A Short Biography of Frederick Douglass

Table of Contents

DR. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. COALITION – HAWAI`I 2003 ...... 3 THE DR. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. COALITION – HAWAI’I ...... 4 “THAT FIRST DAY OF JANUARY” ...... 5 WITHOUT HERSTORY WE HAVE NO FUTURE:...... 6 IN MEMORY OF THE LATE HONORABLE PATSY T. MINK ...... 7 IN MEMORY OF THE LATE...... 8 MESSAGE FROM MAYOR JERRY HARRIS...... ERROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED. MESSAGE FROM GOVERNOR ...... ERROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED. DR. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. QUOTES ON WAR ...... 9 CONGRESSMAN JOHN CONYERS & MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR...... 11 THE MAKING OF A HOLIDAY: HOW MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. GOT HIS DAY...... 12 MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. HOLIDAY SCHEDULE ...... 13 “LIVING HARMONY . . .”...... 14 CIVIL RIGHTS, CIVIL LIBERTIES, NON–VIOLENCE, RESISTANCE, EXHIBITION...... 14 THE QUEEN & DR. KING ...... 15 DELTA SIGMA THETA SORORITY, INC. FOUNDERS DAY DINNER ...... ERROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED. KAPPA ALPHA PSI GOLF TOURNAMENT...... ERROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED. “LIVING HARMONY . . .”...... 17 NAGASAKI PEACE BELL ...... 19 MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. 2003 PARADE PARTICIPANTS ...... 20 UNITY RALLY ...... 22 AIN'T I A WOMAN? ...... 23 JANUARY 1, 1863...... 24 SPEECH BY WILLIE LYNCH TO VIRGINIA PLANTATION OWNERS...... 26 EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION...... 28 THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION, AN ACT OF JUSTICE...... 30 IN THE SPIRIT...... 37 HARRIET TUBMAN...... 39 UNDERGROUND RAILROAD...... 40 TIME LINE OF THE CIVIL WAR, 1863...... 41 HARRIET BEECHER STOWE...... 46 DR. SUSAN MCKINNEY STEWARD ...... 47 DR. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. PEACE POEM CONTEST ...... 53 HONOLULU-PACIFIC FEDERAL EXECUTIVE BOARD...... 54 CONGRESSMAN JOHN CONYERS & MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. ERROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED.

www.mlk-hawaii.org

2 Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Coalition – Hawai`i 2003

Officers: Marsha Joyner ...... President Donald Hayman ...... Vice President Juliet Begley ...... Secretary William Rushing ...... Treasure

Co-Sponsor: City & County of Honolulu,

Mayor’s Office of Culture & Arts

Event Chairs: Art Show & Reception: Marsha Joyner & Juliet Begley Candlelight Bell Ringing Ceremony: Marsha Joyner & Rev. Charlene Zuill Parade Chairs: William Rushing & Pat Anthony Unity Rally: Jewell McDonald Vendors: Don Hayman Webmaster: Don Hayman

Coalition Support Groups: African American Association AKA Sorority Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity Ba’hai International Golden Visions Enterprises Hawaii African-American Repertory Theater Hawaii Government Employees Association Hawaii Navy/Marine Corps Black History Coalition Hawaii National Guard Hawaii State AFL-CIO Hawaiian National Communications Corporation Headquarters US Pacific Command Island Unity Coalition NCTAMS-Hawaii National Weather Service ‘Olelo: The Corporation for Community Television State of Hawai’i United Nations Association of Hawaii United States Military University of Hawaii Professional Assembly

3 THE DR. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. COALITION – HAWAI’I 2003 is the 15th anniversary of the Dr. Martin Luther King Holiday in Hawai`i. The Celebration has grown a lot over these years. The Holiday was officially proclaimed by the state legislature to be the 3rd Monday of January. Beginning January 16, 1989.

During the heady days of the 80s when the state had lots of money the Martin Luther King commission was formed by the state. The interim commission was formed July 1, 1989 to June 30 1990. Then a permanent commission was formed. The State of Hawai`i Martin Luther King, Jr. Commission, (with commissioners from many different ethnic groups), won National awards for its scope and depth of the holiday celebrations. In 1995 as the state’s money dried up the commission was sunset. The remaining money was transferred to the Civil Rights Commission.

To continue the work of the Commission, The Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday Coalition was incorporated in 1995 by a group of dedicated African-American residents of Honolulu. The coalition is a non-profit organization, which performs many community service events that carry on Dr. King's principles of peace for all mankind. To assist the fledging organization in 1996 the Civil Rights Commission stepped in with financial aid and expertise.

Since that time the Coalition has coordinated the Holiday and other community events, which grow larger every year. At the request of Mayor Jeremy Harris, since 1998 the City & County of Honolulu has been the co-sponsor of the Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday. Due to City & County budget constraints, now, we have major corporate sponsors. They are: a`a Party Supply www.aapartysupplies.com (808) 677-1964

Aston Waikiki Beachside Hotels (808) 931-2100

American Savings Bank Bank of Hawaii

First Hawaiian Bank GEM of Hawaii (Electric Cars) [email protected]

Hawaii Governments Employees Association http://launch.hgea.org/

Hawaii State AFL-CIO [email protected] (808) 597-4114

Ian Mattock Law Offices www.ianmattoch.com (808) 523-2451

Unity House (808) 945-0050

4 “That first day of January”

"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom’

Abraham Lincoln, President

5 WITHOUT HERSTORY WE HAVE NO FUTURE:

Historians have begun to realize that history is where you find it, and not merely male dominated European or white North American; and the same is true of politics. Until the participation of women in the political arena is recorded, one can speak only impressionistically about the historical events.

Most histories are written on the assumption that most often political histories are based on the histories of men in politics, since they dominated the forefront of political action and usually held top party positions. However, over the years we have come to know that even if women did not occupy top positions, they were there. That is true not only in politics, but in every facet of life.

One cannot talk of Emancipation without talking about women. Therefore, throughout this book, we will take a glimpse into women of different races, backgrounds and places in history. We stand today on the ground won by women of yesterday. It is a debt we owe. It was a hard won fight, a costly one, now we need to prize it. Marsha Joyner 12/1/2002

“When I ran away from slavery, it was for myself; when I advocated emancipation, it was for my people; but when I stood up for the rights of women, self was out of the question.” Frederick Douglass, April 4, 1888

6 In Memory of The Late Honorable Patsy T. Mink United States Congresswoman, Hawaii "This is not the end, it is not even the beginning of the end, it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning.” Winston Churchill

Patsy T. Mink was the beginning of so many things. Being born at the time when women and especially minority women were not woven into the fabric of America.

· Just being accepted at a university was a challenge for women. Arriving at the University of Nebraska, she fought and won a battle against segregated student housing.

· The first Japanese American woman attorney in Hawai’i, having a law degree from the prestigious University of Chicago. None of the local Law Firms would hire her, she started her own firm.

· She knew that unless she worked actively to change things, she would never get anywhere professionally like generations before her.

· Mrs. Mink was the first President of the newly formed Young Democrats in 1954.

· The first woman of color to serve in the U. S. House of Representatives.

· Patsy was one of the first & most vociferous opponents in Congress to the war in Vietnam.

· One of the first members of the women’s movement. She never wavered from her role as a proud, partisan, liberal feminist.

· A member of the NAACP and other Civil Rights organizations.

· She authored Title IX le gislation that opened up school athletics and academics to women. Authoring volumes of laws for the betterment of women & children, early childhood education and family medical leave. She always had time for the disenfranchised & the poor.

· The tiniest woman with the biggest voice in Congress.

· McCall's magazine named her one of the 10 best politicians in Congress.

· Patsy took on the entire United States Air Force during the Viet Nam War to move my family to Hawaii. For the past 30 + years she has been there for me, and countless other people. Everyone I know has a “Patsy story”.

I only wish I had one tenth of her valor, courage, and confidence to take a position and staunchly never bow. I will miss her so much.

Saturday, September 28, 2002 was the end of the beginning. Marsha R. Joyner

7 In Memory of The Late Dolores Mahealani Lulukamakani Furtado Martin 9/27/1909-11/16/2002

Born in Lahaina, to Lucy Napela Kaukau, a schoolteacher and Antonio Dias Furtado, a tradesman, before women had the right to vote. Dolores, at 94 with skin kissed by the golden sun, a most delightful voice so full of life, recalled, “As a child there were two things that was always discussed in the family, besides education, and that was my father’s wish to organize a Democratic Party, and do something about labor unions.” She went to say, “That was the kind of house we were brought up in. We were taught about, we were always talking Democratic Party—Democratic Party and labor unions.”

Dolores was National committeewoman from Hawai`i. She worked behind the scenes in Washington, D. C. to make Hawai`i statehood a reality. “Whenever you look at the statehood picture you’ll see Dolores Martin there.” Jon Mink described Mrs. Martin "a driving force in the Democratic Party during its early formative years, and deeply involved and highly recognized on both the local and national level, particularly during the Kennedy-Johnson era. "She served all of her party functions well, and she managed to do the things she did without causing any animosity," Jon Mink said. She was a member of · The Daughters and Sons of Hawaiian Warriors (MAMAKAKAUA), · 'Ahahui Ka'ahumanu Chapter 1, · Daughters of Hawai'i, · The Ladies Oriental Court of North America, Hawaii Court No. 60. · The Portuguese Genealogical Society. · A long time supporter of Hawaiian Causes, including Protect Kahoolawe Ohana. · In 1991 she endowed 13 merit scholarships at Punahou (for minority students) with a gift of a $1.6 million Waikiki property to the school. · She was a benefactor for the Portuguese Genealogical Society of Hawaii.

8 Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Quotes on War

A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

Martin Luther King, Jr., Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community?, 1967.

Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. I speak for the poor in America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as an American to the leaders of my own nation. The great initiative in this war is ours. The initiative to stop it must be ours.

Martin Luther King, Jr., The Trumpet of Conscience, 1967.

The limitation of riots, moral questions aside, is that they cannot win and their participants know it. Hence, rioting is not revolutionary but reactionary because it invites defeat. It involves an emotional catharsis, but it must be followed by a sense of futility.

Martin Luther King, Jr., The Trumpet of Conscience, 1967.

Nonviolence is the answer to the crucial political and moral questions of our time: the need for man to overcome oppression and violence without resorting to oppression and violence. Man must evolve for all human conflict a method which rejects revenge, aggression and retaliation. The foundation of such a method is love.

Martin Luther King, Jr., Nobel Prize acceptance speech, Stockholm, Sweden, December 11, 1964.

[I]t is necessary to understand that Black Power is a cry of disappointment. The Black Power slogan did not spring full grown from the head of some philosophical Zeus. It was born from the wounds of despair and disappointment. It is a cry of daily hurt and persistent pain.

Martin Luther King, Jr., Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community?, 1967.

Like an unchecked cancer, hate corrodes the personality and eats away its vital unity. Hate destroys a man's sense of values and his objectivity. It causes him to describe the beautiful as ugly and the ugly as beautiful, and to confuse the true with the false and the false with the true.

Martin Luther King, Jr., Strength To Love, 1963.

Human salvation lies in the hands of the creatively maladjusted.

Martin Luther King, Jr., Strength to Love, 1963.

The bombs in Vietnam explode at home; they destroy the hopes and possibilities for a decent America.

Martin Luther King, Jr., Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community?, 1967.

The hottest place in Hell is reserved for those who remain neutral in times of great moral conflict. Martin Luther King, Jr.

10 Congressman John Conyers & Martin Luther King, Jr. · Representative Conyers wrote and led the drive for the Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday Act of 1983. · Among the many legislative initiatives of Mr. Conyers is the bill to examine the present-day effects of slavery, and the feasibility of reparations to be paid to African-Americans. · The list of legislative accomplishments during Mr. Conyers time in Congress is long and impressive. He introduced the Hate Crimes Act, which would make it easier for federal authorities to prosecute racial, religious and gender- based violence. The Act passed both houses but was not sent to the president: it will be re-introduced in the 107th Congress.

· Mr. Conyers was the original sponsor of the National Voter Registration Act, which passed the House and Senate in the 103rd Congress and was signed into law by President Clinton in 1993. · Representative Conyers was the primary author of legislation to raise the Environmental Protection Agency to cabinet status, as well as remedy the disproportionate environmental burdens on minorities. http://www.house.gov/conyers/news_biography.htm

11 The making of a holiday: How Martin Luther King Jr. got his day Kristina Lanier The effort to establish Martin Luther King Day as a national holiday proved nearly as contentious as the civil-rights marches Dr. King led before his assassination on April 4, 1968. · It took 15 years before a bill was signed making the third Monday of January an official holiday in celebration of King's life and work. · The delay wasn't due to a lack of persistence. The push to create the holiday began early. Four days after King's assassination, Rep. John Conyers (D) of Michigan introduced legislation to the House. · Individual states began enacting King holidays in the early 1970s. Illinois signed the first state King holiday bill in 1973, followed by Massachusetts and Connecticut in 1974. But despite concerted lobbying and petition drives, Congress didn't move forward with legislation. · Arguments against the holiday included the cost to taxpayers, concerns over singling King out over other leaders, and accusations that King was a communist. · In 1979, the bill made it to a vote in the House only to be defeated. It was defeated again the following year. · But pressure to establish a federal holiday intensified with high profile lobbying by King's widow, Coretta Scott King, and performer Stevie Wonder. · In November 1983, the King holiday bill was signed into law by President Ronald Reagan. The first national Martin Luther King Day was observed in 1986. · Resistance to the holiday persisted among some states. In 1989, six states did not observe the holiday. Since then, five of the six have recognized the day (Idaho, Wyoming, Montana, South Dakota, and Arizona). New Hampshire still does not observe the holiday.

The URL for this page is: http://www.csmonitor.com/durable/1999/01/12/fp14s3-csm.shtml For further information: · Martin Luther King, Jr. Day On the Net

· Martin Luther King, Jr.: A LIFE Tribute

Please Note: The Monitor does not endorse the sites behind these links. We offer them for your additional research. Send Editor E-mail | Go to Forums | Get Free E-mail Update

12 Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday Schedule

· “Living Harmony” Open Art Exhibit at Honolulu Hale 1/11 –1/25/2003

· Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Inc. Founders Day Dinner 1/13/2003

· Kappa Alpha Psi Fraternity, Golf Tournament 1/17/2003

· “Living Harmony” Art Awards & Reception, Honolulu Hale 6:30 p.m. 1/17

· Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday Bell Ringing Ceremony 6:30 p.m. 1/19

· Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday Parade 9 a.m. 1/20

· Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday Unity Rally at Kapiolani Park 11:00 a.m.1/20

· Peacemakers Award, Church of the CrossRoads 7:00 p.m. 1/20/2003

· Civil Rights Film Festival, Honolulu Hale 1/29/2003

· Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday/Black History Month Featuring author, poet,

playwright & lecturer, Ishmael Reed. East-West Center, Feb 7, 2002.

13 “Living Harmony . . .” CIVIL RIGHTS, CIVIL LIBERTIES, NON–VIOLENCE, RESISTANCE, EXHIBITION

“We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people, but for the appalling silence of the good people.” Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. 1963

· Juried Multi-medium Original Art Works Show. Open to ALL artist with original art work. Original art created within the past two years. · Honolulu Hale Courtyard, 530 King Street, Honolulu, will be the site of the “Living in Harmony . .” original art show. · The theme is: CIVIL RIGHTS, CIVIL LIBERTIES, NON– VIOLENCE, RESISTANCE. · Artist’s Entry, January 11, 2003 9am – noon · Jury, January 12, 2003 10 am-1pm · Confirmation of Art Accepted in Show, January 13 & 14, 2003 · Winner Announced & Reception, January 17, 2003 We have five outstanding jurors for this show. They are: Juror: Rich Richardson – Assistant Director, The ARTS at Marks Garage. Juror: Marie “Dolly” Strazar, - Director Lyman Museum, Hilo, Hawai’i Juror: Elaine Zinn, Hawaii State Foundation, Culture & The Arts

Different categories: Black & white, Computer Art, Collaborative works, Experimental Art, Interactive Art, Installation Works, Large Scale pieces. Pottery, Sculpture, 2D, 3D & Electronic media.

Different medium: Acrylics, Etchings, Film, Digital, Gouache, Glass, Metal, Mixed medium, Oil, Photography, Video, Water Color, Wood

14 The Queen & Dr. King 110th Commemoration Of The Armed Invasion And Overthrow Of The Hawaiian Kingdom & The 74th Birth Of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

They were people of peace whose lives were notably lacking in peace. She a deposed, a Queen--He an embattled young minister. The Queen that would not shed one drop of her people's blood to save a nation and the young minister, whose philosophy of non-violence won him a Nobel peace prize. Their time and place on this earth did not overlap, but their scars came from the same source.

They were prisoners. Their prisons were not the same, his--the cold wet cells of Southern jails. Hers the stark emptiness of an upstairs room closed off from the outside world, in the palace. Stripped of their dignity, stripped of their "somebodydness". Managing to retain their spiritual being while imprisoned they inspired nations, gave hope to their people, wrote, beautiful songs, long letters, thought long thoughts and prayed long prayers. It is the product of these imprisonments that has brought us here.

It is injustice that they were victims of, victims of broken promises, victims of greed, victims of racism, victims of sexism. The victims of the colonizer who has had an ugly record of brutality, has handed out grossly unjust treatment in the courts and consistently refused to engage in good-faith negotiations.

Dr. Martin Luther King wrote in his 1963 letter from a Birmingham jail: "I have reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block in the stride toward freedom is not the White Citizens Council or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate who is more devoted to order than to justice; who prefers a negative peace, which is the absence of tension, to a positive peace, which is the presence of justice."

“We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single

15 garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly affects all indirectly. We can never again rest with the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and does not deal with underlying causes.”

Queen Lili`uokalani yielded her throne under protest, trusting the American government would right the wrong done to her people when U.S. troops backed the revolutionaries

“It is a rule of common law that the acts of any person deprived of civil rights have no force nor weight, either at law or in equity; and that was my situation. Although it was written in the document that it was my free act and deed, circumstances prove that it was not; it had been impressed upon me that only by its execution could the lives of those dear to me, those beloved by the people of Hawaii, be saved, and the shedding of blood be averted. I have never expected the revolutionists of 1887 and 1893 to willingