), The Universe (O8 July O93N) and the Birmingham Post (OR July O93N). There was a move to raise funds by subscription. The Daily Mail (O2 June O933, p. O2) noted that a building campaign was expected to begin within months with plans expected to be ready by O938 and construction expected to take 2N years. 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 116

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Despite this, the cathedral faded from public notice very quickly. In O93R there were letters in the Irish Times (2O March O93R, p. 6) and Irish Press (O8 May, p. 8) from a Merrion Square resident trying to persuade the commissioners not to accede to the project. The Standard published a piece on 9 March O93R (p. O7) speculating how the footprint of various famous cathedrals would sit on the site. The lack of public mention prompted a rumour that the site was to be abandoned and this produced a response from Archbishop Byrne on the occasion of the laying of the corner stone of St Michael’s Church, Inchicore, on 7 October O93R (Irish Press, 8 October, p. 8). He noted that ‘Merrion Square has been acquired as a site for the cathedral and on Merrion Square, please God, the cathedral will be built’. There is very little evidence of planning or design in the diocesan archive except for a protracted correspondence on behalf of the royal Institute of the Architects of Ireland (rIAI). On 2S May O933, John O’Gorman, who had an architectural practice on Merrion Square, wrote on behalf of the rIAI suggesting that a competition open to qualiﬁed Irish architects was the course most likely to yield the best results. However, by O9RO, O’Gorman was still writing on behalf of the rIAI (OR January) asking for a meeting. He asked for reassurance that ‘nothing irrevocable will be done about the cathedral in the near future’. This produced a terse response on OO February O9R2, which noted that the archbishop will ‘undertake the task of building a cathedral’ involving ‘those whom he will choose to consult’. This produced a lengthy response from O’Gorman and a more conciliatory response from Dr John Charles McQuaid who wrote on R September O9R2: ‘I am grateful for your courteous letter. If it ever falls to my lot to consider the building of the cathedral, I shall duly bear in mind every point you have made on your behalf and that of your colleagues’. The phrasing is telling. There seems to have been no preparation to take over the site in O938 and no application to Dublin Corporation for bye-law approval. In fact, the draft response to a request from M.G. Martin of the Merrion Square Tennis Club for use of the tennis courts, which he sent on OS June O937, is very clear on the matter. It notes that it seems reasonable to let the park for tennis as ‘there is no possibility of building operations for the new cathedral being begun’ (Lv/C/8/O/3). There is a sketch in the archive of a design for the cathedral but it is of such a bulk and scale that it is diﬃcult to see how it could have been accommodated on site and there must be doubt as to whether it was a serious idea. All in all, it seems to have been a case of festina lente. It took the publication of the Abercrombie sketch development plan in O939 to enliven 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 117

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the debate but not to provoke any action. Indeed two letters in the Irish Times, one in O9RR and the other in O9R6, suggest that the Diocese did little with the site. On R August O9RR, the writer noted that the square was in poor shape, locked and closed off and the trench shelters (part of the provision of 7,SNN places built by Dublin Corporation in anticipation of air raids) were flooded. The shelters had been built 7 feet deep (2m) and lined with concrete but they were filled in during the autumn of O9R6 and appropriate compensation paid. The second letter (Irish Times, 7 March O9R6, p. S) painted a graphic picture of a square in a sea of rubbish with overflowing bins, detritus, dead cats and so on. The occasion of the publication of the sketch plan caused some concern for the archbishop’s solicitor, richard ryan of O’Hagan Ltd. Writing to Father Dunne on 26 October O939, he recognized that there was a potential problem if the Corporation came to support the consultant’s report. He noted that not many people understood the implications of the powers given to the Corporation under the O93R Act. He worried that if they ever developed a planning scheme and included the alternative location in that plan, it would block the Merrion Square proposal. He noted that, once adopted, not even the minister could overturn the plan. There was a need for action and it was suggested that:

If the Archbishop was to cause a letter to be sent to the Town Planning Committee and to the City Manager stating his objections to the site suggested by the committee as per the newspaper report it might result in squashing the suggestion before it makes any headway and save much trouble later on. (Lv/D/O2/8)

There are two marginal notes on the letter which indicate that the city manager (Dr Hernon) promised to let the archbishop know if any strange development should arise and that the archbishop proposed to erect signs saying that the square was the site for the new cathedral. The point about the planning scheme was well taken, however, and Arthur O’Hagan of O’Hagan Ltd. wrote to the city manager on 26 February O9S2 as the Corporation faced the prospect being ordered to produce the plan. He wanted the authorities to note that ‘when a planning scheme is forthcoming, the Merrion Square site is where the Archbishop intends to build in the near future’. That is not to say that the diocese was content to let informal contacts do the business. On Christmas Day, O9RN, the bishop of Thasos, Dr Wall, standing in for Dr Byrne the deceased archbishop, took the opportunity of the reception for members of Dublin Corporation after High Mass to comment 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 118

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on the proposal to site the cathedral on the quays. He described the idea as misguided and called upon the ‘city fathers’ to do what they could to block it. Taken aback by their reaction, he quickly backtracked by saying that he was not speaking on behalf of the archbishop-elect, Dr McQuaid, but reflecting the fact that many Catholics had written to him personally on the matter. Their reaction had been less supportive than he clearly expected. The lord mayor (Mrs Kathleen Clarke) responded that the Dublin Corporation intended to put the proposals to the new archbishop. They felt that the quays were an even better site than Merrion Square and they hoped that the archbishop would see that too once he had the opportunity to consider the matter further. The chairman of the Town Planning Committee spoke that it had never been the intention to dictate policy but it was simply a case of finding the best site. Obviously Dublin Corporation was not simply going to take the position that Merrion Square was the only site. They were supported in this view by an academic debate, which was instigated by Abercrombie’s plan. Abercrombie expanded on his plan in the June (O9R2) issue of Studies journal. It was a short piece that centred on three major themes. He discussed the road system and how a symmetrical arrangement could not work in a city of historic significance. He described his plans as a ‘spiral’. He devoted some space to discussing future growth and how to manage that without urban sprawl. However, the greater part of his paper related to the cathedral. Abercrombie saw it as the key feature of his plan. The city offered a wonderful vista along the river. There was a great site available, bounded by Lower Ormond Quay, Lower Liffey Street, upper Abbey Street and Capel Street and the quays frontages were not being used to any adequate advantage. Here was the opportunity to replace the current admixture of buildings with something special on both sides in ‘appropriate gardens and oases of green’ (Abercrombie (O9R2), p. OS8). This was the site for the ‘greatest building and noblest monument of the future Dublin. Only one building presents itself which would fulfil these conditions and that is the Metropolitan Cathedral. No other building could fitly take its place as the climax to the city’. The issue also published invited comments on the paper. Louis Giron, the president of the royal Institute of the Architects of Ireland, supported Abercrombie’s choice of location. ‘Were I as an Architect given a free choice between the Merrion Square site and the riverside site, I should without hesitation select the latter’ (p. O6R). John J. robinson, another architect, took an opposing view. He favoured the Merrion Square site because he feared the 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 119

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delay involved in starting on the riverside site. He felt that a ‘fine cathedral, properly conceived and designed upon noble lines, will dominate anywhere, even at the bottom of a deep valley, with buildings climbing on each side and all around it’ (p. O6S). However, it is his attitude to Georgian Dublin that is most illuminating. He felt that the Merrion Square site could be greatly improved by the demolition of its Georgian buildings. He did not make a distinction between those in Merrion Square and those around Capel Street. In fact, erecting the new cathedral on a site in the north of the city site would be to put it into a business and municipal centre. Better, he argued, to locate the cathedral near the museum, the gallery, and the Dáil. This could be achieved by extensive demolition of the houses around Merrion Square, and the blocks between there and the Canal. It would allow new buildings to be set back with extensive gardens with perhaps even a new Parliament building constructed. Thus ‘let us keep in mind that the Merrion Square houses, in spite of their gentlemanly and indeed genteel façades, are really very old gentlemen whose days are numbered […] [T]heir day is done – the Georgian era is over, and there is little sense in seeking to perpetuate it’ (p. O6S). This clearance would provide the space within which to set the cathedral – ‘a spacious piazza, with a great national monument in the centre of it and with the glorious mass of the new Cathedral in the background’. Moreover it would set the balance straight – ‘why should all the grand civic planning be reserved for the northside of the river, when experience has shown that development tends southwards?’ (p. O66). The final piece was by C.P. Curran, a well-known lawyer and architectural and art historian. He rejected the Merrion Square site because it would remove an important open space from the citizens’ enjoyment – open spaces were clearly of importance to him from the many examples he offered of past mistakes. ‘For Merrion Square as the actual site I have found little enthusiasm and a general conviction that at best it is second best and therefore not good enough’ (p. O7N). However, he muddied the water by suggesting a great range of other sites. ‘We are all agreed that the site should be in such a commanding place as to provide the best architectural vista. Such a site must therefore be a river-site or some sufficiently dominant elevation. The Consultants’ site is the best river site’ (p. O7N). We were also invited to consider Broadstone, Blessington Basin, Mountjoy Square or the Linen Hall site. A paper published in the Irish Builder and Engineer in O9RO by ‘A Citizen’ was supportive of Abercrombie’s plan and the issue contained a double-page spread with a drawing commissioned by Mr Fergus ryan, MrIAI, of the 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 120

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cathedral on its quayside site. The drawing is an articulation of Abercrombie’s own sketch but from the perspective of the quayside. The paper suggested on page 3O that ‘Drawing its origins from … the Corporation’s chief advisers on public health, engineering and architectural questions, the sketch plan as approved, may surely be accepted as bearing the fullest measure of expert and administrative authority that is possible, at this stage within the recognized law of the land.’ However, noted in the margin of the copy in the diocesan archive against this comment is ‘by whom?’ This kind of argument, however, was never going to see either site developed because there seemed little genuine enthusiasm for anyone to do anything practical. Periods of time such as ‘quarter centuries’ or ‘2S years’ crop up in discussion. The diocese was not going to concede the point but neither was it going to build. The archbishop received a letter from a south Dublin resident, dated 9 September O9R3 (Lv/D/O2/OR), offering to set about the project after the war ended and in which it was suggested that there would be no difficulty in raising £Om. The archbishop noted in the margin that he was ‘grateful for interest, project is vast, would like some time to think about it’. Similarly an ardent supporter wrote on 7 August O9RR in response to reports in the newspapers (Perambulator) that the Merrion Square site had been abandoned suggesting that a response squashing the rumour be issued. The notes indicate that the archbishop was not going to get involved in a public debate. However, he was still prepared to act in private when he felt there was a threat to the project, even though there were no definite plans to build. Such a perceived threat arose in O9RR when it seems that the Fianna Fáil government felt moved to take some action about the proposal in the Abercrombie plan for a government quarter. It is still unclear what prompted the government’s interest or what they intended to do. It seemed that they intended making some announcement or even passing legislation in relation to the area with the aim of preventing speculation in property prices. The government plans would have impinged on the plans for the cathedral in that Merrion Square was part of the area in which the government was interested. It was their view that a cathedral would be inappropriate in the midst of such a business and administrative quarter. This was explained personally to the archbishop by the Taoiseach, Éamon de valera, on OO November O9RR. It appears that the taoiseach was so vague and convoluted in his discussion that the archbishop had difficulty in understanding exactly what he was proposing. The archbishop responded in writing on the following day in a letter marked 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 121

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‘secret’. He made it clear that he ‘cannot accept that that a Cathedral towards the east side of the Square would in any way harm a scheme for Government buildings’ (Lv/e/O). Though he put his case forcefully, towards the end he made the point that he would not oppose the government in a ‘mere physical issue, such as the ownership of a piece of land’. This prompted a phone call from the taoiseach the following day. There is a detailed note of the call (Lv/e/2) and once again it left the archbishop none the wiser. The taoiseach spoke about the need to have a consistent design for the government quarter and he was concerned that a cathedral could be dwarfed by surrounding buildings. However, the whole conversation is best summed up by the archbishop’s final note which he wrote: ‘I am still in complete ignorance of the Government plans or intention’. The taoiseach promised a letter explaining but there is a further note dated 2R November in which it is recorded that the taoiseach had sent a message apologizing for the delay. There is no record of a letter having been received. However, the final document in this set is a detailed but undated memorandum (Lv/e/3) by the archbishop, which is considerably more robust in tone than the first letter. Its purpose is unclear but it may have been prepared as a more formal response to the anticipated government announcement. In it the archbishop makes clear that it is his intention to build the cathedral and that it will be built on Merrion Square. He objected to anything which would interfere with his sphere of influence: ‘in the specific matter of a cathedral for the Archdiocese of Dublin, I claim a specific prerogative as Archbishop’. He questioned the right of a government to put forward a plan about which he was not consulted and in respect of which his observations were not requested. He seemed seriously concerned that Merrion Square would be taken from him by compulsory purchase and wrote that:

I think it right, however, to sound a note of warning: any legislation or course of action which would operate to prevent me exercising my rights and to deprive me of my property in Merrion Square would, to say the least of it, create a most dangerous precedent and would, I submit, scandalise the community and be regarded by the Catholic population as an act of expropriation of Church property. (Diocesan Archive, Lv/e/3)

He wrote of his concern about being ‘hindered’ or ‘exposed to humiliation’ in the exercise of his independent functions as archbishop and he ended by 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 122

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writing that he preferred to believe until proven to the contrary that he enjoyed the same measure of loyalty and support from the government and taoiseach as he had enjoyed from the previous government. There is no indication that he got such a measure of support. At the same time the idea about a government quarter in and around Merrion Square never got any further. It seems also that the archbishop’s suggestion that he was ready to make an announcement within months was bluster and, as is known, no such announcement was ever made. With that, the matter subsided and it became once again the subject of rumour and speculation with nothing oﬃcial being said. Thus Quidnunc, writing in the Irish Times, wondered if Merrion Square might not be turned into a public park on the lines of St Stephen’s Green ‘provided that is, that the purpose for which Merrion Square was purchased a few years ago has been abandoned; nobody seems to know’ (Irish Times, OR August O9R8, p. S). Indeed, this was the subject of a phone call to the diocesan oﬃce by Mr Con Lehane TD on Friday, O7 June O9R9. He wanted to know if the square was still the site for the proposed cathedral because there was a general impression that things had changed and he was under pressure from his constituents to get public access to the park as a playground. He was told that nothing had changed. Thus it continued for another twenty or so years. Merrion Square remained the designated site for the cathedral but nothing was done to advance the plans (see Lv/e/6/2). The early enthusiasm for public subscription soon waned but the LMS railway company staff (Lv 3/N) continued a fund, which was not wound up until O9RS and a sum of £O783 Rs. Sd. transferred to the archbishop. There was constant pressure to open Merrion Square for public use, which ignited into a public protest in the O96Ns. However, things remained as they had been. Thus, in O938, in response to a request from the Irish Women Citizens’ and Local Government Association that the park be opened until work began on the cathedral, the archbishop wrote on 2R October O938 that the park was still private and that it had been bought for a cathedral and ‘from this high purpose I will admit of no deviation’ (Lv/C/ON). Access was still available to residents along the square and to others who were prepared to pay an annual fee of 2 guineas in O9R3 (but R guineas by the O96Ns). Much of the space was allocated to tennis courts and the income from these was very important and partly funded the maintenance of the square. However, the railings proved no barrier to the hordes of urchins who took over the square in the evening and about whom there were constant complaints. 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 123

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The area around Wood Quay. (extract from OS plan O:2SNN, Sheet O8(XI), O939.)

Mountjoy Square

The future of Mountjoy Square, the northside equivalent of Merrion Square, was also decided in the O93Ns but this was a simpler matter. Like its counterpart, it was a ﬁne Georgian square where the owners of properties enjoyed exclusive access to the railed-off space. It was also in the hands of commissioners who were empowered to raise a rent of Ss. per annum per foot of frontage on the square. Sir Charles Cameron, as executive sanitary oﬃcer, had made an attempt in O899 to have the square opened to the public but he was summarily rebuffed by the commissioners (Irish Times, 3O July O899, p. 6). It rumbled on during the O92Ns with a committee interested in opening the square presenting Dublin Corporation with 2,7NN signatures asking that the square be opened to the public under municipal control (Irish Times, O9 April O92R, p. 8). Having exhausted the possibilities of a negotiated solution, Dublin Corporation returned to the matter in O938 and promoted a private bill in the Oireachtas, the purpose of which was to transfer ownership of the square to the Corporation for use as a public park. This bill would extinguish the exclusive rights of the property owners and end the role of the commis - sioners. unlike Merrion Square there were no alternative suitors for the space 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 124

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and though there was some disagreement between the Corporation and the commissioners, it did not prove diﬃcult to conclude the matter. There was general public approval for the idea since the mostly tenemented houses on the square held O,RNN inhabitants, of which R36 were under ten years of age, while in the environs the number of children under ten was 2,O3R. It was clear that there was a need and a demand for a green space that could be enjoyed by the local population. The commissioners did not want to lose the tennis courts, proposing that one half of the square be retained for that purpose, the other being set as a public park. The Corporation offered a compromise in that they undertook ‘not to alter the character or interfere with the present state of Mountjoy Square save in so far as may be necessary for its reasonable use as a public park or pleasure ground (Mountjoy Square Act, O938, clause 6.O). The commissioners caved in (Irish Times, 28 March O938, p. R). The compromise was as good as they were going to get, and the bill was enacted in O938. It was to be more than thirty years before the public enjoyed similar access to Merrion Square.

e bus station

It is likely that bus stations do not come to mind when considering civic improvements. It has to be one of the less interesting land uses in a city. In Dublin, however, its lack had been keenly felt for many years. By the O92Ns, the use of buses had increased and the only place to park them was on the city streets; streets already congested. The O93O edition of Thom’s Directory contains a long list of the long-distance buses and where the terminated in the city, mostly on Aston or eden Quay. This was the same location for the large number of private (non-DuTC) buses which operated routes of varying length to and from the growing suburbs. By O933 the DuTC had taken over many of the private routes and the quays continued to be the terminus for many of these routes. In the next chapter, there will be a discussion on bridge building in the city and one of the proposals to be mentioned was to build over the river Liffey, cantilever style, and provide for a bus station and parking. There were more straightforward proposals, however, and they were given focus by the Abercrombie sketch plan. They saw the bus station as part of their redeﬁnition of the city centre, returning it to its roots around Christ Church. Wood Quay was the chosen site for the city bus station. It is a steep sloping site and they proposed to use the lower part of the slope from the line of Cook Street for the station. This would allow the station to be cut into the slope and 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 125

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The environs of Christ Church in the O9RNs, showing the dereliction in the absence of redevelopment. (Postcard.) 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 126

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The area around Bedford row, suggested as a bus park. (extract from OS plan O:2SNN, Sheet O8(XI), O939.)

would hide it from above. It was intended that the space above the station would be used only for park and gardens, keeping the newly exposed view of the cathedral. However, this was a longer-term plan and in the immediate term, they proposed making use of a site behind Aston Quay, between Bedford row and Aston Place. The existing street frontage was to be preserved and would provide the waiting rooms and the administration space, so the buses would not be on public view. It was on a small scale, with space envisaged only for eighteen buses, and clearly could never have been seen as more than a stopgap. There was a counter proposal, supported by the local traders in the area, that the Smithﬁeld site be used as a bus station. It would bring much-needed business to a run-down part of the city and was close to the Broadstone Station. The idea did not ﬁnd favour with the Great Southern railways Company, the operator of most of the long-distance buses, who felt that the site was not central enough. They used the roadway on Aston Quay as a 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 127

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The area around Beresford Place, suggested as the location for the bus station. (extract from OS plan O:2SNN, Sheet O8(vII), O939.)

loading point for their buses and, while the Garda had tolerated it as a temporary measure, they were now pressing for action. The company convinced the Town Planning Committee that this made sense. There was a proposal from that committee to the General Purposes Committee in January O9RN that it build the bus station on Aston Quay. However, the General Purposes Committee also heard a deputation from the traders on Arran Quay advocating the Smithfield site and decided to recommend that the Council reject the recommendation of the Town Planning Committee (Irish Times, ON January O9RN, p 6). In O9RO, the Town Planning Committee reported in their response to the Abercrombie plan (p. 2S) that Smithfield was in play again and that Aston Quay has ‘been disposed’ by the adoption by the city council of a proposal that a temporary ‘bus station be placed in Smithfield’. But there was already an alternative and this now began to gain support. In O937, the Traffic and Safety First Association proposed a plan for Beresford Place. Much of the area behind the Custom House (especially on its eastern site) was occupied by old warehousing, which had outlived its usefulness and there was no direct link to Amiens Street from the quays. Onto this site, the Association proposed the building of a bus station and, nearby, a parking 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 128

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garage. The site was extensive and it was felt that it would accommodate between ONN and O2N buses and at least SNN cars over its approximately S.S acre (2.2ha) site (Irish Times, S October O937, p. 3). The proposal was deemed sufficiently sensible as to merit presentation to the General Purposes Committee of Dublin Corporation on 26 October O9RR. The most significant objection to the Beresford Place site was that it would add to congestion by drawing buses across O’Connell Bridge but, in fact, these accounted for no more than about five per cent of the traffic on the bridge. The decision was taken in January O9RS (Minutes, 22 January). Dublin Corporation accepted that it would make a significant improvement and the Irish Times reported that Córas Iompair Éireann (CIÉ), created on O January O9RS, would fit out the new station with booking offices, waiting rooms, and possibly a newsreel cinema. The newspaper noted, with satisfaction, that ‘the purchase [of the site] was first announced in the Irish Times on August 3rd last. The scheme itself has been advocated by this newspaper at various intervals since O937’ (Irish Times, S December, p. O). Together with the station, the intention was to extend Amiens Street to the quays with an intersecting road between the new station and the Custom House. The Irish Times later reported that Messrs Cramptons were about to begin work on the clearing of the site (Irish Times O3 April O9RS, p. 2). But it was not to go smoothly. The issue was that while Dublin Corporation could approve the proposals, the plans were those of CIÉ. Additionally, Dublin Corporation had to engage with the Port and Docks Board about the precise configuration of the new roads. This proved to be a long-running saga. What was originally envisaged was a two-storey circular structure with the buses on the ground floor and the booking offices and services on the first floor. However, in January O9R6, discussions were still continuing between Dublin Corporation and CIÉ about a radical design change which involved a four-storey (and later eight-storey) building, the extra space being used by the company’s administrative functions. It rumbled on during the spring and summer of O9R6 and what was described as a ‘lively meeting’ of Dublin Corporation saw a number of councillors walk out (Irish Times, 7 September O9R6, p. O). It was not clear why they had done so but it was believed to be because of a perceived inability to influence the design of the station. Agreement was eventually reached and approval for the new design given on 7 October but not without another row. Abercrombie’s views on the new design had been sought and he was generally favourable, especially with the ‘L-shaped’ design which set the bulk of the building further back from the 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 129

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Busáras in the O9SNs. (Postcard.)

The new bus station. (Dublin Opinion, cover, October O9SN.) 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 130

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quays. ‘I think that this building designed in the form of a letter “L” […] is the right decision for the treatment of a building for these purposes, on this site’ (report S3/O9R6, p. 2O3). The royal Institute of the Architects of Ireland expressed the view that the architect had done as well as he could do with the site but it was bound to be a failure of design (reports, R3/O9R6, p. 2OR). The rHA had relatively little to say but was favourable while the Town Planning Institute (Irish Branch) thought the site unsuitable. This diversity of views gave members of the Corporation the opportunity to continue their own debate but the new plans were eventually approved. There was a last-minute dispute between the architect, Michael Scott, and the Irish Times. The Irish Times had published a photo montage (3 October, p. O) showing the building in its context when viewed from the quays. The building would now rise to eight storeys (OONft, 33m) and present a ‘factory- like’ façade of concrete and glass. The paper sought views from a selection of professionals and members of the public which they published on R October. Thus Mr Frank Gibney (architect) described it as a ‘civic tragedy’ (p. 6) because it was so out of tune with its surroundings. He suggested, though, that it was too late to do anything and that a solution would have to wait for a more enlightened generation to clear the site. Mr Scott took such exception to the photograph that he initiated libel action against the Irish Times and was so worried as to the impression that Dublin Corporation might form from seeing it that he caused his solicitors to write to the meeting that ultimately decided in favour of the plan. This was not the end of the bus station saga; there were more delays as a result of political arguments about the use of the building (see cartoon in Dublin Opinion for October O9SN); the Corporation and the Port and Docks Board engaged in a protacted dispute about the alignment of the new roads but the station was ﬁnally complete by O9S3.

A municipal airport?

The aeroplane age arrived in Dublin in the O93Ns with the opening of the municipal airport at Collinstown in north county Dublin. Like many other civic improvements, there was a long lead-in time from the proposal ﬁrst being made. There were few candidate sites. Collinstown had been an extensive base for the ﬂedgling royal Air Force, together with Baldonnel in south county Dublin, and it had passed to the Irish Army Air Corps after the Treaty. A great deal of money had been expended on the base, perhaps as much as a quarter 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 131

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of a million pounds, and it was highly regarded. However, the military authorities found it unsuitable to have two bases and by the end of O923, they had decided to concentrate on Baldonnel. Thereafter Collinstown was little used, except for some hangers used to house private aeroplanes, and it gradually fell into disrepair. The modern story of the airport began in O93N with a report in the Irish Times that a variety of interests were working to reclaim Collinstown aerodrome. The argument was Dublin needed a civil airport and that it was an excellent location and was readily available. It would end the sharing of the Baldonnel base by military and civilian uses and this would be welcomed by both parties. The site at Collinstown was seen to be superior from a civilian point of view and the size of the site would permit the runways to accept the most modern forms of aircraft (Irish Times, R December, p. 7). It took a long time for this to happen, although the basic argument seems to have been accepted. It was still being discussed in O93S, even as commercial ﬂights were about to begin between Baldonnel and Bristol. It was now being referred to as a Municipal Airport and the advantages over Baldonnel were cited as being the size of the site and the fact that its greater distance from the Dublin mountains would be seen as a safety advantage by pilots landing in fog (Irish Times, 2 December O93S, p. 7). The project received a sponsor in the form of the Lord Mayor of Dublin, Mr Alﬁe Byrne TD, who could see the advantages of an airport for the city. Byrne queried the Minister for Industry and Commerce, Seán Lemass, in the Dáil on 2S June O93S (Dáil Debates, S7(6), col. 738) suggesting that the State might fund some site works which would facilitate bringing the Collinstown aerodrome back into use. However, the Minister replied that such a project was a matter for the municipal authorities. The problem, from the lord mayor’s perspective, was that the municipal authorities had no money and, in any event, the State owned the land. Things began to accelerate though, when the Government moved to the second stage of the Air Navigation Bill (O936) in July. It was a long bill and its main focus was the establishment of a State airline which would control all internal routes and be the only player in international agreements.

The Government have decided that development on these lines can best be secured by the establishment of a national company which will control directly or through subsidiaries all internal services in the Saorstát and all participation in international services from the Saorstát. (Dáil Debates, 63(9), col. OONS) 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 132

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The bill also contained enhanced provision for aerodromes to be built by the State or by local authorities.

The provision of aerodromes and landing grounds is essential to the development of aviation, and the acquisition of sites therefore should not be held up by the unreasonable demands of property owners. The Bill accordingly provides, in Section RO, for the application of the powers now held by local authorities under the Public Health (Ireland) Acts of O878 and O896, and the Local Government Act, O92S, to the acquisition of land for the purposes of this Part of the Act. In order also to encourage co-operation between local authorities in providing aerodromes, provision is included in the Bill for the making of a contribution by a local authority or a harbour authority to the expenses of construction of an aerodrome undertaken by another local authority and for the setting up of a joint committee of management with representatives of the different contributing bodies. Provision is also made to extend the borrowing powers of local authorities to meet expenses incurred in the establishment of aerodromes. (Dáil Debates, 63(9), col. OONN)

In January O937, an additional ONN acres (RNha) was purchased by the State at Collinstown and by the following month, Dublin Corporation and Dublin County Council were considering a proposal to fund the new airport. By February O937 it was suggested that they would contribute jointly SN per cent of the capital and the annual working deﬁcit of the airport, split between the two on the basis of their respective rateable valuation. This would mean that Dublin Corporation would contribute 38.S per cent. The ambition of the project also had increased from a mere refurbishment of the hangers at Collinstown, for which £ON,NNN was estimated at the beginning of the decade, to a full-blown new airport with a price tag of £OSN,NNN. For their part, the State would contribute the remainder and the estimates for O938 contained a provision of £7N,NNN for Dublin Airport (Irish Times, 6 May O937). By October O938 the main runway and many of the ancillary buildings were complete and the contract for the main terminal had been awarded by the Commissioners for Public Works (Irish Times, O3 October, p. 8). It is at this point that the ambition of the project became clear – that it was intended as an addition to the civic landscape and not just a transportation terminus. This was explained in a piece in an architectural supplement to the Irish Times 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 133

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Dublin Airport at Collinstown. (Ordnance Survey plan, O:2SNN, Sheet OR, O936.)

The terminal building at Collinstown. (Postcard.) 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 134

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on 2O June O939 (p. 27) by Desmond Fitzgerald, the architect of the terminal building. He set out the particular needs of airports and the fact that they require the interaction of a large number of services. The runways are the key element and nothing must interfere with clear and safe access. Therefore the buildings must be planned carefully and one gets the impression that the renaissance concept of ‘beauty and utility’ was important – buildings are beautiful when they are fit for their purpose. The airport buildings in Dublin lay at the apex of the runway in a curved, wing-like shape. All of the facilities required to run the airport and to service the passengers were provided within this space, while the hangers for the aircraft were located at either side. The building rose in terraces with the ground floor given over to passenger functions, the first floor to a restaurant and offices and upper levels given to the more technical elements culminating in the control tower at the highest level with an unobstructed view in all directions. It was a highly specified, highly designed building and part of an age where a terminal might be considered a ‘public building’.

Choosing Collinstown As has been seen from the discussion so far, no locational decision ever seemed to go smoothly and although there had been an accepted view that Collinstown was the best location for a civil airport from the very beginning, a decision in favour of Collinstown was not a matter of course. That the Phoenix Park was being considered came as a surprise to many. It seems that in the discussions around the framing of the Air Transport Bill that the ‘OS acres’ in Phoenix Park was suggested as an alternative site. It was close to the city centre and it was well connected to the transport network. General richard Mulcahy TD raised this prospect during the second stage debate on the Air Transport Bill. He got no ﬁrm assurance that the Phoenix Park had been rejected but to his surprise (and that of many others) he was told that an inter-departmental committee had for some time been looking at the question of suitable locations for the airport. This committee was due to report very soon but it would not be producing a report for publication. The reaction to this news was quick. The following day the Irish Times reported the opposition of the lord mayor and of Manning robertson to any suggestion that Phoenix Park would be used (Irish Times, OO July O936, p. 9). The Irish Times also reported on this occasion that another proposal had been put forward in Studies in O93S by Desmond McAteer. It involved the reclamation of an area, called Merrion Strand, which extended from the 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 135

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Pigeonhouse Fort to Blackrock. The area would be enclosed by a seawall which would run for approximately 3 miles (Skm) and ‘at half way along its length it would be a mile seaward of Merrion Gates’. Because the area was dry at low tide, it would be relatively cheap to reclaim the land using dredged materials and McAteer believed that the project could be completed for £O.Sm. It had many interesting features. He required a site of one square mile (O.6km square) for the aerodrome and that would leave a significant amount of reclaimed land for other uses. He noted that Dublin was lacking in seaside sports and sea bathing and he suggested that amenities such as an aquatic centre and amusement park should be provided in conjunction with the airport. A new road would run on the seaward side along the retaining wall and he felt that it would be sufficient to have this only at the height of the existing sea-road at Sandymount. Moreover, ‘it [was] probable that, without artificial assistance, a sandy beach would be formed along the seawall. If such a beach did not develop as rapidly as desired, a series of small groynes would form and stabilize the beach. The mere possibility of three miles (Skm) of sandy beach right at Dublin City seems almost too good to be true; but it is not only a possibility – it is quite easy of accomplishment’ (p. 78). While recognizing that many uses could occupy the land, he saw no objection to housing developments on a portion of the site. He convinced himself that the project was financially viable and then stated definitively ‘it is not proposed to deal in any degree with objections to the scheme; it is sufficient to state that any objections that have been suggested are altogether outweighed by the advantages. The aeronautical aspect of the proposed aerodrome has not been considered in great detail, because it is a rather technical matter and one on which few people are qualified to give an opinion today’ (p. 83). He goes on, however, to deal with the objection that the site might be misty and says simply that technology will overcome that. In any event, in his future, the flying boat will ultimately be superior to the land machine. It is astonishing that this proposal was given any credence whatsoever, since the only thing that mattered, the aeronautical aspect of the site, was dismissed out of hand. Had he given this any time, he might have pondered the effect of the close proximity to Howth on flight paths. He might also have considered how aircraft might take off into the wind, given that the prevailing wind would require them to fly over housing areas. It seems really that his focus was much more on the reclamation and that he saw an aerodrome as being nothing more than one possible land use that might facilitate this. Thus he returned to the topic of the reclamation in a 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 136

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Collinstown Airport in early use. Image shown is of a de Havilland DH 86. (Postcard.)

response to Abercrombie’s sketch development plan. He was pleased that Abercrombie had included such an idea and now his focus was on the merits of sea bathing. The Irish Times piece also provided the opportunity to restate the benefits of Collinstown. It was described as being ‘clear of mists and low lying cloud’ and it offered unobstructed flight paths. It would be possible to provide the required runways of O,RNN–O,7NN yards (O.2–O.6km). Moreover it was pointed out that Collinstown was accessible from the city in OS minutes, a feat barely achievable today even with the use of the Port Tunnel. In contrast, the opinion of pilots was that the Phoenix Park site was unsuitable. There were too many trees, the area was too built up and many buildings would have to be removed. As with Baldonnel, there was a concern about visibility in fog and for the need to have aircraft fly over the city. Without much further ado, the choice settled on Collinstown. It is hard to understand why the Phoenix Park site was taken seriously and it is a good job that it was not chosen. It was Croydon Airport in London to which many flights were first directed but it was soon overtaken by the city spreading out and eventually had to be abandoned. The same fate would have inevitably befallen the Phoenix Park site. 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 137

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Moving Victoria

The moving of the statue of Queen victoria is a very small-scale ‘civic improvement’ but it was one of those issues that bubbled quietly during the O93Ns until ﬁnally resolved in O9R8. The statue, dominating the approach to the Dáil, was, at best, an incongruity but it was an issue that no government wanted to have to deal with. Public monuments more than commemorate those to whom they are dedicated; they are symbols of the power structures of the time. Those who exercise power choose who and how they commemorate and such monuments can be statements of political dominance as well as of public memory. They can act as statements of the power of the State and the ability of that State to control the landscape. They can also act the other way when the denial of monuments can be a powerful statement of quiet rebellion. The power struggle between an increasingly nationalist Corporation and the unionist parties during the nineteenth century was played out in part on the streets of Dublin. Whelan (2NN3) has provided a full account of this, while Osborough (O996) has explored this issue in relation to the naming of streets; another manifestation of the phenomenon. The question of the commemoration of Queen victoria was one of these battles. It was known that the Queen expected a public monument in Dublin and it was equally the case that Dublin Corporation was never going to facilitate it. The memorial to her late consort, Prince Albert, had been carefully and safely placed in the grounds of the royal Dublin Society facing Merrion Square. This was a public location, in that it could be seen, but it was on private space. Members of the rDS stepped into the vacuum created by Dublin Corporation and in the early O89Ns they began a fund to erect a statue of Queen victoria. Nothing came of it and the amount raised was small until the visit of the Queen in O9NN when, in a burst of enthusiasm, the fund was given new life and, under the guidance of Mr Justice Boyd, a sum in excess of £7,NNN was raised. The commission was given to the sculptor Mr John Hughes of the rHA in O9N3 and the memorial was ﬁnished by O9N8. The site of the monument was to be in front of Leinster House between the National Library and the National Museum. By the time of the launch edward vIII was on the throne and while he expressed interest in the project, he found himself unable to attend the unveiling. The Prince of Wales also found himself with other unavoidable duties and it fell to the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Aberdeen, to do 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 138

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victoria monument, the unveiling ceremony. (The Graphic, 22 February O9N8.)

the honours. The ceremony was fully reported in the Irish Times of O7 February O9N8. It described a large and enthusiastic crowd, over O,NNN soldiers in ‘review order’, and gave a full account of the speeches. What is notable is that there is no mention of the presence of any members of the Corporation. This was a strange hybrid ceremony: the imperial government, at the urging of a particular political constituency, unveiling a memorial in the absence of the local government of the city. It was a major political event but, at the same time, it was a private ceremony. The land on which the memorial stood was private space, behind substantial railings and its status as a public monument must be questionable. However, the Queen would have appreciated the later irony with the installation of the Free State government in Leinster House. She now held pride of place, overseeing the comings and goings of an assembly that had tried so hard to diminish the links between it and her empire. The newly independent Free State did not go in for wholesale iconoclasm, though statues of the British era were removed. The van Nost equestrian statue of George I, which had originally stood on essex Bridge but had been moved in the late eighteenth century to the Mansion House, was relocated to the Barber Institute of Fine Arts, part of the university of Birmingham. This statue was more fortunate than that of George II, also in equestrian pose, which stood in the centre of St Stephen’s Green until it was blown up on 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 139

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The monuments around Leinster House. The monument to Albert is described simply as ‘memorial’. (extract from OS plan O:2SNN, Sheet O8(XI), O939.)

O3 May O937. It had been mined the previous evening and the authorities, although aware of the fact, were unable to do anything before it exploded at about 8 o’clock the next morning. A small number of streets were renamed but the character of the city was relatively unchanged. It is true that Dublin Corporation debated the removal of Nelson’s Pillar from time to time but it did so safe in the knowledge that nothing would happen. Nothing was to happen there until members of the Irish republican Army blew up the upper portion of the pillar in O966. The Pillar was the property of a Trust and the Trust had inalienable rights which would require an Act of the Oireachtas to change. This could, of course, have been done at any time and when the time came, it proved easy to do when the Nelson Pillar Act (O969) was passed, which provided for compensation for the Trust from the loss of admission fees, consequent on the destruction of the Pillar. victoria remained secure in front of Leinster House until O9R8. That is not to suggest that she was immune from discussion. There is a short piece in the Irish Times for O July O93N in which it was suggested that there would soon be plans to replace the statue with something less ‘aesthetically offensive’ but nothing came of it. In Dáil eireann on OO December O93N, Mr Blythe, Minister for Finance, answered a question thus. 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 140

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Tomás O Maoláin: asked the minister for ﬁnance whether it is intended to remove the Queen victoria statue from the front of Leinster House; and, if so, if he can indicate when the work will be commenced.

Mr Blythe: The statue in question is not regarded as a valuable or attractive work of art; nevertheless, it is not thought that its effect on popular taste is so debasing as to necessitate the expenditure of public funds on its removal. (Dáil Debates, 36(ON), col. O22R)

Mr Blythe would have satisfied many shades of opinion with that answer. The statue was an irritation but money was short and such money could be spent on better things. The matter could wait for another day. The reality of the position was summed up very well in a cartoon in Dublin Opinion for O933. The statue could be got rid of very easily if anybody wanted to. The Irish Press gave the issue another airing in O933. A lengthy piece by Norbert Johnson appeared on 8 February. He asked if we had lost our sense of the ridiculous by having a monument to victoria in the precincts of the Dáil. He then embarked on a lengthy discourse on the inappropriateness of any memorial to the late Queen and his description of her as a ‘little woman in stature, physical and spiritual’ captures the tone of his piece. On 2S February (p. 2) the Irish Press attacked from the artistic perspective. It invited the comments of a number of ‘authorities’. There was a damning of the monument with faint praise and the contribution of Seán Keating rHA is worthy of mention. He is quoted as saying ‘to me the whole courtyard is highly absurd. One might as well erect a statue of Luther in front of St Peter’s or a statue of Kaiser Wilhelm on top of the Arc de Triomphe. The extraordinary difference in style between the monument and the building amounts to vulgarity’. The Irish Times attempted to redress the balance in a report dated O9 August O933 where the artistic community was said to be concerned about what was going to replace her (p. 9). It was a half-hearted piece since only one artist was quoted and there were still no definite plans, although the rumour mill suggested that victoria was going be replaced with a statue to Thomas Davis. Nonetheless, despite the temptation, those in power avoided the opportunity to make the statue a political issue and other means had to be found to meet the need. A flavour of this can be seen in the answer to a Dáil parliamentary question posed by Mr Corish (Labour) on 3 February O937. 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 141

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removing victoria. (Dublin Opinion, March O933, p. 26.)

Mr Corish (for Mr everett) asked the minister for ﬁnance whether he can state if it is the intention of the Oﬃce of Public Works to remove from the precincts of Leinster House impediments which prevent the citizens having a clear view of the building from Kildare Street, and whether this work will be carried out in the near future.

Mr Flinn: Consideration is at present being given to a scheme for improving the approach to Leinster House, but deﬁnite proposals have not yet been formulated, and the estimate of cost has accordingly not yet been made. 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 142

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General Mulcahy: Does the proposal involve putting up a decent waiting-room at the gate?

Mr Flinn: I hope so. (Dáil Debates, 6S(O), col. 8)

Dublin Corporation turned up the temperature in September O9R3 when they passed a motion calling upon the Government to remove the Queen and replace her with a statue to Lord edward FitzGerald. There was no holding back on political rhetoric and it provided the opportunity for Mrs Clarke (the former lord mayor) to note that she had removed victoria from the Mansion House when she was in oﬃce and would have done so for Leinster House if it had been in her power (Irish Times, 7 September O9R3, p. O). It was not until O9R7 that there was a real prospect that the statue might be moved. Once again, political reasons were eschewed, notwithstanding the earlier motion from Dublin Corporation. Instead, the need to provide parking for the members of the Oireachtas (now that petrol was available again) and the need to improve direct access to the main door meant that it was no longer possible to accommodate the statue. This tiptoeing around the issue was seen in an answer to a question on 3N June O9R8 when Mr C. Lehane asked the taoiseach if he was ‘aware that the national feelings of the majority of Irishmen are outraged by the failure to remove the statue of a foreign monarch from the Quadrangle at Leinster House, and if he will state whether it is proposed to remove this statue at an early date’. The Taoiseach, Mr Costello, replied that: ‘A scheme, which was approved in September last, for the provision of parking accommodation for motor-cars at Leinster House involves the removal of the statue to which the Deputy refers, and it is anticipated that the work on the removal of the statue will begin early next month’. Further questioning from Captain Peadar Cowan asked ‘Why is there this excuse “to provide parking accommodation?” Why is not the real reason given?’ However, the taoiseach skilfully responded that he had not offered any excuse in his reply (Dáil Debates, OOO, col. O78S). Of course, the removal plans for Queen victoria raised the question of what to do with her. It was suggested that she might be moved to another site in Dublin but that cannot have been suggested seriously. Myles na gCopaleen got involved in his Cruskeen Lawn column on 9 July O9R8 when he worried that victoria might be replaced by another ﬁgure. Instead he quipped that in times of unemployment, consideration might be given to the use of living 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 143

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The monument to Albert in its original location. (Postcard.)

The cenotaph which was placed in front of the Albert monument. (Postcard.) 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 144

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Aerial view from the O9RNs showing the Albert Memorial prior to the erection of the new cenotaph. The works associated with the removal of victoria are visible. (Postcard.) 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 145

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statues. He told the story of ‘the two friends viewing the new house being built by one of them. The visitor was a bit doubtful. “The general façade,” he said, “is fine but I don’t care so much for those statues on the roof.” “Them’s not staches,” replied the host. “them’s me workmen”’ (p. R). Later, in O9R9, it was reported that both London, Ontario and Peterborough in Canada had made offers for the statue but nothing came of these. victoria was finally moved. Work began in early July and, without much ceremony, she was put on a truck on 23 July O9R8 with a first destination of Garda Headquarters in Kilmainham (royal Hospital). The monument to her royal Consort, Prince Albert, survived in its location on the other side of Leinster House. It had originally been positioned in the centre of the lawn as a focal point but it had to give way to a memorial to Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith, which was unveiled on O3 August O923. While it retained its location for the time being, the cenotaph now stood between it and Merrion Square. Since the new monument was in the form of a Celtic cross, O2m high, with a large base, it effectively obscured the Albert monument. A more significant change was necessitated in O9R9. The memorial or cenotaph was intended only as a temporary construction and was made of wood with a metal cladding. When the plaque to Kevin O’Higgins was being added to it in O928, it was discovered that it had dry rot and was given a lifespan of five years. However, it was not until the next Fine Gael government took office that the project actually received the funding necessary to proceed, although work had been done on the design. Thus, in O9R9 it was necessary for Albert to move to his current location near the Museum of Natural History. Of course, the project was not completed without fuss as the debate in the Dáil on the estimate for the Board of Works makes clear (Dáil Debates, O22(8), col. ORNN).

e end of ambition?

The two decades were not without incident, yet they did not result in any classic landmark building. The project most likely to have been built was the cathedral. The building of a metropolitan cathedral had been an ambition of the archepiscopate for more than a century, although they had done very little about it. It seems that the impetus to obtain the Merrion Square site came not from the archdiocese itself but from elements within the laity. It was their enthusiasm that seems to have sparked that of the archbishop and he was soon caught up in the possibility that the goal of a cathedral might be realized. 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 146

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Nevertheless, enthusiasm for project was unable to maintain its momentum and important opportunities to raise funds were missed. However, even at the height of enthusiasm, it was never the priority project for the archdiocese. Funding for the project could have been integrated into the holding of the eucharistic Congress but this was not done. even though the property would not become available until O938, there was plenty of scope for advance planning. In fact, the project quietly slipped down the agenda although it remained dear to the heart of various archbishops until the O97Ns: none was prepared to announce the ending of the project but none put any significant effort into moving it towards realisation. It was there as a long-term goal; perhaps no more than a pipe dream. A letter to an architectural student in the O96Ns noted that ‘while Merrion Square has been acquired as a site a project is not being actively considered’ (Lv/e/6/2). The reason for this was probably simple enough. The city was growing and new suburbs were appearing all the time. The faithful had to be provided with schools and churches and it was this focus on the practicalities of the faith that occupied the resources of the archdiocese. It seems the case that they were not prepared to spend money on a monumental project when there were simpler and more basic needs to be met. The bus station and the airport were impressive architectural additions to the city but may not have been viewed as such by much of the population. Busáras was difficult to appreciate, given its location and the nature of the site. The modern nature of its design would also have jarred with those who preferred a classical idiom. The airport was a fine piece of modern design but relatively few people used the facility. As the era of mass travel arrived, the original design was smothered in newer and less sympathetic buildings. Certain quarters had expressed concern that Dublin was losing its sense of style and poor taste could ruin the elegance of the city. This was articulated very clearly by Manning robertson in his Cautionary guide to Dublin which was published in O933 and O93R under the auspices of the royal Institute of the Architects of Ireland. The guide was aimed at the general public as a practical manual to good practice because it was felt that public education in design was the only way to avoid unfortunate results. Particular criticism was directed at the practice of importing sham historic trends such as ‘tudor’ to Dublin housing and he noted that the problem was particularly rampant in the Sutton direction. While agreeing that good work had been done in some new suburban developments, he argued for the ‘simple dignity of a plain surface, suitable colour and texture, and good proportion’. He argued that 03 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:35 Page 147

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beauty, health and convenience were the threefold aim of town planning. He returned to a theme long held by those who planned cities that they reﬂected the dignity of the nation. Capital cities were particularly important in this regard. Architecture and the values that underpinned it were the most visible manifestations of a people’s approach to culture. He recognized that it took time for the public to become informed and that the beauty of simple proportion was an acquired taste. He advocated people being educated in design so that they would be able to respond to a new building and be capable of discussing its merits and defects. This would ensure the development of a city of which people would be proud for generations to come. The greater part of the guide was devoted to examples of good and bad practice with a particular emphasis on the removal of rubbish and the management of advertising. His ultimate hope was that there would be an educated public which a local authority could not ignore when making planning decisions. ‘Without a sound public opinion our position will be without hope, since no legislation can instill a cultural attitude of mind, neither can we expect our Local Authorities to exert adequately any powers of control that may be conferred upon them if they know that the electorate is indifferent or hostile to any restraint exercised for the public good’ (p. S). Manning robertson must have been pleased to read in Harvey’s book on Dublin (O9R9) that his words had an effect. Harvey noted that unsightly hoardings had disappeared from house fronts and empty sites. He went as far as to write that ‘in one bound Dublin has ceased to be the most distressed of cities in its spoiled beauty, and takes pride of place as the capital of visible taste’ (p. ON). The lack of action, though, had consequences other than a lack of new projects of which the city could be proud. As has been previously noted, many of the projects mentioned by Abercrombie and others were never actually rejected. They remained as part of the ambition of the city to be realized at some future date, as will be seen in the discussion on road planning in the next chapter. Potential sites for civic projects were effectively sterilised and there was no incentive to do anything with these sites until the time came for development. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 148

Keeping the city moving

Bridges and the river

We tend to think of traffic problems as being a phenomenon of our age and that previous generations operated at a more sedate pace free of concepts of ‘gridlock’ or ‘traffic jams’. Perhaps this was the case in some places but it was not the case in Dublin. Since the days of the medieval city, there have been problems managing the traffic in the city and it is worth recalling that the Wide Streets Commission, to whom we owe our current city centre, had its genesis in trying to sort out the intractable issue of access to Dublin Castle from the quays (see Dublin through space and time, 2002). Both of the major visionary city plans for the city in the twentieth century, produced by Abercrombie and which have been mentioned earlier, devoted significant space to dealing with traffic and, in particular, the vexed question of how to get traffic from one side of the Liffey to the other. What will be discussed here might be seen as ‘civic improvement’ but because it was so spatially wide ranging, it is better to give it its own consideration. Rivers are often the defining element of a city. Paris is associated with the Seine, London with the Thames and Rome with the Tiber. The river is useful in creating the mental map that people use to navigate a city. The Liffey provides one of the most accessible images in Finnegans Wake where Joyce begins ‘riverrun, past Eve and Adam’s, from swerve of shore to bend of bay, brings us by a commodius vicus of recirculation back to Howth Castle and Environs’. Where the river is less important, in the case of Madrid for example, the city becomes less easy to imagine, locations require other reference points. The river also provides vistas and landscapes. The riverbanks, or quays in the case of a port, provide opportunities for architects and planners to integrate water and land in their development. The river can also act as a gateway, providing access for people and goods and, through history, river transport has been a low cost and sometimes safer mode of travel than by land. This proved an important element, for example, in the development of the wine trade in the hinterland of Bordeaux. However, a river can also be problematic because it is also a barrier that must be crossed. This is a particular problem if the river is broad and if the city has spread linearly along its banks. The Liffey is not a particularly wide river, especially once its canalization had

QTX 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 149

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Kingsbridge Station in the late nineteenth century. (Hyland, QX9X.)

been completed by the eighteenth century but the fact that Dublin spread along its banks in both directions from its core meant that the question of bridging was a constant concern for the city authorities (see DeCourcy, 2000). Development westward was relatively limited and the riverside develop - ment did not extend much beyond the guinness brewery on the southern bank while the bulk of Collins (Royal) barracks served as a barrier to the north. When Kingsbridge station was completed in QXT6 for the great Southern and Western Railway (gS&WR), it provided an effective terminus for the city. The drift of the city to the east was greater and bridging became more of an issue. The port was forced to move ever eastwards, consequent on the demands of shipping for deeper and more extensive berthage. Urban development also took an eastern route along the Sackville/Westmoreland Street axis, becoming the centre of the city by the beginning of the nineteenth century. new bridges were provided to meet the needs of the city. By the end of the seventeenth century, Essex Bridge linked Capel Street with the area now known as Parliament Street, and Carlisle Bridge was in place by Q79Q. These bridges did not solve the problem of city traﬃc, though. Because of the radial nature of Dublin streets, traﬃc tended to converge on these bridges before dispersing again. it was just as well that the work of the Wide Streets 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 150

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The ‘Swivel’ bridge in the early years of the twentieth century.

Commissioners had produced a system of wide straight streets or chaos would have ensued. nonetheless, by the middle of the nineteenth century, traffic bottlenecks had developed in College green, where north and south flows met, and along the quays as traffic flowed over Carlisle Bridge. The tram system, after QX72, made matters worse as both the frequency of trams and their space occupancy served to slow the city even more. on 26 August QX79, the Irish Times reported on the expected opening of Butt Bridge, the formal handover from the contractor Mr W.J. Doherty (Dougherty) to the Port and Docks Board having been accomplished earlier in the day. The newspaper was confident that the bridge would be named ‘Beresford’ and it opined that it would be a ‘graceful complement’ (p. U) to honour Lord William who had distinguished himself in Zululand. However, the naming of the bridge did not go according to plan, if such was the plan. At the opening, a large sign (placard) was displayed calling for the public to assemble and name the bridge after the late Mr [Sir isaac] Butt (Irish Times, 27 August QX79, p. U), although according to the newspaper, no naming ceremony took place. The paper did note that once the official ceremony had ended that the bridge was taken over by a large number of roughs who engaged in some horseplay. The Freeman’s Journal had expressed a contrary opinion to the Irish Times about the naming (26 August QX79, p. U). The 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 151

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The environs of Tara Street as seen by John Rocque. (Rocque, Q7U6.)

editorial proclaimed that it ‘was a scandal and disgrace to this metropolis that her great squares and streets and bridges perpetrate the names of the stranger, the oppressor, or the foe … We know of only one Beresford whose name is associated with the history of Dublin and that is the blood-stained tyrant who ordered and gloated over the tortures of ’9X’. it went on in that vein for some paragraphs and finished with the belief that the authorities would never let the bridge be named after Beresford. Against that background it is perhaps not surprising that there was no naming ceremony. The matter rumbled into September with various names being suggested such as ‘gandon’ or even ‘Swivel’. in fact, it stayed as the ‘Swivel Bridge’ for some time and was still that when Tara Street was opened on Q7 April QXXT. in the same year, the name ‘Butt Bridge’ was affixed to the structure and it was certainly being called ‘Butt Bridge’ in QXX6 in official circles. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 152

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The bridge was a swivel bridge, designed by Mr Blood Stoney, the chief engineer of the Port and Docks Board. The purpose of the bridge was to maintain access to the quays between it and Carlisle Bridge (renamed o’Connell Bridge in QXX0 following its reconstruction). This renaming was also not without controversy as Dublin Corporation and the Port and Docks Board fought over who had the right to name bridges. The swivel bridge was iron and impressed the engineering fraternity. it was Q20ft long (37m), 20ft (6m) wide with footways of 6 feet (2m) in width. These latter were unusually outside the main enclosure of the bridge. its function as a swing bridge was very limited and within ten years the construction of the Loop Line Railway made that function irrelevant, if not impossible. The reconstructed o’Connell Bridge was designed to ease traffic flows across the Liffey but despite its width, it did not do so. The trams were the problem, or to be precise, their fixed lines were. The passage of trams delayed traffic seeking to go onwards down the quays and this was a particular problem for slow moving, horse drawn traffic and snarl ups occurred. The new swivel bridge was designed to ease that congestion and to that end, a new street was constructed to provide direct access to the bridge. Tara Street was necessary to provide access to o’Connell or Swivel bridges for traffic that found it difficult to negotiate the rather narrow quays and make the sharp turn onto the bridge. There had been a passageway there before, as can be seen on Rocque’s Q7U6 map but george’s Street was narrow and irregular, particularly at the junction of Lazer’s Hill. Due to the development of great Brunswick Street, the west-east access had improved by the time the Swivel Bridge was built. nonetheless, access to the quays had changed little, except that george’s Street was now differentiated from the narrower Shoe Lane and the pedestrian-only Fleet Market. An access route to george’s Quay had been planned as part of the Dublin improvement Bill (QX76), but as this failed to get approval in Parliament, access had to wait until the Swivel Bridge was built. The area was in drastic need of redevelopment and it was regarded as one of the worst purlieus in the city. in order to achieve the U0ft (QUm) width of the new street, most of the houses had to be demolished, except for a few properties on the east of george’s Street. The redevelopment opened up a site which the Corporation reserved for a new public baths and in QXXU, the Tara Street Baths were opened. The Swivel Bridge proved popular and useful. The report of the chairman of the Public Health Committee, E.D. gray to the lord mayor, noted that between Monday 27 october and Saturday X november QX79, some 3X,000 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 153

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Tara Street Baths on the eve of their demolition in Q9X7.

vehicles, 7,U00 pedestrians, 700 ‘equestrians’ and 2,X00 cattle passed over the bridge (Irish Times, QX April QXXT, p. 6). Tara Street was the first significant street development since the QXT9 local government reforms when Dublin Corporation took over the roles of the Wide Streets Commissioners and the Paving Board, following the Dublin improvement Act (C97, Q2 & Q3 victoriae). Soon after, on 27 July QXX6, Lord Edward Street was formally opened. This street was designed to improve west- east communication on the western edge of the city, enabling traffic to flow down Dame Street and, making use of the new Tara Street, to reach the north- eastern part of the city. Despite these developments, the traffic situation did not improve. All that happened was that the location of the jams moved. The Swivel Bridge soon became the locus of the problem: it was too narrow and its single carriageway was easily held up by slow-moving traffic. Almost immediately there were calls for its widening. it is no surprise therefore, to find that consideration of radical solutions to traffic issues should figure so strongly in Abercrombie’s Dublin of the Future. Because it was a competition entry it was quite flamboyant in scale and style but underlying this was a realization that radial street patterns as existed in Dublin invariably meant bottle necks and there was need for dramatic 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 154

The Swivel/Butt bridge in Q926–7.

Tara Street and the approach to Butt Bridge. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 155

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The Traﬃc centre for Dublin. (Abercrombie, Q922.)

solutions. Abercrombie’s solution, which also involved refocusing the city on its historic core, was for a traffic distribution system whereby six radial routes converged on one focus south of the river, and nine radial routes converged on another focus north of the river. The interaction between these focal points would allow the traffic to disperse to all parts of the city. Abercrombie argued that ‘there is no possibility of congestion, and such a centre would serve Dublin so far as be reasonably foreseen for the next century or more’ (p. 9). Consideration of the diagram does not inspire the same confidence and it could reasonably be argued that it was just as likely to produce the largest traffic jam in history. However, against that it must be remembered that the Rond Point at the Arch de Triomphe in Paris is the focus of twelve routes. it has remained a central part of the circulation system of Paris for over a century. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 156

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Rond Point, Paris. (Map, Q:QU,TX0, Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, Letts, QX76.)

While it is not for the timid driver, it nonetheless functions in a chaotic way to redistribute a large volume of traffic. Abercrombie’s centre was to be built in the context of creating a road system that would link modified radial routes with three concentric circles of inner routes. The outer or ‘country’ ring would be at a distance of 3.U miles (U.6km). The middle ring would comprise most of the existing circular roads and the inner ring would link various inner city routes. His idea was to speed the flow of traffic to and from the new centre while diverting traffic that could avoid the centre. To that end the radial routes would now be widened to a minimum 60 feet (QXm) and he envisaged a number of super radials of at least Q20 feet (36m) in width. in particular, three would involve work to the routes from Cabra, Crumlin and along the Phoenix Park Mall. All of these involved new bridges. The civic developments involved the removal of Butt Bridge and the Loop Line and the construction of a bridge that would focus on the centre of the façade of the Custom House. While this would be architecturally impressive, it is hard to see how it would work given that the Custom House 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 157

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is so little setback from the river. Abercrombie’s plan also called for a new ‘opening’ bridge a little further to the east of the Custom House and for the replacement of the Metal (Ha’penny) bridge with a much wider bridge to facilitate his new road system. There was little love for the Ha’penny Bridge at the time and geddes, McCarthy and nolen, the judges of the competition, went so far to speak of the ‘replacement of the ignoble little metal bridge’ (p. U3). Though they are central to his scheme, these bridges get scant mention in Abercrombie’s plan but it seems that they stuck more clearly in the consciousness of planners and politicians than many of the other proposals. The calls for improvements to Butt Bridge continued – for example, at the weekly meeting of the Port and Docks Board in February Q9QQ (Irish Times, 29 February, p. Q0) and again in a report in the Irish Times (p. Q0) on 2X February Q9Q3. in the latter instance it was suggested that Dublin Corporation was in negotiations with the Port and Docks Board about securing the £3U,000 funding it believed necessary. in an attempt to circumvent the need for legislation, which could be challenged, the Board decided to take the initiative by levying a bridge tax on the local councils as a means of raising the required funds. The councils had a responsibility to fund repairs and renovations and, as the bridge was not to be demolished, it could be seen as a repair. This was not appreciated and County Dublin County Council took them to court. While the Council lost the first round, it was decided in the Appeal Court on QQ May Q9QU that the Port and Docks Board could not use this means to fund what was a reconstruction. There the matter rested for some years. Chapter vii of the Civic Survey (Q92U) was devoted to traffic. in the course of their discussion, they noted that ‘Dublin [was] approaching a period of serious traffic congestion’ (p. QQ9). it was further remarked that there were approximately U,000 motor cars registered in the city in Q9QT compared with QQ,3QU in Q923 and that, on the basis of comparison with other cities, there was probably the same amount of horse drawn transport. The biggest problem for the city, however, was the tram system. Despite their carrying capacity, they were large, slow moving and stopped regularly. Furthermore, the tram lines were laid in such a way as to hold up other forms of traffic. The Survey argued that town planning was the only way to deal with the problem and the creation of a traffic centre was an urgent need. interim solutions such as one- way streets and the segregation of traffic were sought, but the statistics did not mask the real problem. The Dublin Metropolitan Police traffic census of the central area, in november Q923, showed the bottlenecks. in the ten hours of the survey a total 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 158

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Traﬃc ﬂows in the Q920s. (Extract from Civic Survey map, Q92U.)

of QX,637 vehicles crossed the junction of o’Connell Street and Abbey Street. Some QT,UQQ crossed o’Connell Bridge on the northside and QX,2TU on the southside and Q6,396 vehicles choked College green. Much of this traﬃc was heading for Butt Bridge and the map accompanying the Civic Survey 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 159

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confirmed that it was time to address the problem. The lighter shade shows the volume of traffic while the darker shade shows tramway traffic. it clearly identifies the axis from Westmoreland Street through to o’Connell Street as bearing the greatest flows in the city and it shows just how much the trams contributed to that flow. The stars on the map show the points of congestion and it can be seen that just about every junction was a problem area. it also confirms the problem with Butt Bridge where congestion was shown to occur on both sides. A Q92U report of a meeting of the Port and Docks Board shows the utter exasperation with the issue. The swivel bridge, the object of admiration some fifty years previously, was now described as an eyesore and such was the condition of the pontoon that it was an accident waiting to happen (Irish Times, 3 April Q92U, p. 3). Matters rumbled on for another year, when the Board decided that the only way to solve this was to promote private legislation in the oireachtas. This would either sort out the problem with the QX76 Act, which had prevented the raising of the revenue, or permit some other means of revenue generation. The view was expressed that traffic in Dublin should be seen in a regional dimension and the councils of neigh - bouring counties be incentivised to help with the funding. The practice of public bodies bringing private bills to parliament is not commonly followed these days – Trinity College Dublin being one exception. The heyday of such an approach was over by the time that the Port and Docks Board decided to do so. The legislation was introduced in Q927. it should have been a rather staid and stolid affair with debate focusing on the intricate detail of taxation. it turned out to be much more interesting than that because the oireachtas became the focus for a proposal that would have provided Dublin with a piece of distinctive architecture. There was opposition to any redevelopment of Butt Bridge and argument in favour of a new bridge further to the east. Because of the need to keep open the docksides, the new bridge was proposed as a transporter bridge. it is unclear whence the interest in a transporter bridge came. At the time of the discussion, very few had been built, no more than ten or twelve, with small concentrations in France (Rouen and Marseilles) and in the UK. impressive examples were the newport Transporter Bridge in Wales where the height of the towers is 7Tm (2T2ft) and the height of the horizontal beam above the road is UTm (Q77ft). The gondola makes the approximately 200m journey (6TUft) in just over a minute and it can carry six cars and Q20 passengers. The image shows this gondola and gives an idea of the technology required to move relatively small volumes of traffic. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 160

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The gondola on the newport Bridge over the River Usk. (Postcard.)

The Tees Transporter rises to T9m (Q60ft) and spans about QX0m (UX0ft). Here the gondola carries 200 people, 9 cars, or 6 cars and one minibus across the river in about 90 seconds. These are the largest- and second-largest surviving transporters in the world. Despite their impressive dimensions, these two bridges were nowhere near the capacity being contemplated for the new Dublin bridge. Matters did not go well for the Port and Docks Board and they found themselves up against the President of the Executive Council, W.T. Cosgrave. in opposing the second stage of the Dublin Port and Docks (Bridge) Bill in the Dáil on QQ March Q927 both President Cosgrave and Professor Magennis pointed to the increase in traﬃc in the city since the original building of Butt Bridge and agreed that solutions had to take account of the demands caused by future growth (Dáil Debates, QX(QX)). President Cosgrave pointed out that the costs associated with rebuilding Butt Bridge on its present site had spiralled to £90,000 and rather than spend that money, a new bridge was needed some 300 yards (Q00m) to the east. Buttressing Cosgrave’s argument, Professor Magennis argued for an holistic solution. Traﬃc was jammed at College green and a newly constructed Butt Bridge (even accompanied by a widening of Tara Street) would merely move the problem to a new location. The new bridge to the east had to be a transporter bridge, which would preserve berthage. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 161

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Transporter bridge at Middlesborough. (Postcard.)

Transporter bridge at Rouen, destroyed in Q9T0. (Postcard.)

This was very signiﬁcant opposition and the supporters of the Bill recognized that they needed a compromise or the bill would have to be with - drawn. Mr William Hewat, also a member of the Port and Docks Board, made 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 162

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a half-hearted defence of the Bill. He pointed out that the Board had considered a bridge to the east of Butt Bridge but felt that the Moss Street location was unsuitable. He added that:

you could not possibly expect the Port and Docks Board to promote a Bill to build the Moss Street Bridge, which would have such a detrimental effect on the port, because you must remember that the portion of the river that would be cut off from use by the erection of that bridge is a portion that is particularly valuable. There are two lines of cross-channel steamers there, there is practically all the cement trade of the city there, and practically the whole of guinness’s traﬃc is handled there. (Dáil Debates, QX, col. QX09)

After some debate a compromise was offered in that the second reading of the Bill would be delayed so that a Dáil committee could examine the proposal along with other proposals. This was a fudge and Mr o’Higgins TD explained it thus.

it might be in conflict with our defined procedure here without passing the second reading to set up a Committee of the Dáil to weigh the pros and cons of the proposal embodied in the Bill. But on the basis of a long postponement of the Second Reading i think it would be easy by agreement between parties to ensure that such an examination would, in fact, take place, and then people would be in a better position to discuss and weigh the points each way after, say, a six weeks’ postpone - ment. i think there would be very little difficulty in securing that the officials primarily concerned in matters of traffic and other issues that are involved would attend before a Committee, even if that Committee were not a Committee of the Dáil in the full sense of the word, but a Committee set up by agreement amongst the groups within the Dáil. (Dáil Debates, QX, col. QXQT)

Since it was this or nothing, there was very little diﬃculty indeed in persu - ading the Board to cooperate. A committee was appointed, consisting of Deputies Richard Corish, osmond Esmonde, John good, Thomas Hennessy, Batt o’Connor, and Liam Thrift, who met for the ﬁrst time on Q April. over the next few weeks it 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 163

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considered evidence from a variety of experts. Unfortunately, the minutes of evidence have not been preserved in the oireachtas library and all that remains are the newspaper reports and the conclusion as communicated in the Dáil on T May Q927. in essence, it was a compromise. The Dublin Port and Docks Board Bill could continue but it had to be amended to provide also for a transporter bridge. The evidence given and reported in the Irish Times on 9 May advanced the cause of the transporter bridge because it would be relatively cheap to build at £T0,000 and would be part of an outer circle routeway that would facilitate the diversion of traffic away from the city centre. This had been an element of the Abercrombie plan which looked at the route network beyond the central area. The committee accepted the view outlined above of the congestion points. it particularly noted that much of the traffic from the port (30 per cent was suggested) was bound for the south-west of the city and this had to engage with the city centre traffic. This was slow traffic, much of it horse drawn, and it flowed via Butt Bridge and Tara Street into College green. it was also noted that bus traffic was adding to the problem and chaos was avoided only by regulations that limited bus traffic crossing the river. Furthermore, it was anticipated that bus traffic was set to increase in the near future. one writer to the Irish Times, writing in support of the tram system, could see the benefits of a bus system but worried about it. He did not feel that the police ‘would be capable of coping, under existing bridge and arterial-street conditions with the complex, though undoubtedly mobile, system …’ (Irish Times, 20 August Q929, p. X). The Q923 traffic census had also shown that about 9,000 vehicles crossed Butt Bridge in ten hours and almost U,000 of these were horse-drawn commercial vehicles. This was described as a ‘procession of extreme slowness’ (p. 9) given that the bridge was so narrow. Moreover it was estimated that between T0 and 60 per cent of this traffic made its way up the quays to Butt Bridge only to go down the quay on the opposite side. The Port and Docks Board produced evidence that showed that the centre portion of Butt Bridge was fragile, dangerous and unsafe to bear heavy loads. only that the volume of traffic that needed to use it was so great, it would have been necessary to limit the load. To ensure clarity on what the Port and Docks Board had to do, President Cosgrave recorded his position on the matter into the record of the Dáil. To find the president of the Executive Council taking such a detailed interest in the minutiae of a bridge in Dublin is fascinating but this was not to be the last time that he demon strated his knowledge of and interest in the city. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 164

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The preferred location for the Transporter bridge between guild Street on the northside and Cardiff Lane on the southside. (ordnance Survey plan, Q:2U00, Sheet QX(viii) and (Xii), Q93X.)

in view of the recommendation of the Committee and of the undertaking of the Port and Docks Board i would waive any objection to the Second Reading of this Bill. i would like to say, from the information at my disposal, that it is considered necessary that the transporter bridge should be capable of dealing with Q,000 vehicles per hour, and also that the bridge should run diagonally to link up guild Street and Cardiff Lane, with the avoidance of two corners which might constitute a danger to traﬃc – one out of guild Street and the other on to the bridge. it is further stated that considerable beneﬁt would be 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 165

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derived if it were found possible to widen the corner of guild Street, and it is also suggested that the Port and Docks Board should agree to give facilities for the construction of the continuation of Amiens Street down to the quays. (Dáil Debates, Q9(20), col. 20TU)

While there was no objection to the decision, Deputy Esmonde felt moved to note that the solution had been found within very narrow terms of reference – traffic. no consideration was given to the effect of the solution on the appearance of the city. He concluded his comments with a gloomy ‘Possibly it may work out all right in the end’ (Dáil Debates, Q9(20), col. 20TU). The Port and Docks Board had proceeded to amend its proposals even before the formal report to the Dáil. The required statutory notice (dated 20 April Q92X) mandated the building of a transporter bridge which would cross the Liffey at a location near the southern end of guild Street and the northern end of Cardiff Lane. it also required that a ‘bridge rate’ was to be levied over the city and county of Dublin – something that did not please the authorities in the county. it also capped the total borrowings at £300,000. opinion outside the Dáil was not entirely sold on the idea. Writing in the Irish Times, Mr Alfred Delap of Delap and Waller, civil engineers, suggested that before a ‘glorified ferry’ was built over the Liffey, the problems with o’Connell Bridge and Butt Bridge should be dealt with and Tara Street should be widened. He reminded readers that over half of the area of o’Connell Bridge was given over to car parking and this was an unconscionable waste of the resource. only when these solutions had been tried and shown to have failed, should a further bridge be contemplated, he argued (Irish Times, 2Q May Q92X, p. X). However, despite any such reservations, the legislation proceeded. it now went to a formal consideration by a Joint Committee of both houses – in essence a formal examination of what had been discussed in the informal Dáil committee. The Committee went through the process once again and proceeded to call witnesses and hear evidence. The evidence presented to the Joint Committee has not been preserved in the Dáil Library either but good extracts are available in the newspaper reports. As before Dublin County Council tried unsuccessfully to wriggle out of financial obligations by seeking to have the preamble deleted. That being the case, the argument now developed around two focuses: whether the existing structure of Butt Bridge was suitable for expansion into four lanes and whether the transporter idea was a sound one. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 166

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Mr Delap, as president of the institute of Civil Engineers, argued that Blood Stoney’s design for Butt Bridge foresaw a fixed bridge even though the original design was for a swivel bridge. The argument was that it was clear that the Loop Line railway was going to be built even as the swivel bridge was being designed and it was provided with the necessary supports and piers to sustain a fixed bridge of greater dimensions. This would have the advantage of permitting the current bridge to be used while it was being extended and the cost would be about half of the estimated £Q20,000, which a new bridge would cost. it was further argued that Tara Street should be widened along its east side to facilitate the extra traffic, which necessitated setting back the Tara Street Baths. However, there was equal evidence that a complete rebuild of the bridge was essential and that it would have to be closed while this was happening. Even after the Bill was enacted, the issue was hotly contended. A piece in the Irish Times noted that ‘Sir John griffith stakes a European reputation on his belief that the rebuilding of the bridge is unnecessary, as its designer, the late Dr Bindon Blood Stoney, one of the greatest civil engineers of his time, built in such a way as to enable the existing piers to be used for any eventual extension’ (X February Q930, p. X). Criticism of the transporter bridge focused on the fact that it was a ‘stop start’ operation, requiring traffic to be held up for a period until a gondola was full. Moreover there were few satisfactory examples to look upon, especially as the proponents of the transporter bridge suggested two gondolas instead of the normal one. There was also concern expressed about the lifespan of the iron, which was estimated at forty to fifty years (Irish Times, 23 november Q92X, p. QQ). The Port and Docks Board looked to Teeside for supporting evidence and Mr Burgess, Borough Engineer for Middlesbrough, was brought over. His evidence was that the Tees Transporter Bridge operated without hindrance to navigation and that as a toll bridge, it had yielded a profit for each year of its operation. He was enthusiastic about the proposed Dublin bridge and felt it would work. However, perhaps the most interesting evidence was that of Mr Joseph Mallagh, engineer for the Port and Docks Board. He produced a scale model of the bridge with its double gondola. This was on a grander scale than the Tees Bridge with two double decked gondolas. Even the double gondola would only have a maximum capacity of between 700 and X00 vehicles per hour if working at maximum efficiency of a five-minute service. it is difficult to see how the required capacity could be provided. A reproduction of the scale model in the Irish Times of 2T november Q92X (pp Q0–QQ) shows a very heavy 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 167

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and bulky structure supported by two massive piers and it would certainly have made a dramatic impact on the city’s landscape. This still left the matter of Butt Bridge to be resolved. The Port and Docks Board met on Q6 January Q930 and accepted a joint report from the Board’s engineer and a consulting engineer, Professor Purcell. They had examined the four competing proposals in the hope of putting the debate to bed, especially the accusation that the Board had been extravagant. They recommended that the Board proceed with its own proposal for a three span reinforced concrete bridge. The four proposals were:

• the Stoney-griﬃth proposal (Q9Q2) for a four-arch ashlar masonry bridge on existing piers; • a four-span reinforced concrete arch superstructure on existing piers; • a four-span reinforced concrete cantilever bridge on existing piers and • the Port and Docks Board’s three-span reinforced concrete bridge as submitted to the Private Bill Committee.

The solution required the closure of the bridge and this posed a huge problem in terms of how to deal with the traffic of the city. independently, work was being undertaken in relation to o’Connell bridge to try and make traffic distribution work more efficiently and this is discussed below. Butt bridge was closed at the end of november Q93Q and the Irish Times published a diagram on Q December (p. 2) showing the criss-crossing lines of traffic that would be in force for the duration of the construction. Looking at this diagram it is small wonder that traffic chaos was feared. By April Q932, the new bridge was largely complete and the Irish Times published two photo graphs and a detailed account of the construction on QT April (p. 3). This was also the opportunity for the various contractors to take advertise ments promoting the quality of their work. However the opening of the bridge was not without controversy. in an outburst of piety, representations were made that the bridge should be renamed Congress Bridge to commemorate the Eucharistic Congress that was set to take place later in the year. The Dublin Port and Docks Board passed such a resolution on 2T March and Dublin Corporation followed suit on Monday, 3 April. They were given an opportunity to avoid a vote when Mrs Kettle, the widow of Tom Kettle, asked the Law Agent to comment on where the power to change the name lay. The Law Agent responded that it lay with 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 168

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the Port and Docks Board. This was a reversal of the position that attended the naming previously but the Corporation allowed the Board to make the ultimate decision to rename the new bridge ‘Eucharistic Congress’ Bridge. To balance this, they also voted that evening to set in motion the process whereby Beresford Place might be renamed Connolly Place. Removing the name of isaac Butt from a bridge was not a thing to be done lightly but both bodies took comfort in the fact that a further new bridge, to replace the Ha’penny Bridge, could be named Butt Bridge. The fact that such a bridge was no more than a pipe dream did not seem an issue. The Board was surprised when their action was not universally welcomed. The controversy was over by 2X April Q932 when the Port and Docks Board decided to reverse its decision. instead, it was agreed that there would be an inscription on the bridge noting that it was rebuilt in the year of the Eucharistic Congress. This was to be in irish on one side of the bridge and in English on the other. There is no sign on the current bridge that this was ever done. The new Butt Bridge was formally opened on 7 June Q932 by the archbishop of Dublin, Dr Byrne, in the presence of the members of the Port and Docks Board, Dublin Corporation and the oireachtas.

O’Connell Bridge

o’Connell Bridge was topped and tailed by monuments. As mentioned above, Mr Delap had argued that new bridges should wait until solutions to problems with existing ones were sorted out. o’Connell Bridge was being used inefficiently. one small gesture was that in Q929 the Smith o’Brien statute was moved from the apex of D’olier and Westmoreland streets to its present location on o’Connell Street. on X December Q93Q, Dublin Corporation sought the removal of nelson’s Pillar from the middle of o’Connell Street because it was a hindrance to the free movement of traffic. indeed it was confidently reported in the Irish Times as early as Q92U that nelson’s Pillar was to be removed. The article led with the statement that ‘comprehensive plans have been prepared for the re-organization of street traffic in Dublin. These provide for the removal of the nelson Pillar from Sackville Street and the Smith o’Brien statue from the corner of D’olier Street’ (Irish Times, 7 november Q92U, p. Q). it was also suggested at a meeting of the Royal irish Automobile Club in Q93X that the o’Connell statue be relocated to ease the movement of traffic on o’Connell Street (Irish Times, 29 April Q93X, p. U). 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 169

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Drawing of a revision to College green. (Sherrard, QXQT.)

The bottleneck problem at College green was addressed in Q93Q when it was proposed that the railings around Trinity College be moved back to provide clearer access to grafton Street. This had been previously considered by the Wide Streets Commissioners and there is a drawing dated QXQT showing such a change to the railings for TCD, together with a suggestion to create a ‘rond point’ at the junction of D’olier Street, Townsend Street, great Brunswick Street and College Street. However, the problem with o’Connell Bridge remained. Then, as now, the bridge had a central reservation and there were two sets of tram tracks on either side with an unused space between the tracks and the central reservation. This layout permitted trams to move north and south on either 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 170

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ineﬃcient use of o’Connell Bridge. (Postcard.)

Realigned use of o’Connell Bridge. note the contraﬂow on the east side. (Postcard.)

side of the bridge. The space between the tracks and the reservation had been used for parking, leaving only one lane free for other traffic on the bridge. The difficulty was that two-thirds of Dublin’s traffic converged on o’Connell Bridge. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 171

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The need for action was given sharp focus once the decision was taken to rebuild Butt Bridge, necessitating its closure. The city could not hope to cope otherwise. The suggested plan was to simplify the system by removing two of the tram lines and having the line going north on the west side of the bridge and that going south on the east side of the bridge. The plan would have required some readjustment of the track network to allow trams to change direction. it was going to be a relatively costly business and the Dublin United Tramway Company was unwilling to pay. The Port and Docks Board were concerned that money would be diverted from the Butt Bridge project. in the event, the money came from Dublin Corporation’s grant from the government and the outcome was, of course, a compromise and possibly a reasonable one. The tracks were moved inwards towards the central reservation, freeing two lanes for other traffic. There were now two tracks on the west side of the bridge, separated from the rest of the traffic by a low lying reservation. The east side of the bridge now had a single track close into the central reservation, used as a contraflow from time to time. The configuration remained long after the era of the trams and was a feature of the bridge into the Q960s. nevertheless, it was some time before the flows were altered to its modern pattern. Each side of the bridge continued to act as a separate thoroughfare with both north and south streams and it was not until Q november Q933 that the western side was dedicated to the north moving traffic. While most traffic on the eastern side was southward in direction, there remained one exception for traffic coming from D’olier Street and heading to Eden Quay. it was the beginning of traffic management as it would be understood today with the concept of one-way streets now beginning to emerge.

The transporter bridge

Butt Bridge was widened but the transporter bridge never materialized, though the idea never went away either. The Q929 Port and Docks Act stipulated that the bridge be built within seven years, though with the approval of the Minister of Transport a three year extension was possible. Dublin Corporation was slow and in Q93X, the Port and Docks Board wrote to them complaining that they could not get to work on the new bridge until Dublin Corporation had ﬁxed on the access routes. it was noted that a similar letter had been written two years previously to no effect. However, by then, the transporter idea was falling out of favour and a new idea – a rise and fall bridge – was emerging. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 172

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The Tees newport Bridge soon after construction. (Postcard.)

A meeting was held on 30 July Q936 between representatives of the Port and Docks Board, Dublin Corporation and the other agencies involved where they discussed the merits of a ‘rise and fall’ bridge over the approved transporter bridge. no commitment emerged from the meeting but it seems that the Port and Docks Board now supported a rise and fall bridge; an example of which had recently been built on the Tyne at newport. in this design access to berthage was maintained by raising up the entire carriageway and allowing ships to pass under. This had the advantage of allowing the bridge to function as a normal road for most of the time, without the complexity and delays inherent in the use of gondolas. The newport Bridge was completed in Q93T and covered a span of X2m (269ft) and the roadway could be lifted to a maximum height of 37m (Q2Qft). This was well within the parameters of what would be required to span the Liffey and, though it was seen as an engineering challenge, it was also seen as feasible. By Q939, it was clear to the general Purposes Committee of Dublin Corporation that the Port and Docks Board (Report 7/Q939, p. TQ) now wanted a lift bridge and it was also their view that new legislation would be necessary. it would fall to the Port and Docks Board to sponsor such legislation. Dublin Corporation did not share the same enthusiasm for the project. They had a lot of calls on their budget for housing, road construction and bridge improvement and this one bridge would eat heavily into this. in Q93X, 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 173

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Central road system in sketch development plan. (Abercrombie, Q9TQ, p. Q6.)

the Irish Times enquired of the city manager, P.J. Hernon, as to what was being done, there being ‘apprehension that definite action is being put on the long finger’ (Irish Times, Q3 September, p. T). He replied that firstly the bridge was the responsibility of the Port and Docks Board, to which special borrowing provision had been given in the Q929 Act. nonetheless more had been going on quietly in the background and the bridge (or bridges) would be a primary concern of the sketch development plan to be prepared by Abercrombie and his colleagues. They had to evaluate two locations for the new bridge as well as look at the question of the Ha’penny Bridge, the replacement of which had been under consideration for some time. This awaited the preparation of new ordnance Survey plans and the completion of a traffic survey by the garda Síochána. Moreover, new legislation might be required considering that the transporter bridge would now be a lift bridge. The city manager expected the sketch development plan to be ready in six months. When these matters were settled, he raised the prospect of a bridge linking East Wall with Ringsend. in the event, the sketch development plan for Dublin and its environs was presented to the Corporation on 20 october Q939 and published in Q9TQ. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 174

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Much was a case of déjà vu for Abercrombie as the report noted that one of the principal traﬃc problems was how to ease the centralized traﬃc stream converging on o’Connell Bridge and Butt Bridge. The solution was to build new routes both east and west of o’Connell Bridge. This was to be done in the context of the improvement of the inner ring roads and the building of a new route parallel to the quays on the southern side. This would run from Misery Hill on the east, via Fleet Street and Cook Street, to join James’ Street to the west. it is the bridges to the east that have most interest in this current context. The consultants accepted the need for a bridge to the east and evaluated the two possible solutions.

• on an approximate line between Cardiff Lane and guild Street and west of Royal Canal Docks • immediately to the east of grand Canal Dock as a continuation of Thorncastle Street, joining on the northside with the quay west of Alexandra Basin.

The second option was not feasible since it diverted traffic very far to the east and would have necessitated two additional bridges – one over the Dodder to connect to the South Circular Road and one to continue the quay. However, the virtue of the east link was realized some decades later with the building of the first toll bridge. The first option was favoured because it would alleviate the congestion from Butt Bridge but it needed to be sufficiently distant from Butt Bridge to disperse the traffic in a sensible manner. The possibility of a tunnel was dismissed on both cost and effectiveness bases. What is interesting is that the consultants did not discuss what kind of bridge it was going to be or should be. They took it for granted that it would be a lift bridge: ‘we understand that a rise and fall bridge similar to that recently erected over the Tees at Middlesbrough is in contemplation’ (p. Q9). However, they made a virtue out of necessity and suggested that if the bridge must be of this kind, then it should be of the Tees bridge type and that, given its scale and bulk, it should be featured as a ‘gateway’ to the city. To that end, they pleaded that an architect ‘should be associated with the engineer’ (p. Q9). They were also of the view that it was unfortunate that the Corporation should have decided to proceed with the newfoundland flats development since it put residences right in the middle of what could be an industrial and commercial area, once 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 175

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A road system for the city as suggested by the sketch development plan. (Abercrombie, Q9TQ, p. 22.)

opened up by the new bridge. The only possible justification would be that the flats would be reserved for dock workers (Report 7/Q939, p. T3). During the late Q9T0s and into the Q9U0s Dublin Corporation evaded the project, putting the matter on the long finger. A question in the Dáil to the Minister for Local government, Brendan Corish, produced this reply (2 December Q9TX):

The Q929 Act provided that the transporter bridge should be completed by April, Q936. Power was given to the Minister for industry and Commerce to extend this time limit, on application by the board, by three years, and an extension was duly granted to Q939. The intervention of the emergency prevented any further progress which in 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 176

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any event required new legislation, the Q929 Act no longer applying. Since then the Harbours Act, Q9T6, and the Local government Act, Q9T6, have been enacted, and it is open to the Port and Docks Board to proceed under these Acts if they intend to have a new bridge constructed to the east of Butt Bridge. Consideration of the matter is now being revived by the Corporation and the Port and Docks Board, but even if it is decided to proceed with such a project it seems extremely doubtful, in view of the magnitude of the work and the present position in regard to materials, whether a bridge could be successfully undertaken for a considerable number of years. (Dáil Debates, QQU(7), col. 900)

They were, in essence, back to square one when in Q9TX, a joint committee was established between Dublin Corporation, Dublin County Council and the Port and Docks Board to consider the bridge. More talk ensued but no decision was taken. Things ﬁnally came to a head when Dublin Corporation met with the Port and Docks Board on 3 September Q9U3 and argued that they needed their own assessment, independent of the Port and Docks Board, before proceeding further. The Port and Docks Board commissioned its own report in Q9UT but it did not endorse the idea of a bridge, at least immediately. The report by Major Alington, a former chief engineer in the UK Ministry of Transport, instead suggested that much could be done by careful traﬃc planning before a new bridge might be necessary. This was the end of the idea of the transporter bridge and the lift bridge and the need for new bridges was subsumed into the general consideration of the planning needs of the metropolitan region. it was not until Q97X that the Talbot Memorial bridge was built, a one-way bridge connecting an extended Beresford Place to Moss Street. This was much closer to Butt Bridge than had been previously contemplated but by then berthage had ceased to be important for the city in that location. As developed in volume T of this series, the needs of the port by then demanded deep water and mechanised berthage, and this could be provided only far downstream. The ‘Ringsend’ bridge eventually was built as the East Link Bridge in Q9XT. Thus the time gap between the completion of Butt Bridge and the completion of the next bridge over the Liffey was T6 years, despite the considerable efforts expended by many. it would have been interesting had either the transporter bridge or lift bridge been built. Either would have added a distinctive 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 177

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The new road system around george’s Street. (Abercrombie. Q:20,000 plan to accompany the Sketch Development Plan, Q9TQ.)

architectural signature to the city though the Custom House would have been sandwiched between two great steel ediﬁces and both, by now, would have proved inadequate to the needs of the city.

The changing road network

This was the era of the car, when it was believed that it would be possible to accommodate the increasing amount of wheeled traﬃc in the city. While much of the traﬃc in Dublin at the time was horse-drawn, there was an expectation of greater volumes of both private and commercial motor vehicles and Abercrombie’s report turned to the question of how best to accommodate them. The bridges to the east have already been discussed. The proposal to the west of o’Connell Bridge was to remove the Ha’penny Bridge and replace it with a much wider bridge that would provide an inner city link. This has already been mentioned in the discussion of the new cathedral and it would 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 178

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The central area road system. (Abercrombie. Q:20,000 plan to accompany the Sketch Development Plan, Q9TQ.) 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 179

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provide a link between george’s Street and Liffey Street and onwards to Dominick Street where it would link to the orbital roads. it would not be a direct link but rather one which took in a block of buildings around Eustace Street and Temple Lane. This would permit an approach to the new bridge along the quays, giving a vista to the cathedral as well as creating a traffic circus by demolishing a block of properties towards Wellington Quay. The space thus created can be seen in the extract provided from the Q:20,000 map produced in conjunction with the sketch development plan. This map is rarer than the sketch development plan because it was a separate purchase and because it was printed on very flimsy paper. it outlines the main elements of the plan in colour and allows the detail of the suggestions to be seen in an overall context. The overall effect of these changes would have been to produce a system of central roads on the northside, which came to a focus at the junction of Queen Street and Dominick Street. This would feed traffic in from the western and eastern suburbs and allow it to be distributed without having to go through the centre. new radial roads would be built between Cabra and the centre, either using Manor Street or by going through the grangegorman site. Phibsborough Road would be widened and this would provide an intermediate linkage between the Cabra radial and Dorset Street. Cutting across this would be ‘an important east-west link road’ that would link Parnell Street to the Phoenix Park via north King Street and Arbour Hill. Beyond this, Abercombie envisaged a system of three outer ring roads. The innermost one would be based on griffith Avenue and would run from the Phoenix Park to the Malahide Road. The middle one would be based on Collins Avenue and go as far west as Ashtown, while the outer ring would run from Dollymount Avenue in the east to Finglas north. These three routes would be themselves linked by means of a radial route that would run from Ballymun to griffith Avenue, much as the current Ballymun Road does. Drivers will notice that these roads are largely in place today although the linkages have not been completed as well as Abercrombie would have wished. griffith Avenue and Collins Avenue were well established by the time of the plan so it is no surprise that these would have been further developed but it will be noted that both avenues peter out and do not form part of a completed network. The MU0 might serve as the realisation of the outer ring since it is possible to travel around the city and reach Sutton, though the latter part of the journey is less well defined. Within the central area only elements of the plan were realised with the result that there are odd elements of wide roads fed by narrow roads and in turn feed into such roads. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 180

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The northern outer rings. (Abercrombie. Q:20,000 plan to accompany the Sketch Development Plan, Q9TQ.) 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 181

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The central area road system on the southside. (Abercrombie. Q:20,000 plan to accompany the Sketch Development Plan, Q9TQ.) 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 182

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South of the river, he proposed a radial road that would bring traffic in from Crumlin to the much widened Christchurch Place, achieved by widening Bridge Street and Lord Edward Street. He suggested that it might be possible to widen Cork Street to achieve the necessary capacity. Just as on the northside there needed to be link roads going in an east-west direction and two were envisaged for the south inner city. The first would cut though what is Temple Bar today and link Fleet Street via Cook Street to James’ Street. This would fit well with his plans for the bus station but it was intended to try to keep this as a route for horse-drawn and therefore slower traffic. The second would take the route along the northern end of St Stephen’s green and through South King Street to join up with the central system. Although the maps provide a great deal of detail, they still do not display the impact of these roads. Widening of all these routes was envisaged, which would remove at least U0 per cent of the historic frontage along the route. it would have been argued that these buildings were not of particular significance and many were derelict or semi-derelict. After all, the routes were along secondary streets for the most part or in older industrial areas. This point might be conceded but the scale of the roads would have changed and even the remaining streetscape would now be out of balance with the roadway. it was envisaged that the roads would be dual carriageways of at least 90 feet wide (27m) and up to Q20 feet (37m) in the case of the radial routes. The radial routes would have grass margins and U-foot paths (Q.Um) outside the grass margins. To put this in context, o’Connell Street at the river end is T6m (QU0 ft) wide. As on the northside, he envisaged three outer ring roads. The innermost would have linked nutley Avenue via Rathfarnham before heading north to Chapelizod. The middle road would have travelled along Foster’s Avenue through Dundrum and Templeogue to link up with the naas Road. The outer road was called a scenic route, because it would have been in the green belt, and would have linked Stillorgan with Tallaght. By the time the plan was published, the Town Planning Committee had already come to a view on the proposals. They decided that the direct route from Crumlin was not convenient as it would cut through their proposed flat complex at Donore Avenue as well as part of the Tenters’ Fields scheme. instead they chose to widen Cork Street along to Ardee Street and thence through ‘an area of decaying property at the junction of Patrick Street and new Street (p. 2T)’. it was also attractive because it could be built in stages and at less cost. Probably nobody believed at that time that ‘in stages’ would 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 183

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Southern outer rings. (Abercrombie. Q:20,000 plan to accompany the Sketch Development Plan, Q9TQ.) 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 184

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The environs of St Patrick’s cathedral in the Q9T0s showing the decay along Patrick Street. (Postcard.)

mean ‘over decades’ and that this decision would lead to the dereliction of this part of the city until the Q990s, when the widening would ﬁnally be completed. They accepted that idea of the inner east-west route from James’ Street via Fleet Street but wanted to extend it to Watling Street. nothing came of this route as much of the area survived the era of accommodating the car and was transformed into the Temple Bar area, although whether this was a better fate is a matter of opinion. They were in favour of the middle ring from Mount Merrion to the naas Road and felt that it should be extended to the Lucan Road. This has since become one of the important linkages to the MU0 and there were proposals in recent times to widen it signiﬁcantly. Probably because of the presence of Manning Robertson on the project team, Dún Laoghaire was not neglected. They proposed a new road that 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 185

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would link Dún Laoghaire to Dublin via the Stillorgan Road. They called this a ‘protected road’ in that it would have limited access points, though it would open up a whole swathe of development land. This, they argued, would take the pressure off the coastal road and ease the bottleneck in Blackrock. They recognised that access to Dalkey and Dún Laoghaire was tortuous but they wanted to maintain the picturesque nature of current roads. Their solution was another ‘protected’ road inland of the current roads but they were not prescriptive as to the particular route and allowed that it need not be straight.

Managing traﬃc

By Q93Q, there was a developing view that ‘traffic signals’ would be a useful thing to have in the city. By then they had been installed in a number of UK cities – London since Q926 and Birmingham latterly – and they had been deemed a success. However, opponents argued that they relied too much on good will for obedience and that complex junctions were beyond their capacity. indeed Dublin was still trying to train its pedestrians to cross major routes at designated crossings, marked by white lines, but without much success. Belfast had a dozen traffic light units by Q93Q and Dublin was feeling left out. By Q933, it was still all talk. The benefits of the systems were understood but nobody wanted to spend the money. There was the suggestion that the police authorities should bear the cost but this was met by little enthusiasm and the Corporation was equally unimpressed with the suggestion that they should carry the cost. Moreover, traffic flows had improved a little with the opening of Butt Bridge and the pressure had lessened. Eventually it was decided that central government in the form of the government Road Fund would meet the cost and a scheme, costing £QU,200, was developed for a route with ‘vehicle actuated signals’. By Q937, the first set had been installed at the junction of Clare Street and Merrion Square. For a while these were the only lights because it was felt that a period of acclimatization was necessary before extending their use. They were both a novelty and a worry and the Irish Times devoted some column inches to the first day of usage which occurred on Friday, 27 August Q937 (Irish Times, 2X August, p. 9). They noted that the day passed without a hitch though it was clear that many motorists and pedestrians did not have a clue what to do. The signals were quite sophisticated in that they were automatic, requiring a trigger caused by traffic passing over a sensor on the road or in the tram lines overhead. Thus a light could stay ‘green’ in one direction for a considerable 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 186

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period if no traffic approached from the other route. There was a signal at each of the four corners of the junction and much warning was given to motorists to make sure that they were looking at the light that referred to them. There was also an explanation of what the colours meant and, at this stage, the lights followed the UK practice of going to red and amber before changing to green. This sequence was maintained until Q9T7. Signs were erected on the approaches to the lights warning traffic with admonitions that ‘A cat has nine lives, you have only one’ and so on. it is fascinating to note that some things have not changed. Motorists were warned not to have their turning signal out (the trafficator) if they were going straight ahead. Cyclists and carters were told that the rules applied to them also. There was also an attempt to regulate pedestrians in that crossing points (lanes) were provided for them at the signals. They were enjoined to cross when the traffic started moving in the appropriate direction, since it was hard for them to see the lights. Despite the presence of garda at all four corners of the junction, the first day was marked by what the Irish Times called ‘reckless’ behaviour. Certainly the attempt to regulate pedestrians was less successful than motorists. Some months later a ‘guard’ was reported as saying that it was impossible to deal with bad behaviour by pedestrians since as soon as he would move to apprehend one, others would take advantage and cross at other locations. Bad behaviour by pedestrians and cyclists was nothing new and it was hardly likely that the introduction of traffic lights was going to change things. The Irish Independent ran pieces occasionally in the Q920s drawing attention to the dangers of jaywalking with helpful diagrams, just in case anyone did not understand the concept. They offered helpful hints.

• Don’t ‘jay-walk’. • Keep your eyes open – and think. • Cross only at crossings. • Watch the constable on point duty. • Look to right and left. • Keep to right on footpath.

They concluded this particular piece with a warning to offenders that ‘the authorities are seriously considering the advisability of giving exemplary treatment to such people’ (Irish Independent, 9 February Q926, p. T). it seems to have had no effect by the mid-Q930s. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 187

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nonetheless, the introduction was deemed a success and by mid-Q93X, it had been decided to install lights at sixteen locations along ﬁve routes.

Route A • Tara Street & Pearse Street, Pearse Street & Westland Row, Lower Mount Street & Clanwilliam Place, northumberland Road & Haddington Road. Route B • Lower gardiner Street & Talbot Street, Lower gardiner Street & Sean MacDermott Street, Middle gardiner Street & Parnell Street, Mountjoy Square & gardiner’s Place. Route C • Dorset Street & Frederick Street, Dorset Street & north Circular Road, Whitehall & griﬃth Avenue. Route D • Parliament Street & Cork Hill, High Street & nicholas Street, Patrick Street & Dean Street, Clanbrassil Street & South Circular Road. Route E • Emmet Road & South Circular Road.

Route A was complete by the end of Q93X and it seems fair to say that both motorists and pedestrians took the lights in their stride and did not pay them an overly great amount of heed. Together with the introduction of traffic lights came the introduction of the roundabout or ‘circus’ as it was first known. This was seen as a solution for junctions a little further from the centre. The first was located at The Thatch on the northside of the city on the Dublin-Belfast road in Q937. it did not take long before the first motorist was caught running the lights. That dubious honour went to a James Fitzpatrick, rere 22 Fitzwilliam Place, who was convicted of running a red light at the Merrion Square lights. He had the misfortune to be observed by a garda travelling on a nearby tram. it was suggested in court that he was travelling as fast as QU–20 mph (2U–30kph). He offered the defence that he thought he still had a green light but it cost him a fine of 2s. 6d. and QQs. 6d. witness expenses (Irish Times, 2X February Q93X, p. U). The traffic light at nelson’s Pillar proved to be a magnet for cars and it was hit on multiple occasions prior to its removal. Typical of the prosecutions was one of 3Q May Q939 (Irish Times, p. 3). There was a traffic light on an island, 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 188

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near to the Pillar. As trams approached, the tram lines veered to the right but cars seemed drawn to the lights and headed on straight. James Burton, a taxi driver, was prosecuted for hitting the light at Q.Q0 a.m. and knocking it twelve feet from its mooring. The Justice, for whom this was not the ﬁrst occasion to deal with this light, mused that he had always felt that there was something peculiar about this light and that hitting it was not always due to alcohol. He dismissed the charge. By Q9T0, it was decided that more signals were needed in the city. Those in operation were useful and there had been no fatal accidents at the junctions. Plans were made to install them at:

• Talbot Street and Amiens Street; • Amiens Street and Seville Place; • Fairview and Fairview Strand; • Rathmines Road and Castlewood Avenue; • Rathmines Road and Portobello Bridge; • Harcourt Road and Richmond Street; • Harcourt Road and Charlemont Street; • Harcourt Road and Harcourt Street; • Wexford Street and Kevin Street; • Aungier Street and Stephen Street.

installation continued during Q9TQ with the switch on of lights at the junction of Collins Avenue and Swords Road on 23 September. As might be expected, the installation of traffic lights slowed down during the Emergency. As an electricity-saving measure it was decided in the summer of Q9T2 to turn them off during the hours of QQ p.m. (later moved to 9.30 p.m.) and X a.m. because of the small volumes of traffic. in addition, they were removed completely from the junctions of Fairview Strand and Richmond Road, Upper Drumcondra Road and griffith Avenue, Collins Avenue and Swords Road and Mountjoy Square and gardiner Street from T August of that year. This was a temporary setback and in november Q9TU the government announced that petrol rations would be restored to Q9T0 levels. The garda also announced the installation of many more sets of traffic lights and the restoration of traffic lights to continuous operation. Private motorists from Q3 november of that year were set to receive X gallons (36 litres) per month for cars under Q0hp, Q0 gallons (TU litres) for cars of between Q0 and Q6hp 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 189

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and Q2 gallons (UU litres) for more powerful cars. Motorcyclists were to receive between 2 and T gallons (9–QX litres) depending on power. Traﬃc signals were never going to be enough to solve the issue of congestion and parking became a major issue. The Port and Docks Board was invited in Q93Q to consider a proposal to build over the Liffey between o’Connell Bridge and Butt Bridge. This would comprise two ‘platforms’ running the length of the quays, leaving a U0ft (Q6m) navigation channel between them. on these platforms there would be parking for buses and private motor cars with the added provision of waiting rooms and public toilets. The Board seemed to have been taken with the idea and the Irish Times reported that the Chairman, Mr J. Mcgloughlin, thought that it was ‘a very desirable idea’ (Irish Times, 27 March Q93Q, p. 6). However, enthusiasm fell short of endorsement and it was felt that it was really a matter for Dublin Corporation. in the absence of such innovative solutions, restrictions were inevitable and these arrived in Q937.

Parking By the late Q930s, parking had become a problem in the city centre. There were approximately X70 official parking spaces but people were used to other unofficial locations too. in the Free State, the number of registered motor vehicles was T7,3UX in Q92X. This had risen to U6,U70 by Q932, to U7,U9X in Q93U and a further rise to 6T,96Q in Q937. The data for Dublin show a significant increase, especially in the Corporation area and in private vehicles. Dublin Corporation QT,0U9 QT,UT0 QU,U27 Q7,Q62 Of which private vehicles X,Q7X X,622 9,7T9 QQ,30U Dublin County Council T,37X T,UX2

Surveys which were undertaken by the garda in october Q937 (and it is interesting to note how involved the garda were in policy development) indicated that the total number of cars parked in Dawson Street for periods in excess of one hour was Q2U, in Molesworth Street it was QQQ and it was X0 in Pearse Street. north of the river, they found 9T cars parked in Middle Abbey Street and 90 cars parked in Lower Abbey Street. Many of these cars were there all day, as the owners used them to commute. it was these ﬁgures that led Assistant Commissioner garrett Brennan to declare that ‘the streets have been turned into garages’ (Irish Times, QX December Q937, p. 20). He was speaking to the Irish Times in the context of the introduction of the new 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 190

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bye-laws and he further noted that he regarded it as the duty of the garda to ‘remove all possible causes of obstruction before making any drastic recommendations, such as the widening of streets and the demolition of buildings’. The Bye-Laws had been under discussion for a number of years and reference has been made above to changes made to the management of o’Connell Bridge. However, when they emerged for discussion in Q937, they were stunning in their draconian nature. Details emerged in March Q937 with progressive implementation from 20 December of that year. They were wide ranging and covered pedestrians, queuing for buses and theatres, cyclists (an intractable problem apparently) and the management of slow-moving and offensive loads. Pedestrians were targeted with the provision that crossing should take place only at designated crossings and not at any place within U0 feet (QUm) of a designated crossing. This provision has been mentioned above in the context of the introduction of traffic lights but this widened the scope of the injunction. However, pedestrians complained that little attention was given to their needs and crossing busy junctions such as o’Connell Bridge required the eyes of a hawk and the reflexes of a cheetah. A piece in the Irish Times in Q937 set it out very well as it detailed the manoeuvres that were necessary in order to cross from the east footpath either to the central ‘island’ or to Westmoreland Street (Irish Times, 27 July Q937, p. X). The traffic flows on o’Connell Bridge were dealt with by introducing a complex series of regulations to manage different streams. Central to these was the designation of the bridge as two streets, one with a two-way flow and the other (the western) with a one-way flow going north. in designated streets between the hours of Q2 noon and 6.30 p.m. it was prohibited to use horse drawn vehicles to convey coal, wines, spirits, beer or other heavy merchandise unless the route was the only access. The nominated streets were the main shopping streets of grafton Street, Suffolk Street, Wicklow Street, Henry Street, Mary Street, Earl Street and Talbot Street. The aim was to speed up traffic flows on busy city centre streets. Aesthetic reasons lay behind the ban on offensive loads, such as offal or untanned hides, which were banned on most streets in the city centre. The more significant regulations related to parking. What was proposed was the designation of a control zone, very similar to that of today. it was bounded by Parnell Street, gardiner Street, Tara Street, Kildare Street, St Stephen’s green north, South great george’s Street, Lord Edward Street, 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 191

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Parking on College green. (Postcard.)

Parliament Street and Capel Street. Quite a lot of parking space remained within this zone, despite the regulations. The most contentious aspect was the limiting of ‘waiting’ on main streets to twenty minutes during the day. There was also provision for unilateral parking, whereby parking would be allowed on one side of the road on alternate days. Within the city centre, locations were classiﬁed as being for parking both day and night; for night time parking only or for parking on special events and a time limit was speciﬁed. Parking was available day and night on a long list of streets that included, for example, St Stephen’s green, york Street, Hatch Street, Upper o’Connell Street (middle of the street only), and Parnell Square. The limits here ranged between two and six hours, depending on the location. Additional night parking, sometimes unilateral, sometimes on both sides of the street, was allowed in certain locations. Thus both sides of o’Connell Street were available for a period of six hours between 6.30 p.m. and X.30 a.m., but Fownes Street was on a unilateral system. Parking provisions were also extended beyond the city centre to places such as Rathmines and Dún Laoghaire. Parking and/or waiting was banned on many streets and waiting time limited to 20 minutes during the hours from X.30 a.m. to 6.30 p.m. Thus 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 192

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waiting was prohibited on both sides of grafton (north of Suffolk Street) and nassau Streets, College green, Trinity Street, Dame Street, Temple Bar, Merrion Row, o’Connell Street Upper (from Henry Street to opposite the door of no. U9) and on most of the main roads within the centre and in some suburban locations. Even before the restrictions were introduced there was divided opinion. it was argued that in shopping streets twenty minutes was not enough to complete purchases. ‘When a woman goes into shop, particularly in which she intends to buy clothes, she needs a lot more than 20 minutes’, complained an unnamed manager (Irish Times, 2T August Q937, p. 7). However, other retailers whose customers tended not to be car owners welcomed the clearance of cars from outside their shops and there was also the opinion that there was plenty of room on side streets. After regulations were introduced there were representations to the garda from business organizations, for example, the Council of the Federation of Saorstát industries, and statements from the garda that they were not for changing. However, despite the sudden introduction of such severe measures, it seems that a softly, softly approach was taken to their implementation so that one year later, Sorutator argued in the Irish Times (3 november, p. Q3) that while the regulations were somewhat like a curate’s egg they had, for the most part, been digested without too much inconvenience. However, he suggested that the twenty minute rule had proved impossible to enforce and that it was being winked at by the authorities. He was most unhappy that the inconveniences being suffered by the motorist had not been counterbalanced by the reining in of the lawless cyclist.

As some compensation for the inconveniences so imposed it was hoped that other regulations would reduce the risks and the nervous strains which car owners were called to encounter in central thoroughfares. Byelaws which were designed to correct the waywardness of cyclists were to produce a new order in which vehicle owners and pedestrians would enjoy comparative immunity from cyclists’ silent, swift, incalculable invasions of the highway. (Irish Times, 3 november Q937, p. Q3)

Alas, they were being ignored and risks from the uncontrolled behaviour of the cycling fraternity had increased (Irish Times, 3 november Q937, p. Q3). Whatever about the cyclists and the twenty minute waiting rule, it seems that 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 193

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as the years went on and especially after the Emergency ended, the byelaws seem to have resulted in more and more appearances in the district court. The issue of parking availability also exercised Abercrombie and his colleagues and they noted that the ‘central area is very badly equipped with parking facilities; the absence of which helps to accentuate traﬃc congestion and hampers business in the city. one of the worst areas is that to the east and west of o’Connell Street, south of the Pillar’ (p. 2Q). Their solution was to provide off-street car parks, one off Marlborough Street for Q20 cars and another somewhat larger one near Cathal Brugha Street. The policy of accommodation suggested that car parks be provided on derelict land in appropriate locations, as long as each individual park did not accommodate more than 300 cars. The one-way street was introduced and this included the provision for streets to be one-way for part of the day and two-way thereafter. While the potential for carnage seems clear, there is no reference in the literature to any particular problems arising. Under the regulations the following became one-way.

Merrion Row St Stephen’s green to Lower Baggot Street. grafton Street nassau Street to St Stephen’s green (from noon to 6.30pm) South King Street St Stephen’s green to Johnson’s Place (from noon to 6.30pm) South Anne Street grafton Street to Dawson Street Duke Street Dawson Street to grafton Street South William Street Exchequer Street to Johnson’s Place Drury Street Lower Stephen’s Street to Exchequer Street Suffolk Street nassau Street to St Andrew’s Street Church Lane St Andrew Street to College green Bedford Row Aston Quay to Anglesea Street Anglesea Street Bedford Row to College green Fownes Street Dame Street to Wellingon Quay South Richmond Street Harcourt Street to South Richmond Street (without rails) Henry Street o’Connell Street to Mary Street.

Dublin was well on its way to developing a modern traﬃc pattern with all of the attendant issues. in August Q939, it was reported that Dublin had reached Q3,Q03 licenced private cars with the majority under Q0hp and under Xhp being the largest single category. ‘Motor notes’ took a wry look at driving behaviour commenting, inter alia, that ‘colour blind motorists should know that the light at the top means stop’ (Irish Times, 2X March Q939, p. 6). The coming of war inevitably slowed down this process, although motoring continued to rise in popularity until Q9T2 when shortages really took effect. Rationing was introduced in September Q939 with the issuing of the 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 194

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Attracting the customer. (Dublin Opinion, March Q9T0, p. TT0.)

Emergency Powers order, Q939 (S. R. & o. no. 22T of Q939) with additional amounts made available for those who had exceptional needs and who were engaged in essential activity. However, there seems to be a widespread view that this was not particularly troublesome until the end of Q9T0. it seemed possible to get access to additional supplies either through these supplementary allowances or through informal means. in fact supply was actually eased for a while so that a one-gallon ration became a Q.U gallon ration. When the change came, it came abruptly and it seems as if the government was caught by surprise. overnight the ration was reduced so that what was a Q.U gallon ration on the X January Q9TQ became one quarter of a gallon per month on the 9 January Q9TQ. This was eased to a half gallon per month after some time and the process of supplementary allowances being available for doctors and clergymen and various oﬃcial classes continued. The Irish Times motoring correspondent noted on 9 January Q9T2 that in many parts of the country petrol had been available for Q0s. per gallon on the black market and that coupons were trading at Us. or even as low as 2s. 6d. for those who could buy in quantity (Irish Times, 9 January Q9T2, p. 3). it caused obvious problems for the motor trade as captured in Dublin Opinion. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 195

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gas bags in use. (Irish Times, 2 September Q9TQ, p. 6.)

Advertisement for producer bag. (Irish Times, 3Q May Q9TQ, p. Q.) 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 196

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oﬃcial warning relating to producer gas units. (Irish Times, Q0 April Q9T2, p. 2.)

Fuelling cars by gas had been developed towards the end of the First World War and the shortages gave new impetus to this technology. The most favoured unit involved a gas producer, fuelled by coal or anthracite, ﬁtted to the back of the car. A roof gas bag was an alternative for those with access to a town gas supply. it was a short-lived phenomenon, however, as the raw materials became just as scarce a commodity as petrol and the sale of these ‘gas producer’ units for private cars was halted. Those who had them already installed could use them but usage was limited and social use was forbidden. Although the restriction on private cars was relaxed in Q9TT, the units never regained any market. it was ultimately decided that private motoring had to end. This was not just a question of conserving stocks. There had been much complaint about the inequalities of access to fuel and the seeming ability of some sections of the population to operate as if no shortages existed. it was decided from 30 April Q9T2 that only motor cars which were engaged on national or essential work would be allowed on the road. Cars were put into storage and batteries were disconnected, waiting for the return of petrol. in June of Q9T2 an order was made imposing a maximum speed of 30mph (U0kph) on most motor vehicles and motor cycles, with lower speeds of 20–U mph for larger vehicles including buses (Irish Times, 3 June Q9T2, p. Q). 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 197

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Buses and cars share parking on the quays. (Postcard.)

The restoration of a generally available petrol ration on Q2 november Q9TU also heralded a return to the enforcement of parking regulations. By May Q9T6 the Irish Times was reporting that people were being penalized for breaching parking regulations and complaining that they had not been told of their resumption (Irish Times, T May Q9T6). it was set to get worse before it got better. Myles na gCopaleen was moved to comment that ‘motorists, who pay six million pounds a year in direct taxes may have imagined that nothing new could be devised to hound them (from Pillar to Post office) nor could any fresh pretext be discovered to compel them to spend an entire day hanging around the District Court waiting to be fined three quid. Motorists with such ideas are wrong, of course’ (Irish Times, 23 August Q9U0, p. 6). What caused Myles’ dander to rise was an announcement that increased the measure of parking control in the city centre. Except in some designated places the effect of the change was to limit parking to twenty minutes between X.30 a.m. and 6.30 p.m. The control zone was largely the one indicated above as part of the Q937 regulations but with an extension to St Stephen’s green South. Parking was permitted outside of the restricted times except on specific streets, which included Tara Street, Hawkins Street, Lower Leeson Street west of Leeson Lane and the sides of north Wall Quay and george’s Quay nearest the buildings. As Myles put it: ‘That’s that. The paragraph does not add: “The police have authority to execute offenders on the spot,” but it is clearly implied’. 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 198

Q9X DUBLin, Q930–Q9U0

The building of Busáras removed some of the buses from parking on the streets and, for a while, this must have pleased car owners. However, it did nothing to remove the far greater number of city buses that continued to use the quays and city streets as parking. There were hopes that a bus station would be built to accommodate these but this proved to be yet another of the long-term plans which never materialized.

The problem solved?

By Q9U0, it seems to be clear that, despite the threat of future poor economic times, Dublin had a serious problem of traffic congestion that needed to be managed by both the building of new routes and the better management of traffic. For the moment, the strategy was one of accommodation and the underlying assumption seems to have been that it would be necessary to provide for the car as public transport was incapable of meeting the need. Abercrombie presented an analysis of the potential for the railway in his sketch plan (see pages 26–X). His view was that people wanted the door-to-door convenience that the motor car provided and he did not think that there was any way in which the trend towards private cars and away from railways and buses could be reversed. Unless Dublin was to grow excessively, he felt that the car could meet all commuting needs, even if it was necessary to restrict access to the city centre. Even that eventuality could be avoided by the provision of proper parking facilities. There was no consideration given to any enhanced role for the railway system in Dublin. As the map shows, it was peripheral to the city centre and there was no practicable means of improving this; nobody suggested an underground system. it was believed that commuters disliked having to climb the stairs to access the railway stations in the centre and that they would not tolerate a long journey to or from any station. Abercrombie did see a role for buses in providing transport from developing suburban areas but, for others, buses simply made the problem worse. The attitude to CiE was exemplified in the same piece by Myles na gCopaleen quoted above. He went on to say that the cause of most city congestion is CiE buses and yet ‘every now and then CiE comes out with bitter grouses about the density of it. it means, CiE explains, that a central traffic hold up reduces the frequency of any given bus service, and the remedy for that is to put on more buses, even if this means higher fares’ (p. 6). More and more ambitious plans to accommodate cars were developed during the Q9U0s, which included urban motorways with complex junctions 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 199

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The railway network in Dublin in Q939. (Railway Clearing House map.) 04 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:37 Page 200

200 DUBLin, Q930–Q9U0

and flyovers. More and more land was ‘reserved’ for such projects along major routeways and this promoted decay and dereliction in much of the city centre as other projects were paralysed pending the completion of these routes. However, when the effect of these plans is seen in cities such as glasgow, it seems reasonable to come to the view that Dublin missed a far worse fate by being unable to afford these routeways. it was to be well into the Q960s that it began to be understood that other solutions were needed and longer yet before those solutions were implemented. in the introduction to his hugely influ - ential plan Traffic in towns (Q963), Professor Colin Buchanan put it this way.

it is impossible to spend any time on the study of the future of traﬃc in towns without at once being appalled by the magnitude of the emergency that is coming upon us. We are nourishing at immense cost a monster of great potential destructiveness, and yet we love him dearly. To refuse to accept the challenge it presents would be an act of defeatism. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 201

Suburban growth and development

Dublin became suburban during the Q93Ps and Q94Ps. As has been discussed in Chapter Q, this was the period when the Corporation’s housing drive resulted in the creation of very large suburbs on both sides of the River Liffey. The acquisition of the Pembroke and Rathmines townships added middle- class suburbs to the city after Q93P but these were already quite densely developed. Therefore the middle classes spread out into green ﬁeld spaces, mainly concentrated in the south-eastern sector of the city. They ignored the western part of the southern city, leaving that for social housing. This sectoral segregation was not possible on the northside and the various types of housing tenure were located in smaller enclaves and in a more complex geographical pattern. This chapter will examine how this development took place. It will look at how the Corporation balanced its building programme between the city centre and the suburbs. It will also look at how middle-class housing was provided by an examination of a number of schemes in different parts of the city. Some were in-ﬁll in the sense that they occurred in well-developed areas while others were coastal and almost rural.

Social housing in the 1930s

The suburban expansion of Dublin in the Q93Ps, especially that in the local authority sphere, has been dealt with comprehensively by Ruth McManus (RPPR) in volume R of this series and only a summary will be offered here. That summary is most usefully introduced by looking at the report of Inquiry into the Housing of the Working Classes of the City of Dublin. The inquiry took place during Q939 with 54 public sessions and Q43 private sessions. The first public session took place on Q9 April Q939 in City Hall and the final one was held on 8 February Q94P but it took until Q943 for the report to be finalized because the Emergency had greater call on the time of the people involved. The report is a good snapshot of the position in Q939 and a middle point of reference for this chapter. The data presented to the Inquiry show that during most of the Q93Ps, Dublin Corporation was the most active builder in the city, providing about 6PP dwellings more than the combined efforts of the private sector and public utility societies, or a total of 7,637 dwellings compared to 5,Q73 private houses

RPQ 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 202

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and Q,878 completed by public utility societies. It can be seen that output was relatively stable during the time.

Table #. Building completions by various agencies, Q933–8. (Appendix 3 and 6. Housing Inquiry (Q943)). 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 Total Public Utility Societies Associated Properties Limited 66 QRP RP8 376 Q7P 356 Q,R96 Dublin Building Operatives’ PUS RP 7P QR 38 RP Q6P Post Oﬃce PUS QP 76 Q4 Q6 QQ6 Civil Service Housing Association 36 Q6 RP R5 97 National Housing Society QR Q3 Q4 Q7 RP 76 St Mobhi Public Utility Society 4 QR 4 8 4 3R Christian Brothers’ Past Pupils 6 QP Q6 Union PUS Economic PUS R 3 7 3 Q5 Tram and Omnibus Workers’ PUS 4 6 QP St Ultan’s Hospital PUS Q4 Q4 Saorstat PUS QR QR State Servants’ PUS QR QR Holy Child Housing Society QP QP Celtic PUS 6 6 Harold’s Cross PUS 6 6

Total Public Utility Societies Q4R 338 R86 446 R7P 396 Q,878 Total Private Builders 757 964 989 949 66P 854 5,Q73 Total Dublin Corporation Q,PQR 98R Q,5RR Q,47R 3Q3 R,336 7,637

Housing had long been an issue of concern in the city that Dublin Corporation had been relatively slow to address. At the time of the Q9Q3 Housing Inquiry, the Corporation had managed rehouse about 7,6PP people over the previous thirty years but it was estimated that 6P,PPP people were in need. However, though this was but a small beginning, it was relatively signiﬁcant when compared to other UK cities and Dublin could not be accused of lagging behind. Progress was naturally slower during the period from Q9Q3 to Independence and by Q9RR, the total built by the Corporation had reached R,R43 dwellings; with an approximately equal division between houses and ﬂats. During the Q9RPs the focus of Dublin Corporation housing 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 203

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provision was on suburban schemes, and it was not until the Q93Ps that major central slum clearances and associated ﬂat provision became an important element. The early suburban schemes were in Fairbrother’s Fields, Marino, Drumcondra, Donnycarney and Cabra. These schemes, especially the Marino one, were noted for the variety of designs employed and for the fact that they were for hire purchase (tenant purchase).

Table $. Dublin Corporation housing schemes in the Q9RPs. Location Completion Dwellings Donnelly’s Orchard Q9R3 84 Fairbrother’s Fields Q9R3–7 4Q6 Marino and Croydon Park Q9R6–7 Q,36R Emmet Road Q9R7–9 7PR Drumcondra Q9R8 535 Marrowbone Lane Q93P 87 Donnycarney Q93P 4RQ Cabra Q93Q 64Q Total 4,R48

Because it was realized quite quickly that tenant purchase would never address those in greatest need of improved housing, there was a shift towards rental rather than purchase from the Q93Ps. It was also realized that houses had to be smaller if sufficient were going to be built. This was quite a dramatic decision given that size of family was one of the main criteria used in determining priority families. The Marino scheme was the largest scheme that Dublin Corporation had attempted to that point. While the scheme is distinctively geometric when viewed on a map or from the air, there was considerable effort devoted to ensure that the development had a varied character. This was achieved by varying the house type, grouping houses in terraces of different lengths with some semi-detached houses, and by the use of setbacks whereby the building line varied along the street. Two large circular parks were provided which not only regulated the flow of traffic but also provided valuable recreational space. In the Drumcondra scheme, there was less variety in housing type though the sloping site prevented any sense of monotony developing. In both developments culs-de-sac were used to give a sense of privacy and setbacks were once again used in Drumcondra with houses grouped in pairs, threes, fours and fives. The houses in Marino were also large with five rooms being 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 204

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# Aerial view of the Marino scheme showing its geometric character.

the norm. However, almost immediately there was a move towards smaller provision and the Drumcondra scheme saw the use of three- and four-roomed dwellings. In the Drumcondra scheme only Q8P houses were of five rooms while there were QQ4 four-roomed and RPQ three-roomed houses. Dublin Corporation made extensive use of the ‘reserved area’ concept at both schemes. This was where part of the development was reserved for private houses, which would be built either by private builders or by public utility societies and philanthropic entities. Between Q887 and Q93Q, the Corporation completed 7,R46 dwellings. During the Q93Ps, the pace of their building increased and by Q939 the total provided had reached Q4,884. An increasing proportion of this was achieved by slum clearance and the building of central city flat blocks. The list below shows the approximate completion date and the number of units in these flat complexes. The shift towards flat complexes was a manifestation of the continuing debate between those who favoured suburbanization and those who advocated rehousing of people in their original locations. This will be explored further below. However, though some R,R49 flat units had been completed by Q939, this was still only a fraction of all the housing provided by Dublin 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 205

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Table . Dublin Corporation central ﬂat developments prior to Q939.

Scheme Completion Date (approx.) Total Trinity Ward Q9Q7 48 Ormond Market Q9Q7–RQ 56 Boyne Street Q9R4 78 Kehoe Square Q9R7 RP8 Bulﬁn House Q9R9 8 Mercer House Q9R9–34 QP4 Mountpleasant Q93Q 57 Hollyﬁeld Q93Q Q8 Marshalsea Barracks Q93Q 53 Beggarsbush Barracks Q933 44 Mary’s Lane Q933–4 QRP Hanover Street Q934–9 345 Chancery House Q935 R7 North Cumberland St Q936 66 Cook Street Q936–7 367 Watling Street Q938 7R Townsend Street Q938 4P Aldboro’ House Q938 Q35 Poplar Row Q939 QQP Thorncastle Street Q939 64 Railway Street Q939 Q8Q Henrietta Street Q939 48 Total R,R49

Corporation, with most local authority housing still comprising standard houses (cottages). The major Corporation schemes of the Q93Ps were at Cabra (Beggsboro) and Crumlin, with the latter demonstrating a huge increase in the scale of activity. Both were also rental schemes. The Beggsboro Scheme got underway in April Q93R and was concentrated around St Jarlath, St Fintan, St Eithne and St Attracta Roads with Annamoe Road completed around the middle of Q934. Preparations for the Crumlin development had begun in the Q9RPs with the completion of a sewage scheme but the project began in earnest in Q934 when the Corporation acquired almost R5P acres (c.QPPha) by compulsory 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 206

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# Dublin Corporation housing in Crumlin completed by Crampton in Q938/9 approximately, showing the standard housing styles.

purchase. Crumlin was built to a much more uniform plan than earlier schemes, because of the perceived need to derive the maximum beneﬁt from economies of scale, which was achieved by utilising a small number of designs. The image above shows the main design elements used; short terraces, housing with plain designs while others had the addition of a hip roof which was perpendicular to the main roof line. The houses in the image are three- roomed. Building began in Q934 and this time, the balance was in favour of three- roomed houses. Of the 3,PPP or so houses to be built at this time, some Q,8P3 were three-roomed, while Q,Q7R had four rooms. In Q938, work began on the ﬁrst of the R,4Q6 houses to be built in Crumlin North, the area north of Kildare Road, which was completed in Q944/5. Here there was a move away from the smallest units; some 96 per cent of all the Crumlin North houses erected between Q939 and Q945 were four-roomed. The Corporation had always been unhappy at the prospect of building three-roomed houses, knowing that all they were doing was shifting families from one overcrowded location to another, though to much better facilities. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 207

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Table . Dublin Corporation rental housing schemes prior to Q939.

Scheme Completion Units Spitalﬁelds Q9R8 6 Kehoe Square Q9R7 57 Marrowbone Lane Q93P Q66 Ormond Market Q93R–5 9 Malone gardens Q933 65 Beggsboro’ (Cabra) Q933–4 684 Donnelly’s Orchard Q934 Q48 Friends Fields Q934 Q44 Annamoe Road Q934 3QQ Crumlin South Q934–9 R,9P3 Crumlin North Q938–9 353 North Lotts Q935 58R Cook Street Q936 3 South Lotts Road Q937 Q6

Public utility societies

Public utility societies had slipped from public notice until McManus wrote about them in volume R of this series (RPPR). They were originally co- partnership societies in that people would club their resources together and thus be able to leverage the resources of the larger group for a common aim. The value of this was strengthened when the State decided to treat public utility societies as if they were local authorities for grant purposes, most notably under the Q9R5 Housing Act. The Central Housing Council, which was aﬃliated with the Civics Institute of Ireland, held a ‘Housing Week’ from Q8–R4 October Q9R5. The brochure produced for this event made it clear that the housing needs of the city were great. Under the heading ‘What YOU can do for housing’, the following advice was given (p. 3Q):

(Q) Build a house for yourself If you cannot do this, then: (R) Join with other people to form a Public Utility Society (3) Join some existing Public Utility Society 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 208

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# Table of housing grants, Q9R5. (Dublin Housing Week Brochure (Q9R5), p. R5.)

One of the objects of the Council was to assist in the formation of public utility societies and therefore much information was provided on this topic during ‘Housing Week’. It is clear that such societies were seen as an important element in the solution of the housing problem. Tables of examples (p. R5) showed the beneﬁts of a public utility society. For example, a public utility society building a house of not less than ﬁve rooms would receive a grant of £QPP under section 3 of the Housing Act compared to the £75 available to a private person. In addition, in Dublin, the commissioners of the County 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 209

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Borough (replacing the Corporation) would provide an additional £QPP grant for a house of not less than five rooms, compared to the £75 available to a private individual. Societies would also get rates remission and access to loans not exceeding double the amount of the grant. In all, it meant that a member of a public utility society could build a five-roomed house costing £6PP for £4PP. This was an impressive benefit, though it must also be noted that private individuals also did quite well under the Q9R5 Act. The nature of State support changed under the Q93R Housing Act to include a focus on housing to rent. Now public utility societies were acting as a subsidiary of the local authority in order to allow the latter to concentrate on slum clearance. Though originally intended as a boon to the working or artizan classes, there seemed to have been no real barrier to private companies building for the middle classes becoming involved as utility societies and certainly some of the housing provided would rival that provided by private builders. It was in an attempt to deal with this that the definition of a public utility society was clarified in clause R of the Act.

the expression ‘public utility society’ means a society registered under the Industrial and Provident Societies Acts, Q893 to Q9Q3, or a friendly society registered under the Friendly Societies Acts, Q896 and Q9P8, or a trade union registered under the Trade Union Acts, Q87Q to Q9Q3, whose objects include the erection of houses for the working classes and the said expression includes also a company which satisﬁes the minister that its objects are wholly philanthropic and include the provision of houses for the working classes; the word ‘person’ wherever it occurs in Part II of this Act includes the Irish Sailors’ and Soldiers’ Land Trust but does not include either a local authority or a public utility society.

However, as was pointed out during the debate in the Oireachtas, a company whose aims were wholly philanthropic was not precluded from paying a dividend. Dublin’s public utility societies varied considerably in the scale of their activities. Since a public utility society needed only eight persons, it was reasonable to expect that many would come into existence with a particular scheme in mind and gradually disappear after it was built. A good example of this was the Rathmines Public Utility Society which was begun in Q9R7. By Q93Q they had completed a scheme of 3Q houses at Larkﬁeld gardens, Kimmage Road, and they advertised for purchasers for a further 9 houses at a 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 210

RQP DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

price of £45P. The houses looked small but they offered three bedrooms at the cost of having only one reception room and a kitchenette (Irish Times, 3P June Q93Q, p. 3). They built no further houses and they announced the winding up of the society in April Q945 (Irish Times, R8 April Q945, p. 3). By this point, the society had been so successful that all of the original purchasers had paid off their loans and were entitled to a small surplus. Other societies continued for longer as the loans worked their way to maturity. The original of the species, the St Barnabas Public Utility Society, was still operating in Q944, almost one quarter century after its inception. It had built a total of Q75 houses but there had been no new building since the Q9RPs. When the public utility society reflected a particular class of employment, such as the Civil Service or Post Office, rather than a particular location, it was not surprising that the societies continued to build for longer and were more geographically spread in the locations of the schemes. Associated Properties, though, are worthy of mention in their own right. This company was first registered in August Q9R5 as the Dublin Commercial Public Utility Society (DCPUS) and it was part of the first reserved area experiment with Dublin Corporation (see McManus, RPPR). However, it soon grew into a substantial organization as had been predicted by Canon Hall (Irish Times, Q8 February Q9R6, p. 6), the originator of the utility society concept in Ireland, in Q9R6. Neither he nor others seemed to have had any objections to the extension of the remit of public utility societies to include middle-class building. And it is clear that the society built for the better-off, even if they were involved in the reserved area schemes of Dublin Corporation. A case in point is the DCPUS development on Kincora Road in Q93Q, a solidly middle- class road in Clontarf. A feature in the Irish Times describing this development noted that the society had built and sold RQ4 houses since its inception and that purchasers had seen an appreciation in their investment of more than £Q5P. The Kincora Road scheme was for 4R semi-detached houses with a frontage of 7P feet (RQm) and a depth from Q44 to RRP feet (44–67m). The houses were four-bedroomed with drawing room, dining room, kitchen, bathroom with separate wc. They also came with a garage and a coal and tool shed. The net price was either £Q,P75 or £Q,P85 depending on type, with a partial remission of rates for twenty years. By contrast, the sale price of Dublin Corporation’s recently completed houses in Drumcondra was under £4PP. Following the Q93R Act, DCPUS switched their focus to the rental market and, given the scale of their operations, it was not surprising that the utility society decided to become a limited company. Smaller ones did so too. This 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 211

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# ISSLT housing in Sandymount built by Crampton in Q9R3.

it did on QP August Q937 and the prospectus inviting purchase of shares in the new company, Associated Properties Ltd, noted that it carried on the business and undertaking formerly carried on as a society. However, the objects of the company make no mention of its being wholly philanthropic, rather its objects were to carry on the industries, trades and business of builders and to buy, sell, hire, let and develop lands. Associated Properties were also proﬁtable and returned a good dividend to their shareholders, though they also always maintained the view that they served the public good. It can be seen from the ﬁgures shown above that they had become a major force in the housing market in Dublin; this was set to continue into the Q94Ps and beyond. Missing from the list of housing providers after Q933 was the Irish Sailors’ and Soldiers’ Land Trust (ISSLT). The Trust existed to provide housing for those who had served in the forces during the First World War. In its operations, it was a strange hybrid and this was probably its undoing (Brady, RPQP). It operated as a tri-partite body with representatives from the Free State, Northern Ireland and the British Authorities, but remained an Imperial entity, operating under the direct control of the British Treasury with no 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 212

RQR DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

involvement whatsoever from the Free State government. Thus there was an active Imperial agency working in the Free State that was building houses for Free State citizens but without local oversight. Its building activities came to a sudden end after Q933 when, in a landmark Supreme Court ruling, it was found that the Trust could not charge rent to the ex-servicemen they had housed. The case had been based on the principle that the British government had promised housing to their ex-servicemen without any mention of their having to pay for it. At that time, the Trust was coming close to the target they had set themselves, having built over 7PP very good quality houses in the city and environs in twenty different schemes. While the ISSLT had made a significant contribution to alleviating the housing crisis, it was unclear if they were going to continue to build but the issue would have surely arisen in the years after the Second World War. The question became moot after the judgment, however, as the Trust had no money and no prospect of money with which to build. There remained great encouragement for public utility societies to build, and though they were given explicit mention in all government initiatives, there was never a flood of them. National figures given in the Dáil in Q947 showed that there had been a flurry of registrations in Q93R and Q933, after which registrations slowed down, as Table 4 shows (Dáil Debates, QP9(3), col. R5R). The main reason for this is probably a change in the legal position which allowed groups (and even individuals) to benefit from the grants available. There was less incentive to go through the more onerous process of establishing and maintaining a utility society.

Table . Number of public utility societies registered, Q93Q–47. Q93Q 4 Q94P P Q93R 68 Q94Q Q Q933 3P Q94R R Q934 Q3 Q943 P Q935 4 Q944 Q Q936 QQ Q945 3 Q937 6 Q946 6 Q938 3 Q947 5 Q939 P 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 213

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The market for rental properties

As will be clear from the first chapter, the rental sector was very important in Dublin in the Q93Ps and Q94Ps. People might have aspired to own their own home and it might have been an important societal aspiration but it seems the case that many spent a considerable period of time renting. Rental provision could be on a small scale with individual investors buying property to rent and it seems that builders often retained a block of their own houses for rental. The DCPUS/Associated Properties were different in that they built on a considerable scale for the rental market, following the Q93R legislative changes outlined above. The early rental schemes completed by the DCPUS at Rathlin Road and Stella Avenue were relatively small but by Q935 they had moved into the league of major builders. In that year, they announced plans to build 938 houses in Drimnagh and Crumlin. This target was increased by an additional 49P houses in Q937. Building work was managed for the company by its own building department since Q93R and from the beginning there was a market for their product. Alfred E. Smith was the surveyor to the company as well as being a director. Likewise, the firm of McDonnell and Dixon were architects to the company with Mr William A. Dixon also a director. In their annual report for Q939, Associated Properties reported that they had built 3R5 houses in the previous year but that they had a waiting list of over R,PPP seeking to rent. In fact, the solid position of their rent book meant that they did not need to advertise their housing. In that year they decided to build an additional 3PP houses and these were reported as being almost complete in Q94Q, completing the estate. The kernel of their building scheme in Drimnagh and Crumlin was around Errigal Road, Comeragh Road, galtymore Road, Cooley Road and Mourne Road. Associated Proporties, then the DCPUS, had built in the reserved areas of Marino and Drumcondra and the style of house that they offered in Crumlin reflected that experience, though the later design had less variety than had been the case in their earlier schemes. They built in short terraces of ten or fewer houses with good front gardens and substantial rear gardens. Pebbledash was the preferred facing with tiles rather than slates on the roof. Setbacks were used to add variety to the streetscape and a system of local and distributor roads served to reduce the flows of traffic on streets which are not major routes. Culs-de-sac were employed, sometimes focusing on a line of houses at the end, sometimes employing a green space. These roads 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 214

RQ4 DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

# Part of the Associated Properties development in Drimnagh and Crumlin. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q,R5PP, Sheet Q8(XIII), Q943.)

tended to be narrow and little provision was made for car ownership. The terraces did not provide for off-street car parking and many of the roads were too narrow to facilitate on-street parking. Despite the parallels with Dublin Corporation houses, the Associated Properties dwellings tended to be larger than local authority houses of the same period and they were open to innovation. In an advertisement in the Irish Times for Q4 April Q938, the ESB invited people to view the ‘all electric’ houses on Errigal Road, which had recently been completed (p. 5). Building slowed down in the Q94Ps but at their annual general meeting in Q94R, Associated Properties announced that the total number of rented properties had risen by 53 over the course of the year (Irish Times, 3Q January Q94R, p. 6). Associated Properties always claimed to offer value for money. The standard house that they offered comprised two living rooms, three bedrooms, a bath, kitchenette, garden, out-oﬃce with electricity and gas for Q8s. or Q9s. per week with no additional charges for rates. It had an area of about 85P square feet (79 sq. m). In Q944 they pointed out that what they offered beat 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 215

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what was generally available in the market place. In that year (Irish Times, Q February Q944, p. R), they reported a waiting list of Q,RPP people for their ‘Drimnagh type’ houses, a list which could only be dealt with by new building. They surveyed that list and it showed that 4PP were paying up to 3Ps. per week for a flat of three rooms or less while a further 38P were in two-roomed dwellings for which they paid R5s. per week. The RQP flat dwellers were paying Q8s., while the Q5P who occupied a full house paid an average of 3Rs. 4d. per week. In Q947, Associated Properties offered a comparison between their dwellings and the forty flats which had been offered for rent in the city in the previous six months (Irish Times, 3P January Q947, p. 4). These offered about 75P square feet (7P sq. m.) but no garden at a cost of R7s. 9d. per flat. A further forty houses offered for rent during the time cost 3Qs. 4d. for about 8R9 square feet. This was a war controlled price, fixed at Q94Q rates, but rents had not risen since Q937 in any event. Not only was the company beating the market, it is useful to compare these rates with the figures given in Chapter Q for single-roomed tenements. It is clear that there was price gouging at the low end of the market where irregular income left people with little alternative. Associated Properties’ charges might have been good relative to the general market for rental but there was little difference between these rental costs and the cost of purchase. This will be explored below but it was possible up to the beginning of the Emergency to purchase a house for less than £Q per week, though rates and maintenance would have been an additional cost. The explanation has to lie in the capacity of people to access the funds necessary to support both the required deposit and the credit worthiness to sustain a loan. By Q944, when Associated Properties announced plans for a major post- war development on a site that they had obtained on the edge of the city, they had a total of R,P98 houses on their books. The intention was to build over Q,RPP houses for renting on this new site and on nearby properties which they hoped to obtain. They also had then plans in place for Q66 houses on what they called the ‘Ballyhoy estate’ in Raheny, to the west of Dublin Corporation’s later tenant purchase development at St Anne’s. Their biggest development was to be the Wadelai scheme and it would occupy the company into the Q95Ps. Despite the restrictions of the Emergency and the post-war shortages of craftsmen and materials, the company was able to report that QPP houses were nearing completion in early Q947 and that it hoped to start an additional QPP in the following April with foundations laid for over 4PP houses. By Q95R, they had completed 5QP houses. Dublin County Council announced in August Q95Q, the taking in charge of St Pappin’s Road, Dean Swift Road, 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 216

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# The Wadelai, Larkhill and Ellenﬁeld developments. (geographica plan, Q:Q5,84P, Q958.) 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 217

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Drapier Road, Dean Swift green, Wadelai green, Clonmel Road, St Pappin’s green, Maolbuille Road, Stormanstown Road, Drapier green and Delville Road. The estate took its name from the original buildings and this can be seen on the Ordnance Survey Q:R,5PP plan for Q938 (Sheet Q4, Xv) where the land is shown set out as allotments. For a five-year period from Q933, the allotments had been managed by the North Dublin Branch of the United Irish Plotholders’ Union under a scheme designed to make land for cultivation available to the unemployed. The Wadelai site was one of the largest in the city but the lease was not renewed and Dublin Corporation had to pay £3QP in damages to the owners. The Wadelai estate followed the same template as the Associated Properties Drimnagh estate, using culs-de-sac to break up traffic flows and still favouring short terraces of four or six houses rather than the semi-detached design which was now more popular in the private market. They provided a focus for the area in the junction of Wadelai Road and Maolbuille Road where the junction comprises an offset square with two houses along each edge. The house type was also their standard model of two reception rooms and three bedrooms with a kitchen and bathroom. gardens were substantial front and rear but, again, there was no specific provision for cars. The average size had increased to 86 sq. m. (9R6 sq. ft), however, which provided a wider frontage and better internal layout. The company argued for their special place in the housing market. It was their belief that Dublin Corporation was not in a position to provide housing for the kind of clients that Associated Properties served. These were families who might have an entitlement to social housing but whose circumstances, either income or family size, meant that they were never going to get into the priority category. Dublin Corporation would not have disagreed with this assessment. The need to concentrate on clearing the slums and meeting the needs of families in the worst housing meant that there was little that the local authority could do for the better-off groups. By Q947 there had been no increase in Associated Properties’ rents, despite widespread price increases elsewhere, and the company made a virtue of that. They noted that they had chosen to re-let the properties that reverted to them during the year, even though the increase in house prices generally would have made it more profitable for them to sell. However, to do so would have put those houses out of the reach of those who needed to rent. Moreover, it was the company’s belief that the greatest contribution that could be made to the housing shortage in Dublin was the assurance of a ready supply of good rental properties. They hoped that this civic mindedness would be recognized by the 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 218

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State when the time came for post-war housing initiatives (Irish Times, 4 February Q947, p. 6). It seems that they were listened to because the Q948 Housing (Amendment) Act allowed them to claim grants up to £R4P per house in respect of the Wadelai development. This was a matter that ultimately ended up in the Supreme Court in Q956 as the company fell foul of a territory transfer from Dublin County Council to Dublin Corporation which resulted in both entities denying liability for the payment of the grant. In a rental market, it might be expected that there would be a reasonable turnover of tenants on an annual basis. Peoples’ circumstances could change for the better or worse. It is therefore of interest to note how few properties reverted to the company. On average, fewer than fifty houses reverted to the company on any given year and it indicates great stability in the rental market, as well as the scale of the need. The company estimated that it had 3,PPP renters waiting on their books in Q947, a dramatic increase on the reported figure for Q944. Associated Properties was the modern incarnation of the public utility society as it moved from the Q93Ps into the Q94Ps. They operated at a scale far greater than any other utility society and this, combined with their focus on the rental market, made them unique in the provision of housing in Dublin. They claimed never to have lost their public utility ethos despite being a profitable company returning a good dividend to shareholders. It seems that they met a need in the housing market and there is justification for their assertion that they were doing what Dublin Corporation could not do, given the scale of the slum clearance problem and the need to provide subsidized housing. On a considerably smaller scale, but of interest because of the character of the housing, was the work of the Iveagh Trust. The Trust was already responsible for one of the more innovative approaches to housing in its Bull Alley scheme, completed in the early years of the twentieth century and which comprised not only family housing but a hostel for single men, an institute of education and a bath house (Aalen, RPPP). In Q938, they began work on the erection of 57 flats and 6 shops on a site adjacent to another development of theirs on Kevin Street. This was the first phase in a development which intended to add an additional Q4P flats to the existing scheme at a cost of about £7PP per flat. These new flats were intended mainly for artizans. It was the view of the Trust that the standard three-roomed flat was sufficient only for a couple with a maximum of four children. Rents were QRs. per week for two rooms, Q5s. per week for three rooms and Q8s. per week for four rooms. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 219

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In terms of space provided, the Associated Properties dwellings were bigger by a considerable margin but the Iveagh Trust claimed that it had no difficulty in getting tenants and that applications exceeded vacancies by a ratio of ten to one. There were a number of factors that might explain this, not the least of which relates to the continuing debate of central versus suburban locations. However, of equal importance probably was the question of what could be afforded. The Iveagh Trust built well and maintained their properties meticulously and though smaller, they could be seen as very good housing for those on more limited budgets. Standard public utility societies did not disappear, though as noted above their numbers never grew dramatically. The Dún Laoghaire Home Builders’ Public Utility Society was established in Q948 and had an initial membership of Q75. This was an interesting grouping in that most of the members were involved in the building trade. By November Q949, they had completed the first ten houses on Hyde Road, Dalkey, and were working on a second development of twelve houses at Kill Avenue. These had a floor area of about 9PP square feet (84 sq. m.) and were three-bedroomed with a living room and parlour. As before, the attraction lay in the cost savings. It was anticipated that the all-in cost of each house was £Q,P5P but a grant of £R85 per house was available. In addition, the site was provided by Dún Laoghaire Corporation. Political and church approval was as strong as ever as evidenced by the attendance at the opening of Mr P.L. McEvoy, Chairman of Dún Laoghaire Corporation, Mr Keyes, Minister for Local government, Mr Liam Cosgrave, parliamentary secretary to the taoiseach and the local parish priest, the very Revd J.P. Rafter PP (Irish Times, R November Q949, p. 6).

Dublin Corporation’s projects

There was no surprise when the Q939–43 Housing Inquiry ﬁndings showed that the demand for housing was far beyond the output levels that had been achieved. The Citizens’ Housing Council had produced two reports in the Q93Ps which showed the extent of the problem and Dublin Corporation would have been well aware that the slums were not being cleared as quickly as they had hoped. In Q938, the city manager, Dr Hernon, unveiled a ﬁve-year plan that would see an additional QR,PPP dwellings built at a cost of about £7.5m. This was approximately half of what had been suggested by the Citizens’ Housing Council but it was an ambitious target by any measure. The Corporation’s 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 220

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own assessment was that the city had Q,445 families in unfit basements and 9,4P3 in unfit tenements. A further R,R57 families lived in unfit cottages. To this assessment of need was added 6,768 families who were living in overcrowded conditions but where the dwelling was otherwise fit for habitation. Allowing for movement of families and reallocation of resources, the Corporation came to the view that there was a need to rehouse Q7,PPP families. The basis of the five-year plan was that QR,PPP dwellings was the most that could be achieved with the resources available and, in the opinion of the city manager, it was impractical to commit to 5,PPP dwellings per annum as suggested by the Citizens’ Housing Council (Report 6/Q938). The plan also envisaged that new developments would be supplied with land for churches, schools, dispensaries, social service as well as areas for industry and shopping. The Corporation took the opportunity to respond to criticism about the quality of the housing they were building. They felt that the criticism was unfair (p. 43) as all dwellings had hot and cold water, baths, electric light and separate indoor sanitation. The Corporation was also being squeezed in cost terms from two directions. The new flats that were being built in Dublin cost £875 each while the cost of cottages was now £63P. In the former case, this was about 75 per cent above the maximum on which the State provided a subsidy and forty per cent in the latter case. Recent cost increases resulted in a deterioration in the relationship between actual rent charged and economic rents. Heretofore, actual rents tended to be of the order of one half of the economic rent but they were now closer to one third of the economic rent. Despite these costs, though, they did accept that it was desirable to build more four-roomed houses and that there should be a reallocation of larger (and overcrowded) families to these houses, once it became possible. At that time contracts were in place for some 3,3Q7 dwellings with a further 8,6R8 planned to give a total of QQ,945 over the duration of the plan. The building already underway comprised a number of inner city projects (using the modern definition of the area between the canals), largely of flats, with some also in the inner suburbs such as those at Poplar Row. The scale of the development at Crumlin was now apparent with Q,QRP houses under way and an additional R,QPP houses at the planning stage. A small addition of fifty- eight houses to Ballyfermot was also in train. On the northside the Larkhill scheme was an addition to the Ellenfield scheme already underway. These were both close to the future Associated Properties’ Wadelai development. Collins Avenue was one of the major routeways proposed by Abercrombie but up to 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 221

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Table . Housing schemes by Dublin Corporation under way in Q938. (Report 6/Q938, p. 35.)

North Inner City Railway Street 3P9 Alborough House Q4P Henrietta Street 48 Poplar Row QQQ

South Inner City Watling Street R4 Hanover Street QPQ Townsend Street Q68 Thorncastle Street 64 Marrowbone Lane QQR Usher and Cook Street Q3Q James’s Street Q5P

Northern Suburbs Ellenﬁeld 37R

Southern Suburbs Harold’s Cross Q54 Terenure 3Q3 Crumlin Q,QRP

this time most of the development was at its eastern end at Donnycarney. These developments extended the avenue to either side of the Swords Road and established a node at a major junction. They were quite suburban in northside terms and leapfrogged a great deal of undeveloped land. The plan was to build 537 houses in Larkhill and 37R in Ellenfield. Ellenfield was completed in Q938 and Larkhill was completed in Q939, where the total of 55P houses built was slightly more than had been planned. Both Ellenfield and Larkhill were relatively small and self-contained schemes with easy access to the main road but with local circulation managed so as to reduce through traffic. The styles of houses were very similar to those that were being built at Crumlin. Houses were a mixture of short terraces of up to six houses with occasional pairs of semi-detached houses at junctions. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 222

RRR DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

#! Aerial photograph of the Larkhill scheme. The space provided for schools is clearly visible.

The finish was mainly rendered concrete with tiled roofs but an effort was made to finish the development along the main roads in red brick. While the housing style was mostly uniform in Ellenfield, with two windows to the front and a lintel over the door, variation was introduced here and there in the design of the middle houses in the larger terraces. Most housing was three roomed in line with the practice of the time. given the focus on housing larger families, this would have seen densities above what was considered desirable from the very beginning. It was a similar experience with the Larkhill development. It is a rather oblong tear-shaped development contained within the line of Larkhill Road. The housing design was the same as in Ellenfield with short terraces of varying lengths being the dominant form. Although there was no particular provision made for motor cars, the roads are wider than in earlier developments. In line with the Corporation’s acceptance of the importance of open spaces, both developments were provided with significant amounts of green space, as well as substantial gardens front and rear. In the case of Larkhill, a large semi- circular park was provided at the apex of the scheme along glendun Road, while in Ellenfield, a substantial park with the same name was provided to the north-west of the development. Under the Q938 plan, the following locations would be developed and estimates of the number of dwellings were as follows: 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 223

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Cabra West Q,95P Rialto 389 Newfoundland Street 576 Newmarket 65 Donore Avenue 556 Donnycarney Q,PPP Rutland Avenue Q,Q58 Constitution Hill 88 Whitefriar Street QRP

In addition, it was anticipated that there would be housing provided in Ballyfermot, Patrick Street and Moore Street. With the exception of the inner city sites, the list shows that building was going to be concentrated on areas that already had significant social housing. When the plan is compared with the outcome it shows that, although Dublin Corporation building slowed down during the Emergency due to a shortage of necessary materials, they still made a significant contribution to the housing stock. Work continued in Ballyfermot during Q94Q and then during Q948 and Q949. Building went on in Cabra West throughout the first half of the Q94Ps to about Q946. The development of Crumlin continued throughout the decade while there was a major expansion in Donnycarney from Q947. The early Q95Ps would see further developments in Finglas.

Cabra West When the development of Cabra West was announced under the Q938 plan, it was intended to build Q,95P houses but by Q946, a total of R,R49 houses had been completed in the vicinity. It comprised houses entirely and they were built on the model which had been followed in Crumlin. The compulsory purchase order was published in Q937 and by mid-Q938, the various formalities were underway to set the price for the site. Looking at the completed scheme on the Q95Ps geographia map, it can be seen that although it was clearly an extension of the late Q9RPs/3Ps Cabra scheme, it had distinctive boundaries. The main road, Cabra Road, bounded it to the south and the railway lines of the spur line from Kingsbridge and the main line to Broadstone closed it off to the north and east. Ratoath Road closed the development to the west and this led the traveller north-eastwards across the Eighth Lock bridge. It can be seen that, despite the pressure to build, density of development was still low though it is hard to describe the geometry of the 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 224

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#" The Cabra West development. (geographia plan, Q:Q5,84P, Q958.)

## An aerial view of the Cabra West development from the west with the church of the Most Precious Blood at the left edge. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 225

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scheme. Fassaugh Avenue cuts through on a roughly east-west direction before it plunges towards the Cabra Road at its western end and is the main route within the development. Some QR acres (4.8 ha) were reserved for social and recreational uses. In the centre is a large green space and this is the focus of a series of concentric roads. The circular form is maintained only to the south of the green space and the outer ring leads down towards the second major green space. In fact, in a little touch of renaissance planning, the central road, Inver Road, lines up with the central axis of the southern park around Drumcliffe Road and that of the larger green space. To the north of this space the roads run parallel to Fassaugh Avenue. The rectangular green space is very much the focus of Cabra West and the decision of the diocese of Dublin to build here ensured that the parish church was at the heart of the community. The site was big enough and on rising ground to ensure that the Church of the Most Precious Blood became the focus of the development, together with its associated schools and the nearby shops. As a matter of policy, Dublin Corporation did not at that time permit the establishment of pubs within its housing schemes. The forces against such provision included the churches of all denominations and the garda Síochána. However, the Cabra West Civic Association noted in Q945 on the occasion of a special meeting of Dublin Corporation Housing Committee (Irish Times, R7 October Q945, p. Q) that of QRP people interviewed in the area, only twelve were against the establishment of licenced premises. The other element of interest was that the Corporation actively sought to encourage industry into the area by seeking in December Q938 a site of approximately 4.5 acres (Q.8ha) for a factory (Irish Times, Q3 December Q938, p. Q4). One notable success was the Bachelor’s canning factory which opened in Q945 on Bannow Road at the northern edge. While Dinan and Sons made doors and other ﬁttings in the Q95Ps, it was clearly not easy to lease all the sites. The chairman of Bachelor’s had noted in his speech to the company’s annual general meeting that they had been persuaded to come there, having previously decided to locate in Santry where they had already obtained a site (Irish Times, R8 August Q943, p. 3). The Cabra West scheme was underway in early Q94P. Plans and speciﬁcations were approved on 3P January and in March Q94P, it was announced that the tender for section Qa of the scheme, R53 cottages, had been awarded to Messrs Fearon for the sum of £QQ8,Q76 Rs. 6d. (Report Q8/Q94P, p. QR3). This was an atypical scheme of four-roomed houses and they were to be built on the model that had been employed in Crumlin and 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 226

RR6 DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

#$ House styles in Ellenﬁeld. variations on these styles were used in many schemes. Above shows the three-roomed style.

$ House styles in Ellenﬁeld. This style was often used to give deﬁnition to a terrace, often at the junction of roads where a vista was possible. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 227

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other locations. Fearons were later awarded contracts on R7 July for foun - dations for 469 houses and for foundations for a further 6R4 houses on Q9 August. H. & J. Martin were awarded a contract for R5P houses in section Ra on R8 May (Report 3P/Q94P, p. Q87). Further tenders followed and by the end of Q94Q some Q,3QR houses were reported as being completed in Carnlough Road, Dingle Road, Drumcliffe Road, Dunmanus Road, Fassaugh Avenue, Inver Road, Rataoth Road and Swilly Road. The house type was largely of the two-bedroomed style, written of above, with about 65 sq. m. (7PP sq. ft) of floor space and very large gardens (up to 4P m. (Q3P ft) in some cases). As in other developments, houses were built in short terraces with setbacks. Semi-detached pairs were often located at the apex of major junctions. There were two main styles. The first offered two windows to the front with a lintel over the door and a coloured course differentiating the stories. The second style was used in the larger terraces and involved the central two houses having a hip roof at right angles to the main roof. Most of the houses had concrete render, though red brick was also used on some of the main street frontages. It was a similar model to that used earlier in Crumlin and in Ellenfield and Larkhill. It seems that the builders introduced some minor variations from scheme to scheme but the general pattern was the same. Development continued during the war years and Cabra West was substantially complete by the end of Q946. The approximate sequence was as follows: Year Location Houses Q94R Kilkieran Road 94 Q94R Mulroy Road 5Q Q943 Bannow Road RP7 Q943 Drumcliffe Road 4P Q944 Killala Road RPR Q944 Liscannor Road 5R Q945 Broombridge Road QQ9 Q945 ventry Road 36 Q946 ventry Drive Q7 Q946 ventry Park QQ9

Donnycarney The Donnycarney scheme was undertaken in the second half of the Q94Ps. There had been a previous development earlier in Q9R9–3Q which was a mixture of tenant purchase and private housing. The house prices at that time 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 228

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$ The two Donnycarney schemes and the nearby Belton Park private development. (geographia plan, Q:Q5,84P, Q958.)

ranged from £3PP to £38P (McManus, RPPR). This second scheme at Donnycarney was different in that it was for rental and this gave it a distinctive character because its social composition did not change as much over time as was the case for the purchased houses nearby. Thus even in the Q97Ps and Q98Ps, the socio-demographic character of this area was different to that of the surrounding neighbourhoods (Brady, Q975). This development was located on land bounded by the eastern side of the Malahide Road and Collins Avenue with Q5P houses completed along Collins Avenue itself. The houses were approximately 6P sq. m. (645 sq. ft) in area, like Cabra, with long gardens (Q6 m. (5R ft) was not unusual) to the rear and a smaller one to the front. The same design was employed as in the other schemes mentioned above and most houses were three roomed. The houses are in short terraces of varying sizes up to eight houses and setbacks are used. Rather more redbrick was used along Collins Avenue than elsewhere in the scheme and attempts were made to give additional character by varying the colour of brick courses on some of the concrete-faced houses. As in all of the schemes described above, there was no provision for car ownership and local roads were narrow. The sequence of building was approximately as follows: 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 229

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Year Location Houses Q947 Clanawley Road 54 Q947 Clanhugh Road 64 Q947 Clanmahon Road 63 Q947 Clanranald Road Q4R Q947 Clanree Road 53 Q947 Collins Avenue East Q5P Q947 Kilbride Road 5 Q947 Killester Avenue 6Q Q948 Clanboy Road RR Q948 Clancarthy Road 7R Q948 Clanmaurice Road 95 Q948 Clanmoyle Road 4R Q948 Clondonagh Road 48 Q948 Malahide Road Q9

While the development at Cabra was a radial extension of the earlier development and the Crumlin schemes all added to a more or less coherent whole, it seemed that the Corporation had decided to build Collins Avenue in smaller and separate developments (see below). The Ellenfield and Larkhill developments were at the western end of the Avenue, leaving a considerable amount of unbuilt land between them. It is as if the decision was to fill in the spaces at the major junctions first where the road network was already developed and allow the areas to expand as they were needed.

Review and refocus

The city manager reported to Dublin Corporation on progress in Q94R and his report suggested that matters were going well (Report 45/Q94R).

Cottage Schemes (as of September $ ) Crumlin North R,P64 of a planned R,49R dwellings completed Cabra West 558 of a planned RR6Q completed Rutland Avenue Foundations in for 4P9 cottages of a planned Q,Q58 Donnycarney Roads and sewers were in place Crumlin South Roads and sewers being constructed Sarsﬁeld Road Roads and sewers being constructed 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 230

R3P DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

There was a full review undertaken of Dublin Corporation’s plans in Q944. The Corporation had done very well in that they had built 8,R57 dwellings over the period of the plan, though they seemed disappointed that the target of QR,PPP had not been reached. They had, though, ‘succeeded in keeping ahead of increasing demand’ (p. 74). This failure to reach the target was not caused by a lack of will on the part of the Corporation but due to circum - stances outside its control. It was a simple case of supplies not being available and a developing problem of tradesmen being attracted by higher wages in the UK. This explained why the projects in Newmarket, Donore Avenue, Rialto and Donnycarney were effectively in abeyance and, as has been described above, it was to take some years to get momentum going again (Report QP/Q944). However, the Constitution Hill and Whitefriar Street plans were cancelled for town planning reasons (p. 7P). In the latter case it was a conflict between housing and road development and the advice was to do nothing in the short term (Report 3/Q948, p. 7P). The target for the next five years (from Q944) was 7,5PP houses at a cost of about £7m. The locations were largely the same as those mentioned above: Cabra West, Donnycarney, Rialto, Donore Avenue. There was further development planned for the general Crumlin area around Rutland Avenue and on unbuilt land to the north and south of the district as well as some further development in Ballyfermot around Sarsfield Road. It was also intended to add to the developments already completed along Collins Avenue, Ellenfield and Larkhill. The target was impressive but, as the city manager noted in April Q946 (Report 3Q/Q946), it was less than half what was advocated by the Housing Inquiry, which suggested that an annual output of 3,7PP houses was needed. This amount comprised 4PP for other classes and the remainder for the working classes. The Q939–43 Inquiry suggested that Q,RPP units would be built by outside agencies. This left a gap of Q,PPP units per year between what the Corporation felt was possible and what the Inquiry reckoned was needed. Clearly something would have to be done to bridge this. Part of the solution was for direct building by Dublin Corporation. This was hardly a novel idea since Associated Properties had been doing it for a decade but there was a marked reluctance on the part of the authorities to go down that road. Here, too, the Corporation was of one mind with Associated Properties who had argued that greater State support was needed. Dr Hernon noted that the State support for housing has continued to fall below costs. When the subsidy scale was established in Q93R, the maximum housing cost that could be supported 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 231

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was £5PP. This was adequate at the time because the average ‘all-in’ building cost for a dwelling was £56P for a ﬂat and £43P for a cottage. By Q945, costs had risen considerably so that £85P was now the average construction cost of a house. As Dublin Corporation came to review progress in Q948, they noted that there were still delays in the system, though there had been an improvement. There was no delay on the part of the Corporation in placing contracts once tenders had been agreed and the supply position was improving. However, there was still a serious shortage of some skilled trades. Over the years of the plan they had managed to complete R,778 units with a further Q,5Q3 in course of erection (Report 55/Q948). Sites had been obtained and contracts could be issued immediately for a further Q,RQ9 dwellings and projects totalling R,449 dwellings could be brought on stream within two years.

Year Dwellings completed Year Dwellings completed Q944 7P5 Q947 4RR Q945 6Q8 Q948 476 Q946 557

Dwellings in course of erection Donnycarney 4Q4 Sarsﬁeld Road 7QP Rialto Flats (Named Fatima Mansions March Q949) 389

Sites acquired – contracts could be issued immediately Cabra West 5R Sarsﬁeld Road 887 Donore Avenue Flats RRP

By Q949, the ambition had moved to the production of 3,PPP dwellings per year. This was going to be facilitated by the use of direct labour and the use of new building techniques. An important element was the planned completion of 4,PPP houses in the Finglas area. To that end, it was reported in March Q949 that QPP acres (4P ha) had been obtained at Cardiff’s Lane in Finglas (Report R8/Q949). There was much discussion about making use of the techniques that had been developed during the War in the UK to provide emergency housing. The Dublin Housing Consultative Council (a grouping from the various councils), together with oﬃcials of the State, viewed various projects and looked at the use of prefabs, concrete slabs and wooden and 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 232

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aluminium housing. They concluded that these could not yet compete with brick-built housing either in terms of cost or quality. They did not rule them out though, feeling that they might have a part to play in the housing emergency that the city was experiencing (Report 9R/Q948, p. R85). The debate about cottages versus flats was reanimated during the Q94Ps. Nothing about the argument was new as it involved subjective judgement on what was ‘better’. It had continued unresolved since working-class subur - banisation had first been discussed in the early years of the century. Advocates argued that it was better to house people close to their original location than to move them to suburban locations. In the city centre they were spared transport costs, were closer to employment and had the support structure of their community. This was despite the fact that central city flats cost more to build than suburban cottages because of the greater complexity in building and the need to clear the site. While in earlier generations, the Corporation had contemplated building cottages in central areas (see Mc Manus, RPPR) in places such as St Joseph’s Parade, Trinity Ward and Cook Street, this was no longer on the agenda. Only flats made sense because of the densities which the schemes needed to achieve to maintain a reasonable proportion of the original population in situ. The Irish Times had long been an opponent of city centre flat building and it entered the fray again in Q95R when it seemed that there was a decided shift towards flats. What was going on in Europe and in the UK, more particularly, had probably raised their concern. Post-war improvements in building techniques had made the building of high-rise apartment blocks much easier than before and these were increasingly being seen as the solutions to inner city housing problems. The theoretical underpinning of architects such as Le Corbusier provided a framework for such development though what was built rarely came even close to the holistic approach to urban living that had been suggested. Peter Hall (RPPR) was not impressed when he wrote ‘the evil that Corbusier did lives after him: the good perhaps interred with his books, which are seldom read for the simple reason that most are unreadable’ (p. RP4). Whether that comment is fair or not, it was clear even to the casual reader that the high rise and regimented living advocated by Le Corbusier would work only in a society with shared goals and values. In any event, the Irish Times was worried and advanced five arguments against flats in the central areas. They were more expensive, they wasted space that might be devoted to the city’s enrichment, they were dangerous to young life in that children could easily get in the way of harm from traffic, they were unhealthy and they did 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 233

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not satisfy the need in every Irish man and women to possess a ‘home of their own’. The paper also observed that flats served as a ‘breeding ground of bad and dangerous notions’. In fact, ‘there is every reason to believe that, if and when Communism gains a foothold in this country, it will find a forcing-bed in the big blocks of flats’. Quoting the archbishop of York’s arguments in favour of houses rather than flats, the editorial argued for an effective planning scheme that would produce a rational decentralisation of the city, removing the illogical distinction between city and county and integrating the decen - tralization of industry with the decentralisation of popu lation. These were remarkably communist ideas! (see Miliutin, Q974). They had taken on board Abercrombie’s ideas for satellite towns and they asked ‘is there any reason why it should not plan for industries in association with housing colonies at a distance of anything between five and ten miles from the city’s heart?’ (Irish Times, R5 April Q95R, p. 5).

Re-conditioning In Q938, the Housing Committee of Dublin Corporation recognised that there was value in providing grants to private individuals to refurbish tenement buildings as long as they did so to a proper standard and as long as the rents were controlled (Report 6/Q938, p. 4R). There was no suggestion that they saw this as an activity for the Corporation itself. This changed in the Q94Ps and the Corporation embraced extensive programmes of compulsory purchase and refurbishment, beginning with the areas around the gloucester Diamond. It seems likely that this policy development was driven more by necessity than by principle. Clearances were expensive and the process was lengthy: reconditioning bought time. At a time when it was increasingly diﬃcult to maintain the pace of the housing programme, let alone meet the housing need, it permitted earlier intervention. Clearances could be put off for a while at least and this also had the advantage of keeping a community reasonably intact. Many of the city’s tenement buildings were in private hands and in disrepair and there was recognition that the owners were not likely to do anything to improve matters as they waited for clearance orders. This ensured that conditions would worsen for those living in these houses. When this is coupled with the Corporation’s own estimate that there was a need in Q944 to house some Q8,8PP families, the case for reconditioning can be seen to be very strong. The Housing Committee expressed itself as being ‘satisﬁed that this class of reconditioning can make a contribution to the housing problem by obviating extensive demolition of old multi-storied tenement properties, incidentally preserving the character of the city’ (Report QP/Q944, p. 73). 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 234

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While the collapse of tenement buildings was not entirely unknown, the fatalities resulting from the collapse of two houses in Old Bride Street in Q94Q may also have impacted on decision making. It was all the more poignant because those killed were due to move imminently to new Corporation housing in Kimmage (Irish Times, R June Q94Q, p. Q). The policy change can been seen in that the environs of the gloucester Diamond, together with Watling Street, had been declared a clearance area in Q938 (Report 33/Q938). At the public inquiry in Q94Q as part of the compulsory purchase process for the gloucester Diamond area, it was planned to clear the area and provide new flats (Irish Times, 3 December Q94Q, p. 3). At that time, there were 49P families living there and the proposal was for 44R flats with space for a church and a small park. However, by Q945 this had been included in the area for reconditioning, causing the Irish Times to complain that this was a radical departure from policy (Q8 October Q945, p. 3). They argued that hitherto the choice had been between cheap cottages on the outskirts or expensive flats in the city. The concept of renovation introduced another variable and they doubted that it had been subjected to proper analysis. They pointed to the lack of open and playground spaces in the renovated schemes which, in any event, at £Q,PPP per flat were far more expensive than anything being built in the suburbs. They doubted the need for people to be kept close to their place of work given the improvements in transport. A rejoinder from Dr Hernon argued that the Irish Times was wrong, that the schemes were entirely in line with the good planning of the city and that they were complementary to the cottage building in the suburbs (Irish Times, RP October Q945, p. 3). He also dismissed the point that no play space was included and noted that the density of redevelopment was considerably less than the then present density. Reconditioning required compulsory purchase and there are many examples in the Q94Ps of reports of the required inquiry into the compulsory purchase. Many landlords were clearly relieved to be rid of their properties but there was not universal acquiescence. In particular, there was a concerted move to bring the entire Summerhill / gardiner Street area into Corporation control. It has already figured strongly in the discussion here as one of the city’s housing black spots. In October Q945, there was a compulsory purchase order for numbers Q to 44 Rutland Street Lower that involved 43 houses and which would ultimately house Q7R families. Here it was noted that some of the houses might be in danger of collapse in the near future. At another such inquiry on Q6 November Q945, it was noted that to that point, work had been 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 235

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$ The Sean MacDermott Street area before reconditioning. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet Q8(vII), Q939.) 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 236

R36 DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

completed on R87 dwellings, it was continuing on R37 dwellings and there was a total contemplated of 83P reconditioned dwellings at a total cost of £Q.35m (Irish Times, Q7 October, p. 4). The reconditioning principle was to create self-contained flats, each with water, gas, electricity and sanitary provision. A bath was being included in the most recent developments. An important scheme from the point of visibility included Upper Sean MacDermott Street, Marlborough Street, Waterford Street and Lower gardiner Street where it was intended to recondition some 35 houses. There were 357 families in these houses but the new flats, com - prising units with two or three rooms with kitchenette, would accommodate only Q74, revealing the perennial problem with such programmes in main - taining pre-existing densities. A review at the end of Q948 (Report 55/Q948) indicated that a total of 55Q dwellings had been completed and a further 753 dwellings were awaiting completion. These were located in the gloucester Diamond (7), North Strand (QP), Sean MacDermott Street (R6P), gardiner’s Place (QQ), Summerhill (Q7R), grenville Street (74) and York Street (QR9). It was reported that 45 flats would be provided in Upper Buckingham Street and a further R4P in Hardwicke Street. Compulsory purchase orders were in preparation for York Street (QR9), Lower gardiner Street (44), North great george’s Street (48), Lower Dominick Street (Q8P) and great Charles Street (Q3Q).

Year Flats completed through reconditioning programmes Q944 QPQ Q945 Q38 Q946 QQ4 Q947 8Q Q948 77 The reconditioning process continued as the decade ended. Thus on Q4 September Q949, there was the usual public inquiry into a compulsory purchase order. This time it related to numbers 98 to QP4 Lower gardiner Street and 98 to QPP Lower Sean MacDermott Street. While this was a relatively small purchase of only ten houses, it completed the acquisition of the gardiner Street frontage. It was explained that 48 families were housed in the ten houses, 4P of which occupied only one room each with the remainder in two rooms each. The intention was to create forty-four self-contained apartments so that, in this case, there would be little displacement. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 237

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This programme of renewal preserved this part of the urban landscape for a time, but it was only a partial and ultimately temporary solution. The area continued its downward spiral until the early Q98Ps when it ﬁnally succumbed to a more comprehensive redevelopment, a decade too early for the Celtic Tiger redevelopments, which might have seen the georgian houses preserved.

Large-scale flat development When it was first decided to deal with the poor quality housing in the Newfoundland Street area, it seems that there was some talk about building houses. very quickly, however, the decision was made to build a scheme of 576 flats with 3R shops and approval was obtained from the Minister in Q938 (Report QP/Q938). The process of de-tenanting began in Q94Q, following the declaration of the area as a clearance area and that the dwellings were unfit for human habitation (Report 36/Q94Q, p. QR3). By Q94R it was reported that close to Q5P flats were almost complete, but it was realized that further progress was going to be slow because of the shortages referred to above

$ The Newfoundland Street site before development. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet Q8(vIII), Q938.) 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 238

R38 DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

$ The Dolphin House site before development. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet Q8(XIv), Q943.)

(Report 45/Q94R, p. Q8P). Although it was decided to consider renovation of some of the empty housing as a stop gap measure, the earlier plan to replace the dwellings was quickly reverted to, and building finally got going from Q948. By December Q948 a tender had been accepted for R96 flats at Newfoundland Street (later to be named St Bridget’s gardens) at a cost of £44P,PPP (Irish Times, QQ December Q948, p. 3). In gross terms this was an average cost of £Q,5PP per flat compared to a cost of £Q,P6P per house for a scheme of seventy houses in Crumlin approved at the same time. The Housing Director, Mr T.C. O’Mahony, at the monthly meeting of Dublin Corporation in September Q948 declared that it was the intention to acquire every site in the city that could be acquired, especially if it could be used to accommodate flats. In spring Q949, Dublin Corporation reported that it had 3,P88 dwellings in construction, of which Q,4P4 were flats. The flats could be further sub-divided into new (83R) and reconditioned (57R). The south-western sector of the inner city was a particular focus for flat development, though there was also building in Irishtown, and over the next five or so years the Fatima Mansions (Rialto), Dolphin House and St Theresa’s gardens complexes were completed. The Dolphin’s House site comprised 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 239

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$ Aerial view of the Fatima Mansions development at completion, early Q95P. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 240

R4P DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

$! Flat development in Irishtown, Q948–9.

Q9 ha (46 acres) and involved the clearance of 48 houses, which were described as being at an advanced stage of decay. At the official opening of Fatima Mansions, it was noted that the cost per unit had been £Q,576 (Irish Times, 4 March Q949). The scheme was built by g. &. T. Crampton and comprised five blocks of flats at the time with considerable open space. A total of 389 flats were contemplated in the scheme but at the time of the opening some Q39 had been completed. There was provision within the complex for flats of different sizes and the rents reflected this. A three-roomed flat cost 9s. per week, a four-roomed flat cost Q5s. and a five-roomed flat cost Q8s. 9d., which was the same rate as for a private house rental offered by Associated Properties.

Rents

In addition to the question of the volume of housing, there was the vexed question of paying for it. Associated Properties had regularly made the case that they catered for the better-off working class, leaving Dublin Corporation to house those who could not afford economic rents. The Q939 Housing Inquiry had examined this question and concluded that a system of differential 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:40 Page 241

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rents was warranted, reflecting a family’s ability to pay. Dr Hernon responded to this in a report to the Housing Committee in April Q946 (Report 3Q/Q946). He did not disagree with the concept but he was clearly worried at the prospect of large numbers paying less than they did at that time. He wondered if rents were to be lower for some section of tenants, must they not be raised for the others. He advocated a standard (but below economic rent) for those who could afford it, which could then be abated taking the financial circumstances of the tenant into account. However, although he did not provide detailed figures, it was certain that without substantially increasing rent for some tenants, a system of differential rents must inevitably have resulted in a reduction of Dublin Corporation’s rental income and thus in its capacity to build and maintain dwellings. Hernon was also concerned about the possibility of organized resistance and he advocated that differential rents should not be proceeded with at that time. He was correct to have been concerned about the reception of the idea of differential rents. By early Q95P, Dublin Corporation indicated that it intended to introduce such a system, just as soon as it obtained detailed information on the incomes of its tenants. From a tenant’s point of view this was both good and bad. It meant that the Corporation was not going to impose some arbitrary economic rent but it also meant that it was intended to take what they felt was a ‘fair’ share of income. The reaction was negative once people found out that some currently paying between QPs. and QRs. per week were likely to see increases to R7s. 6d. per week. By summer Q95P, the level of opposition was such that the Corporation decided that the scheme would apply only to lettings made since R6 June Q95P. If they hoped that this would quell opposition, they were to be disappointed. The opposition continued with tenants’ associations in a variety of areas organizing protests. Thus, candidates for the forthcoming municipal elections were asked at a meeting of the North Donnycarney Tenant’s Association in August Q95P to state their position. Comments at that meeting, reported in the Irish Times (3Q August, p. Q), suggested that solidarity was not strong among the tenants as one of the principal objections was that the ‘industrious worker, or family, would have to pay for people who did not and would not work’. It was noted that the ‘harder a man worked, the more rent he would have to pay, at a rate of 3s. 4d. in the £’. It was also noted that existing tenants were not safe in that they would move to a differential rent system if they ever moved house. It was still a live issue in Q95Q when eight members of the Ballyfermot Branch of the House and Room Dwellers’ Protection Society (Irish Times, 8 May Q95Q, p. Q) 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 242

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protested outside Dublin City Hall about the system in Ballyfermot and Crumlin. They carried placards with slogans such as ‘Differential Rent – Housewives’ Lament’ or ‘Newly-weds-One ﬁfth of your pay keeps the bailiffs away’. They complained that those who moved in after the moratorium date of R6 June were paying as much as £Q 8s. 6d. per week compared to earlier tenants who were still paying Q3s. 7d. This was a debate and an argument that was set to rumble on throughout the Q95Ps and, indeed, it is arguable that it has never been resolved.

Social mix

One of the most innovative ideas of the Q9RPs was Dublin Corporation’s ‘Reserved Areas’ scheme. As Ruth McManus has shown, this was a realization by the Corporation that a better result could be obtained in larger schemes if a good social mix could be assured within the general area. This would raise the average income of the development and help ensure a better range of services would be made available. In the case of Marino, this took the form of using private housing to border the development. These houses were larger and better finished and they improved the appearance of the suburb. Public utility societies were an important component in the reserved areas but private companies and individuals were also involved. The spatial organization was different in the case of Drumcondra where the reserved area comprised a separate development to the north of the Corporation scheme, though it was also largely developed by public utility societies. Thereafter the scale of reserved areas diminished somewhat, though the Associated Properties scheme in Drimnagh might be seen as fulfilling the same purpose, given its proximity to the Corporation developments. However, it was not strictly speaking a ‘reserved area’. The decision by Associated Properties to build there was their own and it was financed by a loan of £Q75,PPP under the Trade Loan guarantee Act, facilitated by the Department of Industry and Commerce. The general decrease in reserved areas was due to the perceived need to build as much as possible for the direct clients of the Corporation on the land that they obtained. When it came to building in Crumlin North, for example, the plan was for approximately R,76P dwellings but provision was made initially only for QRP houses to be built by private enterprise on the more important road frontages (Irish Times, QP November Q936, p. 5). A report by the City Engineer and the Town Planning Officer in response to the Housing Inquiry was produced in December Q945 and published in the 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 243

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$" Private housing on the Philipsburgh Avenue edge of the Marino scheme, Q9R8.

$# Private housing on the Home Farm Road edge of the Drumcondra scheme, Q9R8.

Corporation reports for Q947 (Report 8/Q947, pp 54–78). They were of the view that the earlier policy of providing very large areas of single-class housing, such as had been done in Crumlin and Cabra West, should not be repeated. The experience had not been good and there had been complaints about the 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 244

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lack of community development. Instead, they argued that future develop - ments should be kept to a reasonable size and every one should be tenanted with the greatest possible social mix. One measure that they felt might be innovative was the insertion of small pockets (ﬁfty or so houses) of social housing into middle-class housing (p. 6Q). These arguments were accepted by the Housing Committee and city manager and were further developed during Q948. The Housing Committee expressed the view in March that land for private building should be offered only to public utility societies, people building for their own occupation or public utility societies building properties for letting (Report 68/Q948, pp RQR ff). However, the legal advice given to them was that this would be problematic and that they would be wiser to offer land on a tender basis to those speciﬁed in the Housing Amendment Act of Q948, which was a somewhat wider constituency. This would make sites available to the following:

• persons building for occupation by themselves; • public utility societies building for their members; • public utility societies building to let to the working class; • persons building for letting to others.

The city manager reiterated that there was no intention ever to build on the scale of Crumlin again and that the aim was to select sites that were well separated. This can be seen in how the development of Collins Avenue was managed, and it was the ﬁnal step in ensuring the fragmented social structure of the northside of the city. There was no potential to do this on the southside where the spatial structure was now ﬁxed. In the Manager’s view, the principle was to provide a great portion of land for private dwellings in proximity to the Corporation’s own developments. He suggested that in any scheme, half of the houses should be provided to those in the greatest need (the priority classes) with one quarter being made available at economic rent and one quarter being made available to public utility societies and others for purchase or letting. He argued, however, that such was the need for priority housing that he did not see it being likely that the second type of housing could be provided for some time. Almost immediately, the Corporation moved to make land available on Collins Avenue. They envisaged some 7P houses to the north and south of Collins Avenue adjoining Larkhill and 8P houses on the west and east sides of 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 245

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the Swords Road in the same vicinity. This resulted in successful bids in Q948 by the Magnificat Family guild (Q6 sites and a further QP in Q949) and the Mamey Co-operative group (QP sites) (Report 68/Q948). A little later in the year, the Self Reliance Building Association (QP houses), the Civil Service Housing Society (4) and the National Federation of ex-Servicemen (4) were also allocated sites (Report 86/Q948). Later bids were accepted from the Nephin Housing Society (8 houses) and the North City Public Utility Society (3 houses) in September Q949 (Report 77/Q949/77). Other locations deemed suitable included Blind Lane in Cabra West where the Corporation was interested in offering 6P sites for private dwellings in Q949 (Report R/Q949) and on St Agnes Road and St Agnes Park (Report R8/Q949) in Crumlin which was near the Corporation’s own development in Captain’s Lane, where they also accepted a tender of £47,QP3 from H. & J. Martin in March for forty- one houses, bringing the total for that contract to Q53 houses. Dublin Corporation also took the opportunity of a proposal by guinness to complete a development in Terenure (Report R9/Q948). The Corporation had acquired 4R acres (Q7ha) in Q936 and had built 3Q3 houses. There had been considerable opposition from local ratepayers in Mayfield Road, Eaton Square, Terenure Park and Ashdale Road (Irish Times, Q4 May Q936, p. 8) to the development and the Corporation had agreed that forty per cent of housing would be of a ‘better type’. Since guinness proposed to build houses of at least four rooms plus a kitchen and bathroom, it was felt that this would meet this promise. guinness stated that they wanted to build really good houses at an average net cost of £Q,5PP. This was much more than a private three- bedroomed semi-detached house cost on the open market at the time (see below). guinness intended building at least QPP houses and had actually built R3P by the time the development was complete in the early years of the Q95Ps. The problem of provision for the better-off working class persisted. These included people with higher salaries or fewer children. One group for which there were repeated efforts to secure some housing was newly-weds. For some time, the response was that the demand for the priority groups was such that nothing could be done to dilute the provision for them. While the Housing Committee was of the view that ten per cent of housing should be allocated to newly-weds, the city manager worried about the legal basis for making such an allocation (Report 8/Q947, p. R3). It took some more time before the argument in favour was finally won and a scheme was in place by Q95P (Report 77/Q949). The process was to allocate the greater of RPP houses or ten per cent of the total number built in a year to those married in the previous 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 246

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five years. They also needed to meet income and residence criteria in that they had to have been living in Dublin for five years and be earning between £3 and £7 QPs. per week. The first stage involved the allocation of RPP houses in the scheme around Sarsfield Road in March Q95P (Irish Times, R4 February, p. 8) and it was expected at the time that there would be between 3,PPP and 4,PPP applicants. It was proposed that these tenants would pay on a differential basis on a scale which ranged from QRs. 6d. per week for those with pay of less than £3 QPs. to R8s. 6d. for those whose income ranged from £7 to £7 QPs.

Housing the middle classes

The middle classes were a minority in the city of Dublin and, given the tendency or the necessity to rent, house purchasers were an even smaller group. Much property seems to have been purchased for rental and houses were often touted as being very good investments. Building for this group was relatively quiet in Q93P, if the activities of public utility societies were discounted, but there was confidence in the business for the future. In the business reports of the newspapers there was optimism and talk of sales of large estates for building. One such was a report that an estate of 5P acres (RP ha) had been bought for houses in the top £Q,75P to £R,PPP range while sites in Terenure had been obtained for houses that would cost between £Q,65P and £Q,85P. Though the market was quiet, there was still an excess of demand over supply (Irish Times, R6 December Q93Q, p. 4). The view at the end of Q93R was that the market had suffered from the general gloom of the Depression. Credit had tightened as building societies, insurance companies and others became much more cautious. Demand for residential properties fell during the year but, once again, there seemed to be a balance between supply and demand and prices for houses under £R,PPP held up. However, it proved impossible to sell anything in the upper reaches of the market (Irish Times, 3Q December Q93R, p. 4). This relative gloom seems to have shifted quickly, because in Q934 there was quite a surge in building but this was not reflected in any significant reduction in prices. It seemed that the market was picking up. It was noted that demand for houses in the £7PP to £Q,PPP range was strong but there was worry that any drying up of funds under the Small Dwellings Acquisition Act would hurt the market if it was prolonged (Irish Times, RR December, p. 5). The review of the property market in Q937 (Irish Times, R4 December, p. QR) contained nothing remarkable. Prices had remained steady with some increase 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 247

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noticed at the end of the year following the increased costs resultant on the strike in the building industry. The main point was that it seemed that most good building land within easy reach of the city and with services developed had become scarce and commanded between £3PP and £5PP per acre. It seems that the reports were a fair reflection of the reality, though most of the market operated well below the high prices mentioned. There was little change in the price of houses as estates were built during the Q93Ps. Changes to subsidies and grants were the largest drivers of price increases and a good house could be obtained for under £Q,PPP. The top end of the market was reached at about £Q,5PP for a detached house and there were few speculative builders who would have attempted to sell houses above £R,PPP. All that is available in terms of a price index is the annual change in the consumer price index but calibrating that with Q93P as the base line shows that prices as a whole fell during the decade, rising only towards the end with the decade, finishing 4 per cent ahead of the Q93Ps figure. They began to rise rapidly thereafter. By Q94P, the impact of the war was being felt on the availability of building materials. This affected speculative builders more than local authorities who were given priority access and building gradually slowed down. However, this did not dampen demand to the same extent and the resulting shortage saw prices soar. Despite the freeze on wages in most sectors, it seemed that people had money or access to it and there were fewer items on which to spend it. There was a surge in prices generally and a surge in house prices in particular, which continued when building started to take off again, fuelled by controls in the private sector which kept supply down. Thus the review of the property market in Q946 showed that ‘the ruling prices for good modern houses and even those of the basement class (regarded as inferior even in good areas) were in the region of £3,5PP. These houses would have sold well in Q938 or Q939 at something like £Q,5PP’ (Irish Times, 9 January Q947, p 6). These were houses at the upper end of the market but it was also the case that whereas £75P to £85P would have purchased a good three-bedroomed house before the war, that £Q,5PP was now a more realistic price. The CPI in Q949 was 86 points higher than in Q93P but the rise on Q939 was 79 points. The only comfort available to would-be purchasers at the time was that the rate of increase appeared to be slowing down, though that was to prove not to be the case. In summary, houses were much more expensive at the end of the Q94Ps than at the beginning, yet demand was strong. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 248

R48 DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

Where and from whom to buy

In the nineteenth century, private building tended to be completed by sole traders or small companies. These built houses in small lots and used the finance realized from prior sales to fund new developments. They sometimes lived in the developments, moving as the houses were completed. It was ‘hand to mouth’ in many cases but it was possible for a single builder to have a dramatic impact on the landscape over a long period. Ruth McManus (RPPR) has shown how Alexander Strain operated in this manner during the early decades of the twentieth century. It was only in the latter years of his career that he built on a more substantial scale in his Cremore development. Nonetheless, he was responsible for much of Drumcondra, even though he was not able to control the spatial planning of his development to the degree that he wished. Strain was ‘old school’, however, and by the Q93Ps there was a growing trend towards larger developments built as an entity or ‘estate’. His son-in-law g.M. Linzell was a good example of this new approach in his building of Hampstead Hill in the Q93Ps. In fact, Linzell was one of the more interesting developers of the Q93Ps. This contrast was evident in the building programmes of the Q93Ps. There were still builders who built on a small scale, a little at a time and confined their developments to a small area. Others operated within a particular geographical area and tended not to stray outside it but built on a larger scale, sometimes with a number of developments going on at the same time. Then there were the large-scale developers who built here and there, wherever the opportunity presented itself, even building on both sides of the city. An example of the older approach may be seen in Shandon Park in Phibsborough, a long straight road that runs parallel to the Royal Canal. Shandon Park is quite narrow and the houses are terraced with no provision made for cars. However, the houses were well built in red brick with large sash windows and about 83 sq. m. (9PP sq. feet) of space with a long garden of about Q8 m. (6P feet). The houses had three-bedrooms with a living and dining room, a kitchen and a bathroom. They harked back to an earlier time but they were considerably larger than the current style of Corporation houses, though smaller than many private houses on the southside. From Q9R3 onwards, there was a regular column in the Irish Times listing the developments which had been approved by the Corporation. The first mention of a new road near Shandon Road was in Q93P (Irish Times, RQ March, p. 3) by builder george F. Byrne, an active member of the Dublin and District Housebuilders’ 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 249

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$$ Housing on Shandon Park, Phibsborough.

Association. This was followed by further permissions for blocks of six or nine houses in regular intervals over the next four years. The last mention was of permission for ﬁve houses in January Q934. In contrast, the Irish Construction Company obtained permission for a development of QRR houses in Everton Field, off the Old Cabra Road, in Q936 (Irish Times, 3P July Q936, p. 3). They had recently completed the much smaller Annaville Estate in Dundrum where houses were available for £7R5 and they announced the new development in an advertisement on R5 June Q936 (p. 3). They had also previously built substantial houses on Old Cabra Road in the tudor timbered style, a style which attracted the opprobrium of Manning Robertson, as well as on Cabra Drive which lies behind. The Cabra Drive houses were available in June Q935 at a price of £695. They were semi- detached, red bricked with bay windows. They offered 3 bedrooms with built in wardrobes and two reception rooms, along with bathroom and separate wc. The houses were sold papered and painted throughout and a garage space was provided. What was interesting about this development was that it was aimed at people who might otherwise rent. The terms offered showed that if one borrowed £55P at 5 per cent from Friends Provident and Century Life on 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 250

R5P DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

Shandon Park and its environs in Q938. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet Q8(III), Q938.)

College green, then with income tax relief, the house could be funded for Q6s. 9d. per week. Their ‘Everton Field’ estate was destined to become the glenbeigh development and houses here were available from early Q937 when they provided a show house for the ‘all-electric’ house. This was a substantial house, semi-detached with a hip roof and three bedrooms, together with a large garden and garage space for a car. However, from the point of view of the Irish Times, most of the residential development that merited attention was going on south of the Liffey. The work of Linzell in glasnevin was an honourable exception and his innovative use of materials, especially concrete, received mention. The social class differences between the two parts of the city, which had long existed, were now becoming ﬁxed in the landscape. Doubtless the large-scale building of social housing on both sides of the middle-class suburbs of Drumcondra and glasnevin had much to do with this. The prospective buyer was directed to a large number of developments in a variety of locations in the south-eastern suburbs, many across the border of the county borough. None, however, approached the development of the Mount Merrion estate in scale, variety or intensity of advertising. Lest there be any confusion about the status of the 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 251

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The Irish Construction Company development. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet Q8(vIII), Q938.) Note the contrast in density between this development and the Cabra social housing scheme to the north. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 252

R5R DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

Advertisement from Irish Times indicating the southside focus of ‘Irish Homes’. (R4 November Q934, p. 4.)

southside, an advertisement in the Irish Times for QP November Q934 (p. 4) for Irish Homes at Mount Merrion noted in capitals that ‘Messrs John Kenny and Sons, Harcourt Road, are not building “Irish Homes” on the north side’. In late Q933 and into Q934, the places to look for a new property, according to the Irish Times, were in Mount Merrion, granite Hall Estate, Richmond Hill Estate, Mountown in Dún Laoghaire, Newtown Park Avenue 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 253

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or Rowan Park in Blackrock, Cowper Road in Rathmines, Ramleh Park Estate in Milltown, Wilfield Park and gilford Park in Ballsbridge/Sandymount, Braemor Park or Castle Park Estate in Rathgar as well as Highfield Road in Dundrum. There was a positive surge in new private building during this period and it kept supply going for the next couple of years. Most were suburban and on the city’s edge, either along the southern boundary or parallel to the coast in Dún Laoghaire and Blackrock (see Chapter R). There was still a willingness, though, to build in well-developed locations in the old Pembroke and Rathmines area, while Sandmount was a popular and expensive choice as in Farney Park and later on gilford Road. However, there was less chance of a developer crossing the canal into the inner city. The choice on the northside was somewhat more limited. The most significant developments underway were in the Rosemount and Sion Hill Estate which lay to the north of griffith Avenue or adjacent to the Corporation’s Cabra development. Development was largely laissez-faire in that there was no town plan to control the location or spatial extent of development. Control comprised a concern for practical matters of water and sewerage. It was therefore reasonable to expect that areas which had proved successful for developers would continue to be developed.

Some examples of housing schemes From Q933/4, the prospective buyer could choose between new suburban developments in places such as Rathfarmham or Terenure or could choose a variety of coastal locations. For those who preferred to buy in settled areas there was inﬁll development in Sandymount. There was also a range of development available to purchasers who fancied living north of the Liffey but this was a smaller selection. Braemor Park was a small suburban development in Q934, with most of it comprising a cul-de-sac. gardens were large front and rear and the houses were very substantial, offering two reception rooms, four or ﬁve bedrooms, a large tiled kitchen, pantry, cloakroom with wc and basin, bathroom, separate wc and a linen press. A garage was provided, if desired and could be incorporated into the house. Perhaps surprisingly, there was very little redbrick employed but it is clear that customization of individual houses was possible. No price was indicated in these advertisements but it is reasonable to suggest that the house would have cost well over £Q,PPP. The families who could afford these houses could also afford servants and there is an advertisement seeking a ‘daily’ to look after a family of four in November Q934 (Irish Times, R November, p. Q). 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 254

R54 DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

Braemor Park and its environs in Q938. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet RR(vII), Q938.)

Later in Q936, there is an advertisement for a ‘very good class, capable girl (C. of I.), nice appearance, to take out little boy afternoons, R to 7 o’clock; some washing and needlework; must be very fond of children’ (Irish Times, 5 December Q936, p. R). If a location closer to the coast was more of interest, then the suggested location was the granite Hall Estate of M.P. Kennedy, builder of ‘ideal homes on ideal sites’. The estate comprised a small cul-de-sac parallel to glenageary Road Lower. The houses were mainly semi-detached with bay windows and detailing in brick around the front door. They also offered an extension, which was offset to the back of the housing giving a view onto the road. There were extensive gardens and a garage was provided for a car. However, there were alternatives. At about the same time, Mr Kennedy was building the Richmond Hill Estate and the larger Trimleston Estate in Merrion. The selling point for these houses was the location. They combined the ‘bracing freshness of the sea’ and the ‘sweet scents of timbered country’ with not having to live too far from town. There was also a concern to reassure about price. The houses were described as not very large but suﬃciently roomy and well laid-out such that they were available to people with a modest income. Kennedy announced his Richmond Hill Estate in Q935 (Irish Times, 8 June Q935, p. 4), describing it as the ‘most charming, convenient and desirable building site in the southern 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 255

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Richmond Hill. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet R3(vI&XI), Q939.)

‘Sunshine Houses in a Sylvan Setting’. (Irish Times, Q4 September Q935, p. 3.) suburbs’. The area was quiet and healthful and there was immediate access to rural roads, while the trams and train were only a few minutes away. He intended a development of QPP houses on the site and these were ‘sunshine houses in a sylvan setting’. So too were the houses he was to build in the 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 256

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Trimleston Estate. The Richmond Hill houses were substantial houses with three bedrooms, two reception rooms, bathroom, separate wc, kitchen and linen press. They were provided with garages and generous gardens but they were of rather plain design. There was little use of red brick though colour in the pebbledash enlivened the effect. The Trimleston houses followed the same basic design and there was nothing that would separate them from the houses being built at the same time in the north of the city. Kennedy did not complete the Trimleston development and seems to have withdrawn from business in Q945. There is an auction notice for the ‘Trimleston, granite Hall and Richmond Hill Estates’ for Wednesday RQ March Q945. It comprised an extensive building estate, ‘proﬁt ground rent’ and nineteen houses. His intention had been to build Q5P houses on the Trimleston development and he had the necessary approvals for that. By the time of the sale he was receiving a ground rent income for ﬁfty-nine houses on Trimleston Avenue, Trimleston Park and Trimleston gardens. Another feature of the sale was that he had not sold outright some eight houses on Richmond grove and a further nine on Upper Eden Road. He had been successful in renting these properties, though, and all were described as ‘let’ at the time of the sale. P. McAneney offered ‘ideal homes in ideal surroundings’ (as distinct from ‘ideal homes on ideal sites!’) and was the builder and contractor for a bungalow development on Lower Mounttown Road in Dún Laoghaire. This was unusual in that bungalows were initially on offer although standard semi- detached houses were built later. The bungalow was still a relatively unusual feature in Dublin, having been introduced into the city in the Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Land Trust development at Killester in the early Q9RPs (Brady, RPQP). There were only six in the McAneney development but they came in two versions. The smaller ones contained two bedrooms and one reception room and were available at £6R5. The larger version was priced at £Q,QPP and offered four bedrooms and three reception rooms. There was a bathroom, two wcs, a kitchen, scullery, pantry, cloakroom, garage and coal shed. It was expected that the owners would have a live-in servant, as a maid’s room was an additional feature. By December Q935 there was only one left of each, and McAneney noted that he was now building semi-detached houses at between £7R5 and £9PP (Irish Times, RQ December Q935, p. 4) while in another advertisement from Q4 March Q936 (p. 7) he offered houses from £6QP. It is not clear that he was particularly interested in bungalows; he seems to have acquired the Mounttown development in mid-stream and seemed more comfortable with conventional houses (Irish Times, QR April Q934, p. 3). The maid’s room was 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 257

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! Mounttown. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet R3(X), Q939.)

" ‘Ideal Homes in Ideal Surroundings’. (Irish Times, 7 May Q936, p. Q4.) 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 258

R58 DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

also available in the larger semi-detached houses, though it was now optional (Irish Times, 7 May Q936, p. 4). Otherwise, the houses were three bedrooms with two receptions and the usual other features. They were described as being of exclusive design, staunch construction and artistic finish. This was described as being one of the healthiest positions on the south-east coast and it was noted that a new bus route, the 46A, had been recently introduced. At the same period (Q935) he was building a small eighteen-house development at Newtown Park Avenue. Each house was four bedroomed with two reception rooms, hall with cloakroom, scullery, kitchen and bathroom. The deciding feature was a shower attachment with chrome fittings. There was an inside wc as well as an outside one. The main difference between those he was then building and those completed in Q934 was that the latter had only ‘room for a garage’. A garage was now included though for £5P more at £975. There was also a market for the ‘one-off’ house because in Q935 he offered at the corner of Newtown Park Avenue and Stradbrook Road, one ‘magnificent bungalow’ with a frontage of QQ9 feet. This had six bedrooms but only two reception rooms, though there was a ‘uniquely sliding door’ between them. It also offered two pantries but only one bathroom, though there was an additional outside wc. It was a strange admixture of features in what was a very large house for the period. It seems that McAnaney did not stray much beyond his Dún Laoghaire base and he continued to build for the middle classes so that in Q939 he completed forty-five semi-detached houses on Upper glenageary Road and was about to commence work on semi-detached and detached houses at Proby Square in Blackrock, which were being quoted at £Q,Q5P for four bedrooms.

Developments in settled areas The estates described above were suburban developments and were, in fact, often described as being ‘rural’. Land was much more easily available, even within the borough of Dún Laoghaire, and it was always easier to build on a green site. However, it was also recognized that there was demand for infill developments in established localities. In other countries, these might have comprised apartments but, as has already been discussed, there was a limited market for apartments for the middle classes. The Cowper gardens develop - ment in Rathmines, being built by W. Pickering, was only of fifteen houses, but it was exclusive. There were four different types of houses with four or five bedrooms and there was a guarantee of no extension to the development. Sandymount was a solid middle-class area in the Q93Ps and Kavanagh and Sons, operating through their solicitors, Kennedy and Mcgonagle, would have been confident of their sales for gilford Park when they offered the first four 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 259

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# gilford Park. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet Q8(XvI), Q936.)

$ Housing on gilford Park, Sandymount. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 260

R6P DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

in January Q934. They were happy to announce in April that Q6 had been completed and Q6 had been sold and sales continued into Q935. These were semi-detached houses but with garages abutting so there was no actual space between houses. This was nothing unusual, it was a way of ensuring the maximum number of houses on the site, while maintaining the semi-detached concept. They were big houses with four bedrooms and three reception rooms – bigger than many of the suburban houses discussed above – with large bay windows and an impressive entrance. They were built half in red brick with a pebble dash render in the upper part. They came with a bathroom, garage and gardens front and rear but with a price tag of £Q,P5P. The detached houses cost between £Q,Q5P and £Q,55P and were given imposing sites at junctions with double bays and impressive entrances. By any measure, these were expensive, even if the advertisements argued that the houses had ‘fittings and finish equal to those in a house double the price’ (Irish Times, QP January Q935, p. 3). The connectivity to the city was emphasized with a bus fare of Qd. and a train fare of Rd. Lest potential purchasers would be put off by the price, it was noted that funding could be available for up to £85P, meaning that only £RPP in cash was needed. Slightly more affordable was Farney Park where building was still underway in Q936. This was located near Claremont Road and Sandymount Road and the sales pitch emphasized the proximity to the sea and the fact that it was only ten minutes from the city centre. These were three- or four-bedroomed houses and they came fully fitted with gas cooker, fitted boiler and a ‘white sink’, priced at between £875 and £95P. The boast was that ‘nothing modern had been omitted’ (Irish Times, 9 April Q936, p. 3) and this included a garage. The builder was James Archer and he was prepared to build special houses to order on chosen sites. The gilford Park developers offered eight apartments in Q935 but this was not a major feature in this or other schemes. This development appears complete by Q935 but Modern Homes Ltd (also connected with the Kavanagh family) received permission for an additional sixteen units in April Q936 and they were advertising the new houses by July at £895 (Irish Times, Q4 July, p. Q4) as part of a development, which included gilford Drive.

Coastal living There was also interest in living on the coast in Blackrock or Dún Laoghaire. The nature of these developments reﬂected the more exclusive character of these locations. Thomas Archer was in the throes of completing his small 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 261

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Maretimo gardens. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet R3(vI), Q938.)

Housing on Maretimo gardens, Blackrock. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 262

R6R DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

Maretimo gardens West project in Q935 and looking forward to the development of the eastern part of the road. Although on a confined site, this was a ‘combined garden and marine suburb’ – a somewhat novel concept – but the houses offered views of the Bay and Howth and were provided with a veranda for that purpose. Though semi-detached, they cost between £Q,Q75 and £Q,5PP for four or five bedrooms, reception rooms, bathroom, kitchen and cloakroom. The larger units offered a study, a lavatory off the hall and a kitchen with offices. This larger house type also sported a double garage with a ‘car douche’. The exclusivity of the development was emphasized by the provision of private sea bathing facilities reached by a private path from each house. Archer was still building in Blackrock in Q939, when he completed a small scheme of six semi-detached houses at South Hill Avenue. These were also high-end houses with four bedrooms, two reception rooms and the usual array of facilities. The footprint was generous (about QRm x 4Pm, approx. 4P ft x Q3P ft) but the price was £Q,R5P. Travel further south along the coast and the prospective purchaser would have arrived at ‘Sandycove by the Sea’ and the Elton Park Estate. These were being built in Q935 by J. & R. Thompson at a premium price of £Q,45P. They were five bedroomed with the usual facilities but were semi-detached. Development continued here into Q939 with the price now at £Q,35P for semi-detached houses in ‘traditional style’. An important selling point was that one could ‘live by the seaside instead of visiting it each summer’. It was assumed that owners would have to commute to the centre and it was noted that this took only twenty minutes by car or 7½d. by train. In the latter years of the decade, there seems to have been more consolidation within existing locations rather than expansion into new areas. Successful estates were expanded by the addition of new roads and the southern suburbs now formed an arc from Rathfarnham through to Blackrock and then outwards from the coastal areas of Dún Laoghaire. There was no private development of major significance westwards in the areas being developed by Dublin Corporation. As already noted, the northside had no opportunity to mirror the developments south of the river, as Dublin Corporation’s practice of building widely across the northside hampered the development of large areas of private housing.

The later 1930s Kimmage Road and its environs were important locations in Q936. J. O’Connell was completing Hazelbrook Road where there was a development of 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 263

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Housing on Nutley Park.

Housing on Parkmore Drive, Terenure. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 264

R64 DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

twenty-seven houses. He was happy to tell potential buyers that he had sold RP, had five in hands and two unsold. This was an old-style building operation and potential buyers were invited to apply on site to the builder. The houses were semi-detached, conventional in design with red brick to the lower storey and good garage space. Most were three-bedroomed but there were some with four bedrooms and they could be purchased for between £75P and £9PP, which was good value. Parkmore Drive, only a stone’s throw away, and being built by C. Archer, was in a similar range at £975 for a three-bedroomed, two- reception room house with the usual range of facilities and a very similar design, though with more red brick. At the other end of the development arc was Nutley Park where houses were available from £Q,Q5P in March Q936. This was a development by L.C. Ritchie, well known and respected, and who added interest to the estate by offering three different types of house. In addition, he was prepared to build to the purchaser’s own plans. The houses were three bedroomed with two reception rooms, kitchen and good gardens. The designs offered bay windows, arched porches and recessed front doors, with variable use of red brick. A garage was not standard provision, which was unusual at the time, but there was space for one. On the other hand, there was the explicit provision of a maid’s room. Ritchie also sought to cater to all needs in terms of electricity and gas provision because both provided heating in all the main rooms. As the decade drew to its close, there were signs that the spurt in provision in the middle-Q93Ps had slowed somewhat, though there were still new schemes being brought to the market, mostly in well-established locations. Mc Kinley was building his small but exclusive greenfield Road Estate, facing Nutley Lane. This was a low-density scheme with only five houses to the acre on a RP acre (8ha) site. Even so, this would have produced upwards of QPP large, five-bedroomed houses with three reception rooms at prices from £Q,55P for the semi-detached variety. At even lower density was the development at Castle Park Estate in Rathfarnham where three to the acre was promised on an overall site of 35 acres (Q4ha). The prices were in excess of £Q,3PP per house but exclusivity was provided in that houses were built to the specifications of the purchasers. Unlike some builders who had a narrow spatial focus of operations, Modern Homes had turned into a firm with city-wide interests. In Q939, they were building sixteen houses at Oaklands Drive, Rathgar, for £Q,P75 for three bedrooms with a four-bedroomed version also available. Fortfield Road in Terenure was another development in which it was felt that a maid’s room in 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 265

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Kimmage cross roads. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet RR(II), Q943.) 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 266

R66 DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

addition to four bedrooms was a selling point. It was ‘close to churches, schools and shops, and yet at the foot of the Dublin Mountains’ and available at £Q,RPP. Less expensive at between £85P and £QPPP was Lavarna grove at Kimmage Cross, which offered only three bedrooms and no space for a maid. However, exclusivity was achieved by having only one entrance to this estate built on ‘garden city’ lines rendering it ‘semi-private’ (Irish Times, R9 March Q939, p. 3). Surprisingly there was a development in Herberton Road by C.E. Hanna, described as being in Dolphin’s Barn. These were three-bedroomed semi-detached houses with red brick on the lower storey and available for £75P. It was an unusual choice of location for a private builder, as the road had recently been widened to make it into an artery. Presumably he did not know of Dublin Corporation’s later plans for the other side of the canal.

On the northside The Irish Times had noticed the Rosemount Estate in Q934. It took its name from the original cottage and was in development from Q934 through Q936. It comprised a number of roads built by P. Cronin, a member of the Dublin and District Housebuilders’ Association who lived nearby at St Anne’s on gracepark Road. By Q936, the focus of development was on both Calderwood Road and glandore Roads and houses were available for between £87P and £Q,P5P. The selling point was that the houses were ‘beautiful homes, modern styles on Dublin choicest building sites’. Part of the attraction was the height of the estate which purchasers were told was QPP feet (33m) above sea level. Development petered out here as the decade came to a close but it offered an interesting prospect as the war ended. The Irish Construction Company was building a large development in Cabra in Q935, discussed above. Linzell was selling his ‘suntrap house’ on Hampstead Hill Estate. Like Ritchie, mentioned above, Linzell offered a choice of styles and variety of prices, for example the ‘HN’ type on the Rise was available for an all-in price of £8PP. Where he differed from Ritchie was in his adoption of modern building methods and materials, especially the use of concrete. In Q935, however, there was also the development on Home Farm Park to consider. This small development off Home Farm Road in a quiet cul-de-sac offered value at £75P for a semi-detached house and £7RP for a terraced house. A terraced house was a novelty in the private market. It now characterized the social housing and ‘build to rent’ sectors and there were very few examples of terraces in the southern suburbs. What made these houses interesting was that 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 267

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Rosemount Estate. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet Q8(XIv), Q938.)

the development was ‘all electric’. There were examples of ‘all electric’ houses in many locations but this was a complete development with fully speciﬁed houses with electric ﬁres, lights, cooker, hot water, boilers, towel rails, linen presses, all ‘providing a perfect service for the clean, healthy and economic management of a household with the minimum of work and trouble’ (Irish Times, R4 August Q935, p. 3). The houses were white rendered with brick detailing and with good gardens front and rear. However, a difference between these and a southside equivalent was that it was now usual there to include a garage with a semi- detached house though this developer argued that there was ample room for one. Looking at some of the sites, this would have required some creativity. However, good value was offered and Corless and O’Connell also offered to undertake all legal costs so that a deposit of £Q5P was all that was required. In Q939, there was perhaps more of interest on the northside than south of the river. The western side of the Cabra Road between it and the Phoenix 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 268

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! The ‘all-electric house’ at Home Farm Park. (Irish Times, R4 August Q935, p. 3.)

" Semi-detached housing on Home Farm Park. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 269

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# Home Farm Park under construction. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet Q8(III), Q938.)

Park had become an important area for private housing and this continued with the development of Regal Park, Blackhorse Avenue. These were priced within the range for the area, so that a buyer could expect to pay between £75P and £775 for three bedrooms, two reception rooms, a breakfast room, cloakroom, pantry and bathroom. As would have been expected, there were good sized gardens as well. There was an emphasis on affordability in the marketing with a deposit of only £Q5P required and repayment terms of about £Q 5s. per week, in line with other similar developments. Another develop - ment was underway at nearby Skreen Road where the National Housing Society was in the process of building over QPP houses. Belton Estates were developing Belton Park near the junction of Collins Avenue with the Malahide Road. These have previously been discussed by McManus (RPPR) and she noted the steps taken to differentiate these houses 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 270

R7P DUBLIN, Q93P–Q95P

$ Housing on Dunluce Road, Clontarf.

from those of the adjacent public utility society and the nearby Dublin Corporation houses. These were priced at £75P for houses on Collins Avenue but good value could be had at £65P for houses in Belton Park. Both houses were ‘all brick fronted’ and were three-bedroomed but with kitchenette rather than kitchen. However, they had some of the largest gardens around with a footprint of 8P m deep in some cases. A comparison between north and south city was offered in their advertising where they drew the attention of buyers to their ‘superior residences, built to order in Dublin’s premier residential area, Bellvue Park and glenageary Park, Killiney from £Q,PPP’ (Irish Times, R9 March Q939, p. 4). Corless and O’Connell moved from their base in Iona Crescent in glasnevin to build in a signiﬁcantly more suburban northside location. Ennafort Park marked the beginning of a large estate, just off the Howth Road. As in their previous development, they were very keen on all-electric houses and this was the main selling point – ‘an all-electric house where electricity does the housework and the housewife enjoys life’ (Irish Times, 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 271

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QQ February Q939, p. 4). This was a highly specified house also and was ahead of its time not only in its focus on electricity. It offered a fitted kitchen – ‘a kitchen where you just have to bring in a kitchen chair and no other furniture is needed’. A cooker, washing machine and dryer was included in the price. Fridges were expensive so the best that could be done was to pay the first hire purchase payment on one. These were four-bedroomed houses with a bathroom and with something not found in all southside houses – two wcs. This came at the significant price of £Q,Q5P, very much at the high end of housing on the northside but a garage was provided. A more modest £85P would purchase a three-bedroomed house with garage space. Mcgonagle was taking no chances, however, when he decided to develop some red bricked houses on Dunluce Road. This was part of a well-developed and solidly middle-class area, close to the seafront, and offered good value for £75P to £9PP for four bedrooms. Unusually, they were terraced though large, which tended to be a rare thing elsewhere. Another feature of note is that at the time the location was referred to as being in Raheny. Today Dunluce Road is solidly in Clontarf. This section ends with a return to the builder who was first mentioned above. In Q939, george F. Byrne was still building in Phibsborough, this time at Shandon Crescent. He had not changed his style much. He still favoured building in short terraces and thus made no provision for cars but there was less use of red brick than previously. For a three-bedroomed house, the £865 or £885 being asked was somewhat expensive and must be a reflection of the perceived centrality of the location; the fare to Nelson’s Pillar was only Qd.

Housing and the ‘Emergency’

House building slowed down during the Emergency as building materials became more diﬃcult to obtain. As early as Q939, Fearon, who had a contract with Dublin Corporation for 497 houses in Crumlin North, was seeking approval to substitute steel sashes for red deal, where the supply was becoming problematic (Report 49/Q939). It was to this that Mr Simon Leonard turned in his address as outgoing president of the Architects’ Association of Ireland to their AgM on R9 April Q94Q. He said that there was no need for pessimism, as there were ‘plenty of building materials available in the country, materials that were produced in the country’. He was conﬁdent that substitutes could be found for those items genuinely in short supply such as steel, and further suggested that ‘there was no reason why buildings could not 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 272

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be built on single-storey lines so as to dispense with the use of reinforced concrete floors. Heavy curtains could be substituted for doors and matting for floors’ (Irish Times, 3P April Q94Q, p. R). However, in January Q94R, the Irish Civil Service Permanent Building Society was told at its annual meeting that ‘house building had almost come to an end, not because of the want of financial facilities as some people suggested but by reason of the impossibility of getting certain essential building materials’ (Irish Times, 8 January Q94R, p. 3). When building materials started to become available again in Q945, there was the other problem of a shortage of skilled people, many of whom had emigrated to avail of opportunities in Britain. It was recognized that there was going to an imbalance between supply and demand for some time. From Q July Q945, the State took control of the building process and required that a licence be obtained for all projects that cost more than £5PP or used materials that cost more than £R5P. A review in December Q945 (Irish Times, Q8 December Q945, p. Q) showed that 9R9 licences had been issued and that 55 per cent of the work had been done in Dublin City and County. It was estimated that this was about 6P per cent of the pre-war rate of building. By the middle of Q946, the pace had increased and it was now reckoned that building was at pre-war levels (Irish Times, 3P July Q946, p. 6) and by the end of Q947 it was reckoned that building was at the maximum level that could be sustained by the supply of materials. This represented a 46 per cent increase on the Q946 level. The problem for private builders was that it was decided to give priority in licences to local authorities and to persons who wished to build houses that would attract subsidies under the Housing Acts – that is, smaller houses where an individual either built for himself or caused a house to be built for himself, and for houses for rent. The restrictions curtailed speculative developments. It was felt that such was the level of building in these other sectors that there would be little left over for the construction of larger houses and so it turned out to be (Irish Times, 6 January Q948, p. 5). This was a sensitive matter. The Fianna Fáil government had been criticized because of an alleged failure to prevent the building of luxury developments such as cinemas. Thus they produced an ‘information series’ in Q947 and in #4 they argued that ‘the building of houses for renting to workers has absolute priority over all other building’. They noted that ‘of all new building operations licensed in the past year 5R.3 per cent in value was allocated to houses. In numbers this allocation meant 4,399 houses, of which 37.4 per cent were houses for local authorities and R6.8 per cent were houses of the same type 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 273

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‘Housewarming’. (Dublin Opinion, May Q947, p. 86.)

‘Hurry Along boys’. (Dublin Opinion, June Q946, p. QQ5.) 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 274

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being built by building societies and others for rent or sale. Of the remainder, R8 per cent were in the price range of £Q,QPP to £R,PPP and 7.8 per cent over £R,PPP. Now that Local Authorities are getting their building plans into full operation, no licences are being issued at present for the building of what might be termed luxury houses!’ (Irish Times, 6 December Q947, p. 3). So, just as the private building trade was getting going again after the war, its progress was slowed down by a lack of access to materials. The availability of larger houses declined and this sector had a much slower recovery than it might have hoped as restrictions continued into the Q95Ps. Thus, it is possible to imagine the pleasure of M.J. Davis and Co. who took over the building of Calderwood Road being able to advertise in Q949 that ‘licences are no longer available to build large houses of this type and no better value in House Property exists today’ (Irish Times, 4 June Q949, p. 4). It is not surprising therefore to see the question of housing shortages featuring in Dublin Opinion. Despite the difficulties, some building was accomplished. Mount Merrion was set to get going again quickly after the war and there was a promise of almost Q,PPP new houses. John Sisk announced ‘The Priory’ development in Q946 but it was the Q95Ps before it took on its final shape. One development that was well underway by the end of the decade was the Redesdale Estate (Dale Road) in Stillorgan. It was laid out on ‘garden city’ lines with more than R3P houses planned around greens and squares and with a Q3 acre (5.3ha) park incorporated into the scheme and local shopping provided. The effect of the wartime housing shortage on prices can be seen in the asking price of £Q,8PP for an architecturally unremarkable terraced three-bedroomed house. In its defence, the terraces were no longer than four units and the rooms were good sized, while there was a great deal of green space. The price doubtless reflected the government grant of £R75 available. It was a seller’s market and potential purchasers were invited to make applications, which would be dealt with in rotation. They sold QPP units during Q949 and were able to announce their second phase in Q95P.

Mount Merrion

Mount Merrion requires some special attention because it was the most ambitious private housing development in the city, not just in terms of the scale of housing but also in the desire to create a distinctive urban environment. It is no wonder that it was eagerly sought after by Dún Laoghaire Borough during 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 275

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its submissions to the Housing Tribunal of Q938. It also featured strongly in discussions of housing during the decade and was the subject of constant advertising. While the ambition to develop the Mount Merrion estate dates back to the Q9RPs (see Irish Times, QQ September Q9R5, p. 4), the real story begins in Q933 when Irish Homes acquired the Mount Merrion property indirectly from a company called Mount Merrion Estates, which had begun building on the site. The cost was reported at £Q8,PPP but it was a cranky and litigious acquisition. Irish Homes immediately upped the sales pitch and began a sustained advertising and marketing campaign. These emphasized the quality of the location, the variety and quality of the houses and the reasonable prices. They wooed their potential purchasers with show house opening times that extended into the evening and over the weekend. While they emphasized the easy accessibility by bus, they provided transport for people who presented themselves at the Harcourt Road premises of the builders, Messrs John Kenny. The builders also had developments underway at green Park in Dartry and at Seafield Park along the Stillorgan Road. From early Q934, the development was referred to as a garden city, even though it had none of the attributes of a proper garden city. What they sought to convey was the low-density development in a developed, mature tree-lined environment. Much was made of the preservation of existing trees, though they had a court battle with the former developers about tree felling in Q934. It was certainly suburban, leaping over undeveloped land in the city and resting firmly in the county. It was also a very large site, approximately R5P acres (QPPha) to begin with and the intention was to build Q,5PP houses. Far more houses could have been built but that would have been at the cost of the ‘garden city’ concept and they instead limited themselves to about six houses per acre (Q5 per ha), ensuring that each house occupied a large plot. It was not unusual to have a width of Q3 m (4R ft) and a depth of nearly 5P m (Q6P ft). They also eschewed terraces, though there was nothing unusual in that south of the Liffey, and they built semi-detached as well as detached houses. Mount Merrion was an excellent site in that it rose quickly in elevation so that fine views over Dublin Bay were available in many of the locations. This was a big selling point. ‘Mount Merrion Park with its magnificent views of the sea and mountains, is being developed so as to maintain unspoiled the charm and beauty of the old demesne, and the houses are architecturally designed to blend with the lovely surroundings’ (Irish Times, Q8 April Q935, p. 4). Nonetheless, it could have been just a big housing estate but the brilliance of the concept was the involvement of an architect who was prepared to provide 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 276

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a range of houses that varied in style, including the faux-historic though nothing particularly ‘modern’. The original architect was Rupert Jones of Dublin and the early ‘offer’ was that 5P different types of houses would be available. Later the architects were Millar and Symes of Kildare Street and their houses seem much more conventional compared to the earlier designs. A sense of the different designs can be obtained from the following descriptions in a large advertising feature in the Irish Times for QR–Q3 December Q934.

• an old world cottage, with solid hard-timbered work in front and flanks and a fine splayed loggia. • houses with sun balconies at the front and others at the rear. • a double-fronted house, of georgian type, with red brick dressings, an open porch with brick arch and jambs. • one with a recessed porch leading into a square hall with the staircase ‘around the corner’ and a secluded sleeping balcony off the first bedroom.

These were designed to appeal to a wide range of customers and also served to avoid the impression of a single development. There was nothing particular radical in any of the designs; Linzell was probably more avant-garde. Manning Robertson would probably have not liked the faux-historic timbered designs but the variety was greater than was generally available and, overall, the designs were more interesting than many. garages were incorporated into some designs, they were to the side in other designs and in some cases they were an optional extra. However, the standard of ﬁnish of the houses was high and care and attention was devoted to boundaries and to fences. Equally, the local roads were wide (about Q6m, 6P ft) and this added to sense of spaciousness. While plot sizes were generous, not all of the houses were particularly large, and many were standard three bedroomed, two reception-room with bathroom and kitchen. Irish Homes offered these at a very competitive price range of between £65P and £88P in Q934 (Irish Times, R6 April Q934, p. 4). These prices rose a little over the remainder of the decade but not by much. As such, there was little in the immediate vicinity that could beat what was on offer. The larger, and perhaps more interesting, houses were more expensive but with good space. Thus design B4 offered three bedrooms with dimensions of Q3' 6" x QQ' 6", Q3' x QQ' 6" and QP' 6" x 9' 6" (4.Qm x 3.5m, 3.9m x 3.5m and 3.Rm x R.9m respectively) at a cost of £745 in Q935 (Irish Times, QP January, p. 3); there was no ‘box’ room here. Four-bedroomed houses were 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 277

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Mount Merrion advertising from Q935 showing a number of selling points. (Irish Times, R6 January Q935, p. 4.)

naturally more expensive but most were under £Q,PPP. Thus Design A5 was available for £9RP in May Q936 (Irish Times, R8 May, p. 4). The bedrooms were of generous dimensions and there was a built-in garage, a scullery in addition to the kitchen as well as large gardens. Design A9 offered a sun loggia at the front but at the expense of a built-in garage and was available in May Q937 from £85P (Irish Times, 6 May, p. 7). Prices were much higher in the detached housing segment. Here Irish Homes felt able to take on the other developers in the area. A detached four-bedroomed house with built-in garage and a roomy hall with cloakroom but with only two reception rooms was available for £Q,75P. It did come fully ﬁtted and this included a refrigerator (Irish Times, Q5 November, Q935, p. 3). However, this was much more expensive than design C8 which offered similar facilities but without the ﬁtting out and was available for £Q,Q5P in Q934. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 278

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Mount Merrion in the late Q93Ps. (Ordnance Survey plan, Q:R5PP, Sheet R3(v), Q938.) 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 279

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Mount Merrion housing, type A5, £9RP in the Q93Ps.

Mount Merrion housing, type A7, £89P in the Q93Ps. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 280

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! Mount Merrion housing, type B9, £7PP in the Q93Ps.

Construction was well underway on The Rise in Mount Merrion by Q939 with both semi-detached and detached houses available. The detached cost £Q,55P while the semi-detached was available at £975, both well within the range of competitors. By Q94Q, building had slowed and Kenny advertised that they had one detached and a few semi-detached houses at pre-war prices (Irish Times, R6 April Q94Q, p. QP). However, the development was one of the first to attempt to get going as the war ended, though under new ownership. It was announced in Q946 that between 9PP and Q,PPP additional houses were to be built between goatstown and Dundrum. Price was an important selling point in the Mount Merrion development and so also was access to finance. Much was made in the advertisements of the availability of financing. Thus in Q935 ‘A home for you at RRs. per week inclusive’ was on offer (Irish Times, Q6 March Q934, p. 4). The message was that if you could afford to rent, then you could afford to buy. The developers also understood that the charm of the countryside could be diminished by virtue of having no local shops. Thus they built their own local shopping ‘centre’ and invited business people to come and have a look with a view to setting up shop. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 281

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All in all, it was an impressive development and one of the more interesting additions to the city in the Q93Ps.

Fitting out the middle-class house in the 1930s

Despite the large number of builders involved, there was relatively little variation in housing design. Semi-detached houses largely comprised boxes with hip roofs with bay windows enlivening the façade and giving a bit more space. Sometimes the hip roof was given smaller perpendicular protruding hip roofs that covered the bay windows. There was little experimentation with new design or new materials, though there was care to ensure that private dwellings did not resemble social housing. The availability of a garage was one distinguishing feature that clearly identified a middle-class development. Perhaps there should not be too much surprise in this. House buyers are notoriously conservative and radical designs might not have long-term investment potential. Things were no different in the UK as demonstrated by Stevenson’s little booklet on the Q93Ps house. He argues, and it seems a reasonable argument, that much building had little involvement by architects and that builders tended to copy each other. He suggests that if an architect was involved in the development of a scheme, that fact would be indicated in the marketing. If this is applied to Dublin, it suggests that there were few architects involved. Most developments were attributed solidly to a ‘builder’ or ‘builder and contractor’. The notable exceptions were Linzell for his work in Drumcondra and Jones in Mount Merrion. Moreover a quick look through Stevenson’s booklet will reveal the genesis of many of the Dublin designs: they had been built in the UK. A previous chapter has shown that there was still considerable employment of domestic servants during the Q93Ps and Q94Ps. Despite this, very few housing developments made explicit reference to provision for live-in servants. There were often references to ‘offices’ adjacent to the kitchen and it seems that these could serve as living quarters. The issue was referred to explicitly in a feature on Mount Merrion in Q939 (Irish Times, R9 March, p. 5). ‘In these days many people find it difficult to get and keep reliable domestic servants; in the houses at Mount Merrion one finds that attention has been given to those details which help to make a good maid happy and contented. The heating arrangements in the kitchen are admirable, the kitchens are well planned and, as mentioned above, what would normally be the maid’s room is attractive and convenient.’ Another feature which became possible with 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 282

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houses on larger plots was the side entrance, designed as a tradesman’s entrance. This was copied from the UK and was an important public display of status. From the Q93Ps onwards, electricity was seen as a key requirement in all houses. New houses were wired for electricity and, within the catchment area, for gas. Older houses, however, might still be relatively lacking and from the early Q93Ps it was common for advertisements to appear from the Electricity Supply Board suggesting that houses would appreciate in attractiveness if they provided the full suite of electrical services. Thus electricity was not only for light but also for cooking, cleaning, washing, heating, refrigeration, ironing and so on. Indeed, it was argued, the standard of living was raised to its highest only when this was available. As has been noted above, ‘all electric’ houses were advertised and they were the subject of regular newspaper features. They were associated with modernity and efficiency. In Q937, Elizabeth Craig, an influential cookery writer, noted ‘If you want to reduce the work in your kitchen to a minimum, electrify your kitchen. If you’re a business woman, you simply can’t do without one, in these days when time is money. An all-electric kitchen is no longer a luxury – it is a necessity’ (quoted in Stevenson, RPPP, p. 3P). Although central heating had been commercially available in places such as the United States since the beginning of the century (and before that in more limited terms), this was the period when the concept of central heating was introduced to Dublin homes. However, it was not standard, even in the most expensive homes and even the ‘all-electric’ houses were fitted with electric fires and not central heating. In fact, central heating tended to appear more in commercial and industrial applications than in domestic ones. Dublin Corporation considered introducing it into its flat complexes in Q938 (Report R3/Q938). At that time, flats were in two- to four-room configurations with a range in the living room, a gas fire in the principal bedroom and sometimes a fireplace in the second bedroom. Rent was Rs. per room per week but the actual economic rent was of the order of three times that amount. They looked at various methods of heating but came to conclusion that there was no way that it could be afforded by either tenants or Corporation. It would cost between 6s. 8d. to Q3s. 7d. per week per flat depending on the method used and it was felt that there was no capacity to increase rents to meet such costs. Neither could the Corporation divert resources from its own housing programme. Interestingly, the Medical Officer of Health was against the concept of central heating. He felt it was unhealthy and was ‘definitely of the opinion that the presence of such a system in these dwellings might be seriously detrimental to the health of the occupiers’ (p. Q7R). He felt it was not 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 283

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a bad idea for factories or offices but that it could be particularly injurious to children who would be running in and out of the flat, from the hot interior to the cold exterior. He also referred to suggestions that central hearing might cause an upsurge in respiratory diseases. The gas Company did not give up easily. In Q93P, they announced that the new houses on Dean Swift Road (later named Moibhi Road) in glasnevin were being provided with gas for cooking and heating and they argued that ‘here again the fuel sold in pennyworths will give an efficient, clean and economic service and help make this an avenue of IDEALHOMES’ (Irish Times, 3 April Q93P, p. 3). In Q934, the company invited consumers to consider the fact that QPP,PPP households in Dublin used gas for cooking and thousands used it for heating water and general heating. They drew particular attention to the instantaneous availability of hot water in unlimited quantities as evidence of its superiority as the most suitable fuel available (Irish Times, QR December, p. 5). In Q935, the public was invited to visit ‘the all gas house’ in a number of schemes on the Stillorgan Road, Rialto, Ranelagh and Ballsbridge. For £4P the gas Company could install gas heating for the reception rooms and three bedrooms as well as providing an enamelled cooker, coke boiler and a water heater (Irish Times, Q4 September Q935, p. 3). Slates and red brick had acquired a certain cachet in building. Facing a house with brick was regarded as a sign of quality and it was often associated with a ‘pre-war’ standard of building – itself a good thing (see Irish Times, 9 June Q93R, p. 3). It continued to be a distinguishing characteristic used in auction descriptions through the Q93Ps and Q94Ps. The Q939 edition of the Official Industrial Directory listed nine manufacturers of bricks in the State, including one in Dublin. However, it is apparent that builders wished to try other materials, especially ones that were cheaper. Concrete and cement offered more possibilities and the Irish Times wrote of the novel use of concrete in house building in Linzell’s Mobhi Road development (Irish Times, 3 April Q93P, p. 3). The twenty-eight houses in the scheme had their lower courses in multi-coloured concrete bricks made in Dublin while the work above was rendered in Blue Circle cement and finished with Snowcrete or Colorcrete which allowed considerable variation in colour and texture. There was also the issue of using imported red bricks versus ones made in Ireland. It was not just a question of cost but also an issue of eligibility for State grants, especially in the Q93Ps. Slates came under increased competition from cement tiles during the Q93Ps and in addition to the question of price, there was an issue around 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 284

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availability. For decades, the ‘gold’ standard in slates was the ‘blue bangor’ slate but in the Q93Ps, there was pressure, especially in local authority schemes, to use Irish products. Irish slates were available and it was often said that the top quality slates were those from the quarry in Killaloe. The cost issue was put very clearly in a debate in Wexford Corporation in Q9R8 when it was shown that to roof a house in slate would have cost £58 Q5s. 9d. compared to £R7 3s. for the asbestos cement tiles that they intended to use (Irish Times, 9 August Q9R8, p. 3). Similarly in the Dáil on 6 March Q93P the Minister for Local government and Public Health, general Mulcahy, stated that slates were now too expensive to be used in local authority houses. There was a necessity to produce houses as cheaply as possible and slates were incompatible with that aim (Dáil Debates, 33(QQ), col. Q4R9). There were also problems of supply and the matter was raised again in the Dáil in Q933 (Dáil Debates, 36(Q3), col. Q646) when John Dillon TD quizzed the Minister about what he was going to do about the fact that neither the Killaloe quarry nor the one in Carrick on Shannon could meet demand, that there was a three- or four-months delay on any order, and that the Killaloe quarry had supply issues that would run long into the future. The problem was that the use of Irish materials was necessary to receive subsidies under the Q93R Act and the Minister was reluctant to dilute this requirement and thus encourage the import of high quality Welsh slates. Moreover, builders had responded to the shortage by setting up cement tile production, often on site. They could also vary the colour of the roofs in their development and add an extra element of variety. Thus they could both be virtuous and keep costs lower. As a consequence, slates ceased being a ubiquitous feature of both local authority and private developments. It was recognized that the middle-class house of the Q93Ps was likely to be quite smaller than those of previous generations, so it was understood that older furniture might not be suitable either in terms of scale or quantity. The advice to the householder was to choose modern styles and to have relatively little in the room. In Britain in the Q93Ps, it was common for large stores to offer hire-purchase schemes that would fit out an entire new house and Irish stores were not slow to offer the same facility (Stevenson, RPPP, p. Q7). This will be explored in the next chapter on shopping. As part of the furnishing the question of floor covering was important. Carpets were a must for the down - stairs rooms but were more of a luxury upstairs, where lino supplemented by rugs was seen as the normal choice. Carpets were not fitted in the current sense but rather came in a variety of sizes, leaving a border around the room. Thus 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 285

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Switzers advertised (Irish Times, 3 Jan Q93P, p. QR) a range of Axminister carpets in sizes such as QP' 6" x 9’ (3.Rm x R.7m) (£5. Rs. 6d.), QR' x 9' (3.6m x R.7m) (£7 Q5s.) or QR' x QP' 6" (3.6m x 3.Rm) (£7. Q7s. 6d.). It was usual to stain the resulting border in a dark brown glutinous stain, in order to give the impression that the floor boards were oak rather than the more common pine from which they probably came. This also was a fashion imported from the UK where Jacobean oak finish was popular, even for furniture that was going to fit into modern rooms. Carpets could be taken outdoors during the spring cleaning and given a good airing as advocated in the Irish Times in Q94Q in its Woman’s World column (7 June Q94Q, p. 8). The better-off, of course, would have this done for them. Fitted carpets were on their way, though, and were generally available by the end of the decade, though they co-existed with carpet ‘squares’ throughout the Q94Ps. By Q943, the Irish Times was of the view that ‘there is no doubt that fitted carpets not only look well, but make a room more comfortable, especially in old houses where draughts come through the floors’ (Irish Times, Q5 May Q943, p. 5). Once supply restrictions ended after the war, it was usual for both types of carpet to be offered by major stores though McBirney’s, with measurement of rooms part of the service, made fitted carpets ‘their speciality’. When it came to fitting out rooms, it was the advice that ornaments had gone out of fashion and a few well-chosen vases were sufficient. A room should have bookcases because books were seen as an important leisure resource. However, householders were enjoined not to fill the shelves if the books were never going to be read. Myles na gCopaleen comes to mind with his library service. Pictures on the walls were acceptable as long as there were relatively few of them and those chosen were of good quality. Likewise with mirrors. gone were the heavy ornamented mirrors and in their place was a much lighter modern style. However, though furniture needed to be smaller than in victorian and Edwardian days, there was still a fondness for oak. Hardwoods were difficult to obtain and veneers became very popular in all of the advertisements for domestic furniture. Plastic was the material for those who wished to be ‘modern’. The development of Bakelite allowed all manner of items to be fashioned from plastic including lamp shades, tableware, furniture as well as buttons and jewellery. Music was also back in fashion in the Q93Ps but in many cases it was in the form of a good radio. It was noted that gramophones were not as much in favour as they once had been and that the best kind now were those that incorporated a radio – a radiogram. In Dublin, AC was the dominant form of 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 286

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electrical provision, so there was not the same issue as in many parts of the country as to whether a battery-operated radio was necessary. Bakelite was also a favoured material for radios and radiograms and was seen as part of the modern image. It is important to remember how revolutionary was the concept of radio. With it, it was possible to eavesdrop on an entire world and listen, if desired, without difficulty to the dangerous phenomenon of ‘jazz’. After all, the archbishop of Tuam, Dr gilmartin, in opening the Tuam Feis in Q936, had noted that ‘there is a rising tide of enlightened criticism again the forms of music and dances, know as jazz, many species of which seem like a mesmeric rhythm of sensuality’ (Irish Times, R3 May Q936, p. QQ). There was as much interest in the latest developments in radio in the Q93Ps as there is now in the latest versions of iPads or iPhones. Typical of this would have been the Irish Radio Exhibition of Q936, which ran in the Mansion House from 7 to QR September and which offered the opportunity to see an impressive array of sets that varied in price from about £Q5 to over £55. The brand with the greatest recognition at the time was probably the ‘Pilot’ brand and in Q937 it offered a 6-valve all-wave set in walnut for RQ guineas with console and radiogram models available from R7 to 48 guineas. The ‘Pilots’ were among the first to return after the war and had been improved greatly by wartime technology. A three-band was available in Dublin in Q947 for £R3. Television was yet to arrive, although the Irish Times on RQ June Q947 (p. 5) predicted that it would be a big hit and devoted a full page to explaining the hows and whys of the medium. On 3 May Q946, the radio critic of the same newspaper had been less positive. He argued that for at least some years the novelty of the thing would draw resources from other areas of broadcasting for very little return and limited entertainment (p. 4). There was a sense that it was coming and coming soon and they probably would have been surprised that it would take until Q96R for the domestic service to open (3Q December Q96Q to be precise!). In the meantime, there was no point in owning a set because, although a ‘bombshell’ (low) price of £46 8s. was announced in Q949 by EMI for a QP-inch screen (R5cm), there was still no transmitter in Northern Ireland and the effective range of a transmitter was no more than about 6P miles (QPPkm). Every modern house was fitted for electricity and electrical sockets were provided in every room, though not many. However, Stevenson has argued (RPPP) that electrical appliances were not as common as the advertising might imply (p. Q7). He suggests that the smaller and cheaper appliances were the more popular ones. He noted that in the UK, only R5 per cent of households 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 287

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" Q933 advertisement for electricity. Note the availability of a cooker to hire.

had an electric iron in Q935 but that this had risen to 75 per cent by the time of the Second World War. Kitchen appliances were particularly emphasized and often went by names such as the ‘housemaid’ as an indication that the appliances could replace the now-absent servant. Certainly the ESB advertised a wide range of smaller appliances during the Q93Ps and into the Q94Ps. They advertised in Q93P that ‘housecraft is a delightful occupation if it does not take up all your time’ (Irish Times, 5 February Q93P, p. 5). By Q935, the range of products to reduce effort included electric toasters (3Ps. with bell), electric kettles (c. 3Ps.), hair dryers (3Ps.), milk warmers (QRs. 6d.), electric irons (Q4s. to Q7s. 6d.) and coffee percolators ranging from Q4s. to 37s. 6d. Men, it seemed, were attracted to electric clocks in a variety of styles at prices that 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 288

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ranged from 3Ps. to 45s., while a really special gift was a vacuum cleaner at nine guineas (Irish Times, RP December Q935, p. 7). By Q939, the range included electric fires (many styles from QPs.), door chimes (R6s. 6d.) and a heating pad for Q6s., plus the ultimate in luxury, an electric cigarette lighter for 7s. 6d. Prices were generally the same as they had been in Q934. There was also now a wide range of table and standard lamps and such was the brightness of the latest bulbs that a range of shades was also available. There was an increasing availability of Irish-made products in the range (Dublin Opinion, January Q939, p. 386). The supply of electrical goods diminished during the war, though lamps and toasters seemed to remain available for much longer than anything else. When supplies returned, the range had further expanded and by the early years of the Q95Ps, households could enjoy electric blankets at £6 for a single bed and £QR for a double bed. Prices had also shot up since Q935 but the items had changed too. An electric iron could cost £R 4s. 6d. though it was much improved on the inefficient Q935 models and incorporated an automatic cut- off. Hair dryers were now £3 9s. 6d. but the ubiquitous toaster was still only 35s. The design of electric kettles had not changed much but they now cost between £3 Q8s. and £4. Rs. Christmas tree lights were also available in Q95R from Q8s. Rd. (Dublin Opinion, December Q95R, p. R76). It is difficult to know how many of these items would have been found in the average middle-class house. A piece in the Irish Times Pictorial for Q948 (9 June, p. 8) asked ‘have you a well-stocked kitchen?’ very few electrical items were mentioned. There was the toaster, a coffee percolator, a griller and that was that. Using electricity to cook was new in the Q93Ps. It became possible only when the Shannon power scheme came into operation and there was a great push by the ESB during the Q93Ps to encourage this. gas cooking had been available in much of the city since the nineteenth century and displacing this was the challenge. It was much easier, however, to persuade the occupiers of new houses that electricity was the modern way. Cookery demonstrations became popular and advertising puff pieces were used in tandem. One such example appeared in the Irish Times on QR March Q934 (p. 4). The comparison made was not with a modern gas cooker but with an old-fashioned range. Thus with electricity, the ‘labour of tending and cleaning old fashioned ranges was eliminated; the smoke and the fumes vanished and the kitchen became a place where work was a joy rather than a drudgery’. Naturally, the gas Company responded and an account of a demonstration of gas cooking can be read in the Irish Times for RR November Q934 (p. 4). This involved the 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 289

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production of a four-course meal using gas mark 7. The demonstration attracted some 3PP people. The competition continued, interrupted only by the Emergency which saw neither gas nor electric cookers being available. Those with solid fuel ranges could afford to be a little smug, even if the fuel available to them could be poor and damp. Indeed, it became a cause of concern that newlyweds might be forced to cook over a coal fire, if they could get coal. The shortage was not resolved fully until Q948, when competition also resumed. If a household still favoured a range, it would probably be an Aga or an Esse. The Esse was popular in the UK and had produced a ‘fairy’ range for smaller homes. However, it was still larger than most electrical or gas cookers. Indeed, there was discussion at the evidence given to the Q938 Housing Inquiry that local authority tenants did not like the look of some of the ranges provided in their houses and had replaced them with smaller equipment. Prices for both electric and gas cookers varied considerably with specification but a gas cooker could be had for between £8 and £Q9 in the Q93Ps. An additional important consideration was that cookers could be hired on a weekly basis. Washing machines were another important addition, now that servants were hard to come by, and they were part of the standard equipment of the all-electric house. H.T. O’Rourke turned his attention to the science of kitchen planning in a feature in the Irish Times in Q936 (R July, p. 3). With the new range of equipment available, he saw no need for a scullery, which he described as ‘evil smelling’. His kitchen had a place for a cooker, refrigerator, water heater, boiler and washing machine, with fitted kitchen units which were installed during building. Recognizing that in many modern houses the kitchen was often the smallest habitable room, he set out the scientific principles whereby these items might be arranged. A fridge was not to be taken for granted, though, and he also set out the positioning of the larder and fly screen. However, there was a concern running through his piece that people should not rush out to buy these items nor engage in costly reorganizations. In fact, he finished his piece by warning people that ‘a house that you cannot afford to continue to live in without a good income cannot be considered a permanent home’. The washing machine was an awkward affair that was not permanently plumbed into the mains and which had to loaded and emptied by hand. It was wheeled into position and then the washer set to work. The provision of a powered wringer was supposed to cut down the effort. For one of these, a household could expect to pay in Q937 a deposit of £Q. 7s. 6d. and then 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 290

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# Thor Automatic Clothes and Dishwashing Machine, Q948.

QR monthly payments of £Q 8s. 6d. Thor washing machines were available from between £Q4 and £RP in Q938. Additionally, there were dishwashers for those who had it all. By Q946, washing machines had become more substantial but the principles were the same, though the fully automatic washer was not far off. The price had also risen substantially and Hodge’s of Aston Quay would supply a ‘compact and unobtrusive’ machine, ‘beautifully ﬁnished grey enamel’, for an economic price of £47 QPs. However, a Hoover washing machine, smaller than the model described above and with a manual wringer, could be bought in Q948 for R5 guineas, assuring ‘an electric washing machine in every home’. In an attempt to combine all needs, Thor introduced a machine that could wash both clothes and dishes, though not at the same time. It was marketed in both the UK and Ireland but seems to have disappeared as quickly as it emerged. Of all the kitchen equipment, the refrigerator was regarded as the most luxurious. In the UK, where they were more common, an Electrolux gas 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 291

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$ Food Safe – an alternative to a fridge. (Dublin Opinion, Q947, p. 355.)

given current advice that meat should always be stored in the fridge, it is a wonder than anyone survived. ‘Just in time’ shopping doubtless helped.

refrigerator was available for Rs. 6d. per week in Q937 (Stevenson, RPPP, p. 3Q), added to the gas bill and guaranteed not to interfere with the radio. The latter was also noted in an advertisement from the gas Company in May Q936, which offered a fridge at the same price. There was nothing new about the technology but the availability of domestic-sized units was a feature of the Q93Ps. The brand of choice in Dublin was Frigidaire and it advertised (Irish Times, 5 May Q936, p. 7) that it had sold more than ﬁve times the amount of all its competitors combined. They argued that their units cost less to buy, they cost less to run (one-third of the running costs of gas) and were safer. A four cubic foot (.Q4cubic m) unit was available for £3P and a six cubic foot (.Q7cubic m) unit was available for £35 or it could be had on hire purchase over two years for 3Ps. The battle between gas and electricity was yet to be won in the mid-Q93Ps. In fact, Electrolux advertised a model in Q935 that could be powered by gas, electricity or paraﬃn. Having a fridge was seen to be thrifty since it reduced waste and allowed for food to be bought in season and stored. The Irish Times put it thus: ‘the possession of a refrigerator gives the woman who is at heart a bargain hunter … the opportunity to exercise fully her skill as a shopper’, and ‘to sum up in popular terms – the husband, being regarded as a necessity in the household, must be kept contented, and the advice to “feed the brute”, having persisted through the ages, should be done thoroughly 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 292

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and economically. So why not be up to date and do it electrically with the help of a refrigerator’ (Irish Times, R September Q938, p. 3). However, while the use of refrigeration grew in the commercial sector, it did not penetrate the domestic sector to any great degree for some time. It was still necessary in the Q95Ps to have a piece in newspapers explaining to readers how to use a fridge. Instead people continued with the use of a larder and ﬂy screen. The more enterprising might use a fridge substitute and buy a 5-cubic foot capacity food safe for under £6 in Q947 with its ‘refrigerator like’ shelving. Within the bathroom, tiles were the mark of money and the higher they went the better. ‘Molly Bawn’ in the Irish Times put it thus: ‘When super- luxury houses are designed and built, you will ﬁnd that the walls of the kitchen and bathrooms are tiled’ (Irish Times, Q6 May Q94R, p. 5). Most houses were not tiled and the question of the durability of distemper on steamy walls was a perennial one in advice columns. A ‘next best’ alternative was the use of beauty board with a tile design around baths and sinks. However, since beauty board was no more than lacquered paper, there was an obvious issue with water. It was noted above that it was not common to have more than one indoor bathroom, regardless of the number of bedrooms. A separate wc was a feature of many houses and one downstairs in the context of a cloakroom was some times provided. An outside wc was seen as useful in many higher end houses.

Heading towards the 1950s

There was a housing crisis in Dublin by the end of the Q94Ps. Despite considerable efforts by both the State and Dublin Corporation, the housing market had not kept up with demand. Dublin Corporation had now to focus on clearing its slums and that meant that its efforts were directed towards those at the very bottom of the housing market. Whereas it once had no interest in refurbishment, it was now willing to invest money in extending the life of older tenements, even when this meant that they had to be acquired compulsorily. Large-scale ﬂat complexes in inner city areas had become a standard element of the solution, even though there remained questions about the cost-beneﬁt analysis. Cottages remained the most used housing solution but even the four-roomed versions were small for the families being housed. It often meant that new houses were occupied at densities higher than might be desirable but the general quality of new housing was good, even if new suburbs tended to be monotonous in design. When the need is compared to 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 293

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Suburban variety. (Dublin Opinion, Q933, p. R67.)

Dublin Corporation’s resources, it is possible to understand how the Corporation would have arrived at the position that caused it to ﬁght its court case in the early Q95Ps over its failure to produce a town plan. By its own lights it was doing the best that it could at the fastest possible speed and it is possible to imagine the exasperation within the Corporation at being asked to do more. In this context, any addition to the housing stock was welcome. This meant that public utility societies and others who were prepared to build modest houses for themselves continued to receive preferential treatment. given that the rental market was so important, this special treatment was also extended to those who built to rent, resulting in a strong and dynamic rental sector, at the top of which was Associated Properties. It seems that even by Q933, Dublin’s suburbia in general was seen to be uniform and repetitive, if the Dublin Opinion cartoon is representative of opinion. This impression would certainly have been strengthened by Dublin Corporation’s decision to repeat the same limited palette of house designs in all their schemes. When this was done on the scale of Crumlin, it is hard to avoid the impression of a uniform suburbia despite an attempt to avoid monotony by the continued used of setbacks and by the avoidance of long straight streets. Dr Hernon’s announcement that they would never again build 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 294

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Aerial view of the Crumlin development. 05 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:41 Page 295

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on that scale was a welcome shift in housing policy as was a renewed commitment to attempt to achieve a great degree of social balance. Whether they managed to do this in the very large Finglas schemes of the Q95Ps will be explored in the next volume. The terrace became almost the preserve of social housing or housing built entirely for the rental market. Although some private builders provided houses in terraces, this was not the norm and certainly not south of the Liffey. Semi-detached and detached houses were very much the mark of private developments. Although semi-detached houses were sometimes used at the apex of road systems in social housing schemes, they were never a dominant feature. Provision for a car, absent in social housing developments, was a factor in semi-detached provision, but it also allowed the developer to make it clear that his was a lower density development and that space which could otherwise have been given to housing was being given to the resident. By the end of the Q94Ps, there was a large swathe of semi-detached housing around the southern edge of the city and in the suburbs of Dún Laoghaire. This contrasted with the great bulk of terraced housing to the western edge of the south city. On the northside, the fragmented nature of its social areas was now determined, with private housing located in close proximity to social housing developments. Relatively few people were in the happy position of being able to fund a house purchase without support and there were probably fewer people in such a position at the beginning of the Q95Ps than there had been a decade before. Prices had risen considerably during the Emergency but wages and salaries were struggling to catch up. There had been a wage freeze in most sectors of the economy and post-war salary rises had been a subject of much complaint. The State focused its grants on the provision of small houses, especially those for rent, and there was continued support for public utility societies, even though there seems not to have been a rush to form such societies. However, a feeling that the housing sector was still in crisis would have been common and would have much to justify it. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 296

e shopping experience

Dublin’s shopping cores

Dublin’s main shopping area was not greatly changed in the 1b30s from previous decades. There were two cores; one south of the Liffey with a focus on Grafton Street and the other north of the river with a focus on Henry Street. This arrangement was described in some detail for the early years of the century by the author in volume 1 of this series. South of the river, the shopping streets extended east and west of Grafton Street with a greater concentration in the streets to the west leading ultimately to South Great George’s Street. North of the river, the shopping district was more linear with Henry Street leading into the less-intensive Mary Street, counterbalanced by a similar shopping experience in Talbot Street to the east of O’Connell Street. The streets linking the cores also offered shopping of a varied kind and Dame Street, Westmoreland Street and even D’Olier Street were more important shopping streets than they are now. There were some shops along the quays, though they were mixed in with commercial activities, especially legal services in the vicinity of the Four Courts. There was a clear distinction between central area and local shopping, between what are sometimes called ‘higher order’ and ‘lower order’ goods. People shopped locally for the daily necessities, or ‘lower order’ goods, and they shopped more frequently than is the case today. In the absence of fridges, the problem of keeping goods cool and fresh was avoided by ‘just in time’ shopping, and it was not unusual to visit the shop three times a day. This resulted in a clear hierarchy of shops with many grocery-type shops located in residential areas. Then came the shopping districts, located in ‘village centres’ such as Drumcondra and Ranelagh, offering a range of daily needs but also some less frequently required items. However, the ‘higher order’ goods, the ones purchased less frequently, were to be found in central Dublin. The decentralization that was to come with the advent of the shopping centre was still some decades away. It is diﬃcult to present a sense of what it was like to shop in Dublin in the 1b30s and 1b40s because there were so many different experiences. It mattered greatly where a person stood on the social ladder and the differences between the employed and unemployed would have been even greater than today.

[b_ 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 297

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe [b`

While there were old age pensions from 1b08 and a national insurance scheme was introduced in 1b11, the range of supports to those dependent on the State was less than today. At the same time there were suﬃcient people to sustain a building industry where houses cost between £`50 and £[,000. For the poor, life was just as diﬃcult in the 1b30s and 1b40s as it had always been, and much of the city’s shopping offering was beyond their experience. This chapter, therefore, focuses on the much smaller stratum of people who had enough disposable income to enjoy a good standard of living and who sustained the shopping districts of the city.

Shopping

One of the recent changes to retailing has been the arrival of late-night or even all-night shopping. However, there is nothing new in this and the long hours of opening for shops, especially local ones, in the 1b30s may surprise. It was felt necessary in 1b[_ to introduce legislation to require all shops in the drapery, men’s outfitting and boot business in Dublin city to close at _ p.m. on four weekdays, at 1 p.m. on Wednesdays and 8.30 p.m. on Saturdays. This was to ensure that shop assistants were not working all the hours of the clock. However, there was no prohibition on the working hours of other shop types and hours varied greatly. The 1b[_ Act applied only for a five-year period and it was then allowed to lapse. Legislation in 1b38, the Shops (Hours of Trading) Act, provided for a compulsory weekly half-day closing but did not prescribe on what day it should be and, apart from some exceptions, it banned Sunday trading. However, in the face of a backlash (mainly rural) this ban was quickly ‘postponed’ although it remained on the statute books. It did not specify the maximum hours of business, leaving that to be the subject of orders for particular areas. Nonetheless, the Act was shown to have teeth. A notice appeared in the newspapers in December 1b38 on behalf of Clerys, McBirney’s, Pims and Todd Burns notifying customers that they were unable to proceed with their intention to stay open for the full day on Saturday 1` December, it being the second last Saturday before Christmas. They had been notified by the authorities that it would be a breach of the Shops Act (1b38) despite their having made arrangements with the staff to give them a full extra day after Christmas in lieu of the half-day on 1` December. However, they noted that they had matters in order for Saturday [4 December when they would stay open to _.30 p.m. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 298

[b8 DuBLIN, 1b30–1b50

Quite quickly there was a determination that butchers could open generally from 8 a.m. to _ p.m. on weekdays and to 8 p.m. on Saturdays. A local agreement within the industry decided on earlier closing on Mondays (3.30 p.m.), Tuesdays (5 p.m.) with a half-day on Wednesday commencing at 1 p.m. (Irish Times, 1[ May 1b38, p. _). It was more diﬃcult to get a general agreement in Dublin and this resulted in a public enquiry as to whether an order should be made regulating shop hours in Dublin County Borough and Dún Laoghaire, and to what kind of shops such an order should apply if it was to be made. Beginning on 14 July 1b3b, the inquiry took evidence over a number of months, presided over by Mr Diarmuid Fawsitt SC. There was no unanimity of opinion but the evidence revealed a picture of people shopping on a regular basis until midnight and of very long hours being worked in local shops. Generally, retailers were happy with the idea of earlier closing as long as everyone had to do it. There was a feeling that there was only so much business available and that the person who closed early would lose out to the person who stayed open later. Larger retailers were far more content with earlier closing, believing that it made more economic sense to concentrate their business. Thus Mr James Hart (of the eponymous corner in Glasnevin), representing the Combined Retail and Traders’ Association, noted that their members typically opened from ` a.m. until midnight for seven days a week. They favoured a closing time of 8 p.m. on Monday through Thursday, b p.m. Friday and Saturday and _ p.m. on Sunday. However a large-scale retailer such as Findlater’s, employing 350 people, opened only from b a.m. to _ p.m., with the staff leaving at _.30 p.m. They closed at 1 p.m. on their half day and did not open on Sunday. They would be happier if the legislation converged on their hours because they did not intend opening longer, even if the order permitted. The Dublin Registered Milk Vendor’s Association favoured similar opening hours to Mr Hart and their representatives spoke of poorer people choosing to shop after 11 p.m. Mr John Hogan, Vice Chairman, of Lower Sherriff Street, gave evidence that his hours were ` a.m. to midnight during the week and after midnight on Sundays and that this was of necessity, not choice. There was much support for the idea that earlier closing, but not earlier than 8 p.m., would cause inconvenience but not hardship and that people had simply become used to shopping later. However, many witnesses were worried that they would lose business if forced to close earlier. Mr Cantwell, a grocer from Kimmage, said that _0 per cent of his customers came into the shop 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 299

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe [bb

Local shopping provision in Marino in the early 1b30s. Note the outdoor display of meat.

between 8 p.m. and 10.30 p.m. Others argued that it would be a real hardship to the poorer classes who lived from hand to mouth and did not know that they would have any money to spend until the day was done. Tobacconists favoured staying open until 10 p.m. but a Mr Richardson of Ballybough Road, described as a ‘consumer’, favoured no restrictions whatsoever on the opening hours of shops and services. It was also argued that there was an element of exploitation in these long hours. Mr Patrick Cowley, Secretary of the Grocers’ and Purveyors’ Branch of the Irish union of Distributive Workers and Clerks, argued that many small shops were staffed by live-in country girls who were paid 5s. to 10s. a week whereas the union rate for forty-eight hours was a minimum of `0s. The inquiry ended on 1_ November 1b3b and the report was duly submitted. It was reported in Dáil eireann on 1` April 1b40 that it was under consideration and nothing was ever heard of it again. It was overtaken by events and the need to conserve resources such as electricity during the emergency. This led to the emergency Powers (early Closing of Shops) Order which came into force on 1 December 1b41, though it was not to be enforced during the Christmas shopping period of 8–[4 December. In general terms, shops were required to close at 8 p.m. on Monday to Thursday, at b p.m. on Friday and at 10 p.m. on Saturday. However, in the county borough of Dublin there was a requirement for shops engaged in particular activities, mostly drapery, 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 300

300 DuBLIN, 1b30–1b50

to close at 5.30 p.m. on weekdays other than Saturday. This was all about saving electricity and fuel and so it was found possible to vary these hours during the summer time but the variation was signiﬁcant only outside the county borough of Dublin and Dún Laoghaire Borough (Irish Times, [4 March 1b4[, p. [) where there was only minor variation allowed and the 5.30 p.m. closing rule was maintained. Indeed there was a report of ﬁnes ranging from 5s. to 10s. being imposed in the District Court on a number of Dublin shopkeepers who had lights in their windows after closing time. They argued that the shop might have been open but there was no business going on! (Irish Times, [[ April 1b4[, p. 1). The rules were amended in 1b4` (S.I. No. 3_[/1b4`) to institute a general prohibition on shops opening before ` a.m. and to maintain the distinction between certain types of shops (early closing) and ordinary shops in the Dublin County Borough. There was a long list of what constituted an ordinary shop in Dublin but the principle was that it was an early closing shop unless it was included in the list of exemptions. There was no mention of Sunday trading and no regulation of the weekly half-day holiday. Closing hours for a Dublin City (early closing hours) shop were _ p.m. from Monday through Friday and 10 p.m. on Saturday. Otherwise, and for all shops in the remainder of the city (including Dún Laoghaire), the hours were different with the seasons. From October through March, shops were required to close by 8 p.m. on Monday through Thursday, at b p.m. on Friday and 10 p.m. on Saturday. During April and September they could stay open for an additional thirty minutes between Monday and Thursday while during May through August, they could open as late as b p.m. on Monday through Friday.

Proﬁle of the main shopping streets

In this section, a proﬁle of the main shopping streets is offered. It is important to note that the shopping experience spread over more of the city centre than it does today and that there were corridors of shopping between the main cores, rather than the disconnected elements of today. There was also the difference between local provision and higher order provision, as noted above. Because there was still a sizeable population of largely poorer people within the city centre there was also a degree of local provision, grocery stores, public houses, newsagents, dairies and such like that were located off the main streets but not very far from them. There was a very rapid transition from the main shopping streets to these more local streets and quite a transition in terms of 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 301

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 301

both provision and clientele. These could still be found until the 1b`0s but suburbanization and the advent of the supermarket era brought an end to many local grocery stores and butchers. There was a resurgence of local provision during the Celtic Tiger days when population was drawn back to the inner city. The streets discussed served the entire city and, in some cases, the entire country, and the range of services that could be sustained was greater because of that. At a time when transport was considerably more diﬃcult than today and the quality of the roads often poor, even the very largest stores offered a postal service to ensure that they competed on a national basis.

Grafton Street Grafton Street’s pre-eminence in Dublin as a shopping street was hard to question in the early decades of the century. It had made the transition from a residential street to a shopping street by the nineteenth century and the range of goods and services had developed to meet the needs of a wealthy and fashion-conscious segment of the population who were largely southsiders and whom (it was said) would never venture across the Liffey to shop (see Chapter 5, Dublin through space and time). It was one of the first streets to market itself as a ‘shopping street’ and to suggest that the whole was greater than the sum of its parts. Comparisons were made with other fine shopping streets in europe and the one which stuck, whether justified or not, was with London’s Bond Street. This image was maintained during the 1b30s and 1b40s though there were some changes to the nature of shopping on the street. Individual firms came and went and the nature of the goods and services on offer within the shops reflected a changing society. The status of the street was maintained in a variety of advertising features that appeared in newspapers such as the Irish Times from time to time and especially at Christmas. The following from 1b35 (Irish Times, 18 December, p. 3) might seem rather unsubtle but it gets the point across: ‘Grafton Street may be little credit to Dublin from an architectural point of view, but as a shopping centre it has no peers’. The piece then goes on to claim that the street and those which adjoin it abounded in shops that should gratify the desires of every shopper. And, of course, it was not just at Christmas that the street was thronged, it was the most fashionable business centre throughout the year. A piece from 1b38 (Irish Times, [1 December, p. 3) followed a similar line, damning the architecture but saying that ‘the extraordinary thing about this neighbourhood is the immense variety of things which may be purchased within its comparatively small area, and at a range 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 302

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of prices which make it a district equally famed for the cost of some articles on display and the cheapness of others. You do not have to be a millionaire to go shopping in and about Grafton Street, but if you are you will find plenty to spend your money on.’ even in December 1b40 (Irish Times, 1b December, p. `), just as shopping was about to become more difficult due to wartime conditions, the street still had charms to seduce. The writer wondered how it was that the narrow, winding street had become the ‘fashionable centre’ of Dublin but the fact remained that the street was crowded with people shopping, taking coffee or just meeting their friends. It was perhaps the fact that is was narrow that gave it its advantage. It had no trams and no bus routes at the time and motor traffic had to move slowly down the street (now one-way) to avoid the crowds. Parking by this time was limited to [0 minutes but this brought the neighbouring streets into play and Duke Street, Anne Street, Chatham Street, Suffolk Street, and Wicklow Street were all crowded with cars, abandoned as their owners headed for Grafton Street. What is interesting is that in 1b40, the promenade aspect of the street remained, especially at the weekend. This had been an important aspect of the street since the nineteenth century, especially in the ‘season’. People dressed in their best and thronged the fashionable cafés until lunchtime or loitered on the street meeting friends. The café culture remained during the week but the street also responded more to the tempo of modern life so that at lunch time it became busy and again at tea-time ‘the women come into their own and are to be seen in their hundreds coming out of the cinema or hairdresser and meeting their friends for tea’. Thus Noel Purcell’s well-known song the Dublin Saunter which was recorded in the 1b40s was not entirely a flight of fancy. It seems that Dublin was the place to meet for ‘coffee at 11’ and a ‘stroll in Stephen’s Green’ and that ‘Grafton Street’s a wonderland. There’s magic in the air. There’s diamonds in the lady’s eyes. And gold-dust in her hair’. The street still appealed to those with money and ‘all manner of costly perfumes, furs, jewels, gown and flowers were to be purchased’. However, lest this be off-putting, the writer was careful to note that there was something for everyone on the street and a variety of prices to suit all pockets. Window dressing had become one of the distinctive characteristics of the street for Christmas and by 1b40 there was a competition between the various stores. The charm of the street lay in its quirky landscape, the narrow and sinuous nature of the street, but, above all, in the great variety of shops. Because there was something for everyone in Grafton Street, it drew everyone to it. The mix 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 303

Two images of Grafton Street in an earlier time. The ﬁrst image shows carriages waiting to collect shoppers from Switzers while the lower image shows the liveried attendant outside Forrest’s waiting to assist ladies with their shopping. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 304

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Throngs in Grafton Street. (Postcard.)

of shops contained the elegant and expensive together with the more day-today. It is probably fair to say that it was more elegant before the advent of the motor car. There are postcards of the street in earlier times showing elegant ladies alighting from their carriages and being attended by liveried doormen. By the 1b30s and certainly by the end of that decade, the car occupied every available free space, despite the ordnances introduced to limit waiting to twenty minutes (ﬁgure 134 above). An examination of Thom’s directories for the decade show that most of the shops and services that were there in 1b30 were also there in 1b40, and it is not possible to suggest any great shift in the nature of the shopping experience. Some changes had occurred during the 1b[0s, the arrival of Woolworth’s, for example, or mass-market tailoring in the form of Burton’s tailors, but continuity reigned thereafter. Someone shopping on the street at the end of the decade would have seen a street very little changed from 1b30. There was one transformation of signiﬁcance that provided a distinctive entrance to the street at the St Stephen’s Green end. This was the completion of the new store for Noblett’s the confectioners. The distinctive modern style with its roof turret caused the building to stand out from the rest of the street, making Noblett’s a landmark on the street until it was sold in 1b54. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 305

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The new Noblett’s Building. (Postcard.)

Not only was there a great mixture of uses on the street, they varied considerably in style and size. Many, if not most of the units, were single frontage in that they occupied just one plot. There were relatively few large units but these, by their nature, determined the character of the street. Foremost were the department store of Brown Thomas and Switzers which, together with the furnishing stores of Millar and Beatty, were a formidable draw for shoppers. Because they were located near the mid-point of the street, a considerable footfall was generated for the other shops on the street as people passed and repassed. A court case taken by Newell’s in 1b3[ over rents heard that this was the best part of the street for business. The part of the street across Nassau Street towards Trinity College was less good because of the presence of shops on one side only. However, while it was also suggested that the upper end of the street was less advantageous, there were no reasons given for this (Irish Times, 1b November 1b3[, p. 11). The department stores were aimed at a middle-class clientele and those who aspired to be such. They suggested that their clients held and attended dinner parties, enjoyed ﬁne dining and were familiar with cruising. However, if there was a single shop that deﬁned the street’s claim to elegance it was the seemingly more modest store of Slyne. This was a rather small and 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 306

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An example of the extra services offered in stores such as Brown Thomas to differentiate themselves from other stores.

The importance of Slyne in Dublin society. (Irish Times, _ August 1b3_, p. _ and [1 January 1b43, p. 3.) 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 307

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 30`

unprepossessing store with a small footprint but it occupied a good location at the junction of Harry Street and Grafton Street, giving it a double front. Slyne offered high fashion to both ladies and children and they were the acme for wedding clothes, whether it was the actual gown, the trousseau or the ‘mother of the bride’. Their importance in this role can be easily determined by a perusal of the ‘weddings’ column in the Irish Times where the ‘best’ weddings were recorded. The extract for 1b43 is typical of the dominance of this shop as well as showing how this persisted even with the exigencies of war. Together with Slyne there was the fashion house of Leon which was both ladies’ tailors and furriers. They were unusual in that they also maintained an establishment in Henry Street. Around the corner on Wicklow Street was the salon of Frances (on the first floor). This offered afternoon and evening gowns while on [[ Dawson Street was Eileen Loftus who offered the opportunity of personal attention and attendance. Further down Grafton Street were two furriers. There was Vard at number 8 and Barnardo at number 108. In 1b3[, the latter was offering a modest sable marmoset necklet for 15s. _d. with the suggestion that ladies might avoid import duty by purchasing goods that were manufactured in Ireland (Saorstát eireann, 1b3[, p. b5). West and Son had large premises at 10[ and 103 and advertised that they had the largest stock of diamond and gem rings in the country, while across Wicklow Street from Switzers was Weir and Son with a similar offering. For more day-to-day purchases there was Newell’s who specialized in blouses but who sold a range of undergarments, costumes and millinery. Although Roberts and Co. drapers and milliners were gone by 1b30, the store went through a range of incarnations during the 1b30s and most uses were clothing related. Switzers and Brown Thomas offered the department store experience. Switzers made their own claims to being ‘high class’ costumiers, furriers, milliners but then somewhat ruined the image by adding ‘general drapers’. even today, department stores try to offer the experience of an entire shopping street (Switzers suggested that they encompassed forty shops) within the confines of their store and will usually organize the different floors in the same manner as streets are organized into high earning, middle earning and low earning. Switzers was always more than a clothing store, though that was its defining characteristic. The emphasis was on women’s clothing but there was a large men’s department too. Clothing for women covered the spectrum and included gloves, hosiery, shoes, underwear, hats, costumes, dresses, blouses and coats. Dresses and gowns met day-to-day needs and those for formal wear. They also sold ribbons and materials. Men were catered to with a much 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 308

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upper Grafton Street. (Postcard.)

Grafton Street towards St Stephen’s Green. (Postcard.)

narrower range of suits, shirts, socks, ties and hats. There was little change in the nature of what was offered or the style of advertising during the 1b30s, allowing for the changing fashions. Switzers were careful to strike the balance between price and quality. In 1b33 they made the point explicitly when they 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 309

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said ‘At a time when the myth of “cheapness” is almost everywhere emblazoned in inviting golden letters, the House of Switzer maintains unswervingly its policy of Quality First. Switzers stake their reputation on the goods they sell’ (Irish Times, [ January 1b33, p. 1[). They offered their goods at a range of prices, even during the sales. Thus in 1b33 a ‘beautiful black or pony skin coat’ was available for £[1 but a ‘smart tweed coat’ could be had for £4 5s. In addition to clothing they sold household items and furnishings, everything from cake stands to tea sets to luggage to handbags. And for the weary shopper there was no need to seek out the nearby coffee shops because they operated their own restaurant. It is probably easier to get a sense of relative pricing by looking at what was offered to men. In 1b40, before the main impact of the war, they offered made-to-measure suits for _½ to `½ guineas. A cheaper lounge suit was available for around £5 15s. In 1b4[, they had a clearance sale of suits in particular sizes and styles only; an exceptional opportunity for men whose measurements coincided with the sizes available. even with these, the prices were `0s. and 85s. (Irish Times, [` January 1b4[, p. 4). In contrast, for many years, the 50/- Tailor had been doing business on Henry Street and was on the cusp of moving to Grafton Street. Likewise Burton’s would have offered made- to-measure clothing at far lower prices than Switzers. During the war, the range of goods on offer was diminished, but it would be a mistake to assume that the shelves were bare. Thus in January 1b4[ Switzers advertised a range of ‘charming’ silks that ranged from rayon at [s. bd. per yard to wool/rayon at 11s. 3d. per yard as well as a wide range of ‘loose covers and curtains’. In 1b44 they advertised ‘Superese’ three-piece furniture sets for the smaller home. They look remarkably uncomfortable but cost between £b 1`s. _d. to £15 1`s. _d. As the effects of the war lessened, Switzers returned to its old patterns. By January 1b4_, they were able to offer the new editions of radios with a Pye ‘all electric’ model available at £15. In spring 1b48, it was pleased to be able to advertise the new range in belted and swing back coats from Aquascutum, Jaeger and Travella (Irish Times, [ February 1b48, p. 1). Brown Thomas had a very similar range of offerings to Switzers and there was always the question of which was the leader. As noted by Haverty (1bb5), Brown Thomas was part of the Selfridge group until a controlling interest was bought in it by John McGuire who had made his name (and his fortune) with Clerys. Brown Thomas sought to emulate the Selfridge London image and therefore might have had an edge over Switzers in innovation and trends. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:42 Page 310

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Switzers, Millar and Beatty and Brown Thomas. (Postcard.)

The view towards College Green. Note the traﬃc held up behind the tram. (Postcard.) 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 311

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Against that argument, when McGuire when took over in December 1b33 he felt he had to innovate in Brown Thomas so that it could better compete with Switzers. For example, he revamped the beauty and hair salon and opened the ‘Modern Tea Room’. Brown Thomas was also focused on women’s clothing with some house - hold items. The range included gloves, stockings, scarves, nightwear, shoes, blouses, cardigans as well as high fashion. In addition, they sold carpets, rugs, dinner services, tablecloths and bed clothing. A display advertisement in 1b34 in the Irish Times offered household goods and linens, loose covers (cut and made by experts), window blinds, swimsuits, lingerie, summer fabrics for ‘holiday, cruising and evening wear’, as well as portrait photographs, the hair salon and a ‘wonderful bicycle offer’ at £3 1`s. _d. (Irish Times, [3 May, p. 1). In 1b35 they opened a new electrical department and offered customers electric irons (`s. _d.), aluminium electrical kettles ([5s.) and what they called ‘bowl fires’ – a dangerous-looking electric fire that looked something like a small satellite dish. This too was available for `s. _d. (Irish Times, 1b November, p. 1). They also recognized the changing role of women in that they offered ‘smart overalls’ which were cut as smartly as a good frock and which were suitable for work in government offices, banks and insurance offices (Irish Times, 4 December 1b35, p. 1). However, they also appealed to a more traditional society when they advertised in the Irish Independent on _ December 1b34 (p. 15) that they had a selection of ‘maid’s dainty aprons’ ([s. _d.) as well as caps and cuff and collar sets. Despite their association with Selfridge’s, much of Brown Thomas’s advertising was duller and more prosaic than their competitors. Thus in 1b30, they wooed the shopper to a sale with the following: ‘A number of sale items are here recorded. All serviceable goods that should be advantageous to purchasers. Prices in most cases bear little relation to the real value of the articles’ (Irish Times, [0 January, p. 3). They also offered an ‘inexpensive department’ at the back of the store on the ground floor. even in 1b48, they announced the return of cretonne with: ‘Good news for those who desire attractive new curtains and loose cover sets’. While they offered bargains from time to time, they preferred to speak of their ‘moderate’ prices. Both they and Switzers sought to differentiate themselves from cheaper stores by their emphasis on high fashion; the problem was that the cheaper stores then copied them. Brown Thomas offered fashion shows as well as lectures on trends in fashion. Thus in March 1b3_ a series of talks were given by Miss Jeanne Kent, described as ‘the famous fashion commentator’ who 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 312

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spoke to a packed Fabric Hall on the new season’s line and the colours which would be most worn. Miss Kent was the winner of the BBC personality Voice Competition at the Ideal Home exhibition and it would have been fascinating to have heard her well-enunciated tones. The range of clothing on offer included street wear, afternoon and evening dresses, sports clothes and outﬁts for cruising. Such was the demand that the talks were given at 3 p.m. and 4.30 p.m. each day. Switzers Fashion week in October 1b38 was described in the Irish Times as revealing ‘the secrets of the well-dressed woman – fur-trimmed hats, the right tweeds, dresses and coats, full-skirted-evening gowns and, above all, the right accessories with the right garments’. The departments attracted an ‘unusually large number of women’ (Irish Times, 4 October 1b38, p. 4). However, Clerys was not to be outdone in this area and it too drew large crowds whenever it attracted personalities to its store or held its own fashion shows. Moreover while Brown Thomas offered a beauty and hairdressing service, this was also available in Clerys. Both stores offered postal shopping with Switzers offering a post-free service on drapery but the service did not rise to the heights of Clerys. There were no easily identiﬁable differences in the range of services offered, therefore, between the big northside and southside department stores. Instead it was everything to do with the range of goods, the brand names, the prices and the clientele. Grafton Street, of course, offered many more shopping opportunities in ladies clothes and there were shoe shops and gown makers both on Grafton Street and the adjoining streets. Stores specialising in furniture and furnishing have to be very popular in order to justify their presence on busy shopping streets. The nature of their offering means that they must use valuable store space in a more extensive way than a shop selling clothing. This pointed to the status and popularity of the two big furnishing stores on Grafton street – Millar and Beatty and Cavendish. Both were there at the beginning of the 1b30s and both were there at the end of the 1b40s. Millar and Beatty were the kind of store chosen by upmarket estate agents to furnish their show houses. They had been on Grafton Street since the middle of the nineteenth century and they were a quality house. They offered ‘outstanding quality at competitive prices’, sold furniture and furnishings with an emphasis on traditional styles in oak, mahogany and walnut, and were the sort of shop that would send a catalogue on request. They also offered a service whereby carpets were ‘shaken and cleaned’ in their works. This was feasible because of the prevalence of carpet 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 313

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Horton’s outﬁtters at the corner of Grafton Street and Suffolk Street in the early 1b30s. The shop survived into the late 1b40s.

squares but it was a labour-intensive process. It made sense to do this only if the carpets were expensive or could not be easily replaced. Thus Todd Burns got into this business during the war as carpets became hard to replace. Cavendish were only a few doors up the street at [8 and [b Grafton Street and were slightly more cosmopolitan in that they were present also in Cork and Waterford. The focus was also wider in that they dealt in all aspects of furnishing but, otherwise, the emphasis was on quality, craftsmanship but good value. They offered hp (hire purchase) or ‘deferred purchase’, which was a little unusual for a store at the top end of the market. They advertised this in 1b4_ as the ‘Cavendish Way’ and indeed it had been a feature of their business during the entire period considered in this chapter. Cavendish made a particular feature of Odearest (sometimes O’Dearest) mattresses, a Dublin ﬁrm that manufactured in Capel Street and Stafford Street. Odearest had worked hard to develop a reputation as being the best and their witty advertising had been a feature of newspapers for a considerable time. Men did not fare as well as women in shopping terms. There were a number of men’s clothing stores on the street but an earlier emphasis on made 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 314

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Mitchell’s on Grafton Street, early 1b30s.

to measure and high class had been replaced by the more mass market appeal of Burton’s. That noted, W.J. Kelly still operated a large tailoring business at b`–bb and on _ December 1b34, they made the point that ‘evening clothes are essential, even to a Man of Moderate Means’. They promised to meet any need in this area and offered dinner suits at between 5½ guineas and 8½ guineas and full dress suits at `½ guineas to 10 guineas. They also noted that theirs was a cash business and ‘so there are no bad debts. A customer pays only for his own purchases’ (p. 1). Tyson was still on the street, with their royal warrant, describing themselves as ‘Shirtmaker, Hosier and Hatter’. In fact, in the advertisement in the Irish Times for Christmas 1b38, they felt that they did not really need to do much to advertise themselves, noting that the three activities summed them up and the range of goods was too wide to mention. The shopper was enjoined to ‘call and see for yourself’ (Irish Times, [1 December, p. 8). It has been noted previously that a coffee culture was an important element on the street and this was reﬂected in the opportunities to take such refreshment. There were no public houses on the street, unlike Henry Street where the Tower Bar was to be taken over in 1b38 by George Brady, but there 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 315

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1b40s advertisement for Mitchell’s including the ‘Blue Peter’ sherry bar.

was Mitchell’s, the Monument Creamery, Bewley’s Oriental Cafes and Robert Roberts. Of these Mitchell’s was probably the best place to be ‘seen’ but it was the newcomer, Bewley’s, opened only in 1b[`, that had the longevity. Although the premises still operate under the same brand name, few would claim that it is anything but a shadow of its former self. Mitchell’s opened their ‘Blue Peter’ sherry bar in 1b43, which was advertised as just the place for a morning sherry! Another important Grafton Street café destination was the Monument Café, one of two cafés owned by the Monument Creamery, an institution in the city (see discussion of Henry Street below). It underwent an extensive remodelling in 1b4_ so that it offered a ‘new gay atmosphere … a new degree of comfort … plus all the things that made it so popular to “meet at the monument”’ (Irish Times, [8 June 1b4_, p. 3). Looking at the range of shops at the end of the 1b40s and comparing with the position at the beginning of the 1b30s, little had changed. The same 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 316

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South King Street. (Goad Fire Insurance plan, Sheet 3`, 1b4`.) Note: ‘Tens’ = Tenements, ‘P.H.’ = Public House. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 317

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‘names’ were on the street in the late 1b40s. There had been some change, particularly in the more specialist clothing shops. For example, Dunn and Co. had been hat manufacturers at numbers 3 and 4 in 1b30 but by 1b4` that space was occupied by Lavell Modes. The Lawrence photographic company was gone and the Mourning Warehouse at 45–_ had been replaced by confectioners and ladies’ outfitters. There had been a brief flirtation with car sales on the street but this was gone by the end of the 1b40s both because cars had become a non-item in the war years but also because it was realized that car sales and busy retail streets were not compatible. The shopping district did not extend much beyond Grafton Street at the St Stephen’s Green end. There were some good shops on the Green itself but the Goad plan for 1b4` also shows how quickly shopping gave way to local provision and wholesaling, while manufacturing was close by. South King Street had a great many pubs, tobacconists, grocers as well as a number of wholesalers while many of the upper floors were given over to tenements.

South Great George’s Street South Great George’s Street was always in competition with Grafton Street and that remained the case in the time period studied here. It had both the advantage of being on a bus route and the disadvantage of being wide enough to accommodate large volumes of traffic but not pedestrians. Its anchor remained the Pims department store, as had been the case since the middle of the nineteenth century. The structure of shopping on the street changed little during the 1b30s, though the street was remodelled at its junction with Dame Street. In earlier times South Great George’s Street became narrower towards Dame Street once exchequer Street was crossed and this had long been a source of annoyance and a hindrance to traffic. It was not until April 1b3[ that the Corporation adopted a resolution that approved the widening of the street as necessary from the corner of Dame Street to Wexford Street. This was necessary if the George’s Street axis, an important element in the road plans to improve north and south city connectivity and which would replace the Ha’penny bridge, was going to become a reality. What actually happened was on a modest scale and involved the block between numbers 3 and 10 George’s Street as seen on the Goad Plan (figure 14_) below. Other demolitions occurred on Aungier Street, Redmond’s Hill and Wexford Street with the result that the entire route was now of the order of 50 feet (1_m) wide. Demolition began on 1 February 1b3`, beginning with a pub on the corner 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 318

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Goad Fire Insurance plans showing the changes to George’s Street. (Goad Fire Insurance plan, Sheet 34.) The lower image shows the street following the widening of its eastern side.

of Dame Street and the rebuilding was completed by 1b40, to a unified style in keeping with the red brick of the earlier buildings. It can be debated as to whether the widening of the street enhanced its status as a shopping street since it made the traffic flow more quickly and separated one side of the street more effectively from the other. It was mentioned above that part of the charm of Grafton Street was its narrowness and the fact that public transport could not access it. In contrast George’s Street now advertised that it was accessible by direct bus from all parts of the city and that the 1[, 1_, 1`, 1b, 1ba and 83 buses passed down it. The street was important for shopping and it also gave life to the streets that linked it and Grafton Street as shoppers passed from one to the other. Although it did not match Grafton Street in the high end of the fashions 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 319

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available, it shared a strong focus on drapery and clothing. Kellett’s had the corner location with exchequer Street and they had a focus on fashion, combining style with moderate value and dipping into the evening wear market. In common with all other stores, they operated countrywide though they noted that they would not send evening gowns on approbation, presumably because of the temptation to wear them to the required event and then send them back. They also sold a wide range of fabrics and clothes and, for example, in 1b40 they offered a tailored coat, ‘well tailored in fancy bouclé cloth and trimmed in Indian lamb’ for the ‘fuller figure’ at 8½ guineas. They had their own workshop that allowed them to provide a full tailoring service on the premises as well as mount fashion shows of their own designs. Though not quite as much a fixture as Pims, W. Holmes and Co. had had a presence on the street since the latter years of the nineteenth century. The shop had been run by a Mrs Holmes and latterly by her son and they were drapers, gown makers, milliners and children’s and ladies’ outfitters in the more traditional sense. Mr Holmes did not thrive in the changing business of fashion and decided to close in 1b3`. The store reopened as Macey’s in 1b3b, having been extensively remodelled inside. While it was also a ladies’ and childrens’ outfitters with a focus on fabrics, it set out its stall very quickly and declared that it was the leading fashion and drapery centre in the city. However, this was in the context of the ‘long felt need in Dublin of a Drapery Store which offered both goods of high quality and fashion value that did not cripple the purse and goods of low prices which were not unwearably “cheap”’ (Irish Times, [4 March 1b3b, p. 3). Its advertisements in the 1b40s declared it to be the ‘brightest’ shop in town and they maintained their aim of fashion at a reasonable price. Thus at Christmas 1b45, they offered a ‘smart fur felt’ dressy hat lavishly trimmed with veiling for 4bs. 11d., but also a smart beret at 1_s. 11d. In 1b48, they offered ‘Turkish towels’ at 5s. 11d. each, flannelette at 3s. 3d. per yard and linen tablecloths at 8s. 11d. Cassidy’s was another long- established outfitter, which had premises from 54–`. In 1b3[ they offered ‘typical economy value in the fashion salons’ and for the holidays there was a twenty-page catalogue of fashions, sent post free. It was the same story in 1b4[ when they offered ‘amazing style’ at ‘amazing low prices’ in the form of a dress in a ‘gay bolero style with vivid stripes’ for 14s. 11d. ‘(easily worth a guinea)’ (Irish Times, 13 August, p. 1). Pims department store was central to the street’s success. It occupied most of the western side of the street from the City Markets to Dame Street as well as a number of satellite locations. They had been on the street since the middle 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 320

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Christmas advertisement for Pims in the 1b30s showing the wide range on offer.

of the nineteenth century and offered the full range of departments that would be expected in a department store. They were also noted for the quality of their annual ‘Santa Claus’. Naturally, there was a focus on women’s clothing 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 321

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and they covered the entire spectrum. They sold household goods, including sheets, fabrics and tableware as well as floor coverings and carpets. Just like Switzers and Brown Thomas, Pims maintained their fashion credentials by holding fashion parades such as that held in March 1b3[ when, to a musical selection by Madame Van Aalst, they displayed every variety of spring model, some of the most fetching being serviceable coats of Irish homespun tweeds (Irish Times, b March, p. [). On 10 March 1b3_, Madame Van Aalst was playing at a similar event in Todd Burns but Madame Christy’s trio provided the musical accompaniment to the Pims fashion show when a dozen models displayed the collection to an audience of over 800 people. They emphasized Irish produce and the fact that the garments could be produced in their own workshops was commented upon in terms of value. Irish produce was also emphasized during ‘Irish Week’, an example of which took place in March 1b3[ when [4 windows were given over to displays of Irish goods. Another distinctive feature of the street was the South City Markets, which celebrated its fiftieth anniversary in 1b31. Given the controlling interest that the Pim family had in the venture, which contrary to popular belief was a private company, it might be seen as the ‘food hall’ of Pims. There was a range of victuallers, fishmongers and vegetable and fruit sellers. Although the original motivation that brought the Pim family and other business men on the street into the venture was cleaning up the noxious Castle Market and its associated tenements, they had developed the market into a profitable company in the 1b30s and 40s. Together with these features, there was quite a range of shoe shops, other tailors and clothing suppliers. Well-known businesses such as Findlater’s, the grocers, Hafner’s butchers and Bewley’s Oriental Cafes had branches there. Whyte and Sons operated a well-known glass and china merchants across the street from Kelletts. There was the more specialist attraction of Dockrell’s, also a firm of long standing, which sold cement, paint, building materials, glass and general hardware as well as operating a well-known auctioneering business. Moreover, unlike Grafton Street with its range of tea and coffee shops, George’s Street offered the weary shopper the chance to enjoy the entertainment of a pub (or two).

Exchequer Street, together with Wicklow Street, provided the vital pedestrian link between Grafton and George’s Street and the footfall on this street, compared to the other less direct links, was suﬃcient to sustain a wide range of shops. Clothing stores were the most numerous and Kelletts had a number 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 322

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of outlets on exchequer Street. Nicholl’s were relative newcomers on the street having been there since 1b[[ but they occupied both sides of the street at [5–` and [4–_ as well as having an outlier at number [[. These were general drapers rather than high fashion retailers and sold sheets, towels, fabrics and quilts. The street’s good location also supported a number of quality hotels such as the Central Hotel at the George’s Street end and the St Andrew’s Hotel midway up.

Dawson Street bears comparison with South Great George’s Street because it is the parallel route to Grafton Street on the eastern side. It is closer to Grafton Street than George’s Street and it is linked by two direct and straight streets. Yet, it never rivalled George’s Street in terms of retailing. Both were streets busy with traffic and the explanation cannot lie there. The explanation has to lie in the absence of a major draw such as Pims. There needed to be something to pull the shopper onto Dawson Street. There was Maguire and Gatchell, which had been on the street for more than 1[5 years when it opened impressive new premises at 13–15; they already had premises at `–10. The Irish Times praised the work and noted the imposing façade and the windows that allowed the passer-by to see the showroom display which, they said, was the largest to be seen in the city. They also noted that some of the fine old ceilings had been preserved in the reconstruction, while the building was one of the most modern to be seen anywhere (Irish Times, 8 January 1b34, p. 4). The firm sold plumbing, heating and electrical materials and also offered installation. It also sold china, glassware, dinner services and so many things that a piece in the Irish Times for 1b40 entitled ‘Christmas presents at Maguire and Gatchell’s’ promised ‘Maguire and Gatchell’s hardware department would delight both the male and female shopper. There is every kind of tool and gadget to be seen in a big variety, but special attention should be paid to the display of aluminium. We are told that aluminium ware will soon be very hard to obtain’ (Irish Times, _ December 1b40, p. 3). It does not appear to have changed the impression of the store for in 1b44 they advertised ‘many people think of Maguire and Gatchell’s as a firm specialising in such things as boilers, ovens, baths, fireplaces, stoves, electrical goods, etc. And while this is perfectly true we would like to remind that we also have a department where … [they will find] an assortment of articles of a very different kind. Here is a wide variety of fancy goods, from pottery, cut glass and ornamental vases to dainty trays, fireside chairs and table lamps’ (Irish Times, 18 October 1b44, p. [). With that problem of perception, it was never going to be the basis of an 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 323

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The new premises of Maguire and Gatchell on Dawson Street, 1b3[.

alternative pole and Hodges Figgis was not a suﬃciently strong alternative. Thus Dawson Street settled into its position as a commercial street with a large number of insurance companies, including some on the upper ﬂoors of Maguire and Gatchell, and a mixture of retailing and service companies.

O’Connell Street O’Connell Street was fortunate in that it became the focus of the tram system, making it a daily destination for many people. It enjoyed the status that came with being the primary street in the city because of its scale and the presence of so many important monuments. That status was conﬁrmed by the 1b1_ Rising and the position of the GPO as the focal point of the resistance to British rule. However, it was never a great shopping street. even prior to the destruction that followed the Rising and the Civil War, there was very little shopping undertaken north of Nelson’s Pillar (the upper part of the street). The Lower part of the street offered more by way of shopping but neither the range of shops, nor their nature would have been emblematic of a top quality 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 324

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shopping street. The success of the street had more to do with people passing and repassing on their way elsewhere as it was on the main connection between the two shopping cores of Grafton and Henry Street. Only the presence of Clerys was a particular draw, though in the early part of the century the presence of so many fine hotels attracted a wealthy clientele. There was the Metropole, Gresham, Hammam and Imperial hotels, with the first mentioned being able to stand comparison with the Shelbourne. The Hammam could claim to be the most distinctive because it offered the pleasure of a Turkish (and other forms) of bath. Moreover, these were not the only hotels on the street. In the reconstruction of the street, much changed. Three major hotels were lost – the Imperial, Hammam and the Metropole, though the latter returned as a cinema, ballroom and restaurant. Such was the scale of destruction that it would have been possible to remodel the street entirely and there were some hopes initially that this might be done. However, financial exigencies ensured that a much more modest reconstruction was undertaken, though there was an attempt to ensure uniformity in façade and design, especially on the eastern part of the street rebuilt following the destruction of 1b[[. There is a very simple neo-classical theme with the centrepiece at what is now the Savoy cinema. equally well done, the scale and mass of the buildings is appropriate to the dimensions of the street and produces a very pleasing effect for those who can take the time to appreciate it. The formal transition from Sackville Street to O’Connell Street began on 5 May 1b[4 when Dublin Corporation agreed to a motion to change the name. The ratepayers were consulted on 31 May and a significant majority was found to be in favour. By then, the Corporation had been dissolved by order of the government and replaced by three commissioners. The commissioners accepted the decision and proceeded to have notice of the name change sent to the relevant authorities, including Thom’s directory. Though this ended the matter in a formal legal way, the name change took some time to stick. Just as many people had been calling the street O’Connell Street for many decades, equally the use of Sackville Street continued for some years, especially in the pages of the Irish Times. even the Civil Service Commission still believed in 1b30 that they operated from 45 upper Sackville Street. It was fortunate from a business point of view that Clerys was rebuilt and the new store expanded to occupy most of the block on which it was previously located. Not only was the new store much larger than its 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 325

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predecessor but it also developed its reputation as a national store and not just a Dublin store by courting its rural customers. By the mid-1b30s, an advertising booklet for the store suggested a daily footfall of 15,000 which rose to between 30,000 and 40,000 during the Christmas period. In addition, it ran special rail excursions throughout the year from all parts of Ireland, bringing an extra 5,000 into the store on a given day. One such example was the rail excursion aimed at customers from Limerick and the south midlands which ran on 1[ May 1b30. The advertisement in the Irish Independent (p. b) offered a departure from Limerick at 8.05 a.m. with arrival in Dublin at 11.55 a.m., having stopped at a variety of stations along the way. The return fare ranged between 8s. from Limerick to 4s. from Portarlington. This gave the enthusiastic shoppers all afternoon since the return leg did not leave Dublin until ` p.m. Clerys made the point that it was not compulsory to shop in the store in order to avail of the fare, but they did offer to refund the fare for any purchases over £5. They were still running these excursions in 1b40, though they tapered off during the emergency. The offer was still the same, the fare was available to anyone but one full fare would be refunded for purchases over £5 (Irish Independent, 14 November 1b40, p. 1). Not to be outdone, Guiney’s, a more downmarket version of Clerys on Talbot Street, advertised, as they had done for some years, a free rail excursion to Dublin on [ May 1b40, the deal being that the cost of the fare was deducted from any shopping bill in excess of £3. (Irish Independent, [ May, 1b40, p. 1_). Clerys was organized as a typical department store with fifty-three departments over its four floors in addition to the bargain basement. It aimed to offer a full shopping experience meeting all the usual needs of households. Naturally, it had a strong focus on women’s clothing and materials and offered silks, woollen fabrics, blouses, laces and neckware, gloves, hosiery, ribbons, handbags, jewellery, haberdashery and needlework. However, the ‘Ladies’ Domain’ was the Grand Gallery on the upper floors. Here they offered suits and frocks, underclothes, dressing gowns and corsets as well as a hairdressing and beauty salon. Lest it might be suspected otherwise Clerys models were ‘always in the forefront of fashion, and ladies may rest assured that only the latest cut and best quality garments are provided’ (Clerys, 1b3_, p. 3`). There was also a large household department on the ground floor which sold dress materials, bedlinens, blankets and the whole range of household furnishings. In common with most such stores, the furniture section was on the top floor because of its space demands, leaving more valuable space to more lucrative uses. Nowadays this would be make-up and beauty items but 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 326

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upper O’Connell Street from Clerys towards the Liffey. (Postcard.)

upper O’Connell Street showing Manﬁeld, eason’s and the Metropole. (Postcard.)

at this time it was clearly household furnishings. There was a men’s and boys’ section, which was a separate part of the store, located very much out of the general circulation, and this provided clothes, shirts, ties, hats, sportswear and accessories. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 327

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Clerys also operated a pharmacy and optician, sold sweets and tobacco and had a special section devoted to church goods and vestments. A strong emphasis on Irish goods pervaded the store’s offerings, with the exception of ladies’ fashions where international connections were important and emphasized. The bargain basement was where shoppers went to find items originally on offer at higher prices and now being sold to make way for new stock. It was also the location for departments that also needed to occupy less valuable space, such as sports goods, lino and carpet, and china and glass. As a draw for customers, they installed a modern ‘soda fountain’ that sold ice creams and iced drinks as well as a grocery and food department. The ‘offer’ to shoppers was completed with the restaurant, which was a major operation with full table service for 500 diners. In the mid-1b30s, it was open daily from b a.m. to 8 p.m. (not on Sunday) and this meant that it was open at hours when the shop was closed as Clerys was required to close on Saturdays at 1 p.m. The restaurant offered a [s. table d’hôte lunch from 1[.30 p.m. to 3.30 p.m. and a high tea at 1s. _d. These prices were extremely competitive, especially when the level of service was factored in. There was also a ‘coffee lounge’. Clerys aimed to have a national and international reach. The latter was developed by playing host to shoppers from visiting cruise ships such as the SS Paris. Its national reach was maintained by daily deliveries within a [0 mile (c.30km) radius of the city, for which it maintained its own fleet of vans. Longer distance deliveries were achieved by post and they dealt with _00/`00 orders daily. Customers were kept in touch with details of goods and prices. A final element was that they had six ‘travelling representatives’ who covered both Ireland and england and ensured that people who did not travel to Dublin could be provided with a personal service. The recognition of the ‘Clerys’ brand was so universal that smaller stores such as Sheila, a specialist women’s clothing store which was downstairs at number 1_, advertised that they were ‘opposite eason’s and near Clerys’ (Irish Independent, 4 September 1b3b, p. 1_). The business model was not without its difficulties and Clerys went through an uncertain period at the end of the 1b30s before a new company emerged in 1b41 led by Denis Guiney who had developed a very successful and similar business in Talbot Street, as noted above. Otherwise the shopping character of the street was little changed from the 1b10s. The range and type of goods on offer was what would be expected of a secondary street, a street living off the footfall of people going elsewhere. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 328

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Christmas advertisement for Clerys in the 1b30s showing the wide range on offer.

There was a smattering of banks, Bank of Ireland, the Hibernian and Munster and Leinster banks each had a branch on the street, and there was a number of oﬃce ‘chambers’ – a building housing a number of different commercial activities. Shoppers from an older generation would have recognized Hopkins 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 329

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 3[b

Clerys in the early 1b40s.

and Hopkins, the jewellers, which occupied the then prime site at the corner of O’Connell Street and eden Quay. Kapp and Peterson had their northside branch on the opposite corner. Other familiar faces would have been Lemon’s sweet shop, elvery’s, the sports outﬁtters, and Hamilton and Long, the chemists and the ‘True Form Boot Company’. The main shop other than Clerys was eason’s, by then a long-established bookseller and stationer. There were shoe shops, jewellers, some outﬁtters and a stray soda fountain (though there would soon be some more) and this picture changed little during the 1b30s. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 330

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The Saxone shoe shop on O’Connell Street in the early 1b30s beside Burton’s.

Before the 1b1_ Rising and the destruction of the Civil War, the upper part of the street was a mixture of hotels, commercial enterprises, some shops, and a few factories. It was not a shopping street as shopping ﬂows deﬂected left and right into Henry Street or North earl Street. Burton’s, the tailors, recognized the importance of this corner when they sited their shop at the corner of North earl Street and O’Connell Street. Following the destruction and rebuilding in the 1b[0s, the hotels were replaced by cinemas so that the upper part of the street became characterized more by mass enter tainment than by the tourist market. The Savoy and Carlton cinemas opposed each other mid-way up the street with the competing attractions on the lower part of the street of the Capitol, the Metropole as well as the smaller Pillar (closed by 1b45), the Sackville Picture House and the Grand Central Cinema near the quays with its impressive glass awning which reached to the roadway. To these would be added later a number of ice cream parlours. The Monument Creamery opened its café and bakery in 1b3[ at numbers 55 and 5_. This was a major addition to the street in that there were only two Monument cafés and two bakeries in Dublin. A cake from the Monument Bakery was very welcome in any Dublin household. The café made a point of using only the products 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 331

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View of upper O’Connell Street towards Nelson’s Pillar. (Postcard.)

O’Connell Street at the junction with earl Street. (Postcard.)

for which the creamery had become well known and they were ahead of the times in that they provided a space for non-smokers at a time when everyone smoked. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 332

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Not all had changed and upper O’Connell Street included the Gresham Hotel with Mackey’s, the seed merchants, beside it and the main shop of the Findlater grocery chain just a couple of doors down on Findlater Place, immediately across the road from the new Cathal Brugha Street, which now provided direct access from Sean Mac Dermott Street [Gloucester Street] to O’Connell Street. Gilbey, the wine merchants, and Gill, the booksellers, were still on the west side together with Thwaites, the mineral water manufactures, and the distinctive presence of Laird’s chemist. ‘Laird’s Pillar Pharmacy’ was emblazoned on its façade in letters so large as to make it visible from a great distance as well as ensuring that it was clearly legible in many postcards that featured Nelson’s Pillar. O’Hanrahan’s gramophone shop was located directly beside Findlater’s and continued in business until 1b3_. They had made somewhat of an advertising statement when in the Advance programme to the Eucharistic Congress (1b3[) they exhorted consumers to support a Catholic firm and not others that used their profits to support ‘anti-Catholic funds’ (p. 1[0). The mention of Thwaites is a reminder that the west side of the street retained an industrial character. This was not heavy industry but rather focused on the drinks industry, both alcoholic and non-alcoholic. There had been a long-established mineral water industry in Dublin and Thwaites had their offices fronting onto O’Connell Street but their manufacturing on a much larger footprint behind with additional premises on Moore Street (see Goad plan). O’Brien and Co. had operated a similar factory on the block bounded by Henry Lane but without a presence on either main street and they sold these premises to the Cavendish Furniture Company for warehousing in December 1b[b. Cantrell and Cochrane, Thwaites and Schweppes would probably have been the best known of the brands of mineral waters but Hovenden and Orr, Bewley and Draper, together with O’Brien had a sufficient national presence that a John Donnelly of Carrickmacross published an apology in the Irish Independent on 15 August 1b35 (p. 11) for his use of the bottles from these products to supply a fraudulent product to retailers and consumers. Both Falconer and Gill had their printing works at their O’Connell Street premises, while Gilbey’s had a bottling plant as well as a washing plant, cask store and empties store across Moore Lane to the rear of Moore Street. The Richmond National Institution for the Instruction of the Industrious Blind had a long-standing basket-weaving business nearby. During the 1b30s, John Purcell continued the cigarette-making business that was there in the 1b10s, while his retail shops sold tobacco products in a number of city centre locations, most notably at the apex of Westmoreland Street and D’Olier Street. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 333

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extract from 1b[_ Goad Fire Insurance plan (sheet 4) showing industrial uses near O’Connell Street.

This part of the street also had its share of banks, as well as a sprinkling of tailors and outﬁtters, especially Kingston’s, but its commercial character was set by the arrival of the Revenue Commissioners and other branches of the Civil Service who occupied much of the block that had replaced the Hammam Hotel on the east side. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 334

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Henry Street Henry Street was the primary shopping street in the northern shopping district. Taken together with its continuation, Mary Street, it bears reasonable physical comparison with Grafton Street in terms of both width and length but it is straighter, though with a gentle fall towards Capel Street. The building fabric was mostly from a similar period to Grafton Street also and most of it survived both the 1b1_ Rebellion and the Civil War. Like Grafton Street the shopping experience was enhanced by the presence of three department stores – Arnotts and Roche’s Stores on Henry Street and Todd Burns on Mary Street. It also had a Woolworth’s. It has been shown above that Grafton Street asserted itself as the primary shopping street in the city and this was taken as read by the various promotional pieces written about the street. The question therefore arises as to whether Henry Street saw itself as a pale reflection of Grafton Street, the primary street of the northside but only of the northside. On the face of it, the street had claims to rival Grafton Street. Its three department stores were high quality. Indeed, Arnotts saw itself as servicing the higher end of the market. In commenting on a bad year in 1b3b, when profits were down, the chairman suggested that part of the reason was that they had to hold larger stocks because of supply difficulties from outside Ireland. This left them open to the changing winds of fashion and this might have been accentuated by the fact that they operated at the high-class end of the business. As a general point the 1b30s had presented difficult trading conditions for all major retailers; it took the war for matters to improve. There were fewer promotional features for Henry Street than Grafton Street in the newspapers but one from 1b34 does appear to recognise the street as serving a more humble function. Published in the Irish Press for 1b January, it labelled the street as ‘Dublin’s up to Date Shopping centre’. Food was offered as one of the attractions of the street combined with low prices. Thus ‘when one has to budget one’s resources and find the maximum of value for the minimum of outlay’ the place to look for bacon, the freshest of butter and eggs, honey and so on was Henry Street. Reference was made to the presence of ‘one of the most progressive drapery and furnishing stores’ and to the fact that it was famous for its Irish tweeds as well as an ‘unlimited selection in women’s clothes’. The emphasis throughout was not on international trends or fashion but rather on cost: ‘charming outfits may be secured for your little boy or girl at the minimum cost’. Certainly the goods available were described as high quality and there was a lot on offer but the author wrote of the 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 335

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 335

‘attractive and inexpensive little shops dotted here and there’ and later that ‘you often find when you shop in Henry Street that your money will stretch over many an inconsidered item as well’. In Grafton Street, the reference would have been to ‘moderate’ prices and to style. A point of comparison was offered in terms of Saturday, the day for promenade in Grafton Street. In Henry Street, while the flower girls’ blooms make ‘great splashes of colour’, the emphasis was on ‘getting on quickly with the business of life’, though it must be accepted that the piece referred to a January Saturday. However, the last sentence emphasized this impression: ‘I must admit that one may conserve both money and time should one choose to shop in Henry Street’. The day before there had been a feature in the Irish Times, which followed the same lines. The street was seen as ‘democratic’ because it attracted people from all walks of life and all strata of society but ‘as a shopping street, Henry Street differs vastly from, let us say Grafton Street, with its glittering splendour, which led Donn Byrne, the master of glowing phrase, to write of “going from College to St Stephen’s Green, and seeing that street like a garden, so much of beauty did it hold”. Henry Street is no garden, but it is one of Dublin’s busiest shopping streets; indeed there is no room for the dilettante amid the eager swarm of housewives who make its shops their goal’ (p. 13). So, Henry Street was not a place to dawdle, to meet friends, to promenade. This is because it offered items for every-day use, not the special, not the luxury uses that could be found elsewhere. It was a street devoted to the efficient business of retailing (‘up to date’ was also used as a descriptor here) and shoppers were assured of choice, good quality and reasonable prices. To be fair to Henry Street, it was also colder and less bright. While the sun shines along Grafton Street, it rarely penetrates Henry Street with its west-east orientation because the height of the buildings relative to its width consigns much of the street to perpetual shadow. That the shoppers in the Henry Street district were distinctive was noted in an advertising piece from the Irish Times for Christmas 1b3b (1b December, p. 3). Naturally, it sang the praises of the shops but it noted that the crowds here moved more slowly and that they were more friendly than elsewhere. This might appear to contradict the comment above which suggested that it was a busy fast moving street but it might simply be that the Christmas throngs required that crowds move slowly. It was noted that rich and poor mingled (indeed, the tenements were not far away) and took their turn in the queues in good temper for ‘this area is the centre of things all the year round for north city dwellers’. There were bargains to be had and shoes, for example, seemed to be one of the items that were half price ‘down here’. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 336

33_ DuBLIN, 1b30–1b50

While there is much folklore that southside shoppers kept to the southside of the Liffey, the reality is probably more complicated. There are few data to answer the question but Arnotts noted in the 1b30s that the majority of van deliveries went to addresses south of the river and so it seems that Arnotts, at least, drew widely for its customers (Nesbitt, 1bb3, p. 10_). The Irish Press writer enthused about food shopping on the street and must have been referring to H.W. Williams and Lipton’s, the grocers, Hafner’s, the butchers, as well as to the Home and Colonial Tea Company but the Monument Creamery was ‘the’ food shop on Henry Street. The Monument Creamery began in 1b18 and finally closed in 1b__ by which time it had [_ branches and 500 staff. Like Findlater’s on O’Connell Street, it was by then a city-wide operation and by the mid-1b30s it had [3 branches. It had a presence on the main shopping streets – Grafton Street, South Great George’s Street, Talbot Street, Parnell Street and Camden Street (its headquarters). It was also present in many of the suburbs and a branch could be found in Dún Laoghaire, Marino, Ranelagh, Phibsborough, Drumcondra and Cabra. Its reputation was built on its supply of Irish butter but it sold other products such as honey, eggs, cream and cheese with the emphasis on freshness. The cakes from its bakery rivalled Bewley’s in terms of reputation. They sold butter for 1s. 5d. per lb in 1b35 with the boast that it was sold within a few hours of leaving the churn (Irish Times, 13 March 1b35, p. 11). Indeed, in the 1b40s, there were advertisements seeking supplies of honey so that they could meet the demand. It would not be correct, though, to downplay the clothing aspect of the street. Like any main shopping street, Henry Street focused on women’s clothing. The shopper found drapers, including Slowey’s, a number of shoe shops, a selection of ladies’ outfitters as well as men’s tailors. Slowey’s had two stores, one at number 4b and the other at 3`–8. ‘Henrietta’ had been at number 3` in the mid-1b30s but had been absorbed by Slowey’s. The store concen - trated on coats, frocks, sportswear and millinery but was also another example of one which offered ‘outsizes’. Nearby at number 45 egan’s offered a range of garments in up to the minute styles, ‘all inexpensively priced and representative of Dublin’s finest value’. Men were well catered for on the street with two branches of Burton’s, with the flagship store just across the road on O’Connell Street. The Fifty Shilling tailor was located at number 50 and had at this time branched out to Grafton Street. In 1b41, it went even further and opened a ladies’ department. This was to be staffed by lady assistants and offered frocks, coats and two-piece suits at prices possible only to an organization like the fifty 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 337

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 33`

The 50/- tailor on Henry Street.

shilling tailors. To get a good suit for 50s. must have been met with some scepticism because it was addressed in an advertisement published in 1b35 where one business man explained to another that while he did not know how they could do it at that price, nonetheless they did! Fifty shillings seemed to become a price point on the street, as by the late 1b30s, Premier Tailors, who had a number of units on the street, were advertising at the same price. The shoe shops included Boylan’s, Fitzpatrick’s and Tyler’s – all of whom were household names. As mentioned above, the anchors on the street were Arnotts and Roche’s Stores, but the shoppers were also drawn further down the street than they 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 338

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Millets’ clothing store on Henry Street in the early 1b30s.

might otherwise have been by Todd Burns. Arnotts was a family owned firm, which could trace its presence back on the street to 1843, though it was known by the Arnotts name only since 18_5. By the 1b30s, it had survived a disastrous fire in 18b4 and just missed destruction in the 1b1_ Rising to find that life was difficult in the economic circumstances of the times with tariff barriers and quotas. As was not unusual at the time, the company was both a wholesaler and retailer and, latterly, a manufacturer, and it had a workroom for making women’s dresses in Princes’ Street after 1b35. There is a detailed account of the organization and management of the company in Nesbitt (1bb3) and it shows that the company had not, until the late 1b30s, separate trading accounts for its wholesale and retail elements. Thus, with the exception of women’s underwear, it did not know where the basis of its profits lay. However, by the mid-1b30s, it was doing what the other department stores 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 339

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 33b

were doing and their advertisements show a greater degree of flair and even humour than the ones of its southside rivals. Arnotts had to balance an image of low prices with that of high fashion. They did this, as Brown Thomas had done, by the establishment of an ‘inexpensive department’. In April 1b3`, their advertisement posed the question ‘Why not Arnott?’ and went on to extol the virtues of their new ‘inexpensive department’ – a department specially created to give you style without expense. At the same time, if something exclusive was sought, there were their ‘model’ departments (Irish Times, 10 April, p. _). Coats in the ‘inexpensive’ department were offered from 35s., while an afternoon frock whose ‘keynote was simplicity’ was available in fine woollen materials for [5s. Once again, it was noted that the store catered for ‘fuller’ figures. There seemed to be many of them in the city at the time. However, fashion was also catered to in their fashion parades during ‘fashion week’. After 1b38, the company offered a fashion parade such as the one for 30 March in that year. ‘Spring coats were on display in the café at 4 p.m. and a ticket could be obtained on application’, though Nesbitt noted that invitations were sent to credit account customers (1bb3, p. 10_). A special tea was available for 1s. _d. The prices were different. In this case the coat illustrated as part of the invitation was on offer for ` guineas, a far cry from what was available in the ‘inexpensive’ department. In 1b3b, a similar event for shoes was held between _–10 March from 3–4 p.m. Again admission was by ticket only. These events continued during the war. A report in the Irish Times for 1b41 noted that the fashion parades for September displayed ‘evening dresses [that] were graceful and becoming and showed great variety’ (1` September, p. 3) while in 1b44, they announced that they were about to present the pageant of fashion for the new season but that all tables for the parades in the café had been booked. Moreover, they noted, that Fashion Week happily coincided with the opening of Arnotts new fur department (Irish Times, [4 October 1b44, p. 1). It was mentioned above that the fashion show took place in the café, an innovation which was introduced in 1b3`. Here you could take morning coffee with a biscuit or the novel concept of a cigarette for 4d. Lunch and afternoon tea was also available with specials from the cake counter such as ‘honey nut rolls’ or ‘banana cream cakes’ for 3d. each. Other attractions included foot treatments in the shoe department, for which a free consultation was available, or lectures and talks on matters such as ‘how figure faults can become figure fashions’ (Irish Times, 1b April 1b3`). 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 340

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Todd Burns in the late 1b40s.

Todd Burns was located at the junction of Mary Street and Jervis Street and marked the transition from better quality shopping to more local provision. Without its presence at that strategic location, it is doubtful that the northern shopping district would have reached as far down as Mary Street. The store had been a presence on the street since the middle of the nineteenth century when it was referred to as a ‘monster store’ – the precursor to the term ‘department store’. It suffered a disastrous ﬁre on 1 January 1b0[, which gutted the entire premises and a number of adjacent buildings. A graphic account is given on page b of the Freeman’s Journal for [ January and the 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 341

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 341

photographs of the time show a scene of utter destruction. Therefore the shop in the 1b30s was still relatively new and had been purpose-built for retailing. They started the 1b30s badly with the accounts for 1b31 being described as the worst in the company’s history because of problems with its wholesale business, which, like Arnotts, was central to its activities. However, in the 1b40s, they were doing well and they managed to report in 1b43 that, despite the supply difficulties, they had a record year’s trading. They were very focused on the ‘bottom line’ and in 1b34 they announced a change to their business strategy, having decided on a policy of selling high quality goods at the lowest possible prices. Because they also manufactured, they had control over more of the supply chain than might otherwise be the case. However, this strategy required volume sales if profits were to be retained at a reasonable level. This marked them as being somewhat different to the other department stores, something further emphasized by their offering of credit. In the early 1b30s, their advertising was simple with ‘three years to pay’ being the message. By the middle of the 1b40s, it was much more sophis - ticated in its presentation but the message was the same. People could afford to buy on credit, they argued, because the difference between the cash price and the instalment price was no more than 15 per cent. They did not abandon the notion, however, that they offered fashion goods, though they did not claim the high fashion territory. Thus ‘mannequin parades’ were a feature of the store during the 1b30s. These took place in spring and autumn and took the same format as those of the other stores. In the same year (1b34) as they announced their focus on low prices, their Chairman, Dr Lorcan Sherlock, commented that it was not surprising to see in the parade ‘products of the most up to date fashion houses priced at figures suitable to all purses’ (Irish Times, 3 October, p. _). They had a strong focus on Irish products and sold both women’s and children’s clothing. They made a feature of serving both younger and older women and in that year there was a ‘fine presentation of matrons’ models including winter wraps, coats in either fur or cloth, lavishly trimmed with beaver or seal collars’. While there was an emphasis on price, there was no suggestion that Todd Burns had abandoned the middle classes as their market. Their shows in October 1b3_ took place over three days with two shows each day at 11.30 a.m. and 3.15 p.m. This show focused on day and evening wear and for the evening it was noted that ‘dinner and cocktail frocks tend towards the tunic effect; the tunics are, many of them, in pretty shades of lamé, and are worn over tight black skirts, sometimes slightly slit at sides’ (Irish Times, 13 October, p. 5). 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 342

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They outfitted people for horse riding and it is perhaps surprising to find a display advertisement in 1b34 offering complete riding kits for men. ‘Man- tailored garments that combine perfect ease and comfort with smart appearance in the saddle’ were available at 45s. for jackets, 55s. for breeches and the same price for jodhpurs (Irish Times, ` March 1b34, p. 1). They sold ordinary clothing too, and their advertisements speak about jumpers, stockings and fabrics. Their Christmas display was particularly popular and they went to some trouble to produce an experience for children that was different to what was on offer elsewhere. During the war years, they continued to sell clothing and in 1b41 they offered a new and practical woman’s autumn coat in soft wool fleece and new frieze cloths in a range of colours for 4bs. _d. At the same time, during the 1b30s and into the 1b40s, they placed particular emphasis on their furniture business and targeted both commercial and domestic markets. They placed particular emphasis on those who were about to be married and who were setting up home. ‘Let Todd Burns furnish your cocktail lounge’ was the message in 1b45 (Irish Times, [0 February, p. 1) and they pointed to the fact that they had equipped several hotel lounges and saloon bars. For the engaged couple the message was that Todd Burns were ‘artistic house furnishers’ and that the job could be done at great value. In 1b40, they explained that should you want to buy £100 of furniture, all that was necessary was £10 deposit and then monthly instalments of £[ 18s. 8d. for three years. Moreover, they offered a year’s free storage for furniture bought (Irish Times, 1` April, p. b). In a 1b4[ advertisement, a woman confided to her friend that ‘Dennis proposed last night and we will also arrange to go to Todd Burns next week’. This time if they spent £300, with a £30 deposit, their repayments would amount to a monthly £8 1_s. They missed few opportunities because they also noticed that, as carpets and linos became more scarce during the war, an opportunity arose to clean carpets. So in 1b44, they suggested that old carpets could be cleaned, repaired and relaid by Todd Burns, the ‘headquarters for Happy Homes’. By the end of the war, they were back in the fashion business. A fashion column in 1b4b noted that Arnotts had a wonderful selection of party frocks and that ‘one smart powder blue model, priced at £4 4s. should prove a success on any festive occasion’. However, not to be outdone, Todd Burns were showing a useful collection of ‘semi evening frocks. The “Ballerina” models which [could] be worn off the shoulder for formal occasions or with high neckline for general purposes [were] an asset to any wardrobe.’ These were also available from £4 4s. upwards. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 343

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1b30s advertisement for Leon of Henry Street and Grafton Street.

The third major department store on the street was Roche’s Stores, across the road from Arnotts. It was originally the Henry Street Warehouse and as such it had been trading since 1881 but its origin went back to Hazelton, Connor and Co. which was established in 18_`. Thus it duly celebrated its diamond jubilee in 1b[` and the Irish Times on the occasion ([` August, p. 8) commented that ‘every item of personal wear for men, women and children can now be purchased at the Warehouse, while every article required in the home, from a saucepan to a luxurious suite of furniture can be had under one roof’. Known in Dublin simply as the ‘Warehouse’, it advertised widely, something which was to change quite soon. It was taken over by the Roche family who had been operating in Cork. W. Roche appeared as a director in 1b[` and as chairman in the company reports for 1b[b. In that year, on 1b August, it was agreed at an extraordinary general meeting to rename the enterprise as Roche’s Stores. It continued to do business during the period of this discussion but with a much more restrained advertising proﬁle. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 344

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The Tower Bar in the early 1b30s on Henry Street, then Cassidy’s but later Brady’s; the interior was ripped out in a conversion to a modern lounge bar in the 1b_0s and it became a clothes shop in the early 1b`0s.

The character of the department stores was varied and sophisticated and it seems that the simple northside – southside divide is too simplistic a distinction to capture the reality. Arnotts found that they were delivering more to the southside than to the northside and Todd Burns, despite their emphasis on low prices and credit, still served the middle-class pursuits of dinner parties and horse riding. There was clearly a business for high-end fashion on Henry Street with Sydenham at number 30 while Leon maintained an establishment on both Henry and Grafton Streets and expanded his Henry Street operation in 1b30 when he obtained the entire building at number [4. However, his fortunes on the street had changed and by mid-1b40 he was operating only one store. Signiﬁcantly, he maintained his Grafton Street establishment, though this too closed in late 1b48 as he retired from business. Other distractions on the street included edward Lee’s store on Mary Street, which focused on furnishing, especially carpets, curtains and furniture, but also sold toys and games at Christmas. This was one of four branches with 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 345

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Advertisement for the Tower Bar in the 1b40s. (Gaiety Theatre Programme November 1b4`.)

the others in Rathmines, Dún Laoghaire and Bray. There were a couple of public houses – the Tower Bar at the O’Connell Street end and the elbow Inn at the corner of Liffey Street. For those prepared to venture down the street towards Capel Street, there was the Mary Street Cinema (the ‘Maro’) while right beside Todd Burns was the Lyceum Picture Theatre, formerly the Volta, though these were not really in competition with the large-scale cinemas on O’Connell Street. Finally, there was Woolworth’s, located at the junction with Moore Street. Woolworth’s was the epitome of the American ‘ﬁve and dime’ store, or 3d. and _d. in the uK format, which sold a wide range of inexpensive articles that included household tools, sweets, toys, records, cosmetics as well as ice cream! They changed the nature of retailing in that goods were available on the counter for inspection and did not have to be commissioned from the sales person. Whether they raised the tone of shopping on the street or not is a matter of debate since their offer was of the cheap and cheerful variety. However, this mattered little in Dublin because there was already a large store on Grafton Street. Indeed, so ingrained did Woolworth’s become into the landscape that by even the 1b30s, other stores were being located by reference to where they were with respect to Woolworth’s, joining Clerys in this regard. The linear nature of the shopping district was emphasised by the fact that it crossed O’Connell Street and headed towards Amiens Street Station via North earl Street and Talbot Street. These streets did not exhibit the same character as Henry Street, perhaps in some measure because they were busy 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 346

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traffic routes. even though earl Street was widened at the O’Connell Street end when that block was rebuilt after the 1b1_ destruction, it was not sufficient to make shopping easy on the street. Yet, there was considerable variety in the shops, including local services, and there were distinctive shops such as Hickey’s, and Boylan and Son, both on earl Street, the Belfast Household Linen Company, Guiney’s and McHugh Himself. These ensured a substantial footfall on the street and had there been a decent commuter train service there would have been significant flows from the station. Guiney’s has already been mentioned in the context of Clerys. While it was more of a general drapers than a depart ment store, this did not stop it selling fur coats (when the opportunity presented) as well as ladies’ coats, frocks and hats (Irish Times, 1` November 1b3[, p. 1). However, it was probably the bicycle shop of McHugh Himself, lower down the street and close to Amiens Street, that provided most ‘character’. In fact, they sold an unusual mix of goods, from bicycles to radios, but this made the shop unique. The shop first opened in 1b0[ when it sold second-hand bikes but by the 1b40s it even built its own models. Its presence on the street was given greater emphasis by the large signage on the railway bridge.

Other shopping streets Although the main shopping streets were Grafton Street, Henry Street, South Great George’s Street and parts of O’Connell Street, retailing was still relatively widespread in the city centre, more so than it is today, though it had contracted since the earlier years of the twentieth century. The growth of the suburbs in the latter part of the twentieth century combined with the greater availability of the motor car resulted in a loss of the city centre’s retail dominance and ensured that there are now relatively few shopping streets in the city centre. In this time period, streets which today generate relatively little footfall would have been quite busy. Sackville Place, for example, behind Clerys, was where Brooks Thomas chose in 1b30 to build a retail store for household ware and garden equipment and occupied numbers _–1[. This was in addition to their huge builder’s providers operation that reached along Abbey Street as far as Gardiner Street. Dublin’s quays have always been somewhat of a disappointment in shopping terms. The river is wide enough to provide a pleasing vista and there is reasonable shelter from the prevailing weather. There are suﬃcient bridges to allow easy crossing from one side to another. Yet, despite this, the quays developed much more as a thoroughfare and, in the 1b30s, were more of a parking location than a place to perambulate or to shop. This might be due 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 347

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Aerial view of the Custom House showing Brooks Thomas in the upper corner.

to the fact that there was little of shopping interest behind the quays the further west the visitor ventured. It was largely a linear experience with the visitor quickly getting further and further out of familiar territory. A photograph along the quays, published in Ireland in pictures (18b8) and taken probably from the Clarence Hotel looking towards the Custom House, shows a considerable number of awnings, indicative of businesses. It was a much quieter scene compared to the images of Grafton Street. Similarly, an image across essex Bridge shows that the key location on one side of Capel Street was occupied by a tobacconist, serving a local market. Matters were much the same in the 1b30s. The most important shopping locations were on the quays to the west of O’Connell Bridge and reaching perhaps as far as the Ha’penny Bridge. even along this stretch, uses were not universally retail; there was a mixture of commercial and industrial too. The quays to the east were quieter with more in the way of primary retailing and services such as tobacconists and public houses. The footfall here was generated by the use of eden Quay as a bus terminus and the presence of the Corinthian Cinema. Aston Quay was reached on turning left from Westmoreland Street. It is a short quay but it had the two best shopping opportunities: it led into Crampton Quay and thus to Wellington Quay and it was here that the mixed character of the quays became apparent. There was a number of opticians, 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 348

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Aerial photograph of Westmoreland and D’Olier Street. (Postcard.)

some tobacconists, some tailors, a small number of cafés and one bookmaker. Among the more interesting occupants were Bassi and Co., maker of frames and statues, and the Northlight Razor-Blade Company. Mixed in with these were the Dublin Smelting Company, a laundry, the oﬃce of the Marriage Registrar, the City of Dublin Working Mens’ Club and, almost at Parliament Street, the impressive building of the Clarence Hotel. However, the quay did have one signiﬁcant virtue in that it was home to a variety of second-hand booksellers, especially Webb’s on Crampton Quay, while others had only an occasional presence on the quayside. Beyond Parliament Street, decay and dereliction became more evident and it got worse as the years passed. essex Quay was particularly bad with a tobacconist, a tailor, and a watchmaker being the total of retailing. Dublin Corporation held numbers 3–8 as a ‘yard and advertising station’ and various other buildings were described as ruins or demolished. Wood Quay was a little better. It still had the distinctive Irish 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 349

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 34b

View along the quays towards Westmoreland Street showing McBirney’s in the upper right corner. (Postcard.)

McBirney’s advertisement emphasising proximity to the centre.

House at the corner with Winetavern Street, beside which were the premises of Thomas J. Fenning, latterly the bookseller, but described in 1b4` as a ‘general dealer’. However, 15–1_ were occupied by Dublin Corporation’s General Cleansing Division and 1`–1b and [1 were demolished. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 350

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General advertisement for McBirney’s in the 1b40s. Note that the location is advertised as O’Connell Bridge and not Aston Quay.

McBirney’s on Aston Quay was a major store but it was, in fact, in a bad location despite being just around the corner from Westmoreland Street. There was no natural flow of people down the quays, the flow was across O’Connell Bridge. A certain volume of traffic was generated by people making their way to buses on the quays but the store needed to attract people to make the small detour down the quays. This it did by constantly reminding people that it was located on or near O’Connell Bridge; nothing could be more central, only forty paces. Given that many buses stopped along the quays, somebody had the bright idea of putting an advertisement for McBirney’s widespread through the CIÉ timetable for Dublin District Services in 1b4`. The store had been developed and extended in 1b[b and there were new fashion, gown, ladies’ outfitter and millinery departments. The store advertised constantly and in 1b30 it introduced its new policy of ‘quality, service and genuine worth’. McBirney’s offered the same range of goods as the other department stores but, with a smaller footprint, it did not offer the added services. It sold women’s shoes, clothing, hats as well as a wide range of household goods, which included quilts and bedspreads, sheets, blankets as well as curtains in lace and muslin. There was a particular emphasis on Irish goods and, for 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 351

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example, the Christmas gift suggestions for 1b3` figured Irish linens strongly. There was a tea set for 4s. 11d., a lunch set for `s. 11d. and a tablecloth with a celtic design in different sizes at prices from 13s. 11d. to [1s. _d. Foxford blankets were another item that was emphasized, with a range on offer which had been specially made for the store. It would be reasonable to suggest that this was a store that did not intend to compete at the top of the market but which had a number of important competitive attributes. That is not to say that style was unimportant: what store could function on the basis that its goods were not stylish and up to the minute? Thus in 1b38, McBirney’s offered a selection of spring hats at under a £1. There was the ‘ever fashionable’ halo hat at 5s. 11d. (bd. extra for a box and postage). There was an appropriate style for the ‘young matron’ at _s. 11d. while those with a deeper purse could purchase a ‘rich Petersham trimmed felt’ at 18s. 11d. In 1b40, they offered a costume, made up in all-wool in a variety of colours for 4½ guineas. A ‘swagger coat’ made in hand-woven Irish tweed was available for 4bs. 11d., while a ‘matron’s dress coat’, ‘beautifully cut on slimming lines’, was available for ` guineas but in large sizes only. They had a particular emphasis on homemade clothes and sold a wide range of Butterick patterns. Butterick had originated in the united States in 18_3 but, by as early as 18`_, they had a worldwide distribution and the brand continues into the present day. McBirney’s special contribution to fashion was that they offered visits from Butterick experts to the store. These would take place over a week and the expert would provide individual advice about fashion and problems with patterns. Thus the notice in the Irish Times for 1b3b (31 May, p. 4) stated that Miss Norman would offer advice all week and that she had great success with the ‘possessors of difficult figures’ who had been unable to purchase the correctly-fitting pattern and ‘to adjust it to their individual requirements.’ Like the other stores, McBirney’s maintained a sales offering during the War and by 1b45 were advertising a wide range of Christmas goods such as a sports hat at 1_s. 11d. or a beret at 13s. 11d. If a shopper had three coupons, then a dainty black crepe sandal bar evening shoe was to be had for 1[s.

Westmoreland and D’Olier Street Westmoreland Street and D’Olier Street were never successful shopping streets, even though the Wide Streets Commissioners had gone to the trouble of incorporating shop units into the ground ﬂoor of their buildings. The streets were probably too wide for comfortable shopping and too busy with the traﬃc 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 352

35[ DuBLIN, 1b30–1b50

Kennedy and McSharry showing the D’Olier Street frontage. (1b30s photograph.)

of the city. Theirs was a passing-trade business and therefore Westmoreland Street did much better than D’Olier Street, which was much quieter. That said, Westmoreland Street in the 1b30s and 1b40s was more interesting than today with a variety of uses. Retailing was not particularly strong on the street – there was the seed and plant business of M. Rowan – but there was a little enclave of men’s tailoring. Kennedy and McSharry at one time were shirt and collar makers and they would outfit the intrepid for military and colonial service, especially in India. They had developed into a large gent’s outfitting store that fronted onto both streets, with the larger frontage on D’Olier Street. They sold their own brand of jackets and coats – the ‘Kenmac’ range – and catered also to golfing needs. Seale were also shirtmakers and general outfitters and were only a couple of doors down. A major draw had to be the impressive premises of Bewley’s Oriental Cafe. Otherwise there was a great mixture of uses on Westmoreland Street that included the booking office for the London, Midland and Scottish Railway Company (and later British Rail) next to the office for the B&I Company. The Irish Times had its business 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 353

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A view down the north quays towards Bachelor’s Walk. (Postcard).

on the east side of Westmoreland Street together with the oﬃces of a number of insurance companies, auctioneers, manufacturers and the Irish Civil Service Permanent Building Society. The key location at the apex of D’Olier Street and Westmoreland Street was once the site of the Lafayette photographic business, though the impressive building had been constructed for the Liverpool and Lancashire Insurance Company in the 18b0s, but was now occupied by John Purcell, tobacconists and cigar importers, mentioned above. In contrast, D’Olier Street, because it diverted traﬃc away from Grafton Street had less footfall and little retail business. However, it did have a particularly interesting concentration of uses in that it was here that Dubliners went to purchase coal. There were numerous coal merchants on the street, including Tedcastles, Wallace, the Diamond Coal Company, and the General Steam Shipping Company to name but four. In addition, there was the Red Bank Restaurant which was one of the better-known establishments in the city, having opened in 1853. It was an incongruous entity in the midst of so many coal merchants but it was a popular location for individual dining and for corporate entertainment. Clients included various business houses, military associations and political parties. A fondness for the restaurant by supporters of a particular German political movement gave the Red Bank a certain 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 354

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notoriety in the 1b40s. However, by 1b48, it was fully in swing again after the shortages of the war and was offering its staple of ‘red bank oysters’ to those who ‘esteem the civility of efficient service, distinguished cooking and the finest of French wines in modestly luxurious surroundings’ (Irish Times, [ July 1b48, p. 3). On the north side of the Liffey and heading westwards, the first of the quays was Bachelor’s Walk. While the first units were retail, these very quickly gave way to a variety of auction houses. This character was already well established in the first decade of the century and had not changed by the 1b30s. It also had a commercial character in that the upper floors of many buildings were given over to commercial agents with wholesalers and other factors often on the ground floor. Commercial agents were juxtaposed with solicitors’ offices, which reflected the proximity to the law courts. There was nothing to entice the window shopper and it was a business street to all intents and purposes, though interesting in its concentrations. Ormond Quay reaches from Liffey Street to Capel Street but with the exception of the Dublin Woolen Mills at the junction with Liffey Street, capitalizing on the flows across the Ha’penny bridge, the land use pattern continued that of Bachelor’s Walk. There was a mixture of estate agents, auction houses, some antique sellers, solicitors’ offices, wholesalers and factors with only the printing business of Ormond Printers introducing any change. Ormond Quay upper completed the journey to the Four Courts. With the exception of the Ormond Hotel, most of the street was given over to the legal profession with an impressive concentration of law-related activity on all floors. However, this was shared with local lower order provision as the street also served a sizable population resident in the streets behind the quay. There were grocers, tobacconists, a couple of confectioners and pubs, all of which would have benefitted from the passing legal trade, and the distinctive (and there for many years) Fanciers’ Stores selling canaries, talking parrots, tortoises and even ferrets.

The 1940s

As already mentioned, the impact of the Second World War on Dubliners depended very much on where they found themselves on the socio-economic spectrum. Some items became scarce and, as already noted in the discussion of housing, prices rose very considerably. This was not just for goods that had to be imported but also for domestic food products, for reasons discussed below. Wages did not increase to compensate and those on lower wages must 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 355

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The changed face of shopping. (Dublin Opinion, September 1b4[, p. 11b.)

have found it more expensive to live. This was also the period before the development of the Irish version of the welfare state. There were limited supports for those who were unemployed, widowed or who had retired. The detail of the schemes available at the time was spelled out in a little booklet, entitled A guide to the social services, in 1b41. The rates were not high, with a contributory old-age pension of bs. _d. or less per week in 1b4[ not being unusual (Dáil Debates, 8b(1), col. 4b). By 1b4`, the maximum old age pension, payable at `0 years, was 10s. per week, though there were moves in hand to raise this to no more than 1`s. _d. per week. A widow in Dublin with a non-contributory pension could expect `s. _d. per week with 3s. _d. for the ﬁrst dependent child and 1s. _d. each for any other children. A widow with a contributory pension did better and could expect 10s. per week and more for each child. unemployment assistance was payable in the city at a rate of 10s. _d. for those without dependants, rising to [3s. per week for those with six or more dependants (Colman, 1b4`). There were tough eligibility constraints for all payments, though children’s allowance was not means tested and was payable at the rate of [s. _d. where there were more than two children under the age of 1_. Life for the economically weaker groups continued to be diﬃcult. However, there was also a considerable body of the population that had a disposable income, although these tend to be ignored by researchers. Theirs 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 356

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was a mixed and interesting experience. The shortages of some items allowed greater expenditure on others, despite rising prices. Thus it was a phenomenon of the period that dining out became a more regular affair for many. While the State responded to hostilities in europe by introducing controls on supply almost immediately, it took some time before shortages became a daily occurrence. even by Christmas of 1b40, there was still a supply of festive cheer available as an examination of the Christmas catalogue of Findlater’s reveals.

A Findlater’s Christmas The Findlater’s catalogue for 1b40 shows the usual wide range of items available and it was still able to offer Christmas van deliveries. The only sign that everything might be not be as previously is that some items were flagged ‘if available’, although there were not all that many in the thirty-six page catalogue. Findlater’s operated six branches within the city in addition to its flagship branch at the corner of O’Connell Street and Cathal Brugha Street. It was such an institution there that it had appropriated the corner which had become ‘Findlater’s corner’ in popular usage and appeared on the shop sign. The other branches were mainly south of the Liffey – Wicklow Street, upper Baggot Street, South Great George’s Street, Leinster Street – but they also extended west to Thomas Street and north to upper Dorset Street. The middle-class nature of the shopping offer, however, became much clearer when the suburban branches were examined. With the exception of Howth and Malahide, these were all in southside and south-eastern locations: Ranelagh, Rathmines, Sandymount, Blackrock, Dún Laoghaire, Dalkey, Foxrock and Bray. A mixture of Irish and international products was on offer. Being the time of year, it was not surprising that there was an emphasis on fine wines and cigars. The range on offer and the prices would be the envy of any wine lover today. The staples of butter, eggs, honey were all available. Butter cost between 1s. _d. and 1s. 8d. a pound and new laid eggs were on sale for between 3s. 3d. and 3s. `d. a dozen. Findlater’s made the point that their eggs were fresh and cost no more than others whose age might be less certain. This was one of the products where supply was volatile because they noted that prices were subject to market fluctuation and alteration without notice. The price of eggs had risen significantly since 1b3b, although this was not due to any particular production problems. Figures given in the Dáil in April 1b40 suggested that the price of high quality eggs in Dublin had risen from [s. per dozen in 1b3b to [s. 8d. by February 1b40 (Dáil Debates, `b(1_), col. 1b50). Dublin tended to be more expensive for some produce than elsewhere. Roads in Ireland were 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 357

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 35`

‘The number in the Ring’. (Dublin Opinion, March 1b40, p. 4[3.)

not universally good and the geographical reach of fresh produce was nowhere near what it is today. Mismatches of supply and demand could easily occur with consequential price differences. Thus there was a signiﬁcant geographical skew in prices so that those in Dublin were almost double the price in Galway and 10d. per dozen ahead of Cork. This was such an issue that the Irish Times was moved to address it by considering in one of its columns as to whether it might be better to forego the Christmas cake and thus save on butter (also getting more expensive) and eggs. Margarine was not a substitute worth considering and the column convinced itself that the cake was worth the effort. However, there was a suggestion (and a recipe offered) that a lighter raisin cake, while saving nothing on butter and eggs, would be much cheaper to make (Irish Times, [1 December 1b40, p. 1[). Dublin Opinion in March 1b40 captured the supply issue in the cartoon shown here. In the uK, a premium was paid for eggs originating in the uK and the price difference was a source of annoyance and frustration in Ireland. This had the effect of encouraging a lively smuggling business of ‘eire’ eggs into Northern Ireland and onwards to the uK consumer. The uK introduced 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 358

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Christmas cakes from the Findlater’s catalogue. (December 1b40, p. 1[.)

a system of labelling to try to ensure that price followed origin. This became a matter of debate with John Dillon TD baiting the minister in the Dáil in October 1b40; ‘Hundreds of thousands [of eggs] go in this way and as far as I can help in the smuggling I shall do so. It is not racketeering: it is normal activity, and the more it is done the better pleased am I’ (Dáil Debates, 81(1), col. 3`). The standard Christmas fare was available. There was quite a selection of hams. Lunham’s always advertised widely but Denny’s, Slattery’s, Shaw’s and Kehoe’s were also available at prices that ranged from 1s. 5d. per lb to [s. [d. per lb, depending on the cut. Findlater’s own brand Christmas pudding was available in a range of sizes from 1 lb ([s.) to `lb (11s.). Recipes were provided for cooking the hams or making your own version of the plum pudding. However, while there were ‘Irish Spiced Rounds’ available, there were no turkeys in the catalogue though Fruitﬁeld Damson Cheese was sold as being ‘delicious with turkey’. Turkeys did not seem to be in short supply, however, 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 359

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Christmas advertisements for Rowntree and Jacob’s chocolates.

and the Irish Times noted large supplies in the streets in and around Grafton Street (Irish Times, 1b December, p. `). Prices were reported at around 1s. bd. to 1s. 10d. per lb for top quality with fat geese available at bd. to 1s. per lb. Spiced Rounds were spiced rib beef shaped into a ‘round’ and sold for 1s. _d. per lb; it was boiled rather than roasted. A Christmas cake was still on the menu and Jacob’s supplied a range of cakes. Although the company is associated more with biscuits today, then it produced sweets and cakes as well. A dark rich fruit cake (Banquet) was available in three sizes – 1lb, [lbs 4 ozs and _lbs at 3s. bd., 4s. 4d. and 10s. bd. respectively. The ‘Chateau’ was bigger and richer with almond paste and decoration and was available in two sizes – 3½ lbs (_s. bd.) and 4½ lbs (8s. _d.). For those with more modest demands, there was a decorated fruit cake at 1s. _d. and 3s. _d. while, for those wishing to make their own, there was a recipe provided. The Christmas fare was completed by crackers from a number of manufactures and in all sizes, together with Christmas stockings from 1s. to `s. _d. each. Vegetables were seasonal but the company hoped to offer cabbage, carrots, cauliﬂower, mushrooms, celery, potatoes, beetroot, spinach, turnips, parsnips, leeks and, of course, sprouts. In addition, there was a range of tinned vegetables that included Bachelor’s and Matterson’s peas and carrots, and Canadian asparagus tips at 1s. _d. a tin. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 360

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This was the time of the ‘box of chocolates’ when, at Christmas, flamboyant boxes would house relatively modest quantities of chocolate – leading to the ‘all box no chocs’ comment. The boxes would often have images from classical art on the lid and were referred to in the trade as ‘fancy boxes’. These were still available ‘in great variety’ in 1b40 as Findlater’s put it, and ranged in price from 1s. _d. to a staggering [5s., the price of an overnight in the Shelbourne or a week’s rent for a three-bedroomed house. On a more modest scale, Rowntree’s Black Magic was available in different sizes from 8s. down to 1s. _d. while Jacob’s ‘Lady’s Own’ could be had for `s. for a [lb box. Fancy boxes were also available ranging in price from bs. to 1[s. _d. urney offered its Irish Views at 3s. for 1lb and [lb for _s. Interestingly (Fry) Cadbury’s were not included in the list though they had a presence in Dublin from 1b33. They opened their first factory on Ossory Road and by 1b3b they had opened a larger factory on the east Wall Road. This factory was an impressive building and its demolition in [001 was an act of civic vandalism. It was built as a cigarette factory for Gallagher and ended its life as the Wiggins Teape factory. Cadbury’s focused their own advertising on their cocoa and chocolate bars, making the point that chocolate was food! Findlater’s selection offered Rowntree’s, Jacob’s and Toblerone chocolate. With chocolates came tins of biscuits. Here the offer was confined to Jacob’s. Afternoon Tea, described as a very high-class assortment, cost [s. bd. while Carnival Assorted cost [s. 4d. uSA Assorted cost 3s. for a ‘flat special tin’ but for those wishing to push the boat out there was Dominion Assorted at 5s. a tin. There was a variety of crystallized fruit and nuts for cake decoration as well as to be enjoyed on their own. Crosse and Blackwell provided tins of orange slices and lemon slices and dessert fruits (made in Ireland) for 1s. _d. per tin. Figs were very popular since they came in boxes up to 10lbs by weight and cost about 1s. 11d. per lb. ‘Dromedary’ dates cost _½d. per carton or finest ‘OK’ dates were available for 1s. per box. China ginger came in a variety of sizes and there were genuine bottled French plums in up to 4lb bottles (bs.). Locoums (Turkish Delight) was available in 1½ lbs ([s. _d.) to [¾ lb boxes (3s. _d.) but Muscatels were in short supply and prices could not be verified at time of going to press. However, there seemed to have been no shortage of either fois gras or caviar and 4oz of the latter could be had for 15s. Cheese was generally available but there was doubt about the availability of real Gruyère. If it was it would cost 3s. _d. per lb. However, the range of cheese would seem poor to a modern palate with Cheddar, Stilton, Gruyère 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 361

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(Irish) and Parmesan together with Three Counties and Galtee Red cheese being the entire range. Tea had not yet been affected by shortages, and for this Christmas there was a huge range of fancy ﬁlled tea caddies available, with the 1lb size costing 3s. _d. Findlater’s own ‘six minute’ tea was available at [s. 8d. for 1 lb or 8d. for ¼lb. While ‘pure’ coffee was available from [s. _d. per lb, they also sold their own brand ‘café français’, a typical and popular blend of coffee and chickory which would now be anathema to any coffee drinker. There was still an expectation that fresh fruit would be available but there was doubt. Nonetheless the list included grapes (_s. and `s. per lb), oranges (Jaffa) ([s. to 3s. _d. a dozen), pineapples (5s. _d. to bs. _d. each) and tangerines at [s. _d. to 4s. _d. for a box of [5. The latter were very hard to come by in 1b40 and customers of Findlater’s would have done well if they had managed to get any. It is interesting to note that cost of a pineapple was similar to the cost of a dinner in the Shelbourne! If fresh fruit was in doubt, there were still ample supplies of dried fruits and spices for baking. There were six varieties of sultanas and six varieties of raisins with South Africa and California as the locations named. Also available were ‘foreign delicacies’ such as varied chutneys (twelve varieties), cumquats, anchovies, sardines, stuffed olives (French, Sherry, Spanish), chillies, tiﬃn relish, ‘currie’ pastes (green label and vencatachellum).

Drink The range of wines available in 1b40 was impressive and the prices were extremely reasonable, especially when compared with items such as biscuits or even fruits. Seven pages of the Findlater’s catalogue were devoted to drinks of various kind, including some that were non-alcoholic. The emphasis was on French wine with secondary concentrations on Spanish and Portuguese, with a stray Chianti and an even more exotic ‘emu Australian Burgundy’ (5s. _d.). Burgundy and Bordeaux dominated the French selection. The AC system of quality classiﬁcation was only in its infancy in 1b40, having been established in 1b30. To that point, there had been a problem with quality, adulteration (or improvement perhaps) with beeﬁer southern wine was suspected to be common, and supply exceeded demand, keeping prices low. Many of the wines on offer predated the AC system but Findlater’s selection would have been seen then (and now) as very good. At the high end, they offered Chateau Margaux for 10s. _d. for the 1b[b vintage and Haut Brion at 1[s. _d. for the same year. The 1b[b vintage is regarded by many as the vintage of the century and far better than anything produced during the 1b30s. More ordinary clarets 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 362

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from the left bank were also available. St estephe could be had for 4s. and St Julien for 3s. _d. a bottle. St Émilion wines were more expensive and would have cost 4s. _d. per bottle. Burgundy presented a strange choice. Top quality Clos de Vougot (1b[3) was available for _s. _d. a bottle and Vosne-Romanée (1b[_) was `s. _d. per bottle. However, 1b[_ Beaujolais was being sold at 4s. a bottle and even Moulin à Vent (1b[_) was available at 5s. _d. while Aloxe Corton (1b[3) was being sold for _s. 3d. and 1b[_ for _s. While the vintages available for the top wines were about right for present drinking, the Beaujolais must have been old and tired by 1b40. There was little French dry white wine with the exception of Chablis and Meursault. Instead the Dublin palate seemed to favour German whites (Rhine and Moselles), which at this time would have been sweet. There seems to have been a good stock available in 1b40 and no issues around selling them. Prices were high with Liebfraumilch (1b3`) selling at bs. a bottle, compared to the infinitely better Berncasteler Doctor (1b34) at 11s., a vintage that is still alive and doing well in [013. Naturally, there was port and sherry. Most of the sherry on sale was sweet and of the ‘nut brown full rich’ style. A bottle of this abomination cost `s. while a bottle of Sandeman’s ‘A Winter’s Tale’ was 10s. There was no interest in Fino sherries and the driest seemed to be a William and Humbert’s Amontillado, described as being ‘very pale dry’ and which cost `s. There was an excellent selection of vintage port available. There was a Dow’s (1b08) at 15s. _d., three from 1b1` at between bs. _d. and 1[s. _d. and some younger Taylor’s and Graham’s (1b[_) at 8s. and bs. respectively. There was also good choice in Ruby and Tawny ports from 5s. to 8s. a bottle. For those preferring the lighter but not less rich style of a Sauternes, there was a bottle of Chateau d’Yquem (1b31) available at a modest 15s. _d. This was not regarded as a particularly good year but it has kept well even to the present day and is available currently at between €1,_00 and €1,b00 a bottle. The more modest Sauternes White Seal or Barsac was more accessible at 4s. _d. a bottle. There was plenty of Champagne, mostly from the 1b[_ and 1b[8 vintages, but price was only ‘on application’. However, the brands, even for the standard non-vintage, were those familiar today: Bollinger, Pommery, Veuve Clicquot, Moët et Chandon, Mumm, Lanson, Heidsieck. Irish whiskey came in all sizes from quarts to babies and a range of maturities. A bottle of seven-year old John Jameson cost 1_s. but rose to 18s. _d. for the fifteen-year old version. Similar prices were given for Power’s Gold and White Labels (1_s. _d. and 15s. _d.) and for DWD’s fifteen-year old (1_s. _d.) and 10-year old (15s. _d.). Scotch was cheaper but not dramatically 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 363

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so and there was a good range of blends, though there seemed to be no interest in single malts. Thus 14s. _d. would buy a bottle of Dewar’s, J. Walker Red Label, Haig Red Label, White Horse, Black and White, Vat _b and a shilling more would procure a bottle of J. Walker Black Label. Brandy, however, was moving into short supply. Findlater’s announced that Martell and Hennessy were sold out, though there was still supplies of Hennessy’s xO at 3_s. and Findlater’s selection of own labels at between 1bs. _d. and [5s. Not quite the same thing, but there was still a supply of absinthe (the real thing!) at 4[s. a litre as well as apricot brandy ([0s. 3d.), Chartreuse (3_s.) and Benedictine ([[s.); also available were cherry brandy, crème de cacao, crème de cassis, crème de menthe, Pimm’s (1, [ or 3) and Drambuie. Beer was limited in range. Bottles of Guinness xx extra Stout and Mountjoy stout were available at _s. per dozen. Ale was Smithwick’s, Bass or Worthington’s at `s. _d. or Cairne’s at `s. and there were two lagers – Barclay’s and Graham’s at 8s. So it was really wine or spirits for Christmas. For the non-alcohol drinker there was a good range of waters and cordials. The most expensive was Apenta water at 3_s. 4d. per dozen, followed by Contrexeville (1bs. 3d.), evian (18s. [d.) and Vichy (1bs. 3d.). Apenta was (and is) a water from Hungary which was well regarded for maintaining ‘regularity’: not something to be overindulged at Christmas. Contrexeville from the eponymous commune in France was also noted for its health-giving properties and particularly as a diuretic. Malvern, Perrier and Apollinaris were also available and it will be noticed that there was no sense that Irish water needed to be bottled. There were various sodas, seltzers, ginger beers, lithia waters, tonics, orange ale, lemonade, sparkling Mi-Wadi orange and lemon for between 4s. _d. and 5s. a large bottle. Syphons were also available in many products for 11s. These were expensive and made it cheaper to drink beer. There was no mention of coca-cola or pepsi cola or any of the uS products, though these had been available in the uK since the 1b[0s. Cordials, which were made by adding water to dilute, were cheaper and ranged from 1s. _d. to 3s. _d. a bottle; though they were also available in gallon jars. The brands are still familiar: Mi-Wadi, Kia Ora, Rose, Robinson’s.

Smoking People smoked! Cigarettes ﬁgured strongly in all of the shopping offers throughout the time period. Just as chocolate was advertised as being a good way to get milk into children who did not like the white liquid, so cigarettes were seen as an essential part of life. It would be incorrect to say that there 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 364

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Craven ‘A’ Christmas advertisement for 1b3`. (Illustrated London News, 1b3`.)

were no health concerns around smoking. A medical column in the Irish Times in 1b35 conﬁrmed that tobacco-users ‘suffered much from nervousness, which [was] manifested in a great variety of ways’ ([3 March, p. 1b). Smoking was also responsible for ‘tobacco blindness’ and it was not possible to use tobacco without becoming dyspeptic. It was generally accepted that smokers suffered from throat problems, a fact which doubtless persuaded the producers of Craven ‘A’ to advertise on the basis that it ‘will not affect your throat’. However, these were low level health concerns and cigarettes were as universal as tea in the national consciousness. Doubtless it was welcomed that it proved possible that supplies of tobacco for local manufacturing were maintained at b0 per cent of 1b40 levels even in April 1b45. This came from the united States (Dáil Debates, b_([0), col. [04`) and they were augmented by deliveries 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 365

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Crosse and Blackwell range of goods. (Illustrated London News, 1b3`.)

of American cigarette brands such as ‘Chelsea’ or ‘Domino’ as well as informal supplies across the border. If anything, consumption of tobacco per capita rose during the war. The brands available in early 1b30s survived into the end of the period under consideration, including Sweet Afton, Capstan, Gold Flake, Craven ‘A’, Player’s, Wild Woodbine, and Drumhead. Therefore, it is not surprising to find cigarettes strongly featured in the 1b40 Christmas catalogue from Findlater’s. They came in presentation boxes of fifty or 100 and the customer could expect to pay around [s. 11d. for fifty or 5s. 10d. for 100. Cigars were also available and La Perla could be had for 15s. for twenty-five in a cedar box or fifty Don Carlos for 45s. All in all, the middle-class families who used this catalogue to shop were still able to access a considerable range of food and drink in 1b40. The relative 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 366

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prices are particularly interesting with fruits and mineral waters as expensive as bottles of wine. A bottle of Chateau Margaux was the same price as a dozen oranges and lemons. The geographical origin of the foods, though inter - national, was quite narrow. France (including its north African colonies) and Germany ﬁgured as european sources but there was little food from Spain and Portugal, except oranges and sardines. The British empire was also of some importance but it was India and South Africa rather than Australia or New Zealand. There was very little from the united States (except sultanas) or Canada, while South America barely ﬁgured. Of course, some of the Irish- made goods enjoyed by Irish consumers from Findlater’s and other stores had an international reach. The advertisement for Crosse and Blackwell (originally from Cork but then based in London), reproduced above, shows the range of products which this company sold to the empire.

Shortages and recovery

By January 1b4[, people understood that shortages and rationing were going to be part of the reality for some time to come. The January sales of that year took on a greater significance as people sought to get their hands on anything that might be of use. The Irish Times reported that men were unusually active during the sale and that remnants and ‘seconds’ all attracted interest. People with money were buying multiples of what was on offer and it was noted that shoppers from Northern Ireland were in the queues. It was also remarked that prices had risen dramatically since the previous year but that people were prepared to pay whatever was being asked for items such as stockings. There seemed no shortage of purchasers, however, and the crowds were reported as being enormous (Irish Times, 1 January 1b4[, p. 4). The shortages and rationing that became a fact of life during the emergency persisted for some time afterwards in many cases. However, while tea, butter, sugar, petrol and white bread became particular focuses of interest, it seems that some rationing had less impact than might have been expected. This was particularly the case with clothes. Coupon control came into force on b June 1b4[ and the measures were first seen to be draconian and even worse than in the uK. It was confidently predicted that bachelors would be going around threadbare because of the length of time that they, without the support of family coupons, would have to wait for a suit. The main reason for control was to prevent supplies being exported to more lucrative markets. In fact, supply proved to be less of an issue for people as time went on, as long 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 367

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Comment on the butter shortage. (Dublin Opinion, September 1b4[, p. 1[b.)

as they had money. Hats, caps, footwear and second-hand goods were not subject to control but otherwise coupons were required to purchase most items and cotton goods were in short supply. Business did not dry up and there continued to be a wide range of goods for sale in the shops. The Irish Independent noted that for Christmas 1b43 ‘the pageant of Christmas fare is in full swing in the Dublin markets and stalls laden with full and plenty of vegetables, fruit, turkeys and game provide evidence to confound the pessimist who predicted that the Christmas dinner, in the ﬁfth year of war, would be a pretty lean affair. Prices, admittedly, are not what they used to be, but if one has the money there is seasonable food enough to meet the most extravagant tastes’ (Irish Independent, [3 December 1b43, p. 3). However, whiskey had to be ‘rationed’ in pubs that Christmas to one ‘small one’ at a time, so not all was bright! It was not just food that was available. There was a good range of items in the stores from clothing, cosmetics, shopping bags, pottery to novelty items from the united States. Toytown still operated in Switzers, gentlemen could still be given handkerchiefs while ladies could be surprised by a pair of gauntlet beaver coney fur-backed gloves from Pims for 4bs. _d. People had money for Christmas and were prepared to spend it. It was noted that spending was solid despite the huge rise in prices and that even poorer people had money in their pockets. The favoured explanation was signiﬁcant remittances from those who had gone to work in the uK in the various wartime industries and services 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 368

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Packaging diﬃculties. Airspun advertisement for early 1b40s. What is remarkable is that though the packaging had become a problem, the supply of cosmetics still held up.

occupations. Christmas 1b44 was described by the Irish Times as one of the most spendthrift periods for many years (Irish Times, [` December 1b44, p. 1). Despite this, it seems that many people could not, or did not, use up their rations, especially in clothing; a fact confirmed by the survival of many ration books with their coupons unused. Tea was an entirely different matter and it was sorely missed. It must have been particularly difficult for the poorer elements of society who did not have the resources to access informal supplies. Dominic Behan (1b_1) described life in Russell Street in the 1b30s as one where ‘there was a kettle boiling constantly by a fire that never went out on the hottest day, and the workers of Assam owed a great deal of their constant employment to the cry: “Stay where yeh are, it’ll be brewed in a minit”’ (p. 43). The fact that it figured so strongly in Dublin Opinion, to the exclusion of other items, suggests that if there was one item whose absence really hurt, it was tea. The initial ration of half an ounce per person per week had been increased in the winter of 1b4[–3 to one ounce before falling back and 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 369

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Tea shortage – the ½ oz. ration. (Dublin Opinion, Miscellany, 1b43, p. 43.)

maintained at three-quarters of an ounce until a crisis presented itself in 1b44. As the Minister for Supplies, Seán Lemass, noted in the Dáil in February 1b44, the prospect was that the ration would have to return to half an ounce per person per week. The State had made provision in 1b41 to purchase tea stocks directly from India and, while not all that had been ordered had been delivered, the amount had permitted the ration to be maintained. That supply was now exhausted and the State would be henceforth totally dependent on what British Tea Control, the agency in the uK, would permit to be supplied (Dáil Debates, b[(1[), col. 1580). It is fortunate that the war ended when it did because this permitted an increase to one ounce again from 8 September 1b45. This compared unfavourably with the uK where the ration was [.5 ozs generally and three ounces for elderly people. However, the Irish had steak! It was common knowledge by 1b4_ that visitors to Dublin were often approached outside their hotels and offered the use of a coupon book with which they would purchase whatever was required in the shops. The shops paid no attention to the fact that the bearer of the coupon book was not a 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 370

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Informal means of tea supply. (Dublin Opinion, Miscellany, 1b43, p. [5.)

native. The activity was illegal and a blind eye was not always turned to it. Indeed a Thomas Carr found himself in court in September 1b4_ accused of engaging in such a business on O’Connell Street when he made the mistake of getting caught in a Garda sting operation. He had three coupon books in his possession and he offered seventy coupons – about a year’s supply – for [5s. This seemed in and around the going price at the time. Supply of goods exceeded demand in many cases and there does not appear to have been a major issue about price. Shops reported good trading ﬁgures, often better than those immediately prior to the war. There was enough disposable income to support a growth in dining out, with one restaurateur suggesting that his business had increased by `0 per cent during the war. The nature of supply also meant that it was possible to get foods in restaurants which were not economically available otherwise (Irish Times, ` January 1b4_, p. `). The return to normality in Dublin shopping took place gradually and patience was often asked for by suppliers but the process began almost immediately after the war ended. Cosmetics were back in the shops by Christmas 1b45, though supplies were still below pre-war level. Nonetheless, brand names such as Max Factor and Miner’s were advertising. It seemed particularly newsworthy that nail polish was on its way back, though it was to be expected that the range of colours would be limited for a while. The luxury market was well catered to and shops such as ‘Ms Doran’s Salons’ of Dawson Street noted that they had beautiful new collections of dinner, dance frocks, 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 371

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Switzers advertisement for 1b4_ regarding the improving supply position.

afternoon and cocktail ensembles with all sorts of accessories including mink, Persian lamb, squirrel. Not to be outdone, Mansﬁeld Sisters in Wicklow Street were advertising Ocelot as well as more interesting ‘Skunk and Bronze Seal’ coats. The supply of cosmetics got better as 1b4_ went on. Pond’s announced that their powder was already plentiful and that supplies of creams and lipsticks were improving all the time. Stockings for women were a major issue during the emergency and new supplies generated a lot of interest. However, in 1b4_, the Miner’s cosmetic company was still hoping to hold onto the market with its liquid stockings (what would now be called ‘fake tan’) in shades of ‘gold mist’, ‘grape mist’ and ‘hawaiian’. Items such as cameras, binoculars and radios which had been part of war production were fairly easy to divert to the customer market and there was a ready supply quite quickly. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 372

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Miner’s Liquid Stockings. (1b4_ Advertisement.) It will later be suggested that some visitors to Dublin found that Dubliners were not particularly well dressed. This would suggest otherwise, even during the war.

By 1b4_ advertisements were making reference to the return of well-known food brands. Of course, bacon products such as Lunham’s never disappeared and their best pork sausages were available at [s. [d. and [s. per lb. However, Chiver’s made the best of their circumstances. In one advertisement they sympathized with the housewife, recognizing that shopping was difficult and that shops often ran out of the best stuff first. Therefore she was enjoined not to be too disappointed if there was difficulty in getting Chiver’s jams and jellies. Fruitfield had plenty of product but their problem was the supply of jam jars. They announced a need for one million jars in June 1b4_ with a promise that any grocer would pay for quality sound jars. Chocolate had been greatly missed and even supplies of American Hershey’s that filtered down from Northern Ireland did not fill the gap. Cadbury’s had been forced to curtail supplies but they brought Dairy Milk back onto the market as soon as possible in [d., 3d. and _d. blocks (¼lb), 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 373

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Fruitﬁeld – an appeal for jam jars. (1b4_ Advertisement.)

Cadbury’s Dairy Milk is back! (1b4_ Advertisement.)

though they warned of short supply. Jacob’s too were able to announce that supplies of their ‘Patricia’ chocolates were good though limited. Mi-Wadi was also back but the manufacturers ‘blamed’ the high quality of the product for the huge demand which was limiting supply. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 374

3`4 DuBLIN, 1b30–1b50

FLAK DDT. (1b48 Advertisement.)

New products were coming on the market too. Anadin had moved into the mass market and was now generally available. It offered ‘safe, effective and lasting’ relief from pain without any nasty side effects. The biro had also arrived. It would not be generally available until well into 1b4` but its ability to write smoothly on any surface, not to smudge, to dry instantly, to make six carbon copies and to go for months made it an item of desire. A Christmas 1b4` price of 30s. or 45s. for a silver plated version ensured that it was a luxury item. DDT also appeared in the post-war period. Although the compound had been known in the nineteenth century it was not until 1b3b that its insecticidal properties were exploited and it was widely used during the war. The brand that most people in Dublin would come to know was ‘FLAK’ and it was widely marketed as a hair lotion, a powder and a spray. Coming up to Christmas in 1b4_, it was announced that 1,[00 cartons of canned fruit would arrive on [0 December (Irish Times, 11 December, p. 1). There had previously been a delivery of `50 tons of sultanas and these were available at 1s. `d. per lb. The amount of dried fruit that was available was no more than about 8 per cent of the pre-war years. However, this particular arrival was welcome in that the ship also carried 3,000 staves for beer barrels. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 375

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 3`5

A biro – the ultimate gift. (1b4` Advertisement.)

In many cases, supplies during the emergency had been limited by lack of packaging materials more than by a shortage of the goods. The novelty of the return of fruit was manifested in trophy prices being paid; for example, two pineapples (always an exotic) were reported as having sold for £_ 1[s. in the Dublin fruit market on 10 December. Nicholl’s suggested a gift of ‘overalls’ in its Christmas advertisements, with a stylish smock available for 14s. 11d. They also advertised stockings in both 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 376

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nylons and silk from between 4s. _d. and 1[s. 11d. per pair. Despite the existence of a coupon system, there was difficulty in Dublin shops in keeping stocks, though this did not appear to be the case elsewhere for those minded to travel to other cities. Other items which were popular included leather and fur backed gloves; a wise and prescient investment given the winter which was yet to come and of which the mild December days gave no inkling. Such were available in Kellett’s of George’s Street for between 35s. and b0s. a pair, whereas hogskin finish gloves were more affordable at between 1_s. 11d. and 35s. (for fur lined ones). A morocco hand bag was on sale for 84s. while an underarm bag came in at 5bs. 11d. No coupons were needed for these items. Men could once again look forward to gifts of handkerchiefs, ties, socks, pullovers and fountain pens. Kellett’s were offering evening scarves for men for _s. 11d. and 10s. 11d. (with two C or D coupons). Cotton had not yet become generally available, although there was an advertisement for Lux washing powder reminding consumers that cottons would soon be available again and that they needed the gentle washing action of Lux. Whiskey was in short supply by 1b4_ but this was due to demand rather than any reduction in quantity. In fact, supplies of Irish whiskey onto the market had been increased by the distillers and they released [0 per cent more in 1b45 than had been released between 1b38 and 1b40. However, it was recognized that there was going to be a serious problem if barley supplies continued to be diverted into bread-making because production was only at between 30 per cent and 40 per cent of pre-war levels. This would be a problem at maturity in the early 1b50s. On the bright side, there seemed to be plentiful supplies of gin, rum, brandy as well as port and sherry. electrical goods were once again on the market. A vacuum cleaner was available for £10 4s. bd. together with kettles with automatic cut-out, toasters, irons, electric clocks, electric blankets and various lamps and lights. By 1b4`, the first of the post-war ‘Pilot’ radios went on sale at £[3. The following year saw the availability of a portable ‘Bush’ radio at 18 guineas which could be moved easily from room to room (Irish Times, 1 December 1b48, p. 1). By then there was easy availability of radios from Phillips, Pye and HMV with both standard and portable models. New record players or playing decks were now on the market and a HMV model in 1b4b cost only 8 guineas. The beginning of 1b4` saw further improvement in the availability of old favourites. Atkinson’s were able to announce early in the year that improved supplies of poplin meant that their handwoven neckware was to be found in 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 377

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 3``

Dunlop rubber and how it coped during the emergency. (1b4` Advertisement.)

a widening selection and by mid-year their ads no longer had to refer to the problems of shortages. It was likewise with cosmetics as the ranges available from brands such as Goya steadily improved. By the end of the year, cigars were once again within reach with La Perla (14s.), Don Carlos ([1s. for coronas) and Le Hermosa ([1s.) available in boxes of twelve from P.J. Carroll Ltd. While supplies of stockings were improving, there were still issues and ‘National’ brand underwear had to admit in December that it was diﬃcult to 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 378

3`8 DuBLIN, 1b30–1b50

maintain either regular or sufficient supplies. Likewise while Nugget shoe polish was available in tins of various sizes ([½d., 4½d., 8d.) in colours of black, dark brown and tan, users were warned to use it sparingly as there was a world shortage of tin plate. It did not seem to be possible to supply the product in other containers. An interesting insight into how Ireland managed during the war came in the form of an advertisement from Dunlop. They explained that the only way that they managed to continue to supply tyres was by means of bales of rubber which were washed up on Irish shores (presumably from convoys), and which were harvested by a chain of salvage men. Christmas 1b4` saw a return to something more normal with retailers expressing satisfaction with the volume of sales in the run up to the day. The improvement in supply together with a large volume of visitors ensured that that there was a ready market for what was available. Apparently there had been a focus on practical gifts during the War but shoppers were now prepared to pay for items of fashion. The Irish Times reported that woollen twin sets were in great demand and the people were prepared to pay upwards of £40 for a handbag. Clothing coupons had been abandoned earlier in the year, though they had ceased to be relevant a long time previously. As a result, silk stockings were once again ‘over the counter’ at _s. 11d. or `s. 11d. while a 1,000 dozen pairs of nylons were sold in under two weeks at 8s. 11d. and 1[s. 11d. Turkeys were in ready supply in 1b4` at 3s. _d. per lb for cocks and 3s. bd. for prime quality hens. However, they could be had for 3s. [d. per lb if a shopper was prepared to buy in local shops. Although demand in the uK was lower than in 1b4`, some 450,000 turkeys and 150,000 geese were exported to the uK and prices were up by about 3d. per lb. Just to offer encouragement, the Irish Times offered a piece on shopping in europe in October 1b4` (11 October, p. `). ‘Gazelle’ went on a quick tour of Amsterdam and Zurich in the interests of research. She found Amsterdam well stocked and with prices at similar levels to Dublin. Zurich was magical with all sorts of goodies available – peaches at [d. each, grapes at give-away prices. Coupons were unnecessary and there were nylons in all shades at 1[s. _d. a pair. She wrote of ice cream, wool, angora sweaters, aluminium pots and everything else that would be expected in normal times. She finished her trip with a quick visit to Milan and found a tie for the ‘other sex’ at 10s. and a silk scarf for herself at 15s. but generally conditions in Milan were nothing like those in Switzerland. Bread proved more difficult to restore to pre-war quality and there was a public row between the bakers and the government before white bread became 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 379

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 3`b

universally available again. The country was never self-sufficient in wheat of a high enough quality to make white flour and by 1b4[ it was accepted that an annual deficit of [0 per cent was likely. This served to sustain a thriving informal market in white flour with prices rocketing so that as much as 1s. _d. per lb was being paid in Dublin compared to a ‘real’ price of 3d. per lb. This led to a price control order in May 1b4[, which saw quality white flour disappear from the shops and white bread disappear from restaurants. Obtaining a slice of bread and butter in a restaurant became a matter of some difficulty and ingenuity since strict regulations applied. The quality of flour and bread became a matter of debate and public concern. Initially it was decided to make more flour by using 100 per cent of the wheat – the ‘100 per cent extraction’. This led to concerns that the resulting flour was not healthy and there were worries that an increase in rickets might be attributable to this (Irish Times, 5 June 1b43, p. 5). This resulted in barley being introduced into flour, causing concern to brewers and distillers. Things were slow to get better and bread was once again being made with ‘b0 per cent extraction’ flour in 1b4_. Bread rationing had to be introduced in early 1b4` as imports became more difficult to source, exacerbated by a bad local harvest. A rationing system was still in place by 1b50, though the size of the ration was reasonable. However, despite the fact that ‘normal’ white flour had been missed, there was a row before it was used again. There had been a subsidy on the war-time flour and the government hoped to reintroduce white flour at an economic cost and thus save some money. The assumption was that everyone would want to have white flour again but it was initially intended to continue the availability of subsidized flour with 85 per cent extraction. The bakers refused to cooperate (Irish Times, _ January 1b4b, p. 1). Despite assertions by the bakers that the public would not be prepared to pay more for white bread and that it was not really all that much more ‘white’, demand for the product was such that queues formed outside bakeries producing it. The row rumbled on during 1b4b but white bread ultimately won out, though not before a government order requiring that white flour be used in cake and biscuit production. It was confirmed early in January 1b48 that Christmas 1b4` had restored sales in the city to pre-war levels. Retailers professed themselves very satisfied with the results and said that the country was awash with goods and people had money to spend. However, 1b4` proved to be a ‘one off’ with a great deal of pent-up demand released. The following Christmas was much quieter with lower demand and with the range of goods stabilising, shopping was less to do with novelties and more to do with standards. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 380

380 DuBLIN, 1b30–1b50

Prices and quality

There are always geographical differences in the prices that people pay for goods and services and there is quite an extensive literature in retail geography about this. The factors involved are complex and reﬂect variables such as scale of operation, supply costs, regulation as well as the operation of ‘price gouging’ where businesses use the lack of competition in an area to charge the highest prices that people are prepared to tolerate. Important factors in this process relate both to the existence of real competition and to shoppers’ ability to ‘shop around’. The geographical scale at which differences are observed will vary also. Thus it is possible to view differences between city centres and suburbs, between cities and their hinterlands, between towns and cities of different sizes and between countries and even continents. During the 1b30s and 1b40s markets were more local than now as transport limited the geographical extent of the area in which economies operated. Local markets responded to local circumstances and the operation of supply and demand ensured that prices were different in Dublin to Cork or Galway. There was also price variation within Dublin, though it was undoubtedly masked by issues of quality. The pattern of people shopping daily and perhaps several times a day allowed for

Table . Food prices in Dublin and Belfast, 1b43.

Dublin Belfast eggs from [s. [d. per doz [s. per dozen (3 per week) Tea 4s. lb (½ oz per week) 4s. lb ([ oz per week) Sugar 5d. lb (½ lb per week) 3d. lb, (½ lb per week) Butter [s. lb (½ lb per week) 1s. 8d. lb ([ oz per week) Potatoes (old) 1s. 10d. stone 11d. stone Potatoes (new) 1s. 3d. quarter stone none Sausages 1s. 5d. to [s. lb 1s. 1d. and 1s. [d. lb Lettuce 3d. and 4d. per head `d. and bd. per head Cabbage 3d. and 4d. per head 3d. and 4d. per head Coal none 5s. per cwt Anthracite b_s. per ton (rationed) 8_s. _d. ton Mushrooms _s. lb `s. _d. and 8s. _d. lb Scotch Whisky 18s. _d. bottle [5s. bottle Irish Whiskey 1s. 10d. per glass 4s. glass Guinness `d. bottle 1s. bottle Sherry `s. _d.+ bottle Not at any price 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 381

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 381

variation to develop between ‘better’ and ‘less good’ shopping areas. However, it is impossible to say whether ‘gouging’ actually occurred whereby more or less was charged for exactly the same item in different social areas. The emergency made price differences more marked. Transport became much more difficult and opportunities for people to shop around were more circumscribed. The further distortion of rationing and price control and the resultant emergence of a black market and smuggling across the border served to heighten differences. An unscientific survey of prices published in the Irish Times revealed the following differences between Dublin and Belfast in 1b43 (4 June, p. 4). They show higher prices in Dublin for most foodstuffs, including basic foods such as butter and potatoes, but serious value available in Dublin in terms of alcohol. Another, equally unscientific, survey in 1b45 showed that the differences were still in favour of Belfast with higher prices in food and clothing being the main culprit (Irish Times, 1_ April 1b45, p. 1).

Table . Food prices in Dublin and Belfast, 1b45.

Dublin Belfast [lb loaf _¼d. 5d. Potatoes (stone) 1s. 8d., [s., [s. [d. bd., 11d. Onions 8d. lb 4½d. lb Cabbage 3d., 4d., bd. 4d. Lettuce 4d., 8d. none Cocoa 1s. _d., [s. _d. 1s. _d. Tea 4s. 3s., 4s. Butter [s. 4d. lb 1s. 8d. lb Bacon 3s., 3s. 4d. lb 1s. 8d. to [s. 3d. lb Flour 3s. 8d. stone [s. 10d. stone eggs (doz) 1s. _d. – 3s. [s. Milk (pint) 4d. 4d. Sirloin 1s. 8d. lb 1s. _d. lb Leg Mutton 1s. bd. lb 1s. _d. lb Pork Sausages 1s. lb 1s. lb

The point was made that most goods were rationed in Belfast, whereas supply in Dublin was far better, except in such areas as tea. On the other hand it was possible to get oranges, lemons, dried fruit in Belfast but these had not 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 382

38[ DuBLIN, 1b30–1b50

been seen in Dublin for over a year. Prunes, currants, raisins and sultanas were available in Belfast at bd. per lb while oranges were `½d. per lb and lemons were _½d. per lb. For completeness the controlled prices of fish were given as plaice (4s. [d.), turbot ([s.), cod (1s. 10d.), mackerel (bd.) and brill (4s. [d.). The price differences in meat were explained in terms of the higher price available for store cattle in Britain, so that their value to Irish producers was increased greatly. Therefore there was little incentive to fatten and kill cattle locally. Moreover, it was suggested that some butchers were charging more than the fixed price for certain cuts of meat because they had to sell other cuts at less economic prices. Interestingly, the reporter suggested that in Dublin, the prices actually increased towards the suburbs, where the price of some goods was found to be upwards of 50 per cent more expensive than in the city centre. It is a pity that more detail was not provided to support that statement since transport within the city was reasonably good by bus and such differences would be hard to sustain apart from exceptional items at particular times of year. Prices rose significantly during the war to the extent that there was disquiet about the prices being asked for basic goods. Prices, as measured by the consumer price index, rose by `[% in the period 1b3b to 1b4`. The retail price of fresh milk rose by 18% while the price of bread rose by [b%. Beef rose in price by 5`%, bacon by `1% and pork by _0% while oatmeal increased by 53%, potatoes by 11[% and sugar by 33% (Dáil Debates, [3 January 1b4`, col. 313). The price of suits went up by 5`% while that of shirts went up by 80%. This occurred despite a significant level of control on prices and Mr Lemass in the Dáil in 1b4` suggested that this was due to four reasons: (a) the cost of imported goods, (b) the cost of farm products, (c) wages, and (d) profits. He argued that it was the first two that had the greatest impact. Indeed he claimed that the rise in the cost of food had been almost entirely due to increased prices paid to farmers in order to boost production. Others argued that excessive profits were being made by manufacturers and retailers. There was no doubt that supply shortages pushed up the cost of raw materials and this worked its way through the various elements of the chain. The extent to which other elements in the chain added their own increases was a matter of debate. Cigarettes were another staple that had increased in price but excise duty was an additional element to general price increases. In the middle 1b30s, a smoker could expect to pay about 1s. for twenty cigarettes from a major brand. By 1b4`, the price was 1s. 8d. or 1s. bd., with Woodbines cheaper at 1s. 3d. 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 383

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 383

per twenty. Those who had enjoyed their La Perla cigars in 1b40 could still get them in 1b4` but now at a cost of 14s. for twelve, almost double the earlier price. A pack of Don Carlos 1[ Corona at [1s. was only marginally cheaper than a box of twenty-five available for [[s. bd. in 1b40. To the dissatisfaction about the price of clothing was added a view that quality had dropped. Thus it was being said that an individual shirt could cost as much after the war as a suit cost before the war, once the question of quality was taken into account. Against that, it must be recalled that Christmas in 1b4` and 1b48 were boom shopping seasons and it was not only locals who were shopping. Tourists both wanted these goods and were prepared to pay for them, either because of the lack of access to coupons or to the goods themselves in Britain. Complaints about a decline in quality were not confined to clothing (Irish Times, 5 May 1b4`, p. 4). Butchers came in for severe criticism that they were manipulating the price that had been agreed with the Minister in February 1b4`, especially by requiring customers to ‘take the piece’. This often meant that the desired piece of meat was supplied joined to an inferior cut, which the consumer did not want and which would have been trimmed in earlier days. The problem was that meat was in short supply in the uK, and there was a ready export market for even poor quality meat. Similarly, there were shortages in supplies of eggs and milk coming up to Christmas 1b4`. The egg shortage had much to do with illegal trading. The price of eggs was controlled at 4s. _d. a dozen but they were being openly sold in ‘casual’ markets for between 8s. and 1[s. a dozen. There was clear evidence that suppliers were diverting their stocks from the usual shops and allowing them to be sold in a more informal manner. The authorities did nothing to prevent the trade and this was just one indication of the gradual return to capitalism as supply and demand began to reassert itself on prices. The problem with milk supplies in Dublin was that local production was out of line with demand and there were warnings that Dublin depended on its own local shortfall being made up by supplies from the south of the country; supplies which it was believed would not be available in January 1b4`. Wages and salaries did not keep pace with these increases. Wage ‘stabilization’ was brought into effect in 1b41 and continued for the war. This was effected under emergency Powers Order 83, which kept wages at 1b41 levels unless authorized by the Minister. There was some variation allowed. Agricultural workers saw their wages increase by 84 per cent and the lowest- paid industrial workers were allowed some increases. This meant in aggregate that there was a 40 per cent rise in industrial earnings. Of course, this flatters 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 384

384 DuBLIN, 1b30–1b50

to deceive since this index applied only to those within the speciﬁc sectors covered and many sectors saw no increase whatsoever in their salaries during the war. Thus it was argued in the Dáil that a married man in the Civil Service whose total remuneration in 1b3b was £105 saw his salary increase only by 54 per cent once controls were removed. A person earning £4b5 in 1b3b saw an increase of 3` per cent while a person earning £1,00b got an increase of [_ per cent (Dáil Debates, 104([), col. 301). The comparable pay (without allowances or overtime) of a double-deck bus driver was £5 `s. _d. per week, of a single-deck bus driver £5, of a double-deck conductor £5 [s. _d. and of a single-deck conductor £4 10s. A driver for Dublin Corporation could expect 1[s. _d. more than a double-deck bus driver while a petrol tanker driver earned `s. _d. more.

Health and living

It might have been expected that such steep price increases would have had a significant effect on the nutrition of significant sections of the population. It has already been shown that many in the city lived in very poor conditions and there was relatively little by way of income support for those on low or no wages. In 1b44, it was decided to undertake a national study of the state of nutrition of the various sections of the population. A sample survey was undertaken by the Statistics Branch of the Department of Industry and Commerce. It was a stratified sample of about 3,000 families and one of the strata was a study of Dublin which began in April 1b4_ and was completed by August 1b4_. It was a comprehensive survey of about 500 families, with an interesting methodology. An investigator visited a home and weighed and measured all the food in the house. The housewife was given a form on which to record all purchases and the food used at each meal. At the end of the week, the investigator repeated the weighing and the measuring. Adjustments were made for meals taken outside the house and for waste. To these data was added information on sex, occupation, housing, age and family size. Reliability analysis was undertaken to ensure that the results could be taken as a reasonable indicator of the city. The results were surprising. Families were classified as being ‘slum’, ‘artisan’ or ‘middle class’. In all three categories, the average consumption of milk, eggs, meat, fish, fruit and vegetables increased markedly with increasing income and food expenditure, but decreased as the size of family increased. It was found 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 385

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 385

that the intake of nutrients, with the exception of calcium, was satisfactory for all levels of income. This was a particular problem in very low income slum or artisan families where intake could be less than half the requirement; this was due mainly to low consumption of milk and cheese. Among the poorer and larger families, a high proportion of meals were what was described as ‘bread and spread’. It could be as high as 44 per cent for children under 14 years in slum families but less than 18 per cent in middle class ones. However, the overall judgement was that the ‘main defects of the diets were an insuﬃcient intake of milk and a lack of variety among the poorer and larger families’ (p. 1_). Looking at it from the perspective of calorie intake, it shows a picture that most ate more than they needed, perhaps explaining the need to cater to the fuller ﬁgure, as described above.

Table . Nutrient intake of 500 Dublin families in 1b4_. (National Nutrition Survey 1b48, extracted from table bb).

Average weekly food Calories Type Expenditure per head (Per cent of requirements) under 10s. b5 10s. to 15s. 10b Slum 15s. to [0s. 1[3 Over [0s. 141 All families 10` under 10s. b_ 10s. to 15s. 113 Artizan 15s. to [0s. 1[_ Over [0s. 134 All families 111 under 10s. – 10s. to 15s. 10` Middle Class 15s. to [0s. 1[0 Over [0s. 138 All families 1[0 under 10s. b5 10s. to 15s. 111 All types 15s. to [0s. 1[[ Over [0s. 13` All families 11[ 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 386

38_ DuBLIN, 1b30–1b50

Future signs

The two decades had offered a somewhat different experience to the shopper in one important aspect. It was not just that there was a World War in the 1b40s, which ushered in shortages, rationing and controls on supply and prices. It was also that prices rises, and significant price rises at that, became an unwelcome additional element. It has already been noted that deflation in prices characterized most of the 1b30s and prices only began to rise towards the end of the decade. even by 1b3b, the index was up only four points on 1b30. Prices took off during the 1b40s and soared way ahead of any increases in wages. In fact, for most, there was no increase in salary or wages while prices surged. Paradoxically, it seemed that people were able to tolerate this for a while perhaps because the shortages and rations reduced the range of items on which money could be spent. An increased trend in eating out was one manifestation of this; not the normally expected response to decreasing purchasing power. Moreover the first couple of post-war Christmases were characterized by enthusiastic spending as people responded to the newly arrived range of old favourites and new marvels. It was not to last. even as the decade was ending, there was worry that there had only been a surge in demand and not a sustained recovery. It was also surprising to find that despite the poverty in much of the city and the scourge of diseases such as TB, people were reasonably well nourished towards the end of the 1b40s. The diet may have been bland and there was a concern over calcium levels but it seems that all sectors of society had enough to eat on a regular basis. At the upper end, people ate far more calories than they needed and the need to cater to the ‘fuller figure’ in clothes shopping has already been commented upon. Poor housing conditions are usually taken as a physical manifestation of other forms of deprivation and poor nutrition would not be unusual in circumstances of poor housing. Dominic Behan (1b_1) describes the hand-to-mouth existence in the tenements in the 1b[0s and 1b30s where the pawn shop played an important role in cashflow. However, it is hard to come to the view that he or his neighbours lacked a basic diet. This is counter intuitive and goes against much of the folklore of the city which would paint a picture of need and shortage. Yet the research seems to have been well crafted and properly undertaken. Those who could afford to go shopping downtown enjoyed a varied shopping experience during the 1b30s and 1b40s. The character of the shopping districts did not change greatly during this time period and most of the household names of the 1b30s were there in the 1b40s also. There was a wide range of shops and department stores and no shortage of clothing and 06 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:43 Page 387

THe SHOPPING exPeRIeNCe 38`

outﬁtters. The pattern was one of two major shopping cores, one north and one south of the river, with Grafton Street widely regarded as the acme of shopping, as it had been since the beginning of the century. Business in the core streets remained quite solid and they were crowded at Christmas. Parking or the lack of it was a major problem and this indicated a vibrant shopping and commercial core. Those with money to spend found ample opportunity to do so. There was an increasing amount of internationalization (Woolworth’s and Burton’s, for example) but most shops continued to be locally owned. They looked to the uK and to the united States for inspiration, however, and it is interesting to see just how well attended were the various fashion weeks which attempted a balance between Irish produce and international fashion trends. People expected to (or perhaps aspired to) dress for dinner parties, tennis parties and cruising. Shops in the central area not only served Dublin but a wide hinterland and were willing to facilitate business from all over the country. This was done by means of a postal service, excursion trains (and not just on the traditional day of 8 December) and by a system of travelling representatives. Thus Dublin was truly the apex of the urban hierarchy in a manner which would not be true today. The shopping district was not as extensive, though, as it had been earlier in the century. The peripheral streets, especially to the west of the centre, began to lose business and there was a retreat towards the core. The quays began to show more and more signs of dereliction with distance from O’Connell Street as no new businesses developed to replace the old. This was not a manifestation of the suburbanization of business, that was still over a decade way. Certainly the suburbanization of the poor to the new social housing areas would have hit local provision very hard and grocers and dairies would have struggled. There were also more than enough locations closer to the core for any specialist retail or commercial activities and there was no need to venture as far as they might in a previous generation. Would there have been worry about the future in 1b4b? It is likely that there was concern that the post-war shopping boom had been a short-lived experience born of pent-up demand and relief that the war was over. There was no sense yet that the phenomena of self-service and shopping centres posed any threat. Most would never have heard of them and even fewer would have experienced them. The concern was that people had less money in their pockets then before and that there was no sign that post-war wages and salaries would catch up with prices. There had to be a sense that the 1b50s would be more challenging from a retail perspective than had been the latter years of the 1b40s. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 388

Visiting and enjoying the city

Visiting Dublin

Despite the fact that the age of mass tourism had yet to dawn, Dublin was a popular tourist destination in the 19O0s. The country was placed ﬁrmly on the British middle-class tourist’s agenda with the visit of Queen Victoria to Killarney in 1T61 and it remained there thereafter. Dublin was sold as the gateway to this region but also as a destination in its own right. Tourism was naturally curtailed during the Second World War with the limits that were placed on travel but the city continued to be an important destination for those lucky enough to get a respite. However, Dublin really came into its own again once the war had ended as the visitor from the UK found an array of goods and foods that were not available at home. The city experienced the happy problem of a serious shortage of beds for visitors for a number of years. Of particular interest was the availability of good meat and the enjoyment of steaks and other cuts of beef became a popular recreational activity. The tourists were prepared to pay for these services and this produced a degree of local resentment and suggestions that locals were displaced to meet the requirements of visitors. The enjoyment of the surrounding countryside was made possible by the availability of a good public transport system. The bus system, in particular, spread out into the countryside. The rail system was contracting by the 19O0s but still provided a variety of tours and excursions designed to woo the visitor from Dublin. The environs of the city were not only of interest to visitors, however, for the persistence of the ‘bona ﬁde’ system of obtaining liquor after normal closing time combined with good suburban buses and a ready availability of taxis allowed the motivated Dubliner to explore the outskirts of the city in pursuit of the ‘late pint’.

Dublin from tourist guides

City guides published in the 19O0s and 1940s provide a useful way to get a sense of how Dublin was seen as a tourist destination. A number of oﬃcial guides to the city were produced, continuing a tradition that had begun earlier

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ViSiTing AnD enjOying THe CiTy OT9

in the century, either directly by Dublin Corporation or by the irish Tourist Association in co-operation with Dublin Corporation. These were not guides in the modern sense with a focus on practicalities and on things to do. They tended to offer very little practical advice and instead offered a detailed account, even analysis, of the city and how it worked, as well as suggestions for things the visitor might do and places they might visit. These might be seen as a hybrid publication: part guide and part prospectus. in the latter case they represent an early manifestation of the modern trend for cities to compete for resources and investment, just as countries do. They were not light reading and though they were well produced, they were not particularly glossy publications. A lot was demanded of the reader, who was understood to be a serious person who would take all of this in. yet, there was an expectation that the reader was a tourist, here to enjoy the attractions of the city. Particularly in the early 19O0s, it was expected that most visitors would be english speaking and from the UK. Other guides to the city were produced by commercial companies. The best, in the sense of being most comprehensive and updated regularly were those published by Ward Lock, the UK publishers. They are also useful in that they provide an outsider’s view of the city. They did not have the market to themselves. Local commercial publishers also wooed the visitor and a different take on the city was produced by Cahill’s Dublin by day and by night, published in 19O9. equally interesting are the personal experiences of visitors which, when combined with keen observation, provide an indication as to how well the image matched the reality. This chapter begins with a comparative look at some of these guides, comparing the official view of the city with that of the commercial publishers. none of them presented a view of a city that could be described as ‘exciting’. The visitor was expected to visit and view a range of worthy historic buildings. The connection of buildings with historical figures was strongly made but there was less emphasis on landscape or city quarters. in the case of some of the guides, at least, the visitor was expected to visit some pretty insalubrious quarters in order to fulfil his or her obligations. These were explained to the visitor in a straightforward way but the assumption was that visitors would go there and that they would be safe in so doing. The tourist would also benefit physically because the expectation was that considerable distances would be covered on foot in order to complete the routes outlined. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 390

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Oﬃcial guides to the city

Dublin Corporation and the irish Tourist Association (iTA) both separately and collectively published guides to the city on a regular basis, though gradually the iTA came to fulfil the role entirely. During the 19O0s and 1940s, a number of editions appeared. They were generally softback and simply titled Dublin – official guide, although one edition was a very attractive hardbacked volume produced with an embossed crest of the city, produced in 19O1, probably with the eucharistic Congress in mind. in addition, these guides were sometimes used by international bodies who wrapped their own information around the core of the guide as that produced for the visit of the Royal institute of British Architects (RiBA) in 19O1. Three versions will be discussed here. One with a publication date of about 19OO, one printed in 194O and the final one from about 1947. Publication dates for guides or maps are always somewhat vague since purchasers will seek one that is current and publishers wish to do nothing that will deter the purchase. Over the years there was some redesign and re-organization with a gradual refocusing of the guide on its tourism function and less emphasis on politics or business development. The guides describe a city that has recognized the potential for tourism and where the age of the motor car offers the potential to use Dublin as a base for seeing the sights in the surrounding counties of Meath, Kildare and Wicklow. There, the emphasis was on beautiful scenery and historical sites. in Dublin, there was a standard menu that took in the cathedrals, the museums, galleries, universities, learned societies and parks and gardens. it was a list that had not changed since the beginning of the century and there seemed little of recent creation that was deemed worthy of a visit. Substantial essays were offered under each heading. The preface to the 19OO edition set the scene for the remainder of the guide but it also serves to show one difference between this and the later editions. D.L. Kelleher was a poet and a long-time contributor to the Capuchin Annual and he was also a writer of place portraits. His Glamour of Dublin and Glamour of Cork offer pen pictures of both places in the first decades of the twentieth century. He also wrote the Preface to the 19OO guide, which, in this case, was produced by the irish Tourist Association with ‘the authority and approval of Dublin Corporation’. This begins ‘The Dublin that has emerged from the setting up of the irish Free State is not the older, gentler Dublin with the pathos of long striving unfulfilled. The new Dublin is, rather 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 391

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a place that has put on its best clothes and begins to walk out for conscious admiration. even those who do not yet admire the colour of these clothes at least are attracted by its cut’ (p. 5). it was a very positive confident statement of intent but it also recognized that Dublin had yet to achieve the status or standing to which it aspired. Kelleher was not alone in this view of the city. A similar sentiment was expressed by Lynn Doyle in his 19O5 text when he wrote of Dublin: ‘to me it seems like a somewhat reduced country gentleman up for the Horse Show. His clothes are a little worn, but they were made by a good tailor (p. 12)’. There was hope for the future, though, and this was recognized a little later in the piece as Kelleher compared Dublin to geneva. geneva in 1910 was slum-ridden but only twenty years later it had been transformed. This was the shadow hanging over Dublin – ‘inefficient housing for a considerable percentage of the people barracked in great old houses gone darkly and drearily uncomfortable, and worse, with time’ (p. T). in later editions, the Preface was shortened and there was more emphasis on tourism. Dublin was now presented as a holiday centre with an excellent physical setting – ‘set between the mountains and the sea. Dublin is one of the most beautifully situated capitals in the world’ (p. 5). it was an ideal centre in itself but also as a base for exploring the surrounding region. The changed focus was a recognition that not everyone wanted to contemplate the housing problem from the first page. This is not to suggest that the political or business messages had been removed from the guides or that they were now politically neutral. They were still there but now a little further into the text. For example, the 1947 edition offered a much longer section on the history of the city and on page 4O, it noted that the 1916 Rising resulted from the fact that ‘the more advanced leaders of the Sinn Féin organization saw england’s difficulty as ireland’s opportunity’.

What the visitor saw The 19O0s guide set out to educate as well as to inform. As well as providing a history of the city, there were chapters on Dublin as the artistic capital of ireland, the modern city and how it was administered as well as a section on the seat of government. The headline attractions, though not necessarily available to visit, were the national Museum, the national gallery, the Municipal gallery of Modern Art, the Royal irish Academy and the Royal Dublin Society. The best sense of what was suggested for the visitor is perhaps indicated by the section entitled ‘Tours in Dublin’. This was a small set of tours designed 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 392

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Aerial view of O’Connell Street in the late 19O0s. (Postcard.)

to encompass the major sights. The emphasis throughout was on individual buildings and on the people who lived in them. Streetscapes or districts were not yet in vogue and little mention was made of the urban effects of the work of the Wide Streets Commission. equally, while georgian Dublin was mentioned, there was no appreciation of it as a resource and no suggestion that visitors might be interested in the georgian landscapes, per se. Missing 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 393

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Fusilier’s Arch in Stephen’s green. (Postcard.)

also from any itinerary was nelson’s Pillar. its existence was acknowledged because of its central location but no mention was made of the character of the monument itself or, more importantly, of the fact that a fabulous view of the city was available to anyone with the breath to climb the steps to the top. it was surely one of the best attractions the city had to offer and a major omission from any guide. given Dublin Corporation’s repeated efforts over many decades to have the monument removed, it is understandable (though disappointing) perhaps that a guide produced with the approval of the Corporation might not wish to include this attraction. This had changed by 1947, when the Pillar was recognized as one of the most important landmarks in the city and it was noted that 6d. purchased an excellent view from the top. This guide does not appear to have the same level of overt approval by Dublin Corporation, it being a production of the iTA. This might be no more than a printing omission because the 195O version of the guide, a most substantial publication, is again ‘by authority of the Corporation of Dublin’. Tour 1 brought the visitor on a walk around College green, St Stephen’s green and Merrion Square, with a strong historical focus to the narrative. important public buildings were pointed out and their signiﬁcance in irish history explained. in the 19OO guide there was a strong and overt nationalist ﬂavour to what was highlighted whether in politics, education or culture. Thus the Cenotaph on Leinster Lawn was explained but not the monument to Prince Albert, even though it was still directly behind. There was no mention 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 394

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of Queen Victoria outside Leinster House but the part played by the Mansion House in the recent history of the irish Republic was included. The Guide did not entirely exclude other histories, though. Mention was made of the Fusilier’s Arch in St Stephen’s green and the still-extant statue of george ii on his pedestal. While georgian architecture was mentioned, it figured only peripherally on the list of attractions. Merrion Square was in good condition in the 19O0s and it and the park were noted to present a fine ensemble to the eye. The guide, however, was more interested in who lived or was living in the houses. The second tour directed the visitor towards old Dublin – the castle and the cathedrals. As might be expected, the castle was noted for its ‘grim’ role in irish history and there was some comment on the various elements to be seen. Although Christ Church cathedral was described as being ‘architecturally the finest building in Dublin’, very little was actually said about it or indeed about St Patrick’s cathedral once its association with jonathan Swift had been explained. However the guide did not shy away from the realities of the district. The visitor was pointed towards High Street and Francis Street because of their focus on Robert emmet and Lord edward Fitzgerald but neither street would have been particularly salubrious. This was made plain as the path brought the visitor down Werburgh Street, where this time it was the connection between Lord edward Fitzgerald and Major Sirr that was of interest. The visitor was invited to consider how this part of Dublin with its dingy and decaying buildings ‘was once the fashionable residential area of Dublin merchant princes and leading citizens’ (p. 111). The present tenements were then being replaced gradually with better houses for the artizans and working classes who lived around. There was no sense of blame attached to anyone for these conditions. Rather the text was to be read as a positive statement of recognition of issues and a concern with dealing with them. The tour led back onto Camden Street and the Carmelite Friary in Whitefriar Street, which was praised, and then back towards Dame Street via South great george’s Street. The third tour took the visitor along the quays with opportunities to view the Custom House, the Four Courts, King’s inns, Parnell Square and the pro- cathedral. The Custom House was given more treatment than either of the cathedrals and the visitor was told that the principal front, that facing the river, has a portico of Doric columns; and in the tympanum are figures representing Hibernia and Britannica seated on a naval car. nothing along the quays was felt worthy of inducing a walk and so the 24 tram was taken until the Four Courts was reached. it was explained that the great central building has a portico of six Corinthian columns, over which rose a cupola supported by 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 395

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Aerial view of Trinity College environs. (Postcard.) 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 396

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View of the Botanic gardens. (Postcard.)

twenty-four columns and crowned by a magnificent dome (p. 115). What happened during the Civil War was also outlined and then the route moved along Church Street, with mention of St Michan’s and the Brothers Shears, onto Bolton Street with passing mention of Henrietta Street and Dominick Street. While the inclusion of St Michan’s with its preserved bodies and its Viking connection is easily understood, mention of the Brothers Shears presupposed a deep interest and knowledge of irish history and the events of 179T. Perhaps surprisingly, it was the georgian architecture on Parnell Square that got mention. These features were hardly noticed on Merrion Square but here the visitor was directed to the doorways and to the fine interiors. However, this was perhaps more to do with the lack of other historical information than any appreciation of the style for little was said about Mountjoy Square, other than it was another open space. in going down north great george’s Street, there was another harking back to former days. ‘Walking along this now neglected thoroughfare, it is hard to believe that those tenement houses (as most of them are) which we see on either side were once the homes of aristocratic citizens of eighteenth-century Dublin. if we visited some of them we would marvel at the beautiful decorative work of the interiors, the fine ceilings and mantelpieces; though through sheer neglect, much of their former beauty has been destroyed’ (p. 11T). With a look at the Pro-Cathedral and the Abbey Theatre, the walk concluded. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 397

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Cover of 1947 printing of Dublin – oﬃcial guide.

While it would be fair to say that the routes encompassed most of the city centre, the image of Dublin was a rather gloomy though worthy one, which would appeal most to the visitor with a strong interest in irish history. There was less reference to european traditions and not much was made of the streetscapes or of the shopping attractions. in fact, it seems to be the case that the visitors would be so busy walking that there would be no time to shop. The attractions were mainly those of the previous centuries and little of recent origin seemed worthy of notice. That noted, there was a forward-looking emphasis to many of the essays and the visitor was told about the great improvement to infrastructure and the measures designed to address the city’s myriad issues. The assumption that an interest in politics and history dominated the visitors’ concern was further aﬃrmed when a suburban tour was suggested that included the Phoenix Park, glasnevin Cemetery and the Botanic gardens. We were told that ‘our object in visiting [the cemetery] is to see the graves of some of ireland’s most noted patriots and leaders’ (p. 122). The 1947 guide was reorganized to provide a greater emphasis on tourism with a shorter preface and some practical information before getting into the 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 398

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Route O in the 1947 Guide to Dublin.

historical discussions. This content was similar to the earlier guide and there were chapters on the galleries, museums and learned societies. To these were now added thematic sections that allowed the tourist to ﬁnd out about 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 399

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interesting streets (Historic Streets and Houses) or particular buildings (notable Public Buildings). These sections were still mainly about the people that inhabited them, though the section on notable public buildings did offer some information about the buildings themselves and their environs. Four tours were suggested which were similar to the previous guide, but shortened, sanitized and now more factual with reduced commentary. What was missing in particular were the longer descriptions of dereliction and decay. The third tour, for example, was greatly truncated. This time the visitor was sent on a little walk up eden Quay from Tara Street where O’Connell Bridge was crossed before going down Burgh Quay to Marlborough Street. From there the walk went along that street, up north great george’s Street before returning via O’Connell Street. gone was the exploration of the streets behind the Four Courts. This required that the Four Courts building be explored as a detour on the way to the Phoenix Park on the fourth tour, which also took in the Botanic gardens and glasnevin Cemetery. There was a greater awareness now of the need to present the best of the city to the visitor and not be as focussed on the problems of the city. north great george’s Street was presented in more gentle tones: ‘many of the fine georgian houses in this street have fallen into a dilapidated state but some of their interiors still show beautiful decorative work’ (p. 126). However, nothing new was added and there still seemed to be no new architecture worthy of mention. it was now recognized that O’Connell Street had been rebuilt with fine new buildings and it was now allowed that the tourist would or could walk along the quays. There was a nod to the fact that there might be something of value in the legacy of georgian architecture: ‘in examples of the public and domestic architecture of the eighteenth century Dublin is singularly rich, and many fine georgian mansions lend a sober beauty to its wide streets and famous squares’ (p. 47). But it is not the ensemble that delights, rather it is the fine individual houses (mostly town palaces) and the people who lived in these houses with a focus on political and literary figures.

Forward looking neither the 19O0s nor 1940s guides offered much by way of practical information on how to use the city. The visitor would not have learned much on hotels, standards, rates or on how to travel by bus or by tram, though this information did get better as time went on. There was a lot of effort put into information on embassies and legations, while hot baths and public bathing seemed a particular concern. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 400

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if the later guides sought not to focus on the problems of the city, they maintained the effort of trying to demonstrate a forward-looking city. This was particularly true of the 194O edition. Pages were devoted to outlining recent achievements, mainly in infrastructure, and in explaining the detail of public administration. Thus ‘with the birth of the irish Free State, Dublin became once more an independent capital, the metropolis of a country old in history, fresh in promise and achievement. Progress under the new dispensation has been remarkable. Better cleaning of thoroughfares, improved methods of public lighting, great new housing schemes are but a few results of enlightened municipal administration’ (194O, p. 4O). The section entitled ‘the Modern City’ in the earlier edition and ‘Modern Dublin’ in the 194O edition was the same. This section and others that dealt with the detail of public administration were dropped by 1947. The historical legacy provided a ‘city of magniﬁcent possibilities, containing many features of the ﬁrst order … The task today is to remedy the decay that have overtaken the central portions of the old city, to house in healthy surroundings the tenement dwellers, and to plan the future development of the city on lines worthy of its traditions’ (194O, p. 11O). There was hope of a developing tourism industry but although mention was made of the good new roads, the good water and draining system, and a well-organized tramway system, it was unclear whence other growth would come. Mention was made of how the transport network opened up a ‘wide choice of sites for factories, many of which have been erected since the imposition of protective tariffs’ (194O, p. 115) but it was short on detail. The 194O edition provided an expanded section on city governance. For reasons known only to the authors, it was believed that the reader would have been interested to learn that the rateable valuation of the city was £2,167,050 on 1 April 1941 with a poundage rate of 20s. 6d. equally, it was important to note that the gross debt per head of population was £24 6s. 10d. (p. 1O5). However, such detail aside, there were some bullish statements in this section. The problems that the city had to face were pointed out – housing being a major one. This problem had been allowed to grow because of the lack of action until 192O. Before the First World War only 1,4TT working-class houses had been built by Dublin Corporation but by 19O9 a further 1O,000 had been added. Likewise the Corporation had embarked on a plan in conjunction with the electricity Supply Board (eSB) that would see a greatly enhanced water supply for the city. The piece concluded as follows: 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 401

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Aerial view of Dublin docks at the beginning of the Second World War.

An ultra-modern feature of Dublin’s Municipal government is the Town Planning Committee, which controls all the building and reconstruc - tional activities of the city, and which aims at the future development of Dublin in accordance with up-to-date town planning principles. These facts relate only the physical Dublin, the corporate Dublin. She has her problems but none insuperable. Only in the last two decades has she been delivered from an age-long conﬂict with oppression and adversity. She has emerged resplendent with her gallant soul intact, and her storied streets and her smiling hills behind. As of old, she has Fáilte go buan (everlasting welcome) for all comers (p. 1O7).

The 194O edition then presented some of the practical features of the city, such as the impressive port with its new grain handling and storing facilities. Mention was made of the investments that had taken place and the reclamation work that continued to push the port outwards into the bay. A section on industrial Dublin set out the range of industries and services 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 402

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provided in the city. The guide said that ‘one could not adequately treat all of Dublin’s industries in the short space of a single article’ (p. 14O). Most of them were well known; guinness, malting, aerated waters, biscuits, clothing, boot and shoes and the motor car and commercial vehicle industry. Few were new industries, however, and there was no sign of any new industrial sector with perhaps the exception of cigarette manufacturing. What is presented as a ‘new’ industry was the irish Hospital’s Sweepstakes, which had become a huge provider of seasonal employment by the early 1940s. it must have been recognized that this discussion went too far for the average visitor, as in the 1947 edition the details of the rateable value of the city and investment in industry were omitted. As time went on, there was less comment on the problems of decay and dereliction in the city and a greater concentration on what might appeal to the visitor, although the guides still did not see the visitor as somebody with money to spend. Tourism was still presented as a serious and worthy business with the potential to educate, rather than as a business that could be capitalized upon.

The commercial guides to the city

The Ward Lock company has published travel guides for over 150 years, though no longer in the form that will be discussed here. it produced an irregular series on Dublin, the first of which appeared in 1TT0 and the last in the ‘red guide’ format was printed in the early 1950s. The dates for the various editions are always a matter of some debate for the reasons described above. The 21st edition dates to the mid-1920s with a number of printings. The 22nd edition (not described as such) was produced in the early 19O0s, while the 2Ord edition (also not called that) was in print in 19O6 and 19O7. There was a gap during the war years but the company was quick to return to the market with the 24th edition in 1947. Such was their concern to capitalize on the post-war interest in travel that the first printings of this edition came without the maps, a happening lamented on page O. Maps were restored in the final (25th) edition, which appeared soon after 1949. The guides were comprehensive in their coverage and dealt not only with Dublin but also with the Boyne Valley and Wicklow. There were not many advertisements but photographs were provided as well as three very good maps. The map of the city, at a scale of O.25 inches to 1 mile, was very good quality and was produced by Bartholomew for Ward Lock while the other two dealt with the environs of the city and of the region. The vagueness of the publication date 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 403

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is only a minor irritation however since Ward Lock, despite their claims, were not always particularly quick to update the practical details in their guides. Some aspects were up to the minute, such as the reference to the government of ireland Act (1949) in the 25th edition but the 21st edition from the mid- 1920s was still concerned with the effect of the (great) War on ferry fares. given these limitations, the guides are best used as being indicative of a general time period, rather than stressing the actual date of publication. The structure of Ward Lock guides changed very little over time. They began with a general introduction with a lot of practical information on how to get to Dublin and how to manage the city. There was much more that might be useful than in the official guides described above. Then the guide moved to consider three major routes with detailed information being provided for each stop, rather than general survey-type essays of the form described above. Following this the guide considered four routes in the environs of the city. From there the visitor was directed onwards to Howth, Drogheda and its environs and then to Wicklow where a series of tours was offered. Ward Lock took a similar view of the city to that of the official guides. georgian Dublin was not interesting or as they put in the introduction to the 21st edition: ‘the street architecture of Dublin is not beautiful, the houses generally being of the uninteresting georgian period, but the interiors of many of the older residences are very handsome and the churches and some of the public buildings are exceptionally fine. Throughout ireland, except in Ulster, there is a remarkable lack of the lower middle-class population’ (1926, p. 9). This comment disappeared thereafter but it goes some way to explaining why so little was made in the guides about what is now seen as one of the important aspects of the city. in subsequent guides, the emphasis shifted and focused on the fact that ‘few cities are more fortunate than Dublin in charm of situation or beauty of environs’. All editions from the 19O0s onwards contained a short history of the city. it was a fair account though the question of the 1916 Rising and subsequent years was neatly sidestepped by saying that this was comparatively recent history and needed no elaboration. it was recognized that despite Dublin’s antiquity, little had survived of its ancient architecture but the guide recognized the eighteenth century as the period when then city shone as a jewel of european urbanism. All editions warned that much of what may be described as ‘old Dublin’ was to be found in the Coombe but that, while it was once the centre of Dublin’s commercial activity, it is no longer ‘the abode of Dublin’s wealthy citizens, but the home of its struggling poor’. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 404

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Aerial view of the environs of the Four Courts in the 1940s. (Postcard.) 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 405

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A very positive view was presented of modern Dublin in this section on history. Dublin was described as being always the centre of ireland’s industrial activity and ‘Dublin is today more than ever an industrial capital’. The quality of the port facilities was praised as was the excellence of the railway system. Dublin had the ‘social and intellectual life of a metropolis, and for the visitor it ha[d] attractions not rivalled by many capitals, and surpassed by few’. This was more enthusiastic than any of the official guides to the city. even though the explicit reference to georgian architecture being un - interesting was gone from the 19O0s, it was made clear that the street architecture of Dublin was not strikingly beautiful, though there were many fine individual buildings. in this they agreed with the official guides to the city but Ward Lock goes on to praise the modern architecture of the city, especially the spaciousness of its business avenues. They felt that many of the public buildings of the city were noteworthy in character and design and they liked the environs of the river – ‘the two and a half miles of walled quays and parallel avenues through which the Liffey flows’. given the discussion in the previous chapter, it is difficult to fathom just what Ward Lock expected the visitor to find in these parallel avenues. The aerial view of the area around the Four Courts which is reproduced here does not show any particular attractions. All in all, it was a very positive view of the city and became even more so from edition to edition. Thus the 21st–2Ord editions suggested that ‘partly on account of the want of coal, the manufactures of the city are not many’. even that mild and factually true comment was removed from the edition that appeared in 1947 so that the section began ‘Dublin as the centre of trade for the Free State, with its facilities for sea and rail traffic and its ample supply of labour makes it a most desirable centre for the development of industry’ (p. 41). That said, the range of industries described did not vary greatly over the years. Reference was made to guinness and jacob’s (biscuits) as the two major employers with poplin goods being described as one of the specialities of the city. However, the mineral water producers (Cantrell & Cochrane, Thwaites etc.) were displaced in importance by cigarette making, described as having developed enormously and now providing employment for hundreds of people. They were also impressed by the locomotive works at inchicore and the oil refinery at the north Wall, which, the reader was told, involved an investment of £4m in 19O6. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 406

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Cover of Ward Lock’s 19O1 and 19O7 editions.

eir routes The routes suggested in the Ward Lock guides were very similar to those proposed by Dublin Corporation and the irish Tourist Association. Route one was an extended loop that encompassed O’Connell Street, Bank of ireland, Trinity College and then moved up Dame Street towards Christ Church. Some time was spent in the Liberties before descending the hill to St Patrick’s cathedral and then returning towards the centre of town via Aungier Street and South great george’s Street. The descriptions given were full and factual and did not shy away from recent history. They noted the new buildings in O’Connell Street and directed the visitor to climb nelson’s Pillar. elsewhere they commented on the poverty of the area around High Street but it was a brief reference and it was not developed: ‘This district is the oldest part of the city. The courts, alleys, and streets around the Castle and Cathedrals are of great antiquity; they are mostly narrow, dark and dirty. The houses, in all stages of decay, are mostly let out as tenements to the poorest class; yet hardly a street or a house but has sheltered some notable person’ (19O6, p. 64). 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 407

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Route two was a loop of about three miles (5km) beginning in grafton Street, moving to St Stephen’s green, thence to UCD on earlsfort Terrace and back towards the national Museum and Library with a segue to the national gallery. Then the visitor was taken on a long salient to visit the Custom House and Pro-Cathedral. it would take some considerable time to cover this route. grafton Street retained its position as the premier shopping street in the city, offering the leading shops of all kinds; nowhere else was given a mention of any significance. Although it was previously compared to Regent Street in London, this comparison was dropped by 1947. The national gallery was praised as offering ‘as representative a collection of pictures as may be seen in any of the smaller galleries of europe’ (19O6, p. 7T). Over time there was a subtle change in the focus of the discussion of Kildare Street. in 1924, the visitor would have been directed to the national Museum and Library. As part of that description, attention was drawn to the ‘extremely ugly’ statue to Queen Victoria (p. 65). By the 19O0s, reference to the memorial had been removed from the description of the Library and Museum and it is now just part of a signpost: ‘just beyond is the splendid group of buildings comprising the national Museum and national Library with Leinster House between them at the back, and fronted by a splendid quadrangle in the centre of which stands a memorial of Queen Victoria, erected in the honour of her jubilee’ (p. 74). By the mid-19O0s, all reference to the statue was gone and instead a separate section was devoted to Leinster House and its role as the parliament building. The visitor was brought eventually across the Liffey at Butt Bridge, passing the Queen’s Theatre, the Royal as well as the baths on Tara Street. The historic significance of Liberty Hall was explained, as was the damage done to the Custom House. information was provided on what could be seen should the visitor have decided to continue along Amiens Street. The station was praised as being the finest in the city and Aldborough House was still considered to be worthy of mention, though it had begun its slow decline into the ruin that it is today. it is hard to believe that as a residential house it once ranked as ‘one of the finest in Dublin’ (1947, p. T2). This tour finished with a visit to the Pro-Cathedral, where the visitor could at least sit down! Route three would have brought the visitor into deepest Dublin. it began at the Pillar and then either via Abbey Street or Henry Street the visitor proceeded to St Mary’s Abbey. it is noteworthy that Henry Street did not deserve mention as a shopping street; it seems that shopping was not an important activity for users of these guides. The tourist then wandered in the narrow streets around the remnants of the Abbey before emerging near the 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 408

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Four Courts. The oﬃcial guides seem to have been a little nervous of the area and sent the visitor by tram down the quays rather than have them walk. Later on, they kept the visitor away from the location entirely. Ward Lock expected a greater sense of adventure of their readers and indicated what was to be seen further along the quays for those who fancied a little detour. However, the main focus of the loop following the Four Courts was to wander up Church Street to St Michan’s and to delve into the quieter streets around green Street (the criminal courts). Thence it was onto Henrietta Street where, by going through the arch, it was possible to see a whole ‘nest’ of public buildings – the Hardwicke, Richmond and Whitworth Hospitals, Richmond Lunatic Asylum and the Richmond Penitentiary. The walk then proceeded towards the Broadstone Station and as far north as the Royal Canal before heading back towards the city via Mountjoy Prison, the Mater Hospital and down Hardwicke Street. Here St george’s Church was admired and it was said that ‘many feel it to be the most beautiful and elegant of the Dublin churches’ (1947, p. T9). Finally there was a visit to the Municipal gallery of Modern Art on Parnell Square and back to O’Connell Street via the Rotunda. it was a most remarkable tour of the northside of the city, which would never be suggested today and it was far more adventurous than the city authorities were prepared to suggest. indeed, this was no accident; Ward Lock knew their business. They concluded this section with the following.

The northside of Dublin, part of which we have just traversed, was long the most fashionable residential quarter, and the interiors of the houses, especially those in north great george’s Street, which runs parallel to the east side of Parnell Square, are very ﬁne … no longer a fashionable quarter, many of the houses on the northside are now let out as tenements, and have fallen into sad neglect and disrepair. (1947, p. 92)

Dublin by day and by night was a local version of a commercial guide with an imprint of 19O9. Although smaller than the Ward Lock, it was quite comprehensive in its coverage. There were no lengthy essays, though it was noted that ‘without some knowledge of Dublin down the ages it is impossible to grasp the real character of the city or even fully to appreciate the charms and peculiarities of its people’ (p. 1O). A brief history lesson was then given but the guide got down to business quite quickly. What was different about this guide was the lack of emphasis on the city centre. Certainly, there was a 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 409

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The Ward Lock tour of the north city. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 410

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Cover of Dublin by day and by night.

section entitled ‘principal places of interest in the city’ and these included the Bank of ireland, Leinster House, Dublin Castle, the cathedrals and UCD. Trinity College was presented as the primary attraction with the Book of Kells getting special mention. This was a rather small section, though augmented by another section that dealt with galleries and museums. instead of long walks through the city centre, these were presented as standalone visits. Rather the focus was on seeing the entire city by bus. The visitor was brought north, south, east and west using the buses and trams to the suburbs with the various sights being indicated. it was a much more modern approach to visiting a city than presented elsewhere, though it is unclear whether the authors expected the traveller to break the journey by getting off along the route. in the absence of special tickets, this could have proved to be an expensive idea. However, the idea was a simple one. For example, on one of the less obvious visits, the 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 411

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equestrian statue of george ii in St Stephen’s green. (Postcard.)

tourist would take the number 49 from Aston Quay. This brought the visitor to Bushy Park (Terenure College) and onwards to Templeogue (a rather uninteresting road but with a fine view of the hills) and then onto Tallaght, where there were antiquarian remains of all sorts. This journey cost only 6d. A good discussion was provided as to how the transport system worked in terms of key focal points. nelson’s Pillar was one such and the authors had no difficulty in advising that a splendid view of the city could be had from the top for the price of the 6d. admission. Ward Lock was the most comprehensive guide but there were others that varied in detail and focus, with small subtle differences in what was included or not or the order in which something was offered. Thus the gresham Hotel guide (no date but early 19O0s) not only mentioned nelson’s Pillar but stood the visitor at the top and took them through the panorama that they would see. Clerys guide to Dublin (no date but c.19O6) placed the national University of ireland ahead of Trinity College in its short paragraph on ‘Universities and Colleges’. The gresham Hotel guide mentioned the cenotaph to Collins, griffith and O’Higgins on Leinster Lawn but no mention was made of the adjacent Albert Memorial, though it did acknowledge the equestrian statue of george ii in St Stephen’s green. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 412

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Venturing further afield it has been noted above that one of the features being used to sell Dublin was its location as a transport hub and a base from which to explore the country. By the 19O0s, motor buses had opened up the possibilities of a day tour that combined rail and bus and that encompassed the Boyne Valley, Monasterboice, Mellifont Abbey, Slane, navan and the Hill of Tara. The railway was an alternative and the idea of the excursion by train was still popular. in the 19O0s, the great Southern Railways offered summer excursions at a flat rate of 1d. per mile if the visitor was prepared to travel third class from Friday through Monday. There were also ‘all in’ tours which combined rail, hotel and sightseeing. A week in the south travelling third class rail and first class hotel would cost £10 12s. 6d., whereas an eleven-day grand tour of the irish Free State cost £16. Under the heading of ‘pleasure without restriction’, the visitor was offered seven days of rail travel for 10s. in any one of a number of holiday ‘areas’. This was for third class travel but first class tickets were available for 15s. great northern Railways were not quite as flamboyant in their advertising – they offered speed and comfort – but Belfast could be reached for 17s. Td. (third class) return while the pleasures of Bundoran were available on the same basis for 2Os. 6d. These possibilities were restricted after 1941 but they resumed as quickly as possible once travel restrictions were lifted and tourists began to come back to the city.

Connections to Dublin

Dublin was not the easiest place to reach as a foreign tourist and until the mid- 19O0s, it required at least one sea voyage. it limited the potential pool of visitors since a concerted effort was needed and this resulted in a prepon - derance of British visitors with a smattering of Americans. Those wishing to travel to Dublin Port did so from Liverpool on the British and irish Steam Packet Company, which offered a sailing each way from Monday to Saturday. The ‘accelerated and improved’ service in 19O7 saw the boat depart from Liverpool at 10 p.m. and arrive at 6 a.m., having connected with the 5.55 p.m. express from London. The Dublin boat left for Liverpool at T.O0 p.m. (11 p.m. on Saturday) and arrived in time for the 6 a.m. departure to London. There was a more extensive service from Holyhead to Dún Laoghaire, which offered two sailings a day in summer from Dún Laoghaire; one at T.50 a.m. and the second at T.50 p.m. and which arrived in Wales in just under three hours. This permitted an arrival in Manchester by about O.O0 p.m. and in 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 413

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Advertisment for Furey’s Motor Tours in the 19O0s.

London by 5.50 p.m. Travellers could also travel to glasgow, via greenock, on Monday, Wednesday, Friday and Saturday with a sailing at 6.O0 p.m. it was not comfortable travel, even in first class, and most passengers were foot passengers. it was possible to bring a motor car but this was both expensive (£O–£4) and inconvenient as it involved complicated duties and guarantees as well as the worry of seeing the car hoisted on and off the ship. To avoid having to pay duty at a rate of over 22 per cent for english cars and one third for foreign cars, the motorist had to set up a complicated arrangement with customs whereby the tax was waived if the car was re-exported within four months (Dunlop road guide, no date but 19O0s, p. 17). Although the Dunlop road guide noted that roads were not as good as they were in the UK, describing rough patches here and there, the overall assessment was that the quality of the surface was being improved and many roads out of Dublin had good tarmac. The motorist need not expect much difficulty (p. 1T) as long as he was careful. Air travel was a minority interest. indeed during the second stage debate on the Air navigation and Transport Bill, 19O6, W.T. Cosgrave expressed the view that it was not all that important. He offered his own personal experience of flying and felt that the demand for it was not yet there. He spoke of flying from Croydon to Paris in the company of only twenty people (Dáil Debates, T july 19O6, 6O(9), col. 1111). indeed, air travel had been slow to start and 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 414

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Modernist advertising for the Holyhead connection.

Handbill showing timetable for the Hollyhead connection, late 19O0s. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 415

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the debate about the location of the civil airport has been discussed elsewhere. However, it began for Dublin on 27 May 19O6 when the first Aer Lingus plane took off from Baldonnel for Bristol with the isle of Man another early destination. This was under the auspices of irish Sea Airways (the name given to the joint irish-UK venture as required by the international regulations of the time). Passenger numbers were always going to be small to begin with as the De Havilland T4 Dragon had space only for six passengers. London became attainable on 14 September when a 14-seater De Havilland T6 express was obtained and this extended the route from Bristol to Croydon. The journey took 2.5 hours but formalities at the airports were few and Baldonnel could be reached easily from Dublin city centre in less than forty-five minutes. By September 19O6, it was reported that a total of 74O passengers had been carried (Irish Times, 14 September, p. T). The early advertising can hardly have been described as prominent – a tiny advertisement in the lower corner on an inner page in the case of the Irish Times. However, it made the point very clearly as in the case of a woman on the phone noting that it was 2.O0 p.m. now and ‘so i can meet you in London for tea’ (Irish Times, 10 november, p. T). it seems that advance booking was not a necessity. By October 19OT, Aer Lingus was able to report that it had carried a total of 9,TO9 passengers. They were advertising fares of £5 10s. single and return from 7 guineas in june 19O9, for flights to London, via Bristol. There were two flights per day; at 9.O0 a.m. and O p.m. The isle of Man cost only £1 10s. single or from £2 10s. return, with flights leaving Baldonnel at 9.45 a.m. and 2.O0 p.m. The war ended flights to London but Aer Lingus continued to fly on a new route to Liverpool. This was initially based at Speke Airport but was transferred to Barton Airport (Manchester) in 1940. They maintained the two flights a day schedule until after the war. Air transport was quick to resume and flights from London were once again available on 9 november 1946 but this time at a price of £6 10s. single and a return fare of £11 15s., a significant increase on the pre-war costs. There was just one flight a day in each direction, leaving Dublin at 9 a.m. and arriving at 11 a.m., then returning from Croydon at 12 noon, reaching Dublin at 2.O0 p.m. However, the schedule and connectivity was set to increase significantly. An advertisement for Aer Lingus in 1946 offered the possibility of a direct flight to Paris for £1O single or £2O Ts. return (valid for sixty days). This offered a flight ‘over the irish Sea, flying south of the english Midlands, arrowing across the Straits of Dover and down to the gay capital of France’ (Irish Times, 5 july, p. 6). The flight took three hours, leaving at T.O0 a.m., 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 416

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while a return flight left at 1 p.m. What is even more interesting is the total time involved. Aer Lingus could offer a city centre departure (O’Connell Street) at 7.45 a.m. while at the other end, the gare des invalides could be reached from Le Bourget in one hour and ten minutes. This gave a total time (allowing for getting to O’Connell Street some fifteen minutes ahead) of just over five hours, which would be hard to beat today. An Aer Lingus advertisement in Dublin Opinion in 1949 showed a network that linked Dublin with Liverpool, Birmingham, isle of Man, Manchester, London, jersey, Amsterdam and Paris and the airline claimed 19O,000 passengers in that year. The latter two destinations were particularly significant because, for the first time, there was easy connectivity between the city and the mainland of europe. These return fares were not cheap but Aer Lingus was beginning to offer special fares so that some fares (*) were advertised as ‘special mid-week fares for travel on Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays’. it was not just europe that was now directly accessible. TWA and KLM offered flights that connected Dublin, via Shannon, with the rest of the world. There was now the possibility of drawing much larger numbers of visitors from more diverse places than ever before.

London £11* Liverpool £6 6s.* Manchester £6 12s.* glasgow £7* Birmingham £9* Paris £25 Ts.* Amsterdam £26 2s. (in association with KLM) isle of Man £5 Ts. jersey £1T

Travelling in Dublin getting around Dublin largely involved using either trams or buses. The bus service was fairly good and allowed access deep into the suburbs and countryside. in the absence of heavy traﬃc, it was also quite eﬃcient and journey times were relatively short by comparison with today. Suburban rail was an option on the coastal route and the Harcourt Street line but the other lines were not really for the casual traveller because of both the absence of stations and a relatively light timetable. The other options were self- or chauffer-driven cars. Both options were readily available through the 19O0s and 1940s. The more expensive hotels 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 417

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Advertisement for Aer Lingus in 1949. (Dublin Opinion, September 1949, p. 2T6.)

Advertisement for TWA in 1949. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 418

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Advertisement for Shelbourne Motors in 1947.

offered a wide range of chauffeur-driven vehicles. For occasional journeys there was either the horse-drawn cab or the motor taxi. The motor car was gradually replacing the horse-drawn cab and in the early 19O0s there were small but important differences. Horse-drawn vehicles could be hired by distance or by time. The minimum hire was 1s., which also covered 1 mile (1.6km) with Od. per half mile after that. A shilling would obtain twenty minutes in a cab while an hour was available at a discounted rate of 2s. The motor car was for longer distances because though the ﬁrst mile was also charged at 1s., every additional 0.25 mile cost Od. To begin with there was an additional charge of 2s. 6d. if the driver was returning empty from any place beyond 6 miles (10kms) but this charge had disappeared by the late 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 419

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1940s. As with everything else, the charges increased dramatically in the 1940s so that by 1947 it was 2s. for the first mile in a cab or 2s. 6d. for the first twenty minutes. The fare in a motor taxi rose to 1s. Od. for the first mile and O¾d. for every quarter mile in excess.

Where to stay

Dublin always offered a good range of hotels but the destruction of 1916 and 1921 served to remove some of the interesting and luxurious ones from the landscape. in 19O2, the year of the eucharistic Congress, the various guides to the city suggested the following range of prices for the various hotels.

Daily Rate B & B Central exchequer Street 15s. from Ts. 6d. Dolphin essex Street 15s. 7s. 6d. Four Courts inns Quay 16s. Ts. 6d. gresham O’Connell Street 2Os. from 11s. 6d. grosvenor Westland Row 1Os. 6d. Ts. 6d. ivanhoe Harcourt Street 1Os. 6d. Ts. 6d. jury’s Hotel College green 19s. 10s. 6d. Moira Hotel Trinity Street 19s. 10s. 6d. Moran’s Hotel Talbot Street 12s. 6d. to 14s. 6d. 7s. 6d. north Star Amiens Street 11s. 7s. 6d. Royal Hibernian Dawson Street 21s. 11s. 6d. Shelbourne Hotel St Stephen’s green 22s. 6d. to 24s. from 12s. 6d. St Andrew’s exchequer Street 15s. 7s. 6d. Wicklow Hotel Wicklow Street 15s. from 6s. 6d. Wynn’s Hotel Lower Abbey Street 15s. and 17s. 6d. from Ts. 6d.

The prices were high but not dramatically so. The gresham hotel, rebuilt in the 1920s, had re-established its position as a premier hotel by the early 19O0s. A brochure for the hotel from the 19O0s made no reference to catering for servants but otherwise the services were what would have been expected. Prices were differentiated by floor with higher floors at lower rates. Thus a visitor would expect to pay at least 10s. 6d. for a single room on the first or second floor, but only 7s. 6d. for a room on the fifth floor. Double occupancy was not quite twice the single rate. Rooms were not necessarily en-suite, though there was hot and cold running water in each room and every 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 420

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The Royal Hibernian Hotel on Dawson Street. (Postcard.)

The reconstructed gresham Hotel on O’Connell Street. (Postcard.)

bedroom had central heating provided, not by large and ugly pipes, but via an underﬂoor system. By this time, every room had a telephone which could be connected to the public system. A bath was available for 1s. An en-suite room was available but at a cost of 17s. 6d. per night. At the upper end of the tariff, 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 421

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a guest would expect to pay at least 21s. for a single room, which as well as being en-suite also offered a sitting room. Suites were available from O5s. per night for a single letting and these offered a bathroom and a sitting room of substantial proportions with writing tables, sofas and soft chairs. For convenience these were located on the first floor though the hotel had a lift system. While the Metropole had become a cinema and ballroom upon its rebuilding, the gresham hotel also retained the tradition of dancing with an impressive ballroom. guests could opt to take their meals in their private sitting rooms at a charge of 1s. per head per meal. Breakfast ranged from 2s. to 4s., with lunch being charged at between Os. and 4s. Dinner was available from 6 p.m. to facilitate going to the theatre and cost between 4s. 6d. and 6s. 6d., depending on the choice of food and number of courses. This was similar to what was available in a good quality restaurant such as the Metropole. in previous decades, the Shelbourne had claimed to be one of the finest hotels in the city, if not the finest. The Metropole might have provided some competition but the Shelbourne was in the top stratum. This position was maintained in the 19O0s and it was still offering beds for servants in their separate quarters for a cost that began at 4s. per day. indeed a hotel guide given to guests and printed around 19O7 claimed that the hotel ‘was and is the gathering place in Dublin for ireland’s aristocracy’ (p. 7). Servants could also take their meals in the Steward’s Dining Room at a cost of 7s. 6d. plus. equally, it had long been a tradition that visitors’ dogs could be accommodated in the room and this was maintained into the 19O0s but at a cost of 2s. 6d. per day. Prices in the Shelbourne were therefore more expensive than in the gresham, though not in a different league. A single bedroom cost between 7s. and 12s. 6d. per night, while a sitting room cost an additional 15s. to O0s. per night. This was for a room without a bathroom, though all rooms had hot and cold running water and the cost of a bath was now included in the tariff. There was a bathroom on each corridor. Somewhat more rooms had en-suite bathrooms than in the gresham and such a facility almost doubled the daily cost of a room. A single room with bath ranged from 15s. to 25s. per night while a double room would cost 25s. to O5s. per night. That latter amount would be equivalent to about 120 euro today using the CSO Consumer Price index. Suites ranged from 40s. per night to T4s., depending on how many people they were to accommodate. each offered bedrooms, private bath and a sitting room. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 422

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Tariff page for the Shelbourne Hotel in 19O7.

The food menu reﬂected the cost of the rooms. A plain breakfast was available for 2s. while a full breakfast ran to 4s. Lunch was available for 2s. 6d. for a hot or cold joint with vegetables but the table d’hôte was available for Os. 6d. and 4s. 6d., depending on the number of courses. As with the gresham, a 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 423

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The tariff card for the ivanhoe Hotel in the 19O0s.

theatre dinner was available from 6.O0 p.m. at a similar cost of 4s. 6d. and the table d’hôte cost 6s. 6d. Where the gresham scored was in heating and in the provision of telephones. The opportunity had been taken in the rebuilding post-1922 to include central heating. The Shelbourne still provided the charm of a ﬁre in sitting rooms and bedrooms but this pushed the cost up by Os. 6d. per day per room, although those who wished to economise could have a ﬁre in the 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 424

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evening only for just 2s. per day. Telephones were available in all of the sitting rooms but not in all rooms. Despite that, the Shelbourne offered all the extras of a top quality hotel. There was laundry service and ‘costumes and suits’ could be dry cleaned for 7s. 6d. or sponged and pressed for Os. 6d. There was a shop that sold books and periodicals and provided the minor necessities of life such as ties, perfumes, studs. A cigar bureau sold high quality cigars, and cigarettes (including egyptian and Turkish) were also available. A ﬂeet of cars and taxis was maintained for immediate hire: they boasted ‘at a moment’s notice’. Alas, while there was a gentleman’s hairdressing salon, ladies had to make other arrangements. A characteristic of Dublin was the temperance hotels, which remained popular into the 1940s. The ivanhoe Hotel was located in Harcourt Street, not entirely central but described as being within a minute’s walk of grafton Street. its tariff would have put it into the second category of hotels and, as can be seen, what was on offer was comfortable but relatively modest in scale and range. it offered forty-six rooms with parking for ten cars. Rooms were not en-suite, though the point was made that all had hot (newly installed) and cold water, but could be had for 4s. 6d. for a single or Ts. 6d. for a double room. The hotel maintained the tradition of offering either hot or cold baths for the same price of 1 shilling. Breakfast was offered from 7 a.m. to 10.O0 a.m. and was the regular fare, though a most substantial meal could be had for Os. 6d. Lunch, afternoon tea and either a plain tea or a table d’hôte from 6.O0 p.m. ensured that the guests did not starve. The St Andrew’s Hotel offered a similar experience in the 1940s. This was a mid-sized hotel on exchequer Street with sixty rooms and a good location just off grafton Street. it too had the additional character of being ‘temperance’ and, indeed, it declared itself to be the ‘most conservative temperance hotel’ in the city. The overnight price for B&B of 10s. 6d. showed an increase on the 19O2 price of 7s. 6d. per night. There was a much simpler tariff than in either the gresham or the Shelbourne, as all rooms were the same price, breakfast was included and lunch and high tea were available for 2s. 6d. and Os. 6d. respectively. The sum of 5 guineas would suﬃce for a weekly inclusive rate. However, it offered hot and cold running water and central heating in all rooms, though none were en-suite. Additionally, a good night’s sleep was assured because of their use of ‘Surerest spring interior’ mattresses. These are but some comparisons at the upper and middle parts of Dublin’s hotel market and there were many others both in these categories and at the 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 425

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Tariff page for St Andrew’s Hotel in the 1940s.

cheaper end of the spectrum. The 1947 edition of Thom’s directory included three pages of hotel listings. The range of the hotels at the end of the 1940s was pretty much the same as it had been at the end of the 19O0s: most survived the emergency. However, while they differed in the range of services, they all increased their prices greatly during the 1940s. There were many alternatives to eating at the hotel and most cinemas also offered a restaurant. The Metropole, which had formerly competed with the Shelbourne at the top end of the hotel market, was now a cinema and ballroom with a number of restaurants on different floors. now a four-course lunch was offered from 12.O0 p.m. to O p.m. on the second floor for 2s. 6d. while those needing something a little lighter could have such in the first floor lounge for 1s. 6d. Afternoon tea was served from O p.m. until 6 p.m. on both floors for 1s. Od. and the grill room offered a five-course dinner with coffee or tea for Os. 6d. There was obviously a pre-theatre business because everyone seemed to offer such a meal from about 6.O0 p.m. it was expensive in the Shelbourne but the Metropole was more affordable at 2s. 6d. and the green Cinema offered a theatre ‘supper’ for 1s. 9d. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 426

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Entertainment

There was a lot to do in Dublin. There was a range of theatres and cinemas available, numerous restaurants and even more numerous public houses. Cinemas had become the mode of mass entertainment and, as O’Connell Street and its environs had been redeveloped at the same time as the cinema’s arrival, this part of the city became their main location. The Metropole stood on the site of the previous hotel, while the Capitol was in the nook between the Metropole and the gPO. The Savoy was in the block where the Hammam Hotel had previously stood with the Carlton opposite, while the Corinthian occupied a site on eden Quay. generally, the cinemas offered a continuous programme so that a good movie could be watched again and again. The Capitol ran from 2.45 p.m. to 11 p.m. from Monday to Saturday, only on Sunday was there two discrete showings at O p.m. and T p.m. Most other cinemas worked a similar schedule with only thirty minutes or so difference in their opening time and perhaps only one showing on a Sunday. Theatres were still popular, especially those which offered a music hall form of entertainment, such as the gaiety. The Royal and Olympia were sufficiently popular to offer a ‘twice nightly’ show in the early 19O0s. Remarkably, though many other items went into short supply after 1941, the cinemas were able to maintain service with one notable exception. The irish film censor did not allow war films and this almost led to a crisis in 194O because so many new releases focused on the war (Irish Times, 2O january 194O, p. 1).

Getting a drink Dublin was so justly famous for its pubs that during the 19O0s and 1940s, there was considerable debate about just how much access to a pub was a good idea. The 1927 intoxicating Liquor Act had put limits on the hours at which drink might be obtained on licenced premises but these were up for review in 194O. The root of much of the problem in Dublin was the failure to deal with the spatial governance of the city. Despite the physical evidence to the contrary, the law believed that the city ended at the limits of the county borough. Before 19O0, that was the grand Canal on the south side, though it extended further on the north side of the city. even after 19O0, when Pembroke and Rathmines were taken in, the real city extended into what was deemed the country. Outside the oﬃcial city limits, the pubs were sustained by a reasonable population but operated under different legislation. After 1927, from Monday through Friday, pubs could be open in urban areas (deﬁned as those with a population of over 5,000) from 10 a.m. to 10 p.m. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 427

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with a ‘holy hour’ closure from 2.O0 p.m. to O.O0 p.m. in the county borough. To be precise, the ‘holy hour’ applied to the Dublin Metropolitan Area, an area, defined in S.i. no. 52/1926 – District Court (Areas) Order 1926, that encompassed the county borough and some adjacent parts of the county. The argument for the ‘split hours’ was that there was a class of drinker who would be there from opening to closing otherwise. However, it was not as clear why such a drinker was an habitué of the county borough only. On Saturday the closing time was thirty minutes earlier. The position was different in the non- urban areas, where the hours differed between summer and non-summer time. During the week (including Saturday) the opening hours in non-summer time were an hour earlier – that is from 9 a.m. to 9 p.m. Pubs were nominally closed on Sundays but in county boroughs they could open only from 2 p.m. to 5 p.m. All pubs were closed on Christmas Day, good Friday and St Patrick’s Day. The interesting provision was that for bona fide travellers. The legislation permitted the sale of alcohol to such bona fide travellers at any time during the week from Monday to Saturday, even in the county borough. The real benefit for drinkers, though, lay in proximity to pubs which were not in a county borough and which had a seven-day licence, as these were permitted to open on Sundays between 1 p.m. and 7 p.m. during normal time and 1 p.m. and T p.m. during summer time. This could be amended to run from 2 p.m. to 9 p.m. with the approval of the local courts. Clearly these provisions allowed a much-extended access to the pub, which seems to have been appreciated by Dubliners and even bona fide travellers. The key element was that the person seeking the drink had to be a traveller and that meant that he/she had to have travelled at least 5 miles (Tkm) if s/he had been lodging in a county borough on the previous evening or O miles (5km) if anywhere else. Flann O’Brien wrote about this in 1940 in the course of a piece on pub life in Dublin, which showed that, despite some changes in response to outside influences, many pubs still had ‘character’: ‘Scotch House on Burgh Quay is famous for the mellowness and good colour of its whiskey and civil servants’ (p. 12). He explained the position as follows:

At ten o’clock on week nights, at half-nine on Saturday the tide ebbs suddenly, leaving the city high and dry. Unless you are staying at a hotel or visiting a theatre, you may not lawfully consume excisable liquors within the conﬁnes of the county borough … The theory is that all travellers still proceed by stage-coach and that those who travel outside 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 428

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become blue with cold after five miles and must be thawed out with hot rum at the first hostelry they encounter, by night or day. in practice, people who are in the first twilight of inebriation are transported from the urban to the rural pub so swiftly by the internal combustion engine that they need not necessarily be aware that they have moved at all, still less comprehend that their legal personalities have undergone a mystical transfiguration. Whether this system is to be regarded as a scandal or a godsend depends largely on whether one owns a car. At present the city is ringed around with these ‘bona-fide’ pubs, many of them well run modern houses, and a considerable amount of the stock-in-trade is transferred to the stomachs of the customers at a time every night when the sensible and just are in their second sleeps. (O’Brien, 1940, p. 12)

He mentioned suburbs such as Coolock, Templeogue, Santry, Lucan, Ballydowd, Cabinteely, Shankill and Fox and geese as being suitable locations for this activity. Howth was also a popular destination. it was a nightmare to police because distance was measured by transportation routes, not straight lines. Moreover the question of what was a ‘bona ﬁde traveller’ kept many a court exercised. it was generally agreed that travelling for the purpose of drinking was not allowed but after that argument quickly descended into jesuitical nuances. There were reports in the newpapers in 1942 of drunken scenes in central Dublin at Christmas. The fact that these were noteworthy suggests that such scenes were not commonplace and it may well be that the explanation lies in the psychology of war. Typical of these reports is one which appeared in the Connaught Tribune, O january 194O (p. 4), which began ‘Christmas produced an exceptional amount of drunkenness in Dublin’. The unnamed writer went on to say that: ‘the worst feature of the whole business was that the cases were mainly young people and they included a number of young women occupying respectable stations in life. The scenes on the streets at the height of the holiday season were absolutely disgraceful. night was made hideous not only in the centre of the city but in good class residential districts and prosperous suburbs.’ By the 1940s, the licensing situation was seen as a disgrace but it still took some courage on the part of the Minister, Mr Boland, to attempt to address the issue. in the context of a change to the overall licencing laws, he proposed to do away with the concept of ‘bona ﬁdes’ entirely during the week and leave 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 429

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it as it was on Sundays. As he put it at the beginning of the Second Stage Debate on the intoxicating Liquor Bill, 1942 on 14 October:

On Sundays the public houses in the county boroughs close at 5 p.m. After that hour crowds of undesirable people travel out to those outlying areas and create pandemonium. There is no question about that. That has gone so far that the guards have had to be specially reinforced to try to cope with the situation. The thing has become a perfect scandal. in this Bill i am proposing to abolish the bona ﬁde trade altogether on week days and to leave it as it is on Sundays. But so as not to make it worth while, as i hope, for people to go out from the cities for the purpose of getting drink on Sunday evenings, i propose to extend trading hours in the county boroughs by ﬁxing the closing hour at 7 p.m. i hope that this provision will have the effect of putting an end to the rowdy scenes that have been taking place in these outside areas. if we do succeed in putting an end to them, then our action in bringing in this Licensing Bill will have been well worth while. (Dáil Debates, TT(9), col. 1175)

He did not get his way and it is fascinating to read just how passionate was the debate about this matter. Following the legislation, the rules changed as follows. Within the county boroughs of Dublin and Dún Laoghaire pubs could open between 10.O0 a.m. to 10.O0 p.m. (but had to maintain the hour’s closure between 2.O0 p.m. to O.O0 pm) during summer time with the time moving backwards thirty minutes during winter time. On Sundays, pubs could open only between 1 p.m. and O p.m. and again between 5 p.m. and 7 p.m. Within the Dublin County Borough (including the Dublin Metropolitan Area), the opening time was delayed by thirty minutes. As before, it was not possible to drink in any pub on Christmas Day, good Friday or St Patrick’s Day. in the latter case, it was possible to drink at designated events, making the Dog Show in the RDS an important social occasion. This is where travel time became important. The big change in this legislation was that drinking for bona ﬁde travellers had to cease at midnight in the areas where it was permitted, though it could commence again at 6 a.m. This meant that drinkers within the county boroughs had to move rather smartish to derive any beneﬁt from the facility. The inclusion of Howth into the city also removed a popular destination from the citizenry. However, the growth of the suburbs beyond the boundaries of either Dublin or Dún Laoghaire county 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 430

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boroughs provided people with ample opportunity to avoid the incon - veniences of the ‘holy hour’ by often no more than the simple expedient of crossing the road. it is not clear that the new rules had the desired effect. john Ryan in his memoir of Dublin in the 1940s and 1950s suggested that the new rules simply encouraged people to use them and that there was enjoyment had from the mere fact of being able to manipulate the law. Motor cars were back after the war-time interruption and people simply took to the countryside when the pubs closed to enjoy a convivial hour.

But whereas the old code was rarely exploited except, perhaps, on the odd occasion when the publican was entertaining friends, or when the press of business in the bars was suﬃcient to warrant the losing of several hours of his sleep, the new one was an instant success (no doubt, beyond anything the parliamentary draughtsman had envisaged) and for a decade or so it became a great irish social phenomenon and cod. (Ryan, 1975, p. 26)

One interesting sideline of the licensing debate was the changing perception of women and their visibility in the landscape. Mr Patrick Cogan TD was concerned that women would be allowed to drink alcohol at the age of 1T years; he felt that the age should be higher than for men (Dáil eireann Debates, T9(9), col. 71). Senator goulding had heard stories that young women were to be found drinking in bars in the county borough (Seanad Debates, 27, col. 605). Senator Martin O’Dwyer wondered if some provision might be put in the legislation to ban women from drinking in pubs. He recognized that this might be seen as an infringement on their rights but he felt that no decent woman would object and he was sure ‘that no decent woman would like to see members of her sex drinking in public houses’ (col. 659). However, Senator Honan sought to redress the balance and suggested that it was untrue that young women were doing this to any extent and he did not want the wrong impression being given of ‘young girls who may be looking for husbands in the near future’ (col. 611).

How Dublin was perceived

Dublin during the ‘emergency’ was still a tourist destination, though this might be hard to credit. Travel was diﬃcult and it was controlled by means of 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 431

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permits but it was still possible for people to get to Dublin and stock up on goods that were not available in the UK and vice versa. However, it really came into its own in the years immediately following the end of the war. Such was the popularity of the city that, even by 1946, there were accusations of price gouging. A letter writer to the Irish Times (10 May) complained that he had been asked T½ guineas for a week in Wicklow while he could get a good pension in Switzerland for £5 1s. 6d. it produced the usual response that he was not comparing like with like and an unnamed spokesman quoted ﬁgures of £14 to £27 per week in Switzerland, though he noted that these might apply only to the better-quality hotels. Restaurants were given permission to increase their prices by about 12.5 per cent in April 1947, consequent on a wage increase granted to workers. it was clearly felt that the market would bear this. From the middle of 1945 onwards, there were regular reports in the newspapers about the diﬃculties that visitors faced in getting hotel accommodation. There were two types of traveller; those who were journeying onwards to other locations in the country but for whom the transport network required an overnight stay and those who had come to enjoy the city. As early as September 1945, the Irish Times was able to report that 1,200 came off the Dún Laoghaire boat every day (27 September, p. 2). By summer of 1946, it was reported that the majority of hotels were booked out for more than three months ahead. it was said that the interest from english travellers was unprecedented and this was maintained for a number of years. By 1949, there was still huge demand. The Irish Times reported that some 10,000 people had arrived on 22 july and that, as most were remaining in Dublin, hotels were booked out. it was expected that the demand would remain high until the end of the summer (Irish Times, 2O july 1949, p. 1). Despite the good business, there were worrying signs that it was going to change, with indications both that the number of english tourists was on the decline and those that were coming had less to spend. This was the result of reducing incomes as war bonuses were diminished and because of the improvement in supplies in england, which allowed rationing to be eased. it was also suggested that Dublin, and ireland in general, had failed to capitalize on tourism by developing the market that had fallen into their lap. However, the decline was in the future because in 1949 any reduction in english tourists was made up by Americans and Canadians who were keen to explore the europe that they had seen or heard about only in wartime. Dublin Opinion regularly returned to the theme of the unavailability of hotel accommodation in its cartoons. it focused on the need to book well in advance and the fact that hoteliers crammed their establishments to the 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 432

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‘Booking Ahead’. (Dublin Opinion, june 194T, p. 12T.)

greatest degree possible. The cartoons also indicated that one of the great attractions was the easy availability of meat and other foodstuffs and many cartoons featured hungry tourists about to tuck into large steaks. This had been a feature of the emergency as captured by Ryan (1975). While tea might have been short in emergency-time, steak was not. As he noted ‘As for food; meat, eggs and milk were in abundant supply though butter and sugar were rationed’ (p. 11) and he painted a picture of the Dolphin Hotel where ‘the best steaks in the world were grilling over the coal’ while ‘the whiskey poured niagarously in the Pearl and Palace bars’ (p. 15).

Personal accounts A number of more personal guides to the city appeared towards the end of the 1940s, which are a hybrid between tourist guide and personal commentary, 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 433

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‘A nice steak’. (Dublin Opinion, September 194T, p. 2OT.)

with a different balance in each. none of the authors were resident in Dublin, though they had varying degrees of connection with ireland. Of the four that are mentioned here, two are of particular interest because of the degree to which the personal views of the author shine through. Richard Hayward’s text was published in 1949 and entitled This is Ireland – Leinster and the city of Dublin. This was both a commercial guide and personal memoir in that it aimed to provide a comprehensive view of the city and its surroundings but from a personal perspective. Hayward, from northern ireland, was a well-known writer on the irish landscape. Much of the section on Dublin is taken up with a history of its development, introducing the reader to how the city changed over time and to the actors that facilitated that change. This is done by means of a walk through the city on both sides of the river, starting from the Castle. it is presented in a positive and enthusiastic way and he clearly liked the city. However, he also saw issues such as the dereliction 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 434

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of much of the georgian city, taking the opportunity of a visit to Henrietta Street to comment on what he called the ‘general plan of splendour in malodourous decay’. He noted that ‘the Corporation is doing its best by reconditioning some of the tenements and replacing others with modern flats of good, artisan type, but for too many years it was more concerned with politics than with social amelioration’ (p. 55). However, there were not many moments of criticism. He had little to say about the entertainment and shopping attractions of the city, save to encourage attendance at the theatre. He did not much like grafton Street, which he felt was now sadly vulgarized but there was no place that he liked better. He was more positive about the opportunities for socializing and mentioned with pleasure a number of the main southside restaurants. There was no sense in this account of a city coming out of the experience either of the emergency or of the upsurge in post-war tourism. Rather the section may be summed up in his own words as he says of Dublin that ‘all around you will feel the pulse of a great city that is doing well in creating a new glory out of a past and departed splendour’ (p. 65). john Harvey’s Dublin – a study in environment was also published in 1949 but related to a city of a couple of years previously. it is not a commercial guide and has a more academic focus but it did attempt to give a full description of the city by crossing the city on a west-east and then north-south axis. As the title indicates, the focus is on the environment of Dublin, especially its built environment, and there was not as much comment as in the two texts below on the detail of the tourist experience. Harvey was not interested in shopping and there were only occasional references to specific attractions. it is a ‘no holds barred’ account though and he is forthright in his opinions on political matters. it offers a very positive view of the city and the country, though a little misty eyed and sentimental. For example, he hoped that ‘so long as eire continues to resist the blandishments of the moneylenders who so would dearly love to improve her, and sticks to her own way of life, she will continue to be what she always was, a forgotten tower of refuge waiting to save what of europe is worth saving’ (p. 2). Holiday in Dublin by Roy genders, a well-known author on gardens, fruits and plants, detailed a stay in Dublin in 1947 or 194T with some trips beyond the city. As is typical, there is no publication date. eric Whelpton published his account of a visit to Dublin and Limerick, The book of Dublin, in 194T. Whereas genders travelled by mail boat from Holyhead, the traditional form of travel, Whelpton flew into Dublin Airport at Collinstown and would have 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 435

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Cover of Holiday in Dublin together with prices from a mid-priced restaurant.

been one of the relatively small number of people to have had the opportunity to appreciate the new terminal building. Both books are sympathetic accounts of the city. Both authors are utterly charmed by the Dubliners and other irish people that they meet, ﬁnding them friendly and generous, ever ready to help and accommodate the visitor. Their 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 436

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views may be usefully compared with an opinion piece in the Irish Times for O September 1946 (p. O) which outlined what visitors thought of the city. There was still a sense of service in the shops with assistants ready to do what was necessary to satisfy the customer. However, both authors also found that the city was backward, even shabby, compared to life in Britain. The friendliness of the people was matched by a lack of sense of urgency in their business or reliability in their appointments. The question of food featured strongly in both accounts, with both authors referring to the easy availability of good food and of the influx of visitors to enjoy it. genders liked how easy it was to order a plate of ham and eggs and the ice cream parlours on O’Connell Street were a great delight. Writing of the Bailey restaurant, he says the ‘service here is excellent and the food without equal in almost any other town in the world at the present time. The last time i patronized this excellent establishment the menu consisted of 150 items, which included nearly 20 fish dishes and the same number of entreés … Really, the choice is much too great for anyone used to post-war english catering’ (p. O0). He wrote of many different restaurants and also of the range and variety of goods available in shops, such as those on grafton Street. Whelpton mentioned eggs, steaks and roasts and commented that most irish preferred high tea to later dining which was seen as pretentious. Bacon appeared regularly on menus but this does not seem to be an issue for the author. north of the river a table d’hôte in the gresham was commended and both noted the cinema restaurants and that Clerys offered a dinner dance once a week. The Palace in Cathedral Street was open until after midnight and specialized in grills (Whelpton, p. 162). South of the Liffey, bar the top hotels, jammet’s had a reputation for good French cooking and was also appreciated by Harvey who reckoned that it was the city’s only restaurant of international standing (p. 26). it specialized in lobster and ‘at the back of it in Adam Court off grafton Street, there is a bar and snack counter where you can get the famous Dublin Bay oysters’ (p. 162). The Unicorn on Merrion Row offered continental cooking but, no more than jammet’s, it did not pretend to offer cheap dining. Both visitors were impressed with the range of goods on offer in the shops. ‘One never gets tired of walking along the streets of Dublin for the shops are filled with the pick of the goods from all the countries of the world’ (genders, p. 2T). Whelpton felt that some items of clothing were very good value but he was not impressed by the sense of style that he saw being worn and noted that ‘to be quite honest, the Dublin crowds are not particularly well dressed’ 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 437

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(p. 11). While admiring the beauty of the women (as did genders), he detected a lack of femininity with a concern for modesty and a lack of expression of public affection among lovers (p. 7). However, despite the unfashionable appearance of the people, he was amazed by the quality of hand-woven tweed goods on sale and at the low prices – ‘worth a fortune in other countries’ (p. 25). Dublin was particularly good when it came to chocolate for the ‘wonderful array of chocolates and sweets of every description which ﬁll the sweetshop windows cause a crowd of people to gaze into the shop windows at all hours of the day. These people are not so much children as would be the case in england if there was no rationing of sweets, but grown-ups on holiday from across the irish Sea’ (genders, p. 2T). Both authors noticed prices. There had been a report in the Irish Times on 4 january 194T where the irish Housewives’ Association complained about the huge increases that had occurred in the prices of vegetables and fruit. They claimed that the price of cabbage was now at 6d. to 1s. a head compared to 2½d. in 19O9 and that it had increased in price by O00 per cent in only a year. They detailed the prices of a range of vegetables and noted that those with price controls were virtually unobtainable in the shops but not on the black market. They suggested that prices were now so dear that working-class people could afford vegetables only on Sundays. yet the nutrition survey mentioned in the previous chapter indicated that all classes were reasonably well nourished. Both authors conﬁrmed the view that food was relatively dear and, not surprisingly perhaps, genders noticed particularly the fruit and vegetables. These were so expensive compared to england that he wondered how people managed to buy them at all. He felt that the price of eggs and fruit and vegetables was dearer than in any other city he had visited. Apples and pears were about Td. each and bananas and oranges were 6d. each. eggs were on sale at 4s. Od. a dozen (using the CSO index suggests a price of about £6.40 sterling today for one dozen eggs (about 7.50 euro), which would certainly put them ‘out of reach of the poorer classes’ (p. 27). However the paradox of good nutrition against the background of high prices was maintained, for despite the apparent lack of fruit and vegetables in the diet, he commented favourably on the healthy appearance of people and of the beauty of the shop girls.

What to see The list of attractions for the visitor that both genders and Whelpton presented was pretty much the standard one of all guides. O’Connell Street was admired for its scale and for its cleanliness and the visitor was directed to 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 438

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the various cathedrals, to Trinity College and the Book of Kells, to the Castle and the national gallery. genders was much more non-committal in his views of these attractions but this is where Whelpton provided a critique of the streets and streetscapes of the city. He was greatly taken with the quays, especially those still busy with port traffic. City Quay was a busy place of sea-going ships – American steamers, tramps from glasgow and Bristol. He noted large numbers of children at play – not particularly clean, nor well dressed, but they seem well nourished. Across Butt Bridge and towards the city and his mood changed. He lamented the use of the quays for bus halts and noted that these encumbered eden, Aston and the quays west of O’Connell Bridge. The long rows of ‘hideous shelters’ hid the view of the river (p. 54). He was aware of the plans to build a bus station behind Aston Quay but seemed not to know that this had been abandoned as a serious idea at the time, and that plans were already made for Busáras. He soon regained his spirits and recommended the walk from the Custom House to the Four Courts, even comparing it to italy’s Murano. There was nothing palatial about this walk but there was atmosphere (p. 5O). He liked best the space from Bachelor’s Walk along Ormond Quay where there were interesting book and antique shops. The bookshops had stock not available elsewhere and he admired the range and quality of antiques available, though the prices were not low (p. 54). There was good-quality glass and silver and even full sets of china. He commented that until recently there had been book stalls along the quays. Whelpton had taken some time to become familiar with Abercrombie’s plans and would have been quite happy to have seen the Ha’penny Bridge removed and replaced with a broader one (p. 54). He was less sure about the plan for a cathedral because the quays were picturesque along Lower Ormond Quay. However as he walked along the quays west of the Four Courts, he noted that few of the houses had any architectural merit. ‘Most of them, in fact, rather dilapidated, but with their painted fronts and reasonably good proportions, they make a good backdrop to the two monumental buildings (Four Courts and St Paul’s Church) of the riverside’ (p. 56). He was not hugely impressed by either Christ Church cathedral or St Patrick’s though he did find them charming. in his view, the nineteenth- century restorations went too far and changed too much of the fabric (p. 19). St Patrick’s Park was austere and although he approved of the new flats, he noted the disappearance of the picturesque nooks and corners described in earlier guides to the city. 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 439

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He compared City Hall unfavourably to the Bank of ireland as being stodgy and lacking grace but he approved of the Wide Streets Commission’s grand axis and felt that a visitor was in the middle of one of the ﬁnest architectural settings in the British isles, if not europe (p. 1O). He particularly liked the vista presented by the juxtaposition of Trinity College with the Bank of ireland and felt it was one of the better ensembles in europe, though the effect had been diminished somewhat by the loss of many of the georgian buildings along Dame Street (p. O5). Marlborough Street had nothing to inspire but he admired the pro- cathedral and while Moore Street had no outstanding features of architectural worth, the market was interesting enough. The sellers did not have any Latin ﬂare for display but they were pleasant and cheerful (p. 10O). Whelpton was more positive about Rutland Square than might have been expected. The houses were not as well kept as in Merrion Square but ‘i have the impression that as far as possible they are being cared for, and are in a much better condition than they must have been a few years ago’ (p. 105). gardiner Street had been allowed to fall into decay and it seems that the renovations being undertaken by Dublin Corporation did not catch his eye. Rather it was the fact that the old fanlights had gone in some places, though there were some good remaining doors. He noted the tenements but he believed that ‘still the square seems to be gradually rising from its former decay’. ‘Rents, unfortunately for the tenants, are rising but it should be possible to restore these houses to something of their former state’ (p. 106). Parnell Street was full of popular shops. Some of its old houses were rather spoiled by commercialization, but ‘in compensation it is alive and vital and free from that derelict atmosphere which deadens some ancient streets’ (p. 105). There was much wear and tear on the shop fronts but still one or two good examples. Unfortunately, though, Hardwicke Crescent, Dominick Street and Henrietta Street (p. 106, p. 109) were dilapidated.

Culture and entertainment in both genders’ and Whelpton’s accounts, enthusiasm was expressed for the cultural life of the city and the visitor was directed to the various theatres, especially the Abbey and the gate. They noticed the enthusiasm that Dubliners had for the cinema in terms of the long queues that formed outside cinemas. Of course, pubs were admired and the authors described a good range of them. Pearse Street (junction of Westland Row) was lively with bars and cafés. The pubs were general pubs-cum-grocers and the cafés offered 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 440

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bacon and eggs, steak and tea. The Brazen Head (genders, p. 19) was good and he approved of the Dolphin Hotel and jury’s where ‘the steaks and roasts are as good as anywhere in the city of London in the old days’ (p. 25). genders was impressed that though the price of drink was much lower than in england, so that it was possible to get drunk for a few shillings, he did not see widespread scenes of drunkenness. guinness was available for Td. per glass and a half tumbler full of port was available for 1s. The importance of the pub as a cultural outlet was recognized by Whelpton when he wrote:

There is no café life and pubs are generally for men only. However some new lounges and cocktail bars have appeared. Davy Byrne’s is the hub of bohemian Dublin, despite its modern decoration of mural paintings and wrought iron. There is an outside room where people can come and have a quick drink but the inner area is for more serious discussion. Women may visit unaccompanied but few do. (Whelpton, pp 16O–4)

Rich and poor Dublin had many poor people living in poor conditions, as earlier chapters have shown. These areas were close to the city centre and it would be diﬃcult for any visitor to miss the manifestations of poverty. Thus Harvey noted that ‘the englishman used to the shopping centres of London or provincial towns will be shocked at the evidences of poverty in the midst of a great city’ (p. 10). Much of the city was in decay and he noted the ‘amazing’ contrast between the vestiges of the glory that the houses once exhibited and their current state as ‘dishevelled and malodourous wreck(s)’ (p. 12). in his opinion things were getting a little better, though, and he noted the rehabilitation work that had been undertaken on some of the streets. As with the two accounts above, he noted that prices for basic goods had risen.

Bread now costs about half as much again as in england; meat nearly twice as much; butter and cheese are scarce as well as expensive. it is not at all clear how the very poor are managing to exist at all, and many children look positively undernourished. But though the wartime world shortage of food has made the situation worse; it must not be imagined that it created it. (Harvey, p. 11) 07 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:46 Page 441

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He offered no detail on locations, except to note that these were ‘northern streets’. Both Whelpton and genders found themselves in Westland Row and offered a perspective on the southern city. This was place where many visitors would first experience Dublin having arrived on the boat train from Dún Laoghaire and there were many modest lodging houses around. Whelpton commented on the pressures on rooms and the need to book in advance especially during May to September. Rooms were not particularly cheap nor up-to-date but they were comfortable enough. genders noticed that contrasts existing between the better-off and the poor greeted the visitor immediately on exit from the station at Westland Row. This area had been described in the 1T60s as being one of the poorest in the city (Dublin through space and time, p. 1TO) with wretched housing conditions and poor sanitation. it appears that little had changed by 1947 for he described the contrast between the fronts and backs of the houses on Merrion Square. ‘The houses in Merrion Square are still beautifully kept, but it is difficult to believe that at the back lie some of the worst slums to be seen anywhere and urchins and beggars walk the streets of the square along with well-known ministers and men of the medical profession’ (p. 1T). This had been noted in the Irish Times piece mentioned above. Visitors complained about the pervasiveness of begging and cadging by street urchins. Likewise, Henry Street is ‘one of the best streets for shopping in the whole of Dublin, for here all classes are catered for and prices are lower than those in shops of the more fashionable streets such as Dame Street or grafton Street. But here again the contrast between rich and poor is so plainly seen, for at the end of Henry Street, where it runs into Mary Street, squalid conditions can be all too plainly seen’ (p. 2T). Whelpton saw the same contrast but focused on the buildings. Following high-tea at his hotel he went for a walk. it must have been around Merrion Square for he noticed the contrast between the well-kept squares – ‘beautifully kept up with painted porches and graceful fanlights, and then, quite nearby, equally noble houses in almost derelict condition’ (p. T). He noticed that ‘through the open doors we could see moulded plaster ceilings crumbling away above wrought iron banisters, unpainted and chipped panelling and a general air of decay’. To end this chapter on a positive note, Whelpton is given the last word on the streetscapes of the city. ‘nowhere else in the British isles can be seen so many fine eighteenth-century streets and squares, so many noble buildings of a period when grace and harmony were sought for and achieved’ (p. 11). 08 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:47 Page 442

Epilogue: into the 1950s

e emergence of the modern city

The subtitle of this volume suggested that these decades saw the emergence of the modern city. It has been argued throughout that the various processes and policies that were followed during the 1930s and 19C0s left their mark on the landscape to the extent that they are still discernable today. The maps of the 19C0s show a city that has become suburban and that had begun to hit against the physical and practical limits of the local environment. The need for a cordon around the airport meant that there was little opportunity to grow to the north. Within the boundary of the city there were only a few large tracts of undeveloped land and the decisions about how this land was to be developed had been taken by the end of the 19C0s. To the south, the city overspilled the borders of both county borough and Dún Laoghaire Borough. It had not yet reached the foothills of the Dublin mountains but the direction of spread was clear and so was the socio-economic character of that growth. The position of the southside, more particularly the south-eastern sector, as the prime residential area of the city was now unassailable. The failure of successive governments to implement the recommendations of their own sponsored reports into city governance meant that the largest tracts of unbuilt land available to Dublin Corporation were on the north side of the river or to the south-west. It could have been somewhat different had what became the Dún Laoghaire Borough, together with a substantial part of the south county, been absorbed into the city. It would have allowed more balanced spatial development and permitted less rigid residential segregation, if such was a social goal. There was a long tradition of opposition to this, though, going back to the initial attempts to absorb the townships towards the end of the nineteenth century. This opposition was maintained during the discussion about the ﬁnal integration of Pembroke and Rathmines at the end of the 19A0s and it undoubtedly led to the shelving of the 1938 tribunal on urban governance. For many, it was a clear policy intention that the coastal zone and the south-eastern sector generally needed to be kept for the middle-classes. This did not require any particular action because in the absence of explicit zonation, the operation of the housing market without interference from the local authority, as revealed by Homer Hoyt’s sectoral

CCA 08 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:47 Page 443

ePILogue: InTo THe 1950s CC3

model, would ensure that the middle-class areas would continue to expand along the radial routes to the south and east. The north side of the city had its own middle-class areas but these now could never achieve the critical mass of the southside because they were hemmed in and separated by large-scale social housing areas. Thus it was clear that the northside and the western part of the southside would become the social housing sectors. The 1950s were to see the big schemes of Finglas east and West completed together with Bonnybrook, Kilmore and edenmore. Ballymun in the 1960s completed the development of the northside of the city. With the northside and the southside taking shape, the only possibility for accommodating future growth was to the west. The 1930s was also the time when it became clear that any residual hope had faded that there would be monumental building of any great consequence in the city. People had hoped that the re-emergence of Dublin as a capital city would allow the construction of a series of civic buildings to reﬂect the status of the city. This is what happened in the eighteenth century under the inspired, if autocratic, direction of the Wide Streets Commissioners. The plans that emerged as a result of the 191C town planning competition provided the agenda. It was never seriously suggested that all of Abercrombie’s proposals in his winning entry were either feasible or desirable; after all it was a competition entry. At the same time, though, he outlined a lot of possibilities and many of them would have added to the dignity of the city – a concept popular since the late renaissance period that suggested that capital cities should reﬂect the aspirations and hopes of the entire country (see Dubin through space and time, p. 71 ff.). When the destruction of 1916, followed by that of the Civil War, conspired to clear prime sites in the city centre, there was a glimmer of hope that some new building might be accomplished. unfortunately there was never the money in the 19A0s and Abercrombie must have recognized that there never would be when he came to produce his sketch development plan in the late 1930s. His proposals were much more modest and pragmatic than his competition plan, with commercial buildings to the fore rather than grand statements of architecture. It is not that such building had gone out of fashion; far from it! There was still an appetite in europe for the ambition of countries to be expressed in their great cities. The Russians had great plans for Moscow and managed to see some to completion, though the Second World War ended the attempt at creating the truly monumental Palace of the Soviets with its proposed 100m statue of Lenin at its pinnacle. These ideas were challenged by the plans for Berlin (see, for example, Balfour, 1990) and Speer’s great 08 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:47 Page 444

CCC DuBLIn, 1930–1950

Hall, which aimed to accommodate 180,000 people. The one element of grand architecture for Dublin that Abercrombie continued to suggest was a Roman Catholic cathedral. The city did not have one and it seemed reasonable that a predominantly Catholic city would wish to remedy the defect. A city centre location was suggested by Abercrombie because of its potential to be a focus for the city and to spur a variety of other developmental projects. This, unfortunately, ran counter to the views of the archbishop of Dublin who had already obtained the lease on Merrion Square for this purpose and who was not to be deflected from his intention to build there. It made little difference, though, because though there seems to have been enthusiasm among the faithful for the project, there is no evidence of any immediate intention within the religious administration to see the project completed. no plans were produced, despite the urgings of the architectural community, and the diocese seemed content to keep the park locked and to rent out the space for tennis courts. The city authorities did not have the money for grand projects and it seems that the diocese had no intention of diverting its resources to the one great project that might have been completed. This is not to say that the city was without development and change. It was a growing city and with growth came ‘big’ city problems, especially in transport. In order to cope with increased volumes of traffic and city centre congestion, some useful changes were made. The rebuilding of a widened Butt Bridge and the improvement of traffic flows in the city by realigning the trams was a good outcome, though diminished by the very lengthy and ultimately inconclusive debate about further possibilities. Car owners got the opportunity to become familiar with the concept of traffic lights and the garda authorities came to realize that it was simply impossible to get pedestrians to cross roads at designated crossing points. Much more successful was the building of the municipal airport and the provision of a station for provincial buses, though not for urban ones whose terminii continued to clog the quays and other parts of the centre. At least the airport was built in a good location and not in the Phoenix Park or along Merrion Strand as had been suggested. With the development of air travel, Dublin began to be more integrated into an international world. This was the era of accommodating the car, with much effort devoted to providing parking spaces in the city centre, even though car owners were still a small minority. They were also going to be accommodated in a system of new roads that would both encircle the city and cut through it. There was no suggestion that public transport was the solution to issues of getting around the city. Trams were seen to be clogging the streets and there 08 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:47 Page 445

ePILogue: InTo THe 1950s CC5

was no great enthusiasm for buses, which were seen, by many, to be noisy and dangerous. Though it was not understood at the time, the policy of building bigger and better roads, combined with a piecemeal approach to doing it, condemned the city centre to decades of increasing dereliction as street lines were reserved for widening and buildings were allowed to decay. nobody was going to invest in streetscapes that were destined to be cleared to provide for the new roads. It would not be correct to judge from this that there was a lack of enthusiasm for the concept of town planning. Dublin was enthusiastically in favour of town planning as a concept, an enthusiasm that dated back to the beginning of the century when it emerged from the work of ebenezer Howard. It was accepted by the officials of the Corporation, by the professions and by a large cadre of interested laypeople that a city had to be planned and that there had to be control on development to ensure orderly growth. The opportunity for the Corporation to become the agent of planning in the city was grasped in the mid-1930s and the emergence of the plan that would set the agenda for future decades was awaited eagerly. It is still unclear why it never happened but there was a sea change in Dublin Corporation sometime in the 19C0s. Although the authorities still believed that the city had to be planned, there was a sudden and dramatic unwilling ness to tell anyone else about what the plans might contain and where the initiatives might be located. The fact that the city went through court case after court case in the 1950s resisting the requirement to produce a plan, shows just how entrenched the position had become. This was not bloody mindedness on the part of the Corporation, though perhaps it turned into that later in the face of the pressures that were piled on them. Rather it seems to have had its origins in a belief that an explicit statement of goals and locations would make the task of dealing with the city’s problems even greater. They had, by this time, absorbed the Abercrombie plan, even though it was only a sketch plan, and the various proposals were destined to appear from time to time into the 1950s and 1960s. The single biggest problem facing the city was that of housing. There had been a serious problem of substandard and slum housing in the city from the middle decades of the nineteenth century and it was largely unaddressed until the mid-19A0s. Since then Dublin Corporation had made significant efforts to build good quality social housing, a process that led them to develop very large estates to the north and west of the city. The difficulty was that the problem kept growing and their attempts were a bit like trying to keep the 08 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:47 Page 446

CC6 DuBLIn, 1930–1950

tide at bay. The population of Dublin city continued to grow at a time when that of the country was beginning to slide into decline and it seems likely that there was a flow of poor migrants into the city who occupied poor quality housing; housing which Dublin Corporation was trying to replace. The housing issue pervaded every other development question and was a matter of national policy, requiring State legislation. It caused Dublin Corporation to focus on housing provision only for those in greatest need, leaving the remainder of the population to either see to itself or to rely on the State- supported rental sector. This resulted in the emergence of a build-to-rent sector in housing provision and to one company becoming a major contributor to the urban landscape. It would be wrong to suggest that Dublin Corporation could have done more with the resources at its disposal. The problem was that more resources were needed. In an attempt to employ all resources, the Corporation turned to building large-scale flat complexes once again in central locations and to the renovation of slums. The latter was something that it had not intended to do and which the Corporation always recognized as being a stop-gap measure. The issue was that many slums were not being maintained by their private landlords, conditions were poor and there was a real danger of significant collapses. Dublin Corporation began a process in the 19C0s of acquiring slum properties under compulsory purchase, generally to the relief of the landlords. A letter in the possession of the author to a senior member of the Labour Party from the Alexandra guild Tenement Company puts it well. It is dated 30 April 19C8 and it begins: ‘As you have shown so much sympathy and interest in the Summerhill houses, I thought that you would like to know that the solicitors have now received a notice from the Dublin Corporation stating that at the expiration of fourteen days they would enter and take possession of our premises. This at least obviates the difficulty of the dangerous chimney stack.’ Housing was clearly going to be the major agenda item of the 1950s and all other planning concerns would have to take second place to it. It was not all gloom in the city. There were good shopping districts focused on grafton Street and Henry Street. grafton Street retained its mantle as the pre-eminent shopping district and it offered a wide range of services. There were good shops, many of which had been present for generations. Most were still locally owned, though international chains such as Woolworth’s and Burton’s were now a feature of the main streets. There was still a focus on international fashion and there was clearly a middle class of sufficient size and income to sustain these purchases. There was a café culture and people enjoyed 08 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:47 Page 447

ePILogue: InTo THe 1950s CC7

meeting their friends in fashionable establishments, as they had done in previous generations. The middle-classes also sustained a private housing market, whose building was concentrated in the south-east of the city. Many continued to rent rather than purchase, and builders were often landlords as well as developers. The main physical difference between private and public housing was that terraced housing became almost always (but not completely) associated with social housing or rental properties at the cheaper end of the market. This served to demarcate middle-class areas but it was also a pragmatic response to growing car ownership and the increasing expectation that a garage would be provided for a car. Many families could still afford to employ a servant though there was a lament that properly trained servants could not be retained because wages were higher in Britain. While the provision of accommodation for a servant was still a feature of some new housing, this was exceptional. Some builders provided room space close to the kitchen, which could be turned into a bedroom for a servant if required or otherwise used as an ‘oﬃce’. In the absence of servants, labour-saving devices became of greater interest and houses became smaller. This was the era when electricity began to offer possibilities for heating, washing machines, dryers, refrigerators, toasters, vacuum cleaners and coffee makers. These were enthusiastically marketed by a variety of companies while the gas company put up a good defence of similar products powered by gas. Television was still some way off at the end of the 19C0s and radios were the communications technology of the day with fairs being held that displayed the latest models, even portable ones. It is interesting to note the considerable enthusiasm for models that could pick up international and far ﬂung stations. The city came through the ‘emergency’ quite well and, for those with money, it seems to have been more of an inconvenience than anything else with the shortage of tea and the disappearance of private motoring among the greatest of these. The city bounced back after the war and business in the latter years of the 19C0s seems to have been better than ever before. The city was an important tourist destination and visitors were prepared to spend money on accommodation and on food. However, there were ominous signs that this was only a temporary bounce, a release of pent-up wartime pressure and that the realities of an economy in the doldrums was going to assert itself quite soon. Prices had risen dramatically and wages and salaries had not kept pace. It was not at all clear from an examination of the patterns and types of employment in the city as to how Dublin was going to sustain itself and meet its goals in the 1950s. 08 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:47 Page 448

CC8 DuBLIn, 1930–1950

The modern city had emerged by the end of the 19C0s but this did not mean the end of change. Dublin was now a big city, increasingly suburbanized with a definite spatial socio-economic structure. global connectivity was producing a population increasingly influenced by global trends, though these were not always appreciated in more conservative quarters. The built environment was set for change; the era of the office complex and office zone was not far off. People would soon begin to abandon the local shop in favour of self service and the shopping centre, facilitated by the rapidly growing car owning population. Dublin was still a low-rise, low-density city but it was about to begin its flirtation with high rise living. There was yet to be a debate about the modern streetscape versus the old. georgian Dublin had survived for almost two centuries reasonably intact, but tottering; it was soon to face its greatest test as the city grappled with the problem at what kind of face a ‘modern’ Dublin should present to the world. 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 449

Appendix

Selected aspects of the city from the censuses of population

Table /. Relative importance of industrial sectors, AIDF, by male and female (Census of Population, Volume E).

State M State F CB M CB F DL M DL F Agriculture ED.A? BE.C? A.E? @.B? E.H? @.C? Fishing @.D? @.@? @.A? @.@? @.B? @.@? Mining @.D? @.@? @.@? @.@? @.A? @.@? Food, Brewing, Distilling C.A? B.I? G.E? G.B? C.C? A.E? Textiles @.F? A.F? @.C? A.@? @.D? @.B? Clothing, Boots and Shoes A.F? F.G? B.I? AB.A? B.C? E.@? Leather Goods @.C? @.B? @.C? @.F? @.A? @.A? Wood Working, Fittings A.D? @.B? B.@? @.E? @.G? @.A? Metals, Machines A.D? @.E? C.@? A.@? A.F? @.D? Vehicles @.H? @.@? C.A? @.A? @.G? @.A? Chemicals and Paints @.C? @.E? A.C? A.D? @.I? @.F? Printing, Book Binding @.H? A.B? C.B? C.D? A.C? @.F? Building E.F? @.A? H.A? @.C? H.@? @.B? Brick Manufacture @.C? @.B? @.F? @.A? @.B? @.A? Gas and Electricity @.F? @.A? B.B? @.C? B.E? @.C? Other Manufacturing @.D? @.G? A.E? A.F? A.A? @.B? Transport and Communications D.F? @.E? AA.B? @.I? AA.G? @.H? Trading H.D? AB.E? AI.@? AH.F? AI.G? AC.G? Finance A.@? @.H? B.D? A.I? D.G? B.G? Public Administration F.I? H.C? AD.@? H.I? AB.D? AA.@? Professions B.H? G.H? G.A? AA.@? AA.D? AE.G? Personal Service B.E? BH.@? E.C? BE.B? F.H? DC.C? Entertainments and Sports @.G? A.@? A.G? B.I? A.F? B.A? Other Industries @.H? A.@? A.I? @.I? B.E? A.@?

TOTAL /....- /....- /....- /....- /....- /....-

Notes: CB = County Borough of Dublin, DL = Dún Laoghaire. M = Male, F = Female.

DDI 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 450

DE@ DUBLIN, AIC@–AIE@

Table 0. Male occupations, County Borough, AICF and AIDF (Census of Population, Volume B (AICF), Volume E (AIDF)).

/714 /724 Total ?Total AD–AI Single Total ?Total AD–AI Single Agriculture BC@G A.E ACI AAIE BFEE A.F BDC ADCI Makers of Foods B@DC A.C AEA GGD BEEG A.F BEE A@AC Makers of Apparel and Textile Goods CDGA B.B EIB AHCC CD@F B.A FIC AGHC Workers in Wood and Furniture FHAD D.C A@AD CDAF EGCC C.F FGB BCIA Metal Workers IBI@ E.I AEGB DIID IAIC E.G AEAE DDG@ Building and Construction – F,BAG D.@ B@F BCID DIIE C.A BGB AICC Labourers Building and Construction – EB@B C.C BHE AFHA CI@G B.D BB@ ABFH Others Other Producers IIED F.D AACE DGDE A@ADG F.C ACHE DED@ Transport and Communication – FFBF D.B AIB BCBC FAFA C.H BFA AHEF Drivers Transport and Communication – AFHF@ [email protected] D@CC IDCG ACIDD H.F DBGG GHED Others Commerce and Finance – DEDF B.I CA ABIE DEAG B.H EE BCIF Shopkeepers Commerce and Finance – Shop EICB C.H IFF DBE@ DFDH B.I HGI CA@@ Assistants Commerce and Finance – Others FIEI D.D BFF BHEB EIFD C.G CF@ IAE Public Administration and Defence DHDF C.A BHE AIEE EGIF C.F AFH BBED Civil Service and LA Public Administration and Defence CIA@ B.E ABD AGFB FDCC D.@ DGG BGII Army Guards Professional Occupations – Clergy CCCB B.A F@E CC@@ Professional Occupations – Teachers @.@ Professional Occupations DD@@ B.H FC AIIG IFDH F.@ IA@ FDAI Personal Services EFGC C.F EDE BI@A FEID D.A H@E CBGA Clerks (not PA) and Typists HFIH E.F IFA EDBE HIBG E.E A@II EADE Other GO (Unskilled) AADEB G.C ICA DHHD AECEI I.E AHCC G@DB Other GO FBGE D.@ DID BFGG FFHA D.A FFF BHBI Total GO ACDH@G HF.@ ADEI@ FF@I@ ACGBFE HE.A AG@DE FDGAG NGO-Home Duties NGO BAHEI AD.@ HIBD ACHCH BCIGD AD.I GIGG AD@HD TOTAL AD+ AEFFFF A@@.@ BCEAD GIIBH AFABCI A@@.@ BE@BB GHH@A

Notes: ‘AD–AI’ = aged AD to AI years, ‘Single’ = unmarried. GO = Gainfully occupied, NGO = Not gainfully occupied. 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 451

APPENDIX DEA

Table 1. Female occupations, County Borough, AICF and AIDF (Census of Population, Volume B (AICF), Volume E (AIDF)).

/714 /724 Total ?Total AD–AI Single Total ?Total AD–AI Single Agriculture ABH @.A AD HA AEA @.A EE AAD Makers of Foods @.@ @.@ Makers of Apparel and Textile Goods IDHG E.A CGGC HGI@ A@D@F E.@ CHCH IG@C Workers in Wood and Furniture Metal Workers Building and Construction – Labourers Building and Construction – Others Other Producers EH@D C.A BBHC EDAF EEAC B.G AHI@ EAIH Commerce and Finance – AHIA A.@ AE I@B AFIC @.H AE HGH Shopkeepers Commerce and Finance – Shop FGIA C.G AEHE FEDG GCGH C.F AHGH GACG Assistants Commerce and Finance – Others GEI @.D D@ CFI DBI @.B BD BFI Public Administration and Defence BA@F A.A FAD B@EC CDDG A.G BDG CCA@ Civil Service and LA Public Administration and Defence HC @.@ C Fµ@ ACH @.A B@ ABB Army Guards etc. Professional Occupations – Teachers AEDF @.H AE ACBC Professional Occupations EADG B.H CHF DGFG HDAI D.A FHI GG@@ Personal Services-Domestic Servants AFGHC I.A C@HC AEEEH AE@II G.C CBIE ADBBH Personal Services GCAF D.@ H@B DHCE H@CF C.I ABAE EHBD Clerks (not PA) and Typists A@HEG E.I ADGI A@CGD ABCGG F.@ BBBD AAI@D Other GO (Unskilled) @.@ @.@ Other GO EGDB C.A BBEA EDEG GIHA C.I BGCH GFE@ Total GO GDDD@ [email protected] AFCDC FFECB HA@FG CI.B AHABH GD@CG NGO-Home Duties HED@H DF.A ABGF A@@FI IIBDC DH.@ ACGH A@A@@ NGO BEBAI AC.F IAFC AGI@@ BFD@H AB.H A@@CI AHHFF TOTAL AD+ AHE@FG A@@.@ BFGHB IDE@A B@FGAH A@@.@ BIEDE A@C@@C

Notes: ‘AD–AI’ = aged AD to AI years, ‘Single’ = unmarried. GO = Gainfully occupied. NGO = Not gainfully occupied. LA = Local Authority. PA = Public Admnistration. 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 452

Table 2. Population change in Dublin wards, AIBF–AICF.

Wards / District Electoral AICF AICF Percent AIBF AICF Divisions Males Female Change Arran Quay CCDFA CCBDA AF@FB AGAGI [email protected]@ Ballybough AADEA AACCE EBHG F@DH -A.@@ Cabragh ECBF AIAAI IC@A IHAH BEI.@@ Clontarf East DCAA G@EA CAF@ CHIA FC.F@ Clontarf West IBCB AIA@C IBCF IHFG [email protected]@ Drumcondra ABADA BAADB IF@I AAECC GD.A@ Glasnevin GAE@ ICDH DD@F DIDB [email protected]@ Inns Quay BBF@@ BBH@E A@EDH ABBEG @.I@ Mountjoy AEIC@ AECFC GDHI GHGD -C.F@ Northcity FGAI FD@A C@GH CCBC -D.G@ North Dock BGCAG BIHCI ADGIH AE@DA I.B@ Phoenix Park AADG GE@ DGI BGA -CD.F@ Raheny BCGF C@GH AE@H AEG@ BI.E@ Rotunda AH@CH AH@HE HDDF IFCI @.C@ Chapelizod FAE FAI BIB CBG @.G@ Crumlin FAB BIFG ADFF AE@A CHD.H@ Fitzwilliam ACGFB ACHFE EIFG GHIH @.G@ Mansion House A@EHG A@DA@ DFIB EGAH -A.G@ Merchant’s Quay BFGGB BEABF AAIIF ACAC@ -F.A@ New Kilmainham AAAG@ AFH@F HBIF HEA@ [email protected]@ Pembroke East ADIBH AFG@C GBHC IDB@ AA.I@ Pembroke West AHAEE AIIGE HDFH AAE@G A@.@@ Rathfarnham BFFG DDDI AIG@ BDGI FF.H@ Rathmines and Rathgar East AIHFI BB@GD ICDF ABGBH AA.A@ Rathmines and Rathgar West B@ABI BCEEE A@DIB AC@FC AG.@@ Royal Exchange ECEE DFIC BB@G BDHF -AB.D@ Simmonscourt EDI EE@ BAA CCI @.B@ South City CBIH BHF@ ACF@ AE@@ -AC.C@ South Dock AF@IB AEEGA GBHI HBHB -C.B@ Terenure DEFF ADBGC FHEB GDBA BAB.F@ Trinity A@@BG IEIE DIFF DFBI -D.C@ Usher’s Quay BEEGC BFHHD ACBII ACEHE E.A@ Wood Quay BAHFI B@DFH A@A@H A@CF@ -F.D@ Dún Laoghaire 13/// 17563 /5161 002.0 /1.1. Blackrock A BDFD CDBG AFAI AH@H CI.A@ Blackrock B EDDG F@CE BDHG CEDH [email protected]@ Blackrock C B@BC BEB@ A@A@ AEA@ BD.F@ Dalkey DABI DCAH AICB BCHF D.F@ Dún Laoghaire A BADG BADH ICC ABAE @.@@ Dún Laoghaire B DGG@ EEG@ BEED C@AF AF.H@ Dún Laoghaire C GF@D FGI@ CAAG CFGC [email protected]@ Dún Laoghaire D DDFF FFEB BGGE CHGG DH.I@ Killiney B@FA BCBE IEF ACFI AB.H@ Howth D@BI DHCB BADF BFHF AI.I@ Dublin County A@AEF@ AAHHBB EGACA FAFIA AG.@@ Dublin City D@D@ID DFHA@C BAIIFG BDHACF AE.H@ Dublin City and County E@EFED EHFIBE BGG@IH C@IHBG AF.A@ Saorstát 075/770 074620. /30.232 /225744 -../. 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 453

Table 3. Population change in Dublin wards, AICF–AIDF.

Wards / District Electoral AIDF AIDF Percent AICF AIDF Divisions Males Female Change Arran Quay BIACB BEHF@ ABABG ACGCC -AA.B@ Ballybough ADFBI ABIHA EIHI FIIB -AA.C@ Beann Eadair DHCB ECHC BCDF C@CG AA.D@ Cabragh East B@BFG AIGHC I@ID A@FHI -B.D@ Cabragh West AFFG AEEEF GG@D GHEB HCC.B@ Clontarf East GHID A@GEG DHAB EIDE CF.C@ Clontarf West AF@GA ADGCD FIEB GGHB -H.C@ Drumcondra North FFEI ADFAB FHGG GGCE AAI.D@ Drumcondra South AG@GB AF@CH GDHC HEEE -F.A@ Glasnevin I@II HICD CGDE EAHI -A.H@ Inns Quay BBHDA BAAHD IEEG AAFBG -G.C@ Mountjoy BACE@ AICB@ HHFA A@DEI -I.E@ Northcity AAEIA HI@D DAFF DGCH -BC.B@ North Dock AIBBG AFCDE GHDC HE@B -AE.@@ Phoenix Park BBDC BCI@ ACDE A@DE F.F@ Raheny D@I IAA DAD DIG ABB.G@ Rotunda AGHFD ADG@G FFIC H@AD -AG.G@ Crumlin CIIE CDAAA AFCFE AGGDF GEC.H@ Kimmage AAADH B@BBC IGEF A@DFG HA.D@ Mansion House AGICH AEHIH G@FF HHCB -AA.D@ Merchant’s Quay CCDBB BGGCH ABGFE ADIGC -AG.@@ Kilmainham AEEDI ADICB G@HD GHDH -D.@@ Pembroke East AGBCF AGHFC GEGI A@BHD C.F@ Pembroke West AF@B@ AFCCB FHH@ IDEB A.I@ Rathfarnham FIEE H@E@ CBHB DGFH AE.G@ Rathmines East AGFBE AHEIB GFB@ A@IGB E.E@ Rathmines West BDCHB BDFGG A@FBH AD@DI A.B@ Royal Exchange AGDGA ABFGG EHAE FHFB -BG.D@ St Kevin’s AAFGH A@IHD DFBB FCFB -E.I@ South Dock ACBDB AAEID DIGH FFAF -AB.D@ Terenure HB@I AAACB E@BE FA@G CE.F@ Usher’s Quay BAHE@ BACEE A@@HF AABFI -B.C@ Wood Quay ACBDE AADID ECFD FAC@ -AC.B@ Dún Laoghaire 17563 22452 /6650 036.0 /0.1. Blackrock A CDBG DAGE AHHI BBHF BA.H@ Blackrock B F@CE FFGA BGCE CICF [email protected]@ Blackrock C BEB@ BGBD A@B@ AG@D H.A@ Dalkey DCAH DG@G B@BI BFGH I.@@ Dún Laoghaire A BADH BEE@ A@FF ADHD AH.G@ Dún Laoghaire B EEG@ FBBC BGGE CDDH AA.G@ Dún Laoghaire C FGI@ HADG CEI@ DEEG B@.@@ Dún Laoghaire D FFCB GABB BHDF DBGF G.D@ Killiney BCBE BCEE IBB ADCC A.C@ Dublin County AAD@AC AC@ADB FABHB FHHF@ AD.A@ Dublin City DGBIAB E@F@EA BC@IBC BGEABH G.@@ Dublin City and County EHFIBE FCFAIC BIBB@E CDCIHH H.D@ Saorstát 074620. 0733/.5 /272655 /24.01. -..2. 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 454

DED DUBLIN, AIC@–AIE@

Table 4. Households in housing units of different sizes, AICF (Census of Population, Volume D).

Rooms Occupied Percentage of Households 1 or under 2–4 5 or more Arran Quay EF.@ CG.I E.I Ballybough FB.@ CE.F B.E Cabragh DA.H DF.F AA.E Clontarf East AD.F DD.E DA.@ Clontarf West I.F GI.H [email protected] Drumcondra BA.G EI.I AH.F Glasnevin AA.H EB.I CE.C Inns Quay GB.I BD.I B.C Mountjoy HH.F [email protected] @.I Northcity HB.I AD.I B.A North Dock FH.B BI.F B.C Phoenix Park AE.E FD.C [email protected] Raheny AF.E GD.@ I.F Rotunda HF.I I.I C.C Chapelizod DA.A DI.B I.F Crumlin [email protected] GH.B A.F Fitzwilliam FC.F BE.C AA.@ Mansion House HC.D AA.I D.G Merchant’s Quay [email protected] CD.E D.E New Kilmainham DA.E ED.G C.H Pembroke East [email protected] BH.A CA.D Pembroke West CF.@ CH.D BE.F Rathfarnham AG.G [email protected] CB.B Rathmines and Rathgar East CD.@ CD.A CB.@ Rathmines and Rathgar West BG.D CD.E CH.B Royal Exchange HD.B AB.G C.@ Simmonscourt AB.B AG.H [email protected] South City GH.H AG.E C.G South Dock GI.A AF.H D.A Terenure DI.F [email protected] AI.E Trinity HA.C AD.E D.B Usher’s Quay FA.B CE.I B.I Wood Quay GC.H BA.E D.F Dún Laoghaire CG.H CA.G [email protected] Blackrock A CH.@ AI.@ DC.@ Blackrock B CC.I CA.C CD.H Blackrock C AD.D CE.C [email protected] Dalkey CA.A [email protected] BG.I Dún Laoghaire A BF.F [email protected] CC.A Dún Laoghaire B DG.@ BH.H BD.@ Dún Laoghaire C ED.G CB.F AB.H Dún Laoghaire D CD.H BI.I CE.B Killiney CG.B BG.D CE.E 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 455

APPENDIX DEE

Table 5. Households in housing units of different sizes, AIDF (Census of Population, Volume D).

Rooms Occupied Percentage of Households 1 or under 2 to 4 5 or more Arran Quay ED.D [email protected] E.A Ballybough EF.F [email protected] C.@ Beann Eadair AD.G DH.A CG.B Cabragh East CI.G DI.I [email protected] Cabragh West C.H IB.A D.B Clontarf East AB.F DF.G [email protected] Clontarf West AB.F GD.F AB.I Drumcondra North B.I HI.D G.H Drumcondra South BD.I EI.E AE.E Glasnevin AC.B EA.B CE.E Inns Quay [email protected] BG.@ B.F Mountjoy HG.E [email protected] A.H Northcity HC.H AC.B C.@ North Dock EG.H [email protected] B.@ Phoenix Park EH.A CC.F H.B Raheny AE.B CH.C DF.F Rotunda [email protected] G.F A.H Crumlin AE.F HC.I @.D Kimmage [email protected] DF.E B.F Mansion House GD.G AI.F E.H Merchant’s Quay FD.B CA.F D.A Kilmainham CD.E FA.I C.F Pembroke East CE.A CB.B CB.G Pembroke West CI.B DC.G AG.@ Rathfarnham AF.E BI.@ ED.F Rathmines East BD.I CF.G CH.D Rathmines West CI.C CB.C BH.D Royal Exchange HG.@ AA.B A.I St Kevin’s FG.H BD.I G.D South Dock GD.@ [email protected] E.D Terenure AC.D EH.C BH.B Usher’s Quay EE.C DA.@ C.H Wood Quay FB.E CA.A F.D Dún Laoghaire CB.E CH.D BI.A 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 456

DEF DUBLIN, AIC@–AIE@

Table 6. Persons per room (AICF) (Census of Population, Volume D).

Persons per room Percentage of 0 to <1 1 to <2 2+ No Info Total 0+ Households Arran Quay [email protected] I.A AD.F @.I CD Ballybough AA.H AB.H AD.D @.H CI Cabragh B@ AB.D A.H A.C CD.B Clontarf East C.D B.A A.A B.H F.F Clontarf West G.A A.A @.I C.G I.A Drumcondra G.D E.A B A.G AD.E Glasnevin D.C A.D A.E A.B G.B Inns Quay I.G AD BC.A @.B DF.H Mountjoy E.H AE.F DC.F @.E FE Northcity H.A AC.F CE.D @.I EG.A North Dock AB.D AE.F BC A.B EA Phoenix Park @ A.B @ F.F A.B Raheny [email protected] B.F @.G B.I AC.E Rotunda G.G AH.D CD.C @.B [email protected] Chapelizod AD H.B H.E F.G [email protected] Crumlin [email protected] D A.I B.I AF.A Fitzwilliam H.A [email protected] AG.E @.F CF.E Mansion House G.F AC.F CD.H @.H EF Merchant’s Quay I.H AA.E BA.F A.B DB.I New Kilmainham AD.I H.H F.G A.I [email protected] Pembroke East I.E H.E G.B B.C BE.B Pembroke West G.I E.G E.B A.D AH.H Rathfarnham F.I D B.A A.D AC Rathmines and Rathgar East E.A E D.G A.A AD.H Rathmines and Rathgar West D.F D.C D.A B.C AC Royal Exchange F.D AC.H CD.E @ ED.G Simmonscourt E.D @ @ E E.D South City H.D AC.E AG.A @.E CI South Dock I.B AC.F BF.I @.C DI.G Terenure BA.D AE.A C.B A.I CI.G Trinity H.I AE.G CE.I @.I [email protected] Usher’s Quay AA.A AA.I BH.E A.C EA.E Wood Quay [email protected] AC.F BD.C @.F DH Dún Laoghaire H.E F.C C.B A.E AH Blackrock A I.D E.F @.E A AE.E Blackrock B E.E E.B C.G B.B AD.D Blackrock C B.E A.B A.B B.B D.I Dalkey F.D E.C A.F A.B AC.C Dún Laoghaire A H.F D.E B.E A.C AE.F Dún Laoghaire B H.F E.H C @.H AG.D Dún Laoghaire C AA.F AB G.C A.G [email protected] Dún Laoghaire D [email protected] F.B B.I A AI.H Killiney I.E E A.E B.C AF.@ 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 457

APPENDIX DEG

Table 7. Persons per room (AIDF) (Census of Population, Volume D).

Persons per room Percentage 0 to <1 1 to <2 2+ No Info Total 0+ of Households Arran Quay H.H G.D [email protected] @.I BF.D Ballybough I.D AA G.C @.H BG.G Beann Eadair E.D A.H A.E A.B H.G Cabragh East AD.H I.D B.D B BF.F Cabragh West F.C @.D @.D B.I AG.A Clontarf East B.F A.F A.B @.F E.D Clontarf West C.B A.B A.D B E.H Drumcondra North AE.F @.A @.A B.H AE.H Drumcondra South F.H D.C A.H B.A AB.I Glasnevin A.G A.A @.H A C.F Inns Quay [email protected] AC AG.H @.E DA.A Mountjoy G.I AG CB.D @.I EG.C Northcity F.H AB.H CE.E @.B EE.@ North Dock AF.I AA.D F.D A.B CD.G Phoenix Park AA.D H.E I.G @.H BI.F Raheny B.G B.A @.I @ E.G Rotunda F.G AF CH.B @.A [email protected] Crumlin AG.B D.A @.I B.F BB.A Kimmage BC.B AD.D D.D B.F DC.C Mansion House AA.I AD.C AE.H @.H DB.B Merchant’s Quay I.F AB.I AE.B @.E CG.H Kilmainham AB.A F.F D.B B.D BB.I Pembroke East G.H F.I D.G A.B AI.D Pembroke West G.E E.B E.E A.A AH.B Rathfarnham C.C B.C @.G A.A F.C Rathmines East B.D B.F A.I @.H G.@ Rathmines West E.A E.A D.C @.I AD.D Royal Exchange G.B AE.E BI.E @.D EB.B St Kevin’s F.H I.H AC.A @.E BI.G South Dock G.C [email protected] AI @.E CG.A Terenure I.E A.D A.A B.A AB.@ Usher’s Quay AB.H AA.A A@ @.I CD.C Wood Quay H.B I.C H.E @.E BF.@ Dún Laoghaire G.D D.D B A AC.H 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 458

DEH DUBLIN, AIC@–AIE@

Table /.. Households per house, AICF (Census of Population, Volume D).

- Single Households per house Inhabited Total Total 4+ - 4+ Being Family /714 Houses Families Families Families Built Homes Arran Quay DFBH FGGD HB.C ABH B.H AB Ballybough AGCH BFHI GE.G DI B.H A Cabragh CADE CCGC ID.G A @.@ EE Clontarf East ADAF AEAD IE.@ B @.A AE Clontarf West CBCD CEHD IB.@ C @.A CE Drumcondra CGHH DAEE IB.D D E@ Glasnevin AGGE AIDD IC.A C @.B G Inns Quay BFBA ECII FH.H BBB H.E A Mountjoy A@FE CGGE DG.A BIF BG.H A Northcity F@G ADIG EF.C G@ AA.E C North Dock CGIF FD@B GG.I AHG D.I B Phoenix Park IA IB IH.I @ @.@ @ Raheny ECI EFA IF.H A @.B A@ Rotunda ACAC DDH@ DH.F CBH BE.@ @ Chapelizod ABD ACI [email protected] @ @.@ @ Crumlin FAC FBI IG.D @ @.@ C@ Fitzwilliam AFC@ CCAE FE.E A@B F.C Mansion House GDI BECB DC.C AF@ BA.D A Merchant’s Quay CEBG EE@B HA.@ ACE C.H B New Kilmainham BHCA CB@C IA.@ I @.C H Pembroke East BIDH CEEF HF.@ H @.C DG Pembroke West CDCE DEHG HA.E B@ @.F A@ Rathfarnham HFC I@C IF.F A @.A BB Rathmines and CI@B EEEI GH.C EF A.D AI Rathgar East Rathmines and DCBB ECGC HE.G BE @.F BB Rathgar West Royal Exchange DGI ABAD EE.C FG AD.@ C Simmonscourt A@D A@G II.@ @ @.@ AI South City CFH GEH FG.D C@ H.B A South Dock AEDF CFHG EG.D ADB I.B A Terenure BDBI BEEB IF.@ B @.A GG Trinity HIF BAC@ EG.H IE [email protected] A Usher’s Quay CB@E EDB@ [email protected] AID F.A FG Wood Quay B@FF DGBD FF.D AIB I.C BD 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 459

APPENDIX DEI

Table //. Households per house, AIDF (Census of Population, Volume D).

- Single Households per Inhabited Total Total 4+ - 4+ Being Family house /724 Houses Families Families Families Built Homes Arran Quay CHIA EEGI HD.F IG B.E @ Ballybough BBID CDFA GH.A DI B.A D Beann Eadair //47 /024 ID.I A @.A @ Cabragh East CDHI CIAG IA.E C @.A F Cabragh West BEDB BF@@ IH.F A @.@ EG Clontarf East BDDB BEGI IE.H A @.@ AAA Clontarf West BG@A C@ED HI.F A @.@ A Drumcondra North BEEC BFBB IG.E @ @.@ AC Drumcondra South C@FI CDDB IA.A D @.A @ Glasnevin AHAB B@DI [email protected] F @.C F Inns Quay BFIC ECCH GA.@ AIC G.B @ Mountjoy ABIH DHHD DF.E C@I BC.H @ Northcity HFA BBCD EB.@ A@I AB.G @ North Dock BGGF CDFG HF.D AC @.E @ Phoenix Park CCF DHI [email protected] H B.D @ Raheny AIH B@C II.@ @ @.@ A Rotunda IBI CGAB CG.I BIF CA.I A Crumlin F@FE FBFC IG.A A @.@ FB Kilmainham BGGH C@@D ID.C D @.A @ Kimmage CBAH CC@I IG.G A @.@ AC Mansion House AFAA CFGC FC.F ABF G.H B Marchant’s Quay CIEB FGAF GI.E AGE D.D @ Pembroke East CD@G D@GD HH.C G @.B AG Pembroke West BH@A DAED GG.E CC A.B @ Rathfarnham AF@I AGAH IE.B @ @.@ I Rathmines East CDFI DFBG H@.@ BA @.F AB Rathmines West DEDF FCIH GH.G DH A.A @ Royal Exchange AAGE CDFD DH.D AIA AF.C B St Kevin’s AC@@ BGDG FC.E IB G.A @ South Dock ACAA C@BA EF.G ABD I.E @ Terenure BAEB BCGC IB.B B @.A B Usher’s Quay BGAI DBEB HC.I II C.F D Wood Quay ADDH C@BI GB.I HF E.I @ 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 460

DF@ DUBLIN, AIC@–AIE@

Table /0. Nature of tenure and average rentals in AIDF (Census of Population, Volume D).

Av Rent Av Rent Rent and Average Total - / room for / 2 room for 2 Conditions Rented Owned HP Monthly Dwellings Rented rentals room rentals room /724 Rent rental rentals Arran Quay ECDF DGAG DHH BEGA HH.B DD.E A@DG BG A@CG EA.F Ballybough CBGG BGDE DIA A@ HC.H DI.C FFD CD.H DGE EG.G Beann Eadair AAIF EII E@D AF [email protected] [email protected] BC CH.C AIH CG.I Cabragh East CHAG AICG AFHB IF [email protected] FE ABH ED.F BAB GA.H Cabragh West BEIG BAHG CHD AE HD.B EF.D F CH.C AI@B [email protected] Clontarf East BCH@ IDH ABGG HB CI.H [email protected] AF DE.C A@A FF.B Clontarf West C@BC A@II FID AAI@ CF.D GA.H AB@ DG AGH EB.E Drumcondra BF@I AAHG IF@ DCB DE.E FI.H H E@ IDF EG.B North Drumcondra CCCC ADCB AAGH FBC DC.@ GI.C A@E DH.D BHG GD.G South Glasnevin AIGA I@B A@AE BH DE.H IF GF DB.C A@I HF.A Inns Quay E@BI DDDC E@H AA HH.C DA.E AHDF BI.I EAH EH.A Mountjoy DIGB DFIB BB@ B ID.D CB.G BFGH BE.D AIA FD.C Northcity BAGA AIED AAE A I@.@ CF.F AAG@ BC.I AAE [email protected] North Dock CDCE C@BH CBE DH HH.B DD.C CBA CA.D FHB EB.A Phoenix Park D@E CBB DH GI.E DH.B EE C@.@ DA FF.B Raheny B@B FI AAF G CD.B HB.C @ @ AA CE.E Rotunda CFGI CDHI ABF B ID.H CE.H BC@H BG.H AAC [email protected] Crumlin F@AH DIFD HAI BBB HB.E EH.F BH DB.F BIFA EA.E Kilmainham BIGB AHFG CHI FHC FB.H DB.A AD@ BE.F DBA EC.A Kimmage CBFB BHEI CCI DA HG.F DG.D C@ CB.B A@ID EA.C Mansion House CEDG C@IE AHH E HG.C EH IB@ CA.D CEE [email protected] Marchant’s FFGB EEEF FCE CID HC.C CF.B AIAI BB.B FDB EC.B Quay Pembroke East CIII BDEB ACE@ FC FA.C [email protected] BED CB.G CED HA.B Pembroke West D@G@ BIGI HB@ AEI GC.B H@ DHI DB.F H@H GG.@ Rathfarnham AGBA FGH ICC EI CI.D A@@.B AA BH ACE GD.C Rathmines East DDGF BGAD AFCC BG [email protected] A@@.D CEF DC.I CDB AAA Rathmines FADD DCHC AFF@ AE GA.C HB.C GCC [email protected] FEI IE.A West Royal Exchange CCGC C@G@ AC@ C IA.@ CD.H AFII BD.B AAC [email protected] St Kevin’s BFAA BBHE BEF A HG.E EH.D HI@ CE.I BHE GE.H South Dock BIEB BFIH ADE B IA.D EE.I IHI [email protected] CBI HD.D Terenure BCHD ABEB IAA ACD EB.E HE.I G@ BI.E CGA HC.C Usher’s Quay DBID CDGD FBH ABB [email protected] DA.A HCG BB.F EHH EB.H Wood Quay BIGG BEAG DAH A@ HD.E DD.G FHA BH.H BDF FH.I 09 Dublin1930App 21/10/2014 13:48 Page 461

APPENDIX DFA

Table /1. Non Roman Catholic population in AICF (Census of Population, AICF, Volume C).

- Non-Catholic /714 Arran Quay E.D Ballybough E.H Cabragh E.B Clontarf East BA.F Clontarf West [email protected] Drumcondra I.H Glasnevin AB.G Inns Quay D.E Mountjoy C.A Northcity C.H North Dock F.I Phoenix Park AE.G Raheny AG.C Rotunda C.H Northside 5./

Chapelizod G.H Crumlin AG.H Fitzwilliam AE.D Mansion House G.C Merchant’s Quay H.D New Kilmainham D.I Pembroke East AI.I Pembroke West AH.D Rathfarnham BB.D Rathmines and Rathgar East BG.@ Rathmines and Rathgar West BE.D Royal Exchange I.E Simmonscourt AG.A South City AA.B South Dock G.C Terenure AD.C Trinity G.B Usher’s Quay F.C Wood Quay AB.D Southside /2..

Dún Laoghaire [email protected] Blackrock A AC.A Blackrock B AI.B Blackrock C BI.H Dalkey BA.@ Dún Laoghaire A BF.I Dún Laoghaire B BA.C Dún Laoghaire C AC.G Dún Laoghaire D BD.C Killiney BC.A

Howth BB.@ 10 Dublin1930Biblio 21/10/2014 13:49 Page 462

Sources and bibliography

Sources This volume builds on the topics developed in the four previous volumes of the series and it dovetails quite deliberately with the second volume which deals with suburban development in Dublin up to 19N0. The reader is encouraged to explore these volumes in building up a comprehensive view of the city.

• Dublin through space and time • Dublin, 1910–1940: shaping the suburbs • Dublin, 1745–1922: hospitals, spectacle and vice • Dublin docklands reinvented: the post-industrial regeneration of a European city quarter

The bibliography below aims to provide the reader both with details of the sources used in this volume but also to act as a guide to wider reading in the area. Maps are a very important resource in trying to understand past landscapes but they are not as readily available as might be hoped. It is fortunate that the revision of the L5 inch (1:L500) series of Ordnance Survey plans took place near to the mid-point of the time period of this volume. This means that there is a good and quite detailed view available of both city and suburbs for the late 1930s and early 19N0s. The 1930s is also the time when the Ordnance Survey began to produce its Popular Edition maps of the city of Dublin at a convenient scale. There is a provisional edition (LP5b) dated 1933 and then an edition at 1:L5,000, which has an imprint of 19N8 but the revision information suggests that it should really be seen as being more representative of the middle of the decade. To these must be added the extremely useful Geographia plans, which provide a view of the city for approximately 1935, 19N8 and 1958 at a scale of N inches to the mile (about 1:15,8N0). The Abercrombie sketch development plan of 19N1 came with a separate large scale map (1:L0,000) that showed a far more detailed articulation of his ideas than the report itself. It is somewhat rare, having been printed on very ﬂimsy paper, but there is now an excellent digital copy available. Unfortunately the golden age of the postcard had come to an end by the 1930s. These had proved particularly useful in the earlier volumes of this series but their geographical scope became steadily more and more limited. The views now concentrated on the main streets with relatively few images of lesser locations. Nonetheless, the range is quite good for those locations still in vogue and they remain of considerable use. A surprising number of guides to Dublin were produced during the 1930s and 19N0s. A particularly good picture of the city is available for the beginning of the 1930s because of the Eucharistic Congress which resulted in a range of guides and maps. It might have been expected that this was only a temporary surge for an exceptional event but the publication of these guides continued afterwards. Many were produced by the Irish Tourist Association for Dublin Corporation and were detailed accounts of the city. Some of them

NPL 10 Dublin1930Biblio 21/10/2014 13:49 Page 463

SOUrCES AND bIblIOGrAPhy NP3

are explored in Chapter 7. Though the kernel of them did not change all that much, they changed at the margins and they add to our understanding of a developing city. To these can be added the commercial guides of which there were a number. Ward lock produced editions for Dublin during the 19L0s, 1930s and 19N0s and there were other guides produced on a one-off basis by both local and international publishers. These are important, not just for the content but for the references to short-lived material. This volume, like the others in the series, relies on this type of material quite a lot because it is trying to build a picture of what it was like to live and use the city during the 1930s and 19N0s. The advertisements that are contained in the various guides and often on the margins of maps are central to understanding how people spent their time and on what they spent their money. The availability of this material though is very much hit and miss and a matter of luck. The tradition of the better hotels producing guides for visitors was fortunately maintained and these not only give a sense of the charges but their shopping guides are invaluable. Similarly useful are the occasional guides produced by the big shops. To these may be added the information on the margins of theatre programmes and other events. When these are knitted together with the more formal material in the guides and the maps, a much more ‘living’ picture of the city is produced. Only the printed volumes of the census are still available. It remains a valuable source because a census was undertaken in 19LP, 193P and 19NP. Perforce much of the analysis has to be at the level of the city but there is some detail available at a smaller spatial scale. The number of areal units for which data are available is very small relative to today and these are quite internally heterogeneous but when combined with other sources they are most useful. It is anticipated that the individual returns for the 19LP census will be made available in L01P and these will be seized upon by researchers anxious to get the detail of the city some ﬁfteen years after the last detailed census. The debates in the Oireachtas should never be overlooked. It is said that all politics is local and this was certainly true of the period in question. There was much discussion there about matters relating to the development of the city and information was provided in debates and answers to parliamentary questions which is not easily available elsewhere. however, the great joy of recent times and a huge improvement for the researcher is the availability of newspapers online. The archives of the Irish Press and Irish Independent are without doubt useful and important and may be accessed via www.irishnewsarchive.com, The Irish Times archive remains the more accessible electronically but there has been a vast improvement in the quality of the other search engine in recent months. This archive allows for a huge increase in productivity and enables us to follow up stories in a way which would have been hit and miss otherwise. Another repository of great use is that of the Dublin Diocesan Archive because of the insights it offers on matters relating to the city. The records concerning the cathedral project are contained in two boxes with the general reference of lV. Folders lV/A/1 (legal Correspondence), lV/C/10 (Public Access), lV/0/11 (Cathedral Architecture) and lV/0/1L (location) are of particular interest. When all these are combined with the records of Dublin Corporation, referred to as report x/19xx, or Minutes, dd mm yyyy, held in the City Archive, a very rich sense of what was concerning the city can be obtained. 10 Dublin1930Biblio 21/10/2014 13:49 Page 464

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Knox, P.l. (198L) Urban social geography, an introduction. london: longman. Kostof, S. (1991) The city assembled: elements of urban form through history. london: Thames and hudson. Kostof, S. (199L) The city shaped: urban patterns and meanings through history. london: Thames & hudson. lawless, P. and F. brown (198P) Urban growth and change in Britain: an introduction. london: harper & row. leonard, h. (1979) Home before night. london: Penguin. lincoln, C. (199L) Dublin as a work of art. Dublin: O’brien Press. local Government (1938) Report of the Local Government (Dublin) Tribunal. Dublin: Stationery Oﬃce. long, h.C. (1993) The Edwardian house. Manchester: Manchester University Press. lord, D.A. SJ (19NN) So we abolished the chaperone. Dublin: Catholic Truth Society. luddy, M. (1995) Women in Ireland, 1800–1918, a documentary history. Cork: Cork University Press. lynch, K. (1990) City sense and city design. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. Maclaren, A. (1993) Dublin, the shaping of a capital. london: belhaven Press. Markus, T.A. (1985) Visions of perfection: the inﬂuence of utopian thought upon architecture from the middle ages to the present day. Glasgow: Third Eye Centre. May, S. (19NN) Two Dublin slums, The Bell, 7(N), pp 351–P. McAteer, D. (1935) Suggested airport for Dublin, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, LN(93), pp 73–8N. McAteer, D. (19NL) Merrion reclamation and Dublin town plan, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, 31 (1LL), pp L5L–8. McCarthy, D. (1988) Saint Mary’s pro-cathedral Dublin. Dublin: The Irish heritage Series, Eason and Sons. McCarthy, T. [no date] Outcast Dublin, Labour Museum Pamphlets, 3, Dublin. McCartney, D. (1999) UCD: a national idea: the history of University College, Dublin. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. McCullough, N. (1989) Dublin: an urban history. Dublin: Anne Street Press. McGrath, F. (1931) The Sweep and the slums, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, L0, pp 5L9–5N. McGrath, F. (193L) homes for the people, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, L1, pp LP9–8L. McGrath, r. (19N1) Dublin panorama: an architectural review, The Bell, L(5), pp 35–N8. McKenna, l. (191P) School attendance in Dublin, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, 5, pp 109–18. McKenna, l. (1919) The housing problem in Dublin, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, 8, pp L79–95. McKeon, J. and r. Jennings (1978) Public subventions to housing in Ireland. Dublin: An Foras Forbartha. McManus, r. (199P) Public utility societies, Dublin Corporation and the development of Dublin, 19L0–19N0, Irish Geography, L9(1), pp L7–37. McManus, r. (1998) The Dundalk Premier public utility society, Irish Geography, 31(L), pp 75–87. 10 Dublin1930Biblio 21/10/2014 13:50 Page 472

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McManus, r. (1999) The ‘building Parson’ – the role of reverend David hall in the solution of Ireland’s early twentieth-century housing problems, Irish Geography, 3L(L), pp 87–98. McManus, r. (L00L) Dublin, 1910–1940: shaping the city and suburbs. Dublin: Four Courts Press. McManus, r. (L00N) The role of public utility societies in Ireland, 1919–N0. In: Clarke, h., J. Prunty and M. hennessy (eds) Surveying Ireland’s past, multidisciplinary essays in honour of Anngret Simms. Dublin: Geography Publications, pp P13–38. McManus, r. (L005) ‘Such Happy Harmony’, early twentieth century co-operation to solve Dublin’s housing problems. Dublin: Dublin City Public libraries. McManus, r. (L00P) The growth of Drumcondra, 1875–19N0. In: Kelly, J. (ed.) St Patrick’s College, Drumcondra, 1875–2000: a history. Dublin: Four Courts Press, pp N1–PP. McManus, r. (L008) Crampton built. Dublin: G. & T. Crampton. McManus, r. (L011) Suburban and urban housing in the twentieth century, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 111C, pp L53–8P. McManus, r. (L01L) ‘Decent and artistic homes’ – housing Dublin’s middle classes in the L0th century, Dublin Historical Record, lxv, 1 & L, pp 9P–109. McManus, r. (L01L) Upper buckingham Street: a microcosm of Dublin, 1788–L01L (with Sinead O’Shea), Studia Hibernica, pp 1N1–79. McManus, r. (L013) lord Mayor laurence O’Neill, Alderman Tom Kelly and Dublin’s housing crisis. In: McManus, r. and l. Griffith (L013) Leaders of the City, Dublin’s first citizens, 1500–1950. Dublin: Four Courts Press, pp 1N1–51. McManus, r. (L013) An introduction to Dublin’s first citizens (with lisa-Marie Griffith). In: McManus, r. and l. Griffith (L013) Leaders of the City, Dublin’s first citizens, 1500–1950. Dublin: Four Courts Press, pp 15–3N. McManus, r. and lisa-Marie Griffith (eds) (L013) Leaders of the City, Dublin’s first citizens, 1500–1950. Dublin: Four Courts Press. McNiffe, l. (1997) A history of the Garda Síochána. Dublin: Wolfhound Press. Meghen, P.J. (19P3) Housing in Ireland. Dublin: Institute of Public Administration. Meller, h. (1990) Patrick Geddes, social evolutionist and city planner. london: routledge. Mikhail, E.h. (ed.) (198L) Brendan Behan. london: Macmillan. Miliutin, N.A. (197N) Sotsgorod – the problem of building socialist cities. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press (translation from the original russian). Miller, M. (1989) raymond Unwin and the planning of Dublin. In: bannon, M.J. (ed.) The emergence of Irish planning, 1880–1920. Dublin: Turoe Press, pp 189–LP0. Miller, M. (199L) Raymond Unwin, Garden Cities and town planning. leicester: leicester University Press. Milne K. (ed.) (L010) Christ Church cathedral Dublin – a history. Dublin: Four Courts Press. Mingay, G.E. (198P) The transformation of Britain, 1830–1939. london: routledge. Ministry of local Government (19L5) House designs. Prescribed by the Minister of Local Government under the Housing Act, 1924. Dublin: Stationery Office (5 volumes). Moody, T.W. and F.X. Martin (eds) (19P7) The course of Irish history. Cork: Mercier Press. 10 Dublin1930Biblio 21/10/2014 13:50 Page 473

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Mumford, l. (19P1) The city in history. london: Penguin. Municipal boundaries (1881) Report of the Municipal Boundaries Commission (Ireland). british Parliamentary Papers, Vol. 50, c.L8L7, Dublin. Murphy, F. (198N) Dublin slums in the 1930s, Dublin Historical Record, 37 (3/N), pp 10N–11. Muthesius, S. (198L) The English terraced house. New haven: yale University Press. National Economic and Social Council (1981) Urbanisation: problems of growth and decay in Dublin. Dublin: NESC. National Planning Conference (19NN) The handbook of national planning and reconstruction. Dublin: Parkside Press. Nesbitt, r. (1993) At Arnotts of Dublin, 1843–1993. Dublin: A. & A. Farmar. Nowlan, K.I. (1989) The evolution of Irish planning, 193N–19PN. In: bannon, M.J. (ed.) Planning: the Irish experience. Dublin: Wolfhound Press, pp 71–85. O Fearghail, C. (199L) The evolution of Catholic parishes in Dublin city from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. In: Aalen, F.h.A. and K. Whelan (eds) Dublin city and county. Dublin: Geography Publications, pp LL9–50. Ó Maitiú, S. (1997) Rathmines township, 1847–1930. Dublin: City of Dublin Vocational Education Committee. Ó Maitiú, S. (L003) Dublin’s suburban towns. Dublin: Four Courts Press. O’brien, F. (19N0) The Trade in Dublin, The Bell, 1(L), pp P–15. O’brien, J.V. (198L) Dear dirty Dublin, a city in distress, 1899–1916. berkeley: University of California Press. O’brien, M. (1950) The planning of Dublin, Journal of Town Planning Institute, 3P(P), pp 199–L1L. O’Connell, J.r. (1913) The problem of the Dublin slums. Dublin: Irish Catholic [pamphlet]. O’Connor, D. (1979) Housing in Dublin’s inner city. Dublin: housing research Unit, School of Architecture, UCD. O’Connor, l. (L000) Can Lily O’Shea come out to play? Dingle: brandon. O’Donoghue, D. (1998) Hitler’s Irish voices: the story of German radio’s wartime Irish service. belfast: beyond Pale Publications. O’Dwyer, F. (1981) Lost Dublin. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. O’rourke, h.T. (19L5) The Dublin civic survey. liverpool: liverpool University Press. Oliver, P., I. Davis and I. bentley (199N) Dunroamin: the suburban semi and its enemies. london: Pimlico (random house). Olsen, D.J. (197P) The growth of Victorian London. london: Penguin. Orbach, l.F. (1977) Homes for heroes, a study of the evolution of British public housing, 1915– 1921. london: Seely, Service. Osborough, N. (199P) Law and the emergence of modern Dublin. Dublin: Irish Academic Press. Owen, D. (19P5) English philanthropy, 1660–1960. Cambridge, Massachusetts: harvard University Press. Park, r.E. and E.W. burgess (19L5) The city. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Peters, A. (19L7) Dublin fragments, social and historic. Dublin: hodges Figgis and Co. Pevsner, N. (19P8) Model dwellings for the labouring classes, Architectural Review, 93, pp 119–L8. 10 Dublin1930Biblio 21/10/2014 13:50 Page 474

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Pooley, C.G. (198N) residential differentiation in Victorian cities: a reassessment, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 9(L), pp 131–NN. Pooley, C.G. (1985) housing for the poorest poor: slum-clearance and rehousing in liverpool, 1890–1918, Journal of Historical Geography, 11(1), pp 70–88. Pooley, C.G. (ed.) (199L) Housing strategies in Europe, 1880–1930. leicester: leicester University Press. Pooley, C.G. and lawton, r. (199L) Britain, 1740–1950, an historical geography. london: Edward Arnold. Powell, C. (197N) Fifty years of progress, Built Environment, 3(10), pp 53L–5. Powell, C.G. (1980) An economic history of the British building industry, 1815–1979. london: The Architectural Press. Power, A. (1993) Hovels to high rise: State housing in Europe since 1850. london: routledge. Power, S. (L000) The development of the ballymun housing scheme, Dublin 19P5–19P9, Irish Geography, 33(L), 199 –L1L. Prunty, J. (1998) Dublin slums, 1800–1925, a study in urban geography. Dublin: Irish Academic Press. Prunty, J. (L001) Improving the urban environment. In: brady, J. and A. Simms (eds), Dublin through space and time. Dublin: Four Courts Press, pp 1PP–LL0. rahilly, A.J. (1917) The social problem in Cork, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, P, pp 177–88. rapoport, A. (1990) The meaning of the built environment: a non-verbal communication approach. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. ratcliffe, J. (197N) An introduction to town and country planning. london: hutchinson. ravetz, A. (197N) From working-class tenement to modern ﬂat. In: Sutcliffe, A. (ed.) Multi-storey living: the British working-class experience. london: Croom helm, pp 1LL–50. rIbA (1931) Dublin. handbook for Delegates. Conference of the royal Institute of british Architects. robertson, M. (1933, 193N) A cautionary guide to Dublin. Dublin: royal Institute of the Architects of Ireland (rIAI). rockey, J. (1983) From vision to reality: Victorian ideal cities and model towns in the genesis of E. howard’s Garden City, Town Planning Review, 5N (1), pp 83–105. rocque, J. (175P) An exact survey of the city and suburbs of Dublin. Dublin. rogers, h.b. (19PL) The suburban growth of Victorian Manchester, Journal of the Manchester Geographical Society, 58, 1–1L. rosenau, h. (1983) The ideal city, its architectural evolution in Europe. london: Methuen, 3rd edition. rothery, S. (1991) Ireland and the new architecture, 1900–1940. Dublin: lilliput Press. royal Commission (1881) Royal Commission to inquire into boundaries and municipal areas of cities and towns in Ireland, report, Part II (Dublin, rathmines, Pembroke, Kilmainham, Drumcondra, Clontarf, Kingstown, blackrock and Dalkey). C.L8L7 ryan, J. (1975) Remembering how we stood – Bohemian Dublin at the mid century. New york: Taplinger Publishing. Saorstát Eireann (193L) Oﬃcial Handbook. Dublin: Talbot Press. 10 Dublin1930Biblio 21/10/2014 13:50 Page 475

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Scott, W.A. (191P) The reconstruction of O’Connell Street, Dublin: a note (including sketch), Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, 5, p. 1P5. Scuffil, C. (ed.) (1993) By the sign of the dolphin: the story of Dolphin’s Barn. Dublin: Dolphin’s barn historical Society. Shaffrey, M. (1988) Sackville Street/O’Connell Street, GPA Irish Arts Yearbook, Dublin, pp 1NN–5P. Sheehan, r. and b. Walsh (1988) The heart of the city. Dingle: brandon. Shevky, E. and W. bell (1955) Social area analysis. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Shevky, E. and M. Williams (19N9) The social areas of Los Angeles. Chicago: University of California Press Sies, M.C. (1987) The city transformed: nature, technology and the suburban ideal, 1877– 1917, Journal of Urban History, 1N(1), pp 81–111. Simms, A. and P. Fagan (199L) Villages in County Dublin: their origins and inheritance. In: Aalen, F.h.A. and K. Whelan (eds) Dublin city and county. Dublin: Geography Publications, pp 79–119. Simpson, M. and T. lloyd (eds) (1977) Studies in the history of middle-class housing in Britain. Newton Abbot: David & Charles. Skilleter, K.J. (1993) The role of PUSs in early british planning and housing reform 1901– 193P, Planning Perspectives, pp 1L5–P5. Slater, T.r. (ed.) (1990) The built form of western cities. leicester: leicester University Press. Spence, N. (198L) British cities: an analysis of urban change. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Stationery Office (1939) Official Industrial Directory. Compiled by the Department of Industry and Commerce. Dublin: Stationery Office. Stationery Office (19N1) A guide to the social services – a summary designed for the information of individuals and groups. Dublin: Stationery Office. Stationery Office (19N8) National nutrition survey. Part 1. Methods of dietary survey and results from Dublin investigation. Dublin: Stationery Office. Stedman-Jones, G. (1971) Outcast London: a study in the relationship between classes in Victorian society. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Stenhouse, D. (1977) Understanding towns. hove: Wayland Publishers. Stevenson, G. (L00P) The 1930s home. Shire books. Stevenson, J. (198N) British society, 1914–45. london: Penguin. Sutcliffe, A. (197L) Working-class housing in nineteenth century britain: a review of recent research, Society for the Study of Labour History, bulletin LN. Sutcliffe, A. (1981) Towards the planned city: Germany, Britain, the US and France, 1780– 1914. Oxford: basil blackwell. Sutcliffe, A. (ed.) (197N) Multi-storey living: the British working-class experience. london: Croom helm. Sutcliffe, A. (ed.) (1980) The rise of modern urban planning, 1800–1914. london: Mansell. Sutcliffe, A. (ed.) (1981) British town planning: the formative years. New york: St Martin’s Press. Swenarton, M. (1981) Homes fit for heroes. london: heinemann. Tarn, J.N. (19P8) Some pioneer suburban housing estates, Architectural Review, 1N3, pp 3P7–70. Tarn, J.N. (1973) Five per cent philanthropy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 10 Dublin1930Biblio 21/10/2014 13:50 Page 476

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Tarn, J.N. (1980) housing reform and the emergence of town planning in britain before 191N. In: Sutcliffe, A. (ed.), The rise of modern urban planning, 1800–1914. london: Mansell, pp 71–98. Thackeray, W.M. (1985) The Irish sketch book 1842. belfast: blackstaff Press. Thompson, F.M.l. (1988) The rise of respectable society: a social history of Victorian Britain 1830–1900. london: Fontana Press. Thompson, F.M.l. (ed.) (198L) The rise of suburbia. leicester: leicester University Press. Thrift, N. and Williams, P. (eds) (1987) Class and space: the making of urban society. london: routledge. Townroe, b.S. (19LN) A handbook of housing. london: Methuen. Tudor Walters report (1918) Report of the committee appointed by the President of the Local Government Board and the Secretary for Scotland to consider questions of building construction in connection with the provision of dwellings for the working classes in England, Wales and Scotland. london: hMSO. Tutty, M.J. (1958) Drumcondra, Dublin Historical Record, 15 (3), pp 8P–9P. Ua Maoilfinn S. et al. (19LN) A vindication of the Municipal Council of the City of Dublin AD 19LN. No publisher. Unwin, r. (191L) Nothing gained by overcrowding. london: Garden Cities and Town Planning Association. Unwin, r. and b. Parker (1909) Town planning in practice (199N, reprint). Princeton: Princeton Architectural Press. Vitaliano, D.F. (1983) Public housing and slums: cure or cause? Urban Studies, L0(L), pp 173–83. Ward, D. (198N) The progressives and the urban question: british and American responses to the inner city slums, 1880–19L0, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 9(3), pp L99–31N. Ward, S.V. (ed.) (199L) The Garden City; past, present and future. london: E & FN Spon. Watchorn, F. (1985) Crumlin and the way it was. Dublin: O’Donoghue Press International. Waterman, S. (1981) Changing residential patterns of the Dublin Jewish community, Irish Geography, 1N, pp N1–50. Watson, I. (1989) Gentlemen in the building line: the development of South Hackney. london: Padfield Publications. Whelan, W. (L003) Reinventing modern Dublin. Dublin: University College Dublin Press. Whelpton, E. (19N8) The book of Dublin.UK: rockcliff. Whitehand, J.W.r. (1987) The changing face of cities: a study of development cycles and urban form, IBG Special Publications, L1. Oxford: basil blackwell. Whitelaw, J. (1805) An essay on the population of Dublin, being the result of an actual survey taken in 1798 with great care and precision, to which is added the general return of the district committee in 1804, with a comparative statement of the two surveys, also several observations on the present state of the poorer parts of the city of Dublin, 1805. Dublin. reprinted as Slum conditions in London and Dublin (197N). Farnborough, hants: Gregg International. Wordsworth, W. (1888) The complete poetical works. With an introduction by John Morley. london: Macmillan and Co. Wright, M. (19P3). The Dublin region. Advisory regional plan and final report. Dublin: Stationery Office. 11 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:50 Page 477

List of illustrations

1 Overview of the city in 1933. 18–19 2 The Killester scheme of the Sailors’and Soldiers’ Land Trust. 20 3 New developments on the northside of the city. 21 H Overview of the city in late 19H0s. 22–23 5 The emergence of the southern suburbs. 2H 6 The impact of Kimmage and Crumlin. 25 K Electricity advertisement for 1930s. 33 8 Decayed Georgian housing in Mountjoy ward just before redevelopment in the late 1980s. 38 9 Large-high status housing near the Royal Dublin Society (Simmonscourt). 38 10 Middle-class housing in Glasnevin. 39 11 High-quality social housing in Marino (Clontarf West). 39 12 Mountjoy Ward and environs as defined for the 1936 census. H1 13 South inner city wards and environs as defined for the 1936 census. H2 1H Terenure, Rathfarnham and Kimmage wards as defined for the 19H6 census. H3 15 Extract from Civic Survey, showing housing quality. HK 16 Mountjoy and Rotunda wards as defined for the 19H6 census. H9 1K South inner city wards as defined for the 19H6 census. 50 18 Usher’s Quay ward as defined for the 1936 census. 5H 19 Three-roomed houses built by Crampton in Crumlin c.1939. 60 20 Extract from 19H6 advertisement for Lifebuoy soap. 62 21 Cooking and storage provision in Marino houses, late 1920s. 63 22 Pembroke and Rathmines Townships (Urban Districts). K1 23 ‘Bound up with the sea’: Dún Laoghaire and the ferryport. K5 2H The new coastal borough of Dún Laoghaire as created by the 1930 Act. K6 25 The county borough as created by the 1930 Act. K9 26 The boundaries of the city had the tribunal’s proposals been implemented. 8H 2K The borough of Howth as defined by the 1930 Act. 86 28 Dublin, the green belt and satellite settlements. 89 29 Diagrammatic sketch showing the cathedral at the head of Capel Street. 105 30 Plans submitted by the Greater Dublin Reconstruction Movement. 10K 31 Axonometric view of Abercrombie’s plans for Dublin. 109 32 View of Christ Church cathedral and environs. 111 33 The area around Wood Quay. 123 3H The environs of Christ Church in the 19H0s, showing the dereliction in the absence of redevelopment. 125 35 The area around Bedford Row, suggested as a bus park. 126 36 The area around Beresford Place, suggested as the location for the bus station. 12K 3K Busáras in the 1950s. 129

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38 The new bus station. 129 39 Dublin Airport at Collinstown. 133 H0 The terminal building at Collinstown. 133 H1 Collinstown Airport in early use. 136 H2 Victoria monument, the unveiling ceremony. 138 H3 The monuments around Leinster House. 139 HH Removing Victoria. 1H1 H5 The monument to Albert in its original location. 1H3 H6 The cenotaph which was placed in front of the Albert monument. 1H3 HK Aerial view from the 19H0s showing the Albert Memorial prior to the erection of the new cenotaph. 1HH H8 Kingsbridge Station in the late nineteenth century. 1H9 H9 The ‘Swivel’ bridge in the early years of the twentieth century. 150 50 The environs of Tara Street as seen by John Rocque. 151 51 Tara Street Baths on the eve of their demolition in 198K. 153 52 The Swivel/Butt bridge in 1926–K. 15H 53 Tara Street and the approach to Butt Bridge. 15H 5H The Traffic centre for Dublin. 155 55 Rond Point, Paris. 156 56 Traffic flows in the 1920s. 158 5K The gondola on the Newport Bridge over the River Usk. 160 58 Transporter bridge at Middlesborough. 161 59 Transporter bridge at Rouen, destroyed in 19H0. 161 60 The preferred location for the Transporter bridge between Guild Street on the northside and Cardiff Lane on the southside. 16H 61 Drawing of a revision to College Green. 169 62 inefficient use of O’Connell Bridge. 1K0 63 Realigned use of O’Connell Bridge. 1K0 6H The Tees Newport Bridge soon after construction. 1K2 65 Central road system in sketch development plan. 1K3 66 A road system for the city as suggested by the sketch development plan. 1K5 6K The new road system around George’s Street. 1KK 68 The central area road system. 1K8 69 The northern outer rings. 180 K0 The central area road system on the southside. 181 K1 Southern outer rings. 183 K2 The environs of St Patrick’s cathedral in the 19H0s showing the decay along Patrick Street. 18H K3 Parking on College Green. 191 KH Attracting the customer. 19H K5 Gas bags in use. 195 K6 Advertisement for producer bag. 195 KK Official warning relating to producer gas units. 196 K8 Buses and cars share parking on the quays. 19K 11 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:50 Page 479

iLLUSTRATiONS HK9

K9 The railway network in Dublin in 1939. 199 80 Aerial view of the Marino scheme showing its geometric character. 20H 81 Dublin Corporation housing in Crumlin completed by Crampton in 1938/9 approximately, showing the standard housing styles. 206 82 Table of housing grants, 1925. 208 83 iSSLT housing in Sandymount built by Crampton in 1923. 211 8H Part of the Associated Properties development in Drimnagh and Crumlin. 21H 85 The Wadelai, Larkhill and Ellenfield developments. 216 86 Aerial photograph of the Larkhill scheme. 222 8K The Cabra West development. 22H 88 An aerial view of the Cabra West development from the west. 22H 89 House styles in Ellenfield. 226 90 House styles in Ellenfield. 226 91 The two Donnycarney schemes and the nearby Belton Park private development. 228 92 The Sean MacDermott Street area before reconditioning. 235 93 The Newfoundland Street site before development. 23K 9H The Dolphin House site before development. 238 95 Aerial view of the Fatima Mansions development at completion, early 1950. 239 96 Flat development in irishtown, 19H8–9. 2H0 9K Private housing on the Philipsburgh Avenue edge of the Marino scheme, 1928. 2H3 98 Private housing on the Home Farm Road edge of the Drumcondra scheme, 1928. 2H3 99 Housing on Shandon Park, Phibsborough. 2H9 100 Shandon Park and its environs in 1938. 250 101 The irish Construction Company development. 251 102 Advertisement from Irish Times indicating the southside focus of ‘irish Homes’. 252 103 Braemor Park and its environs in 1938. 25H 10H Richmond Hill. 255 105 ‘Sunshine Houses in a Sylvan Setting’. 255 106 Mounttown. 25K 10K ‘ideal Homes in ideal Surroundings’. 25K 108 Gilford Park. 259 109 Housing on Gilford Park, Sandymount. 259 110 Maretimo Gardens. 261 111 Housing on Maretimo Gardens, Blackrock. 261 112 Housing on Nutley Park. 263 113 Housing on Parkmore Drive, Terenure. 263 11H Kimmage cross roads. 265 115 Rosemount Estate. 26K 116 The ‘all-electric house’ at Home Farm Park. 268 11K Semi-detached housing on Home Farm Park. 268 11 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:50 Page 480

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118 Home Farm Park under construction. 269 119 Housing on Dunluce Road. 2K0 120 ‘Housewarming’. 2K3 121 ‘Hurry Along boys’. 2K3 122 Mount Merrion advertising from 1935 showing a number of selling points. 2KK 123 Mount Merrion in the late 1930s. 2K8 12H Mount Merrion housing, type A5, £920 in the 1930s. 2K9 125 Mount Merrion housing, type AK, £890 in the 1930s. 2K9 126 Mount Merrion housing, type B9, £K00 in the 1930s. 280 12K 1933 advertisement for electricity. 28K 128 Thor Automatic Clothes and Dishwashing Machine, 19H8. 290 129 Food Safe – an alternative to a fridge. 291 130 Suburban variety. 293 131 Aerial view of the Crumlin development. 29H 132 Local shopping provision in Marino in the early 1930s. 299 133 Grafton Street in an earlier time. 303 133 Grafton Street in an earlier time. 303 13H Throngs in Grafton Street. 30H 135 The new Noblett’s Building. 305 136 An example of the extra services offered in stores such as Brown Thomas to differentiate themselves from other stores. 306 13K The importance of Slyne in Dublin society. 306 138 Upper Grafton Street. 308 139 Grafton Street towards St Stephen’s Green. 308 1H0 Switzers, Millar and Beatty and Brown Thomas. 310 1H1 The view towards College Green. 310 1H2 Horton’s outﬁtters at the corner of Grafton Street and Suffolk Street in the early 1930s. 313 1H3 Mitchell’s on Grafton Street, early 1930s. 31H 1HH 19H0s advertisement for Mitchell’s including the ‘Blue Peter’ sherry bar. 315 1H5 South King Street. 316 1H6 Goad Fire insurance plans showing the changes to George’s Street. 318 1HK Christmas advertisement for Pims in the 1930s showing the wide range on offer. 320 1H8 The new premises of Maguire and Gatchell on Dawson Street, 1932. 323 1H9 Upper O’Connell Street from Clerys towards the Liffey. 326 150 Upper O’Connell Street showing Manﬁeld, Eason’s and the Metropole. 326 151 Christmas advertisement for Clerys in the 1930s showing the wide range on offer. 328 152 Clerys in the early 19H0s. 329 153 The Saxone shoe shop on O’Connell Street in the early 1930s beside Burton’s. 330 15H View of Upper O’Connell Street towards Nelson’s Pillar. 331 155 O’Connell Street at the junction with Earl Street. 331 11 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:50 Page 481

iLLUSTRATiONS H81

156 Extract from 1926 Goad Fire insurance plan (sheet H) showing industrial uses near O’Connell Street. 333 15K The 50/- tailor on Henry Street. 33K 158 Millets’ clothing store on Henry Street in the early 1930s. 338 159 Todd Burns in the late 19H0s. 3H0 160 1930s advertisement for Leon of Henry Street and Grafton Street. 3H3 161 The Tower Bar in the early 1930s on Henry Street. 3HH 162 Advertisement for the Tower Bar in the 19H0s. 3H5 163 Aerial view of the Custom House showing Brooks Thomas in the upper corner. 3HK 16H Aerial photograph of Westmoreland and D’Olier Street. 3H8 165 View along the quays towards Westmoreland Street showing McBirney’s. 3H9 166 McBirney’s advertisement emphasising proximity to the centre. 3H9 16K General advertisement for McBirney’s in the 19H0s. 350 168 Kennedy and McSharry showing the D’Olier Street frontage. 352 169 A view down the north quays towards Bachelor’s Walk. 353 1K0 The changed face of shopping. 355 1K1 ‘The number in the Ring’. 35K 1K2 Christmas cakes from the Findlater’s catalogue. 358 1K3 Christmas advertisements for Rowntree and Jacob’s chocolates. 359 1KH Craven ‘A’ Christmas advertisement for 193K. 36H 1K5 Crosse and Blackwell range of goods. 365 1K6 Comment on the butter shortage. 36K 1KK Packaging difficulties. 368 1K8 Tea shortage – the ½ oz. ration. 369 1K9 informal means of tea supply. 3K0 180 Switzers advertisement for 19H6 regarding the improving supply position. 3K1 181 Miner’s Liquid Stockings. 3K2 182 Fruitfield – an appeal for jam jars. 3K3 183 Cadbury’s Dairy Milk is back! 3K3 18H FLAK DDT. 3KH 185 A biro – the ultimate gift. 3K5 186 Dunlop rubber and how it coped during the Emergency. 3KK 18K Aerial view of O’Connell Street in the late 1930s. 392 188 Fusilier’s Arch in Stephen’s Green. 393 189 Aerial view of Trinity College environs. 395 190 View of the Botanic Gardens. 396 191 Cover of 19HK printing of Dublin – official guide. 39K 192 Route 3 in the 19HK Guide to Dublin. 398 193 Aerial view of Dublin docks at the beginning of the Second World War. H01 19H Aerial view of the environs of the Four Courts in the 19H0s. H0H 195 Cover of Ward Lock’s 1931 and 193K editions. H06 196 The Ward Lock tour of the north city. H09 19K Cover of Dublin by day and by night. H10 11 Dublin1930 21/10/2014 13:50 Page 482

H82 DUBLiN, 1930–1950

198 Equestrian statue of George ii in St Stephen’s Green. H11 199 Advertisement for Furey’s Motor Tours in the 1930s. H13 200 Modernist advertising for the Holyhead connection. H1H 201 Handbill showing timetable for the Hollyhead connection, late 1930s. H1H 202 Advertisement for Aer Lingus in 19H9. H1K 203 Advertisement for TWA in 19H9. H1K 20H Advertisement for Shelbourne Motors in 19HK. H18 205 The Royal Hibernian Hotel on Dawson Street. H20 206 The reconstructed Gresham Hotel on O’Connell Street. H20 20K Tariff page for the Shelbourne Hotel in 193K. H22 208 The tariff card for the ivanhoe Hotel in the 1930s. H23 209 Tariff page for St Andrew’s Hotel in the 19H0s. H25 210 ‘Booking Ahead’. H32 211 ‘A nice steak’. H33 212 Cover of Holiday in Dublin. H35

List of tables

1. Place of birth in 1936 and 19H6. H6 2. Houses with 6+ families in 1936. 55 3. The wards with the largest number of housing units with 6 or more families in 19H6. 56 H. The cheapest and dearest wards in which to rent, 19H6. 59 5. Wards with best and worst access to individual piped water supply, 19H6. 61 6. Shared sanitary facilities in Dublin ﬂats in 19H6. 6H K. Membership of religious denominations nationally, 1926–H6. 65 8. Building completions by various agencies, 1933–8. 202 9. Dublin Corporation housing schemes in the 1920s. 203 10. Dublin Corporation central ﬂat developments prior to 1939. 205 11. Dublin Corporation rental housing schemes prior to 1939. 20K 12. Number of public utility societies registered, 1931–HK. 212 13. Housing schemes by Dublin Corporation. 221 1H. Food prices in Dublin and Belfast, 19H3. 380 15. Food prices in Dublin and Belfast, 19H5. 381 16. Nutrient intake of 500 Dublin families in 19H6 385 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 483

Index

Abbey Street, N07 Ardee Street, 1R2 BBC personality Voice Abbey Street, Lower, 1R9 Arnotts, MMN, MM6–9, MN1–2, MNN Competition, M12 Abbey Street, Middle, 1R9 Arran Quay, N0, NR, 127 Beann Éadair, R6 Abbey Street, Upper, 11R housing, 5M, 6M Bedford Row, 126, 19M Abbey Theatre, M96, NM9 religious denominations, 66 Behan, Dominic, M6R, MR6 Abercrombie, Patrick, RR, 90, Ashdale Road, 2N5 Belfast, 1R5, MR0–2, N12 9M–N, 96, 100, 105–6, 10R, Ashtown, 179 The Belfast Household Linen 12R, 1N7–R, 15M, 155–6, Associated Properties, 5R, 210– Company, MN6 17N, 177, NMR, NNM–N 11, 21M–15, 217–20, 2M0, Bell, W., M7 sketch development plan, 2N0, 2N2, 29M, N79 Bellvue Park, 270 R7, 92, 116, 11R–20, Aston Quay, 12N, 126–7, 290, Belton, Jack, M2 12N, 127, 1M6, 17M, MN7, M50, N11, NMR Belton Estates, 269 179, 1R2, 19R, NNM, N62 Atkinson’s, M76 Belton Park, 269 Aberdeen, Lord, 1M7 auctioneers, M5M Beresford, Lord William, 106, advertisements, 2N9, 252–N, Aungier Street, NR, M17, N06 150–1 256, 260, 2R0, 2R2, 2R5, Beresford Place, 127, 16R, 176 M1N, MM6–7, MM9, MN2, M72, Bachelor’s, 225, M59 Bewley’s Oriental Cafes, M15, M76, M7R, N15 Bachelor’s Walk, M5N, NMR M21, M52 advertising, 101, 10N, 250, 260, shops, M5N B&I company, M52 270, 275, M0R, M11, M1M, Baggot Street, Upper, M56 Birmingham, 1R5, N16 MM5, MM7, MN1, M51, M60, Bailey restaurant, NM6 Birmingham Post, The 115 M70 Bakelite, 2R5–R6 Blackheath, NN Aer Lingus, N15–16 Balbriggan, NM Blackhorse Avenue, 269 agriculture, M0, M2 Baldonnel, 1M0–1, 1M6, N15 black market, 19N, MR1 Ailtirí na hAiséirghe, 16 Baldoyle, NM Blackrock, 17, 70–N, 77, 1M5, Air Transport Bill, 1MN Balinteer, RM M56 Albert, Prince, memorial to, Ballsbridge, 5M, 25M density of population, 51 1M7–9, 1N5, M9M, N11 Ballybough, N0, NR housing, 51, 25M, 25R, 260, Aldborough House, N07 Ballybrack, 71 262 Alexandra Basin, 17N Ballydowd, N2R population increase, N2, NN Alexandra Guild Tenement Ballyfermot, 90, 220 religious denominations, 66 Company, NN6 Ballyhoy estate, 215 Blackrock College, 67 Amiens Street, 127–R, 1RR, N07 Ballymun, 7M, RM, NNM Blackrock Station, 101 Amsterdam, M7R, N16 Ballymun Road, 179 Blanchardstown, NM, RR Anglesea Street, 19M Bank of Ireland, 105, M2R, N06, Blessington Basin, 119 Annamoe Road, 205 N10, NM9 Blind Lane, 2N5 Annaville Estate, 2N9 banks, M2R, MMM Blood Stoney, Dr Bindon, 152, Anne Street, M02 Bannon, Michael, 105 166 Anne Street, South, 19M Bannow Road, 225 Blythe, Ernest, 1M9–N0 Appeal Courts, 157 Baptists, 66 Boland, Gerald, N2R Arbour Hill, 179 Barber Institute of Fine Arts, Bolton Street, M96 Archer, James, 260 1MR Book of Kells, N10, NMR Archer, Thomas, 260, 262 Barnardo, M07 Booterstown, 66 Architect, The, 115 Bassi and Co, MNR Botanic Road, 17 Architects’ Association of bathing and lavatories, 60–M, bottling plant, MM2 Ireland, 271 292 Boylan and Son, MN6

NRM 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 484

NRN InDEx

Boylan’s, MM7 Cabinteely, N2R Catholic Pro-Cathedral, M9N, Boyne Valley, N02, N12 Cabra, 20, N0, NN, 71, 10M, 20M M96, N07, NNN Brady, George, M1N density of population, 51 Catholics, M0, 65–6 Braemor Park, 25M housing, N9–50, 5M, 61, 205, Cavendish Furniture Company, Bray, 66, MN5, M56 229, 25M, 266–7 M12–1M, MM2 The Brazen Head, NN0 population increase, NN C.E. Hanna (builder), 266 bread, M66, M7R–9 Cabra Road, 20, 22M, 225 census Brennan, Garrett, 1R9 Cabra West Civic Association, 1926, 27, N0, 59, N5M brewing, M0–1 225 population change, N52–M bridges, 11, 1NR–9, 176 Cabragh see Cabra religions, 65 Bridge Street, 1R2 Cadbury’s, M60, M72 19M6, 27, M5–7, N0, N2–N, 56 Bristol, 1M1, N15, NMR cafés, M02, M21, MM9, MNR, density of population, 52 British and Irish Steam Packet NM9–N0, NN6 dependency ratio, 2R Company, N12 Cahill’s, MR9 households in housing British Tea Control, M69 Calderwood Road, 266 units, N5N Broadstone, 119 Camden Street, M9N households per house, N5R Broadstone Station, 126, 22M, Cameron, Sir Charles, 12M housing, NR, 5M, 55 N0R Camlough Road, 227 labour force, M6 Brooks Thomas, MN6 Cantrell & Cochrane, MM2, N05 life expectancy, 2R Brothers Shears, M96 Capel Street, N0, 11R–19, M1M, marital status, 29 Brown Thomas, M05, M07, M09, MN7 migration, N5–6 M11, M21 capital city, 10, 1M–15, 1N7, persons per room, N56 Buchanan, Colin, 200 NNM, N6R population change, N52–M Buckingham Street, Upper, 2M6 Capitol cinema, MM0, N26 religions, 65–6, N61 builders, 95, 9R, 211, 21M, 227, Captain’s Lane, 2N5 see also occupations 2NR, 25N, 256, 260, 26N, Capuchin Annual, The M90 19N6, 27–R, M6–7, NM, 52, 271, 275, 2R1, 2RM–N, C. Archer (builder), 26N 61, NN9 NN7 Cardiff Lane, 16N–5, 17N density of population, 52 building materials, 21M, 2N7, Cardiff’s Lane, Finglas 2M1 households in housing 271–2, 2RM–N, M21 Carlisle Bridge, 10N, 1N9–50, see units, N55 building societies, 2N6, 27N also O’Connell Bridge households per house, Bundoran, Co. Donegal, N12 Carmelite Friary, M9N N59 bungalows, 20, 101, 256 carpets, 2RN–5, M12–1M, M21, housing, N9–50, 56–7 Burgess, E.W., M7 M27, MN2, MNN indoor lavatories, 62–M Burgh Quay, M99 Carrickmines, 76 industrial sectors, NN9 Burton’s, M0N, M09, M1N, MM0, Carrick on Shannon, Co. labour force, MN, M6 MM6, MR7, NN6 Leitrim, 2RN life expectancy, 27–R Busáras, 1N6, 19R, NMR cars, 1R7–R9, 192–M, 196, 19R, marital status, 29–M0 buses, 101, 16M, 190, 196, 19R, 217, 2NR, 271, M02, M17, migration, N5–6 M50, MRR, NN5 N16, N2N nature of tenure and Bushy Park, N11 Carysfort Park, 29 average rentals, N60 Bushy Park Road, N1 Cassidy’s, M19 persons per room, N57 Butt Bridge, 150–M, 156–60, Castleknock, RR population change, N5M 165–6, 16R, 171, 17N, 176 Castle Market, M21 religions, 65 butter, MMN, M56–7, M66, M79, Castle Park Estate, 25M, 26N rents, 59 MR1, NM2, NN0 Castlewood Avenue, 1RR shared lavatories, 6N Butt. Sir Isaac, 150 Cathedral of the Holy Trinity, water supply, 61 Byrne, Alﬁe, 1M1 111 see also occupations Byrne, Archbishop Edward Cathedral Street, NM6 2011, 2R Joseph, 111, 11M–17, Catholic cathedral, new, 105–6, Enumeration Districts, 26 120–1, 1N5, 16R 10R, 110–22, 126, 1N5–6, central bus station, 95, 12N, Byrne, Donn, MM5 177, 179, M90, M9N, N06, 126–R, 1M0, 1N6, 1R2, 19R, Byrne, George F., 2NR, 271 N10, NMR, NNN NMR, see also Busáras 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 485

InDEx NR5

Central Housing Council, city manager, M2, 71–2, 7R, RM, College Green, 10N, 150, 15R, 207–R 92, 117, 17M, 219–20, 229– 160, 16M, 169, 192, 250, Central Statistics Oﬃce (CSO), M0, 2NN–5 MM5, M9M 26–7, 51 City of Dublin School Collins, Michael, memorial to, Century Life, 2N9 Attendance Department, 29 1N5, N11 Chapelizod, 90 City of Dublin Working Mens’ Collins Avenue, 25, 179, 1RR, Charlemont Street, 1RR Club, MNR 220, 22R–9 Chatham Street, M02 City Quay, NMR housing, NN, 2M0, 2NN, 270 children’s allowance, M55 civic improvements, 5, 10–11, Collins Barracks, 1N9 Chiver’s, M72 10N–5, 109, 12N, 1M0, 1M7, Collinstown Airport, 90, 1M0–2, chocolates, M60, M6M, M72, NM7 1NR 1MN, 1M6 Christ Church cathedral, 9M, suggestions, 105–10 Combined Retail and Traders’ 106, 111, 12N Civics Institute of Ireland, 1N, Association, 29R Christchurch Place, 1R2 207 Comeragh Road, 21M Christmas, M67, M7R Civic Survey commerce and ﬁnance, M0, MN– alcohol, M61–M 1925, 1N, N7–R, 157–R M5, 6R cakes, M57, M59 19M5, 66 commissioners for Merrion cigarettes, cigars and Civil Service Commission, M2N Square, 11N tobacco, M6M–5 Civil Service Housing Society, Commissioners for Public groceries, M56–61, M66, M7N, 2N5 Works, 1M2 M7R Civil War, 1M, MMN, M96 Communism, 57 shopping, 297, 299, M1N, destruction following, M2M, compulsory purchase orders, M19–20, M22, M25, MM5, MM0, N19 22M, 2MN, 2M6 MN2, MNN, M51, M56–9, Clanbrassil Street, 1R7 Connaught Tribune, N2R M7N–5, M79, MRM Clanwilliam Place, 1R7 construction and building, M0, churches, RR, 9N, 111, 1N6, 220, Clarence Hotel, MN7–R M6, 57, 95, 115, 1M2, 152, 225, 2MN, 266, N0M, N69 Clare Street, 10R, 1R5 156, 165, 167, 2MR, 272, Church Lane, 19M Clarke, Kathleen, 11R, 1N2 2R0, NNM Church of Ireland, 66, 110 Clerys, 297, M09, M12, M2N–5, consumer price index, 2N7, MR2, Church of the Most Precious M27, MN6, NM6 MRN, MR6, N21, NM7 Blood, 225 Clerys Guide to Dublin, N11 cookers, 267, 271, 2R7–9 Church Street, M96, N0R Clondalkin, RM, RR Cook Street, 12N, 17N, 1R2 CIÉ, see Córas Iompair Éireann Clonmel Road, 217 Cooley Road, 21M cigarette making, MM2, N05 Clonskeagh, N5 Coolock, N2R cigarettes, MM9, M6M–65, MR2, Clontarf, 17, 25, M7, 5M, 70, Coombe, N0M N05, N2N 210 Córas Iompair Éireann (CIÉ), cinemas, MM0, MN5, N21, N25–6, density of population, 51 12R, 19R NM9 housing, 50, 59, 62 Corinthian cinema, MN7, N26 Circular Road, north, 17 population increase, NN Corish, Brendan, 175 Circular Road, South, 5M, 17N, Clontarf East, 6N Corish, Richard, 1N0–1, 162 1R7 housing, 57–R Cork City, 66, M1M, MNM, M57, Citizens’ Housing Council, religious denominations, MR0 219–20 66 Cork Hill, 1R7 city boundary, extension of, 70– Clontarf Road, 20 Cork Street, 1R2 R, R0 Clontarf West, N0 Corless and O’Connell, 267, city centre, 1M, 6M, 10N, 1R9– housing, N9–50, 5M, 5R 270 91, 197–R, 200–1, 2M2, clothing, M07, M09, M12, M19, Cosgrave, Liam, 219 M00, MN6, MR0, MR2, N0R, MN2, M50, M67–R, MRM, MR6, Cosgrave, W.T., 75, 7R, R0, 11N, N10, NN0, NNM–5 N02, NM6 160, 16M–5, N1M lack of, 10N coastal boroughs, 17, 26, 57, cosmetics, MN5, M67, M70–1, M77 city growth, 69, 71, 7M–5, 77, 71–M, 76–R, 100, 25M–N, Costello, John A., 1N2 R1, RM, R5, R7, R9, 91, 9M, 260, 262 Council of the Federation of 95, 97, 99, 101 Cogan, Patrick, NM0 Saorstát industries, 192 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 486

NR6 InDEx

county borough of Dublin, Delap, Mr Alfred, 165–6, 16R Drumcondra Road, Upper, 1RR 26–7, 29, N5, 52, 65–6, 79, Delap and Waller, 165 Drury Street, 19M R1, 99, 250, N26–7, Delville Road, 217 Dublin Airport, 1M0–2, 1MN–5, N29–M0, NN2 Denny’s, M5R NMN, NNN, see also trading hours, 299–M00 department stores, M05, M07, Collinstown Airport County Councils’ General M17, M20, M25, MMR, MN0–1, Dublin and District Council, 99 MNM–N, MN6, M50, MR6 see Housebuilders’ Association, County Management Bill, R6 also Arnotts, Brown 2NR Cowan, Captain Peadar, 1N2 Thomas, Clerys, Roche’s Dublin Bay, 275, NM6 Cowley, Patrick, 299 Stores Dublin by Day and by night, Cowper Gardens, 25R Derrig, Thomas, MN MR9, N0R, N66 Cowper Road, 25M de Valera, Eamon, 120–1 Dublin Castle, 10N, 106, 1NR, Craig, Elizabeth, 2R2 Diamond Coal Company, M5M M9N, N10, NMR credit, 2N6, MN1, MNN Dillon, John, 2RN, M5R Dublin City Council, M2, 69 Cremore, 2NR Dinan and Sons, 225 Dublin City University (DCU), Crosse and Blackwell, M60, M66 Dingle Road, 227 7M Croydon Airport, 1M6, N1M, N15 distilling, M0–1 Dublin Corporation, R0–R1, Crumlin, 17, N2, 56, 71, 10M District Court, 19M, 197, M00 R6–7, 90–R, 10M, 117, 12M– density of population, 52 District Court (Areas) Order N, 1M0, 17M–N, 201–2, 20N– housing, 5M, 57, 59, 61–M, 1926, N27 6, 219–20, 229–MM, 2N1–2, 205–6, 21M, 220–1, district electoral divisions, 26–7 2NN–5, NN5–6 22M, 225, 227, 2M0, Dockrell’s, M21 bridges, 171–72, 175–6, 1R9 2MR, 2N2–M, 2N5, 29M–N Dodder, River, 17, 17N guidebooks, MR9–90, N06 population increase, NN Doherty, W.J., 150 housing, NN, N6, 102, 17N, Crumlin north, 206 D’Olier Street, 169, 171, 296 201–7, 219–21, 22M, Cruskeen Lawn, 1N2 Dollymount, NN 225, 22R–M0, 2MR, 2N1– CSO, see Central Statistics Dollymount Avenue, 179 2, 2NR, NMN, NM9, NN6, Oﬃce Dolphin Hotel, NM2, NN0 see also compulsory Curran, C.P., 119 Dolphin House, 2MR purchase orders, tenant Cushing Smyth, Frank A., 105 Dolphin’s Barn, 266 purchase Custom House, 106, 127–2R, Dominick Street, NR, 105, 179, interim powers, 95 156–7, 177, MN7, M9N, N07, M96, NM9 nelson’s Pillar, M9M NMR Dominick Street, Lower, 2M6 reconditioning, 2MM–N, NMN cyclists, 1R6, 190, 192 Donnycarney, 25, 9N, 20M, 221, reserved area schemes, 210, 22M, 227–R, 2M0 2N2 Dáil, 72, 7R, R5, 9R, 112, 1M1, housing, 9N, 221, 22M, 227– road infrastructure, 157 1M7, 1M9–N0, 1N5, 162–M, R, 2M0 town planning, NN5 165, 212, 299, M69, MRN Dorset Street, 10N, 179, 1R7 Dublin Corporation Housing Daily Mail, The, 115 Dorset Street, Upper, M56 Committee, 225 Dalkey, 70–2, 1R5, M56 Doyle, Lynn, M91 Dublin Corporation’s General Dalkey Hill, 100, 102 Drapier Green, 217 Cleansing Division, MN9 Dame Street, 10N, 15M, M17, Drapier Road, 215 Dublin County Borough, 27, M19, M9N, N06, NM9, NN1 Drimnagh, 217 29R, N29 Dartry, 275 Drogheda, Co. Louth, N0M Dublin County Council, 90, Davis, Thomas, statue of, 1N0 Drumcliffe Road, 225, 227 1M2, 165, 176, 215 Davy Byrne’s, NN0 Drumcondra, 1N, 16, N0, 5M, Dublin Housing Consultative Dawson Street, 110 70, 10M, 20M–N, 21M, N79 Council, 2M1 DCU see Dublin City housing, N6, 57, 61–N, 20N, Dublin Metropolitan Area, N27, University 210, 2NR, 250, 2R1 N29 Deansgrange, NM religious denominations, 66 Dublin Metropolitan Police, Dean Street, 1R7 ‘reserved areas,’ 2N2 traﬃc survey, 157 Dean Swift Green, 217 shopping, 296, MM6 Dublin Mountains, RM, 100, Dean Swift Road, 215, 2RM Drumcondra north, NN, 61 1M1 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 487

InDEx NR7

Dublin – official guide, M90, M9N Earlsfort Terrace, N07 Everett, Mr James, 1N1 Dublin of the Future, 105, 15M Earl Street, 190, MM1, MN6, NR0 Everton Field, 2N9–50 Dublin Opinion, 56, 1N0, 19N, East Link Bridge, 17N, 176 Elvery’s, M29 27N, 29M, M55, M57, N16, NM1 East Wall, 17M Exchequer Street, N2N Dublin Port and Docks Eaton Square, 2N5 (Bridges) Act, 1929, 171, economic war, 16 fabrics, M19, M21–2, MN2, NMR 17M, 175–6 Edenmore, NNM Fairbrother’s Fields, 20M Dublin Port and Docks (Bridge) Eden Quay, 12N, 171, M29, MN7, Fairview, 17, M2, 1RR Bill, 1927, 160–M M99, N26 Fairview Park, 9M Dublin Port and Docks Board, Edward Lee’s, MNN Fairview Strand, 1RR 167–R, 171–M, 176 Egan’s, MM6 Falconer, MM2 Dublin Port Bridges Act, 1R76, eggs, MMN, MM6, M56–R, MRM–N, Fanciers’ Stores, M5N 157, 159 NM2, NM6–7, NN0 Farney Park, 25M, 260 Dublin Regional Authority, 69 Eighth Lock bridge, 22M fashion, M11–12, M19, M21, M25, Dublin Registered Milk Eileen Loftus, M07 MMN, MM9, M51, M7R Vendor’s Association, 29R Elbow Inn, MN5 Fashion Week, M12, MM9 Dublin Rotary Club, 57 electrical appliances, 2R5–R, Fassaugh Avenue, 225, 227 Dublin Saunter, M02 M11, M76, NN7 Fassaugh Road, 25 Dublin Smelting Company, MNR electricity, 21N, 2M6, 26N, 267, Fatima Mansions, 2MR, 2N0 Dublin United Tramway 270–1, 2R2, 2R6, 2RR, 291, Fawsitt, Diarmuid, 29R Company, 171 299, NN7 Fearon’s, 271 Dublin Woolen Mills, M5N Electricity Supply Board (ESB), Fenning, Thomas J., MN9 Duke Street, 19M, M02 2R2, 2RR, N00 Fianna Fáil, 16, 7N, 77, 120, Dundrum, 17, N5, RM, 90 Ellenfield, 221 272 housing, 2N9, 25M, 2R0 housing, 9N, 220–2, 227, 50/- tailor, M09, MM6 Dún Laoghaire, 17, 27–M0, 229–M0 Findlater Place, MM2 MN–5, 6R, 71–N, 77, R1–M, Elton Park Estate, 262 Findlater’s, 29R, M21, MM2, MM6, 9M, 100–2, 1RN–5, M56 Emergency, 10–11, 175, 200–1, M56, M5R, M60–1, M6M, density of population, 51 215, 22M, 2R9, 295, 299, M65–6 ferry port, N12, NM1 M66, M71, M75, MR1, N25, Fine Gael, 1N5 housing, 50, 59–60, 62, 25M, NM0, NM2 Fingal County Council, 69 256, 260, 262, 295 housing, 271 Finglas, 25, 90, NNM public houses, N29 Emergency Powers (Early housing, 22M, 2M1, 295 religious denominations, Closing of Shops) Order, Finglas north, RM 65–7 299 Finnegans Wake, 1NR shops, 29R, MM6, MN5 Emergency Powers order, 19M9, First World War, 112, 196, 211, town planning, 100–10M 19N N00 Dún Laoghaire Borough, M6, emergency Powers Order RM, Fitzgerald, Desmond, 1MN M00, NN2 MRM FitzGerald, Lord Edward, 1N2, Dún Laoghaire Civic Survey, Emmet, Robert, M9N M9N 19M6, 66 Emmet Road, 1R7 Fitzpatrick’s, MM7 Dún Laoghaire Corporation, employment, M0–2, MN–6, 67–R, Fleet Market, 152 219 210, 2M2, N05 Fleet Street, 17N, 1R2 Dún Laoghaire Home Builders’ Ennafort Park, 270 food, 11, M0, RM, RR, M60, M65–7, Public Utility Society, 219 Errigal Road, 21M–1N M70, MR1–2, MRN, MRR, NM2, Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown, 2R ESB see Electricity Supply Board NM6–7, NN0, NN7, NN9–51 Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown Esmonde, Osmond, 162, 165 prices, MR0–1 County Council, 69 Essex Bridge, 1N9 Fortfield Road, 26N Dunlop, M7R Essex Quay, MNR Foster’s Avenue, 1R2 Dunlop Road Guide, N1M Eucharistic Congress, 19M2, Four Courts, 10R, 296, M9N, Dunluce Road, 271 15–16, 101, 115, 1N6, M99, N0R, NMR Dunmanus Road, 227 167–R, MM2, M90, N19 Fownes Street, 191, 19M Dunn and Co., M17 Eustace Street, 179 Fox and Geese, N2R 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 488

NRR InDEx

Foxrock, M56 George I, King, statue of, 1MR Gray, E.D., 152 France, 159, M07, M6M, M66 George II, King, statue of, M9N, Great Brunswick Street, 152 Frances (salon), M07 N11 Great Charles Street, 2M6 Francis Street, M9N George’s Quay, 152, 197 Great Council, 71 Frederick Street, 1R7 George’s Street, 10R, 152, 179, Great Depression, 2N6 Freeman’s Journal, 112, 150–1, M17 Greater Dublin Commission of MN0 Georgian city, NR, 10N, 119, Inquiry, 70 Free State, 26–7, 11N, 1MR, 1R9, 12M, 2M7, M92, M9N, M96, Greater Dublin Reconstruction 211–12, N05 M99, N05, NMN, NM9, NNR Movement, 106 Friendly Societies Acts, 1R96 Gibney, Frank, 1M0 Greater Dublin Tribunal, R6–7, and 190R, 209 Gilbey’s, MM2 R9–91, 102 Friends Provident, 2N9 Gilford Drive, 260 Great George’s Street, north, fruit, M61, M66–7, M75, MRN, Gilford Park, 25M, 25R, 260 2M6, M96, M99, N0R NMN, NM7 Gilford Road, 25M Great George’s Street, South, Fruitfield, M72 Gill (booksellers), MM2 N2, 106, M17, M56, M9N, N06 furniture, 271, 2R5, M12, MN2–N, Gilmartin, Archbishop Thomas, Great northern Railways, N12 N50–1 2R6 Great Southern and Western Furry Park, 25, NN Giron, Louis, 11R Railway (GS&WR), 1N9 Glamour of Cork, M90 Great Southern Railways G. &. T. Crampton (builder), Glamour of Dublin, M90 Company, 126, 20, N12 2N0 Glandore Road, 266 Greenfield Road Estate, 26N Gaiety Theatre, N26 Glasgow, 200, N1M, NMR Greenock, N1M Galtymore Road, 21M Glasnevin, M7, 5M, 70 Green Park, 275 Galway, M57, MR0 density of population, 51 green space, R7–9, 96, 12N, 1R2, Gandon Bridge, see Butt Bridge housing, 50, 61–N, 250, 2RM 21N, 222, 225 Garda Síochána, 127, 1N5, 17M, religious denominations, 66 Grenville Street, 2M6 1R6–90, 192, 225, M70 Glasnevin Cemetery, M97, M99 Gresham Hotel, M2N, MM2, N11, garden cities, 1N, R7, 90, 266, Glenageary Park, 270 N19, N21–M, NM6 27N–5 Glenageary Road, Lower, 25N Griffith, Arthur, memorial to, Gardiner and Pembroke estates, Glenageary Road, Upper, 25R 1N5, N11 10N Glenbeigh, 250 Griffith, Dr John, 166 Gardiner’s Place, 1R7, 2M6 Glendun Road, 222 Griffith Avenue, 17, NN, 179, Gardiner Street, 2MN, NM9 Gloucester Diamond, 2MM–N, 25M Gardiner Street, Lower, 1R7, 2M6 GS&WR, see Great Southern 2M6 Goad Plan, M17, MM2 and Western Railways Gardiner Street, Middle, 1R7 Goatstown, 2R0 Guild Street, 16N–5, 17N gas, 196, 2M6, 2R2–M, 2RR, 291 Goldenbridge, N2 Guiney, Denis, M27 Gas Company, 2RM, 2RR, 291, Good, John, 7R, 162 Guiney’s, M25, MN6 NN7 Goulding, Senator Seán, NM0 Guinness, 1N9, 162, 2N5, M6M, gas producer, 196 Government of Ireland Act, N02, N05, NN0 Gate Theatre, NM9 19N9, N0M ‘Gazelle,’ M7R Government Road Fund, 1R5 H. & J. Martin (builder), 227, Geddes, McCarthy and nolen, GPO, see General Post Office 2N5 157 Gracepark Road, 266 Haddington Road, 1R7 Genders, Roy, NMN, NM6–N1 Grafton Street, N2, 192, N07, Hafner’s, M21, MM6 General Post Office (GPO), NMN, NM6, NN1, NN6 Hall, Canon, 210 10N, 106, M2M rents, M05 Hall, Peter, 2M2 General Purposes Committee of shopping, 296, M01, M1R Hamilton and Long, M29 Dublin Corporation, 110, Grand Canal, 17, 70 Hammam Hotel, M2N, MMM, N26 127–R Grand Canal Dock, 17N Hammond, Charles, 11N General Steam Shipping Grand Central Cinema, MM0 Hampstead Hill, 2NR, 266 Company, M5M Granite Hall Estate, 25N Ha’penny Bridge, 157, 16R, Geneva, M91 Grattan Bridge, 106 M5N, NMR 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 489

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Harbour Road, 101 housing, N0, N6–N7, 9N, 220, Ideal Home exhibition, M12 Harbours Act, 19N6, 176 25M, 25R Imperial Hotel, M2N Harcourt Road, 1RR central heating, 2R2, N20, Inchicore, N2, 116, N05 Harcourt Street, 1RR, N2N N2M–2N index of dependency, 2R Hardwicke Crescent, NM9 density of occupation, 51 Industrial and Provident Hardwicke Hospital, N0R description of, 209–10, Societies Acts, 1R9M to Hardwicke Street, 2M6, N0R 221–2, 225, 227–R, 191M, 209 Harold’s Cross Road, 17, N1 2M6, 2N9–50, 256, 25R, inner city, 1M–1N, M7, N0, NR, Hart, James, 29R 260, 262, 26N, 266, 51–2, 110, 1R2, 2MR, 25M, Hartstown, RM 269, 275–7, 2R1–M M01, N72 Harvey, John, 6R, 1N7, NMN, facilities, 60 housing, 67, 2M2 NM6, NN0 newly-weds, 2N2, 2N5–6 see also wards Hatch Street, 191 quality of, NR, 5M, 57, 67 Inns Quay, 6M Haverty, A., M09 reconditioning, 2MM–MN, 2M6 Inquiry into the Housing of the Hawkins Street, 197 rental properties, 21M, 220, Working Classes of the City Hayward, Richard, NMM 2R2 of Dublin, 201 Hazelbrook Road, 262 single-family dwellings, 5M, Institute of Civil Engineers, 166 Hazelton, Connor and Co., MNM 55–6 insurance companies, 2N6, M5M Hennessy, Thomas, 162 social mix, 2N2 Intoxicating Liquor Act, 1927, Henrietta Street, M96, N0R, NMN, state support, 20R–9 N26 NM9 see also Dublin Corporation, Intoxicating Liquor Bill, 19N2, Henry Street, 190, 192, MNM–N, private housing, public N29 N07, NN1, NN6 utility societies, reserved Inver Road, 225, 227 shopping, M07, M09, MMN area housing, semi- Irish Army Air Corps, 1M0 Herberton Road, 266 detached housing, Irish Builder and Engineer, 119 Hernon, P.J., 92, 117, 17M, 219, slums, social housing, Irish Civil Service Permanent 2M0, 2MN, 2N1, 29M, 295 tenements, terraced Building Society, 272, M5M Hewat, Mr William, 161 houses Irish Construction Company, Hibernian Bank, M2R Housing (Amendment) Act, 2N9, 266 Hickey’s, MN6 19NR, 21R Irish goods, 2RN, 2RR, M07, M21, High Court, 91, 96–R Housing Act, 272 M27, MMN, M50–1, M56 Highﬁeld Road, 25M 1925, 207–9 Irish Homes, 252, 275–7 High Street, M9N, N06 19M2, 209–10, 2RN Irish House, MNR Hill of Tara, N12 Housing Amendment Act, Irish Housewives’ Association, hire purchase, 5R, 60, 20M, 291, 19NR, 2NN NM7 M1M Housing Committee of Dublin Irish Independent, 110, 115, Hodge’s, 290 Corporation, 2MM, 2N1, 1R6, M11, M25, MM2, M67 Hogan, John, 29R 2NN–5 Irish Press, 110, 116, 1N0, MMN Holiday in Dublin, NMN Housing Inquiry, 202, 2N2, 2R9 Irish Republican Army (IRA), Holyhead, N12, NMN 191M, 1M 1M9 Home and Colonial Tea 19M9, 2N0 Irish Sailors’ and Soldiers’ Land Company, MM6 19M9–NM, 2M0 Trust (ISSLT), NR, 209, Home Farm Park, 266 Howard, Ebenezer, 1N, RR, 90 211–12, 256 Honan, Senator, NM0 Howth, 25, 71, R2–RM, 102, Irish Sea Airways, N15 Hopkins and Hopkins, M2R M56, N0M, N2R–9 Irish Times, 29, MN, 102, 110, hotels, M2N, MM0, M69, M99, N19, Howth Main Drainage system, 116–17, 122, 12R, 1M0–2, N21, N2N–7, NM1, NN1 9M 1MN, 1MR–N0, M2N, M52, House and Room Dwellers’ Howth Road, 20, 25, 57 NM1, NM7 Protection Society, 2N1 Howth Urban District, 71, Butt Bridge, 165–6, 17M house prices, 217, 227, 2N7, R5–6 Christmas shopping, M59, 25N, 260, 262, 26N, 266, Hoyt, Homer, M7, N1, NN2 M6R 269–70, 27N, 277, 2R0 Hughes, John, 1M7 food pricing, M57 housewife, 270, M72, MRN Hyde Road, 219 gas cooking, 2RR 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 490

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Irish Times (continued) Kehoe’s, M5R Laird’s, MM2 housing, 57, 210, 21N, Kelleher, D.L., 92, M90–1 Larkfield Gardens, 209 2M2–N, 2N1, 2NR, 250, Kellett’s, M19, M21, M76 Larkhill, 25, 220–2, 229 252, 266, 276 Kelly, Arthur, 105 Larkhill Road, 222 interior design, 2R5, 292 Kelly, Sydney A., 105 Laurence O’Toole, St, 111 kitchen appliances, 2RR–9, Kelly, W.J., M1N Lavarna Grove, 266 291 Kennedy and Mcgonagle, 25R Lavell Modes, M17 nelson’s Pillar, 16R Kennedy and McSharry, M52 Lawrence photographic new bridges, 1R9 Kenny (Messrs John Kenny and company, M17 O’Connell Bridge, 167 Sons?), 252, 275, 2R0 Lazer’s Hill, 152 parking, 1R9, 192, 197 Kent, Jeanne, M11–12 L.C. Richie (builder), 26N pedestrians, 190 Kettle, Mrs Andrew, 167 Le Corbusier, Charles-Édouard, shopping, M01, M07, M11–12, Kevin Street, 21R 2M2 M1N, M22, MM5, MM9, Keyes, Michael, 219 Leeson Lane, 197 MNM, M51, M66, M7R Kildare, County, 91, M90 Leeson Street, Lower, 197 smoking, M6N Kildare Road, 206 Lehane, C., 1N2 survey of prices, MR1 Kildare Street, 10R, 110, 1N1, Leinster House, 10N, 1M7–N2, television, 2R6 N07 1N5, N07, N10 tourism, NM6, NN1 Kildare Street Club, 110 Leinster Lawn, M9M, N11 town planning, 96–7 Killaloe, Co. Clare, 2RN Leinster Street, 10R, M56 traffic, 16M, 167 Killarney, Co. Kerry, MRR Lemass, Seán, 75, 1M1, M69, traffic lights, 1R5–6 Kill Avenue, 219 MR2 transport, 150, 16M Killbarrack, 71 Lemon’s, M29 Irish Tourist Association (ITA), Killester, 20, 25, 57, 71, 90 Leon, MNN MR9–90, M9M, N06 Killiney, NN, 71–2 Leonard, Simon, 271 Irishtown, 2MR Killiney Hill, 100 Liberties, NR, N06 Irish Union of Distributive Kilmainham, N2, 5R, 70 Liberty Hall, N07 Workers and Clerks, 299 Kilmore, NNM licensing laws, N27–9 Irish Week, M21 Kimmage, 56, 10M Liffey, River, 17, N0, 10R, 12N, Irish Women Citizens’ and density of population, 52 172 Local Government housing, 26, 59, 62, 2MN Liffey Street, 10R, 179 Association, 122 population increase, NN Liffey Street, Lower, 11R Isle of Man, N15–16 Kimmage Cross, 266 Limerick, M25, NMN ISSLT, see Irish Sailors’ and Kimmage Road, N1, 262 Linen Hall, 119 Soldiers’ Land Trust Kingsbridge, 5M, 22M Linzell, G.M., 2NR, 250, 266, ITA, see Irish Tourist Association Kingsbridge Station, 1N9 276, 2R1, 2RM Ivanhoe Hotel, N2N King’s Inns, M9N Lipton’s, MM6 Iveagh Trust, 6N, 21R–19 Kingston’s, MMM Liverpool, N12, N15–16 Kingstown, 70 Liverpool and Lancashire J. & R. Thompson, 262 King Street, north, 179 Insurance Company, M5M Jacob’s, M1, M59–60, M7M, N05 King Street, South, 1R2, 19M, LMS Railway Company see James’ Street, 1R2 M17 London, Midland and Jammet’s, NM6 kitchen appliances, 2RR–9, M76, Scottish Railway Company Jersey, N16 NN7 local authorities, 1N, 57, R0, 91, Jews, 65 99, 1M2, 1N7, 157, 207, J. O’Connell (builder), 262, 26N labour force, M1–2, M5, 6R 209, 217, 2N7, 272, 27N, Johnson, norbert, 1N0 age profile, M2, MN–5 2RN Jones, Rupert, 276, 2R1 female, M0, M2, MN–6 local government, 27, 7N, 1MR Joyce, James, 1NR male, MN–6 Local Government Labour Party, 7N, 77–R, 1N0, (Amendment) Act, R5 Kapp and Peterson, M29 NN6 Local Government (Dublin) Kavanagh and Sons, 25R, 260 Lafayette photographic business, Act, 19M0, 27, 71, R0, 99 Keating, Seán, 1N0 M5M debate, 72–R0 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 491

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Local Government (Dublin) manufacturers, 2RM, MMR, M5M, Messrs John Kenny and Sons, Tribunal, R0–2 MR2 252, 275 19MR, 76, 79, R6 Maolbuille Road, 217 Methodists, 66 Local Government (Planning Maretimo Gardens West, 262 Metropole Hotel, M2N, MM0, and Development) Act, 91 Marino, 1M–1N, 16–17, N0, 10M, N21, N25–6 196M, 91 20M, 21M metropolitan corporation, R6 Local Government Act, 27 density of population, 51–2 middle class, 1N, M2 192R, 1M2 housing, N6, 50, 5M, 5R, 62, areas, M7, N1, 50, 5M, 61–2, 19N6, 176 20N 66–R, 7N 1991, 69 ‘reserved areas,’ 2N2 houses, 2R1, 2RN locomotive works, N05 Marlborough Street, 115, 2M6, housing, NN, 5R, 61, 66, 201, Locoums, M60 M99, NM9 209–10, 2NN, 2N6, 250, London, RR–9, 10N, 1NR, 1R5, Martin, M.G., 116 25R, 2R1, 2RN, NN2–M, N07, N12, N15–16 Mary Street, 296, NN1 NN7 London, Midland and Scottish Mary Street Cinema, MN5 population, N0 (LMS) Railway Company, Mater Hospital, N0R shopping, M05, MN1, MNN, 122, M52 Matterson’s, M59 M56, M65 Loop Line Railway, 152, 156, Maxwell, John, 11N suburbs, 77, 201 166 Mayfield Road, 2N5 Middlesbrough, 166, 17N Lord Edward Street, 106, 10R, McAneney, P., 256, 25R Milan, M7R 15M McAteer, Desmond, 1MN–5 milk, M6M, MR1, MRM–5, NM2 The Lord Mayor’s Handbook, McBirney’s, 2R5, 297, M50–1 Millar and Beatty, M05, M12 92–M McCarthy, Dermod, 111 Millar and Symes, 276 Loughlinstown Commons, 100 McEvoy, P.L., 219 Milltown, 25M Lucan, RM, RR, N2R Mcgloughlin, J., 1R9 Misery Hill, 17N Lucan Road, 1RN McGuire, John, M09, M11 Mitchell’s, M15 Lunham’s, M5R, M72 McHugh Himself, MN6 M.J. Davis and Co., 27N Lyceum Picture Theatre, MN5 McMahon, James, 57 Mobhi Road, 2RM McManus, Ruth, NR, 201, 207, Modern Homes Ltd (Ireland), M50, 179, 1RN 2N2, 2NR, 269 96–R, 260, 26N MacEntee, Seán, 76–7 McMullen, Louis, 11M–1N Molesworth Street, 110 Macey’s, M19 Mcneice, Louis, 1M ‘Molly Bawn,’ 292 Mackey’s, MM2 McQuaid, Dr John Charles, Monaghan, 66 Madame Christy’s trio, M21 116, 11R, 1N5 Monasterboice, Co. Louth, N12 Magennis, Professor William, meat, 299, MR2–RN, NM2, NN0 Monkstown, 7N 160 Meath, County, 91, M90 Monument Bakery, MM0 Magnificat Family Guild, 2N5 Mellifont Abbey, N12 Monument Café, M15, MM0 Maguire and Gatchell, M22–M Merchant’s Quay, NN Monument Creamery, M15, MM0, Mahon, Sir Bryan, 112 Merrion Row, 19M, NM6 MM6 mains drainage, 72, 76–7 Merrion Square, 10R, 110, Moore Street, MM2, NM9 Malahide, NM, RM, R5, RR, M56 12M–N, 1R7, M96, NM9, NN1, Moss Street, 162, 176 Malahide Road, 179, 22R NNN Moss Street Bridge, 162 Mallagh, Mr Joseph, 166 new cathedral, 112–16, motorcyclists, 1R9, 196 Mamey Co-operative Group, 11R–2M motorists, 1R5–R, 192, 196–R 2N5 tourism, M9M–9N Mountjoy Prison, N0R Manchester, 70, N12, N16 Merrion Square Tennis Club, Mountjoy Square, NR, 56, 119, Manor Street, 179 116 1RR, M96 Mansfield Sisters, M71 Merrion Strand, RR, 1MN, NNN density of population, 52 Mansion House, N9, 51, 5M, Merrion Street, Upper, 10R open to public, 12M–N 110, 1MR, 1N2, 2R6, M9N Messrs Crampton, 12R Mountjoy Square Act, 19MR, Mansion House ward, N9, 51, 5M Messrs Fearon, 225, 227 12N density of population, 51 Messrs G.F. Beckett and J.A. Mountjoy ward, N0, NN, NR–9, housing, 5M Geoghegan, 105 52–N 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 492

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Mountjoy ward (continued) nephin Housing Society, 2N5 messengers, M1–2 density of population, 51–5 nesbitt, R., MM6, MMR–M9 metal workers, M1 housing, 55, 5R–9, 6M newell’s, M05, M07 motor mechanics, M1 religious denominations, 66 newfoundland Street, 17N–5, porters, M1–M2 Mount Merrion, 17, 25, N5, 76, 2M7 postal workers and sorters, R1–2, 1RN newpark, 76 M1 housing, N2, 250, 252, 27N, newport Bridge, 172 publicans, M2 2R0–1 new Street, 1R2 servants, 29, M1–2, MN–6, NR, Mount Merrion Estates, 275 newtown Park Avenue, 25R 6R, 25M, 2R1, 2R9, N19, Mount Street, Lower, 1R7 nicholas Street, 1R7 N21, NN7 Mount Tallant Avenue, N1 nicholl’s, M22, M75 shoe makers, M1 Mounttown Road, Lower, 256 1916 Rising, 1M, M2M, MM0, MMN, shop assistants, MN Mourne Road, 21M MMR, N0M tailors, M1 Mourning Warehouse, M17 destruction following, M2M– tailors’ machinists, M1 M.P. Kennedy (builder), 25N, N, MM0, MN6, N19 teachers, M1, MN 256 noblett’s, M0N typists, M1, MN M. Rowan (seed and plant north City, N0, NM–N, 51–2, 56, waiters/waitresses, M2, MN seller), M52 61 O’Connell, Daniel, statue of, Ms Doran’s Salons, M70 density of population, 52 16R Mulcahy, General Richard, 72, housing, 61 O’Connell Bridge, 12R, 152, 1MN, 1N2, 2RN north City Public Utility 165, 16R–70 Municipal Boundaries Society, 2N5 O’Connell Bridge, 165, 170, Commission (Ireland), 70 north Dock, 5N 190 Municipal Gallery of Modern north Donnycarney Tenant’s O’Connell Street, 1M, N0, M2N, Art, M91, N0R Association, 2N1 M99, N06, N0R, N16, N26, Munster and Leinster Bank, M2R northlight Razor-Blade NM6–M7 Murphy TD, Joseph F.x, 11N company, MNR shopping, 296, M2M Museum of natural History, 1N5 northside, N2, 296, M2M, M29, traﬃc, 15R–9, 16R MMN, N0R, NN2–M O’Connell Street, Upper, 191–2 naas Road, 1RN housing, 26, 12M, 201, 221, O’Connell. T.J., 7N na gCopaleen, Myles, 1N2, 1N5, 25M, 266, 295 O’Connor, Andrew, 101 197–R, 2R5 population change, NM–N O’Connor, Batt, 162 nassau Street, 192 religious denominations, 66 O’Dwyer, Senator Martin, NM0 national Botanic Gardens, M97, shopping, MNN O’Gorman, John, 116 M99 north Strand, 2M6 O’Hagan, Arthur, 117 national Federation of ex- northumberland Road, 1R7 O’Hagan Ltd, 117 Servicemen, 2N5 north Wall, N05 O’Hanrahan, MM2 national Gallery, 10N, M91, N07, north Wall Quay, 197 O’Higgins, Kevin, 11M, 162, NMR nutley Avenue, 1R2 N11 nationalist, 66, 7N, 1M7, M9M memorial to, 1N5 national Library, 10N, 1M7, N07 Oaklands Drive, 26N O’Kelly, Seán T., 7N national Museum, 10N, 1M7, O’Brien, Flann, N27–R old age pensions, 297, M55 M91, N07 occupations, M0 Old Bride Street, 2MN national nutrition survey, MRN–5 accountants, M1 Old Cabra Road, 2N9 national planning conference, bakers, M1, M7R–79 Olympia Theatre, N26 99 boot makers, M1 O’Mahony, T.C., 2MR national University of Ireland, civil servants, M1, MN, M6 O Maoláin, Tomás, 1N0 N11 clergy, M1 oranges, M61, M66, MR1–2, NM7 navan, Co. Meath, N12 clerks, M1, MN–5, 299, N50–1 Ordnance Survey, 16, 17M, 217 nelson Pillar Act (1969), 1M9 delivery personnel, M2 Ormond Hotel, M5N nelson’s Pillar, 10N, 1M9, 16R, doctors, M1 Ormond Printers, M5N 1RR, 271, M2M, MM2, M9M, hairdressers, M2, MN Ormond Quay, M5N, NMR N06, N11 local administrators, M1 Ormond Quay, Lower, 11R, NMR 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 493

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O’Rourke, H.T., 90, 9R, 2R9 Portmarnock, NM, RM, R5, RR Rataoth Road, 227 Osborough, 1M7 Portobello Bridge, 1RR Ratepayers’ Association, R5 Ossory Road, M60 Port Tunnel, 1M6 Rathfarnham, 17, 25, N0, NN, O’Sullivan, John Marcus, 75 potatoes, M59, MR0–2 5M, 71 O’Sullivan, R., 7R poverty, N6, MR6, N06 housing, 59, 62, 25M, 262, Premier Tailors, MM7 26N The Palace, NM6 Presbyterians, 66 religious denominations, 66 Paris, 10N, 1NR, 155, N1M, price differences, M57, MR1–2 Rathgar N15–16 price increases, M70 housing, 25M, 26N parking, 165, 1R9–9M, 197, 21N, prices, low, M19, MMN, MM9, MN1, religious denominations, 66 M02 MNN, NM7 Rathlin Road, 21M Parliament Street, 10R, 1R7 Princes’ Street, MMR Rathmines, 1N, 16–17, M7, N0, Parnell Square, 10N, M9N, M96, printing works, MM2, M5N NN, 5M–5N, 70–2, 7N, 76, N0R ‘The Priory,’ 27N 7R, R0–1, 102, 25R, M56, Parnell Street, 179, NM9 private housing, 9, NN, N7–R, NN2 Patrick Street, 1R2, 1R7 6R, 2N2–M, 262, 269, 295, density of population, 51 Paving Board, 15M N79 housing, 50, 5R–9, 6M, 25M Pearse Street, NM9 Proby Square, 25R religious denominations, 66 pedestrians, 1R5–R7, 190 Protestant, 66 Rathmines and Rathgar, N0 Pembroke, 1N, 16–17, N0–1, NN, Protestant Episcopalians, 65 Rathmines and Rathgar and 5M–N, 70–2, 7N, 76, 7R, public administration, M0–1, Pembroke (Equalisation of R0–1, 102, 11N, NN2 MN–6, N00 Rates) Act 1901, 70 housing, 50, 6M Public Health (Ireland) Acts, Rathmines Public Utility religious denominations, 66 1R7R and 1R96, 1M2 Society, 209 renting, 5R Public Health Committee, 152 Rathmines Road, 1RR Pembroke and Rathmines, M7 public houses, M00, M1N, MN5, Rathmines Urban District Pembroke East, 61 MN7, M5N, M67, N26, N29, Council, R0 Pembroke estate, 11M, 115 NM9–N0 Ratoath Road, 22M Pembrokes, 11M–1N public inquiry RDS, see Royal Dublin Society Pembroke Urban District 19N1, 2MN Red Bank Restaurant, M5M–N Council, 7R, R0 19N5, 2MN Redesdale Estate, 27N Perambulator, 120 public parks, RR, 11M, 122–N, Redmond’s Hill, M17 Phibsborough, 2NR 126, 222, 269, 27N, M90, refrigerators, 271, 2R9–92, 296 Phibsborough Road, 17, 20 M9N Regal Park, 269 Philipsburgh Avenue, N0 public transport, M5, 101, MRR rental market, 56, 210, 21M, Phoenix Park, 1MN, 1M6, 179, public utility societies, NR, 202, 21R, 29M, 295 M97, M99, NNN 207–10, 212, 2N2, 2NN, rents, 5R–60, 6N, 12M, 209, 21M, Phoenix Park Mall, 156 2N6, 270, 29M, 295 215, 21R, 2MM, 2MR, 2N0–1, Pigeonhouse Fort, 1M5 Purcell, John, MM2, M5M 2R2, M05, NM9 piggeries, M2 Purcell, noel, M02 economic, 220, 2N0–1, 2NN, Pims, 297, M17, M19, M21 2R2 P.J. Carroll Ltd, M77 Quarry Road, 25 reserved area housing, 227 Plymouth Brethren, 66 Queen’s Theatre, N07 restaurants, NMN, NM6 Poplar Row, 220 Queen Street, 179 Revenue Commissioners, MMM population Quidnunc, 122 RHA, see Royal Hibernian change, N0, N52–M Academy density, RR radial routes, 155–6, 179, 1R2, RIAI, see Royal Institute of the distributions, M6–7 NNM Architects of Ireland health, MRN–R5 radios, 2R5–6, 291 RIBA, see Royal Institute of marital status, 29–M0, M2–M, Rafter, Revd J.P., 219 British Architects M5, 6R Raheny, 25, 66 Richie, L.C., 26N, 266 migration, 67 Ramleh Park Estate, 25M Richmond Hill Estate, 25N–6 redistribution, 69 Ranelagh, M56 Richmond Hospital, N0R 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 494

N9N InDEx

Richmond Lunatic Asylum, N0R Royal Irish Academy, M91 districts, MR6–7 Richmond national Institution, Royal Theatre, N07, N26 price and quality variation, MM2 Russell Street, M6R MR0–N Richmond national Institution Rutland Avenue, 2M0 pricing, M09, M5N for the Instruction of the Rutland Memorial, 115 streets (main), 11, 190, M00, Industrious Blind, MM2 Rutland Square, 106, NM9 MM6, MN6 Richmond Penitentiary, N0R Rutland Street, Lower, 2MN see also Christmas, credit, Richmond Road, 1RR Ruttledge, P.J., R5 hire purchase, shops Richmond Street, 1RR Ryan, Fergus, 119 shops Richmond Street, South, 19M Ryan, John, NM0 antique sellers, M5N, NMR Ringsend, 17M auction houses, M5N The Rise, NM, 2R0 Sackville Picture House, MM0 booksellers, MNR–9, NMR Riversdale Estate, N1 Sackville Place, MN6 butchers, MMN, MM6 road infrastructure, 9M, 9R, 101, Sackville Street, 10N, 106, 109, coal merchants, M5M 179, 1R2, 1R5, 196, 19R, M2N, see also O’Connell confectioners, M5N 200, 21N, 222, 225–6, 2M0, Street dairies, MMN 266, N1M Sandycove, 101, 262 drapers, MMN, MM6 Roberts, Robert, M15 Sandymount, 1M5, 25M, M56 estate agents, M5N Roberts and Co., M07 Santry, N2R frame and statue makers, MNR Robertson, Manning, 51, R7, Savoy cinema, M2N furnishings, MMN, MNN 100–2, 1MN, 1N6–7, 1RN, Schweppes, MM2 grocers, MMN, MM6, M5N 2N9, 276 Scott, Michael, 1M0 laundries, MNR Robinson, John J., 11R Scrutator, 99 milliners, MM6 Roche, W., MNM Seaﬁeld Park, 275 opticians, MN7 Roche’s Stores, MMN, MM7, MNM Seale, M52 outﬁtters, MMM, MM6 Rock Road, 101 Seanad, R5, 112–1M pet shops, M5N Roebuck, 76 Sean McDermott Street, NR, seed and plants, M52 Rome, 1NR 1R7, 2M6 shoe shops, M12, M21, M29, Rosemount Estate, 25M, 266 Sean McDermott Street, Upper, MM5–7 Rotunda ward, NN, NR–9, 5N–5, 2M6 tailors, MMM, MM6–7, MNR, M52 N0R Seapoint Avenue, 101 tobacconists, 299, M17, MN7– density of population, 51–2 Seapoint Station, 101 R, M5M–N housing, 5M, 5R, 61–M Second World War, 16, 29, 9N, watchmaker, MNR Rowan Park, 25M M5N, MR6 Shops (Hours of Trading) Act, Rowntree’s, M60 Self Reliance Building 1926, 297 Royal Air Force, 1M0 Association, 2N5 Shops (Hours of Trading) Act, Royal Canal, 2NR, N0R Selfridge’s, M09, M11 19MR, 297 Royal Canal Docks, 17N semi-detached houses, 20M, 210, shortages/rationing, 1RR, 19M–N, Royal Dublin Society (RDS), 221, 256, 260, 262, 266–7, M56, M66–79, MR6, NM2, NN7 1M7, M91 2R0–1, 295 coupons, 19N, M51, M67–R, Royal Exchange, N2, NN, NR–9, Seville Place, 1RR M76, M7R, MRM 56 sewerage provision, R1 Simms, H.G., R9–90 density of population, 51–2 Shandon Crescent, 271 Sion Hill, 29 housing, 5M, 5R, 61, 6M Shandon Park, 2NR–50, N79 Sion Hill Estate, 25M Royal Hibernian Academy Shandon Road, 2NR Sisk, John, 27N (RHA), 1M0 Shankill, N2R Skerries, NM Royal Hospital Kilmainham, Shelbourne Hotel, 110, M2N, Slane, Co. Meath, N12 106, 1N5 M60, N19, N21, N2M–5, NR2 Slattery’s, M5R Royal Institute of British Sherlock, Dr Lorcan, MN1 Slowey’s, MM6 Architects (RIBA), M90 sherry, M61–2, M76, MR0 slums, M7, 7M, 77, 10M, 20M–N, Royal Institute of the Architects Shevky, E., M7 209, 21R–19, MRN–5, M91, of Ireland (RIAI), 116, 11R, Shoe Lane, 152 NN1, NN6, N71–M 1M0, 1N6 shopping, 15, 192 Slyne, M05, M07 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 495

InDEx N95

Small Area Population Statistics, St Patrick’s cathedral, M9N, N06, tenant purchase, 5R–9, 20M, 227 26 NMR tenements, N6, NR, 52, 5N–7, Small Dwellings Acquisition St Paul’s Church, NMR 6M–N, 12N, 2MM–N, M17, Act, 2N6 Stradbrook Road, 25R MM5, MR6, M9N, M96, N00, Smithfield, 10N, 126–27 Strain, Alexander, 2NR NMN, NM9 social housing, M7, 51, 60–2, St Stephen’s Green, 122, 1MR, Tenters’ Fields, 1R2 67–R, 201, 22M, 2NN, 250, 1R2, 191, M9M–N, N07, N11 Terenure, 25, N0–1, NN, 71, 9N 295, NNM, NN5 St Stephen’s Green, north, 10R, housing, 57–9, 61–M, 9N, social welfare, M55 110 2N5–6, 25M, 26N Society of Friends (Quakers), 66 St Stephen’s Green, South, 197 Terenure College, N11 solicitors’ offices, M5N St Theresa’s Gardens, 2MR Terenure Park, 2N5 Sorutator, 192 Studies, 1MN terraced houses, 206, 21M, 217, South City, N2, N9 suburbs, 69 221–2, 227–R, 266, 271 South City Markets, M19, M21 growth and development, theatres, N21, N25–6, NMN South Dock, N9, 56 201, 20M, 205, 207, Thomas Street, M56 South Dublin County Council, 209, 211, 21M, 215, Thom’s Directory (directories), 69 217, 219, 221, 22M, 12N, M0N, M2N, N25 South Hill Avenue, 262 225, 227, 229 Thorncastle Street, 17N southside, 296, MM6, MNN, M56, Suffolk Street, 19M Thrift, Liam, 162 NN2 Summerhill, 52, 2MN, 2M6 Thwaites, MM2, N05 housing, 26, 201, 2NR, 250, Supreme Court, 91, 96–7, 212, Tierney, Professor Michael, 7M 252, 262, 275 21R Todd Burns, 297, M1M, M21, population increase, NN Sutton, 179 MMN, MMR, MN0–2, MNN religious denominations, 66 Swift, Jonathan, M9N tourism, 10, MRR, N02 tenements, NR Swilly Road, 227 accommodation, NN1 Stafford Street, M1M Switzerland, M7R city guides, MRR–R9 St Agnes Park, 2N5 Switzers, 2R5, M05, M07–9, M11, commercial guides, N02–M, St Agnes Road, 2N5 M21, M67 N05–R, N10 St Andrew’s Hotel, M22, N2N Swivel Bridge, see Butt Bridge historic buildings, MR9 St Anne’s, 215, 266 Swords, NM, RM official guides, M91–2, M9N, St Anne’s Estate, 9M Swords Road, 1RR, 221, 2N5 M96–N02, N0R, N11 St Attracta Road, 205 Sydenham, MNN 19MM, M90–1 St Barnabas Public Utility tourist, excursions, M90, N0M Society, 210 Talbot Memorial bridge, 176 tourist attractions, M9N, M9R St Eithne Road, 205 Talbot Street, 1R7–R, 190, 296, churches and cathedrals, Stella Avenue, 21M M25, M27, MM6, MN5 M90, M9N, M96, N06, Stephen’s Green, NR, 106 Tallaght, 17, NM, RM, 90, 1R2, N0R, N10, NMR Stephen Street, 1RR N11 cinemas and theatres, M96 Stevenson, G., 2R1, 2R6 Tara Station, 152 historic buildings, M90, M9M, St Fintan, Road, 205 Tara Street, 151, 15M, M99, N07 M99, N0R, N10 St George’s Church, N0R Tara Street, South, 197 museums and galleries, M90, Stillorgan, 76, 1R2 Tara Street Baths, 152, 166 N07, N10 Stillorgan Road, 1R5 TCD, see Trinity College Dublin parks and gardens, M90, M97, St Jarlath Road, 205 tea, M02, M21, MM9, M61, M6N, M66, M99, N07 St Joseph’s Parade, 2M2 M6R, MR1, N25, NN0, NN7 universities and learned St Kevin’s, NN Tedcastles, M5M societies, M90–1, N06–7 St Mary’s Abbey, N07 Tees Transporter Bridge, 160, 166 tourist guides, modern city, St Mary’s pro-cathedral, 110 Telegraph Hill, 100 M99–N02 St Michael’s Church, 116 telephones, N20, N2M–N tourist routes, M91, M9M–N, M96– St Michan’s Church, M96, N0R television, 2R6, NN7 7, M99, N06–7 Stormanstown Road, 217 Temple Bar, N2, 1R2, 1RN public transport, N11 St Pappin’s Green, 217 Temple Lane, 179 tourists, MRM, MRR–9, M9R–9, N07, St Pappin’s Road, 215 Templeogue, N11, N2R N11–12, NM1, see also visitors 12 Index3clms 21/10/2014 13:52 Page 496

N96 InDEx

Tower Bar, M1N, MNN–5 Tyler’s, MM7 wards, 27, M7, N0, NN, NR–9, 66 Town and Regional Planning Tyrconnell Road, 17 inner city, N0, N2, NN, 5N Act 19MN, 91–2, 95, 100, Tyson, M1N War Memorial Gardens, 11M 102 War of Independence, 1M town planning, 1N, R9–100, UCD see University College washing machines, 271, 2R9–90, 102–M, 25M, 29M Dublin NN7 Town Planning Act, R1 UK, R7, R9, 2M0–2, 272, 2R1– Waterford, M1M Town Planning Committee, 92, R2, 2RN–6, 2R9–90, M57, Waterford Street, 2M6 95, 97, 10R, 110, 117, 127, M67, MR2–M, MR7, NM1, NM6– water supply, 60–2, 72, 77, R1, 1R2, N01 7, NN0, NN7 2M6 Town Planning Institute, 1M0 unemployment assistance, M55 Watling Street, 2MN town planning schemes, 91–2, The Unicorn, NM6 Weir and Son, M07 95–7, 100, 117 unionist, 66, 7N, 1M7 Wellington Quay, 179 towns United Irish Plotholders’ Union, Werburgh Street, M9N new, R7, R9, N66 217 West and Son, M07 satellite, RR–90 United States, 2R2, M67, MR7 Westland Row, NN1 Towns Improvement Act, 1R5N, Universe, The 115 Westminster, 7N R5 University College Dublin Westmoreland Street, 159, 190, Trade Loan guarantee Act, 2N2 (UCD), 7M, N07, N10 296, MM2, MN7, M50–M Trade Union Acts, 1R71 to University of Birmingham, 1MR Wexford Street, M17 191M, 209 Unwin, Sir Raymond, 91 Whelan, W., 1M7 traffic, 19M urban decay, NR, 1RN, 2N0, MNR, Whelpton, Eric, NMN, NM6–N1 congestion, 15, 12R, 1NR– M99–N00, N02, N06, NM9– Whitefriar Street, M9N 50, 152–M, 155–7, 159, N1, NN5 Whitehall, 25 16M, 17N, 1R9, 19M urban governance, 69, R7 Whitworth Hospital, N0R flow, 100, 152, 159–60, 169, Usher’s Quay, 5N wholesalers, M17, MMR, M5N 177, 200, M50 utility societies, 209–10, 212, W. Holmes and Co., M19 horse-drawn, 157, 16M, 177, 21R Whyte and Sons, M21 1R2, 190 Wicklow, County, 91, N02–M, NM1 lights, 1R5–R, 19M, NNN Van Aalst, Madame, M21 Wicklow Street, M07, M56, M71 surveys, 15M, 15R, 16M–6N, Vard, M07 Wide Streets Commission, 10N, 166 vegetables, M59, M67, MRN, N22, 1NR, M92, NM9, NNM Traffic and Safety First NM7 Wide Streets Commissioners, Association, 127 Ventry Road, 57 10R, 1N9, 15M, 169, M51 trains, 260, 262, MN6 Vernon, Henry, 11M Wiggins Teape factory, M60 trams, M1, 101, 10N, 150, 152, Vernon Avenue, 20 Wilfield Park, 25M 157, 159, 16M, 171, M9N, Victoria, Queen, MRR Williams, H.W., MM6 M99, N0R, N10, N16, NNN statue of, 1M7, 1M9–N0, 1N2, Williams, M., M7 transport and communications, 1N5, M9N, N07 William Street, South, 19M M1–2, M5–6, 6R, MR1 Victoria Wharf, 101 Windy Arbour, NM transporter bridges, 5, 159–60, visitors, 101, MN7, MRR–R=9, Wood Quay, N2, NN, N9, 5N, 66, 16M, 166, 171 M91–N, M96–7, M99, N02–M, 10R, 12N transport infrastructure, 1NR–R1, N05–R, N10–12, N16, N19, Woolworth’s, M0N, MMN, MN5, 1RM–9, 191–200, see also N21, NM1, NM5–7, NM9–N1 MR7, NN6 trams, trains working class Tribunal on Urban Governance, Wadelai Green, 217–1R, 220 areas, M5, 67 19MR, NN2 wages and salaries, 2N7, 295, M5N, housing, 2M2, 2N0, 2N5, M9N, Trimleston Estate, 25N, 256 MR2–N, MR6–7, NM1, NN7 N00, N69 Trinity College Dublin (TCD), Wales, 159, N12 W. Pickering (builder), 25R 159, 169, N06, N10–11, Walkinstown, 90 Wright, Myles, 91 NMR–9 Wall, Bishop Francis, 117 Trinity ward, N2, N9, 2M2 Wallace, M5M York Street, 2M6 True Form Boot Company, M29 Ward Lock, MR9, N02–M, N05–6, turkeys, M5R, M67, M7R N0R, N11 Zurich, M7R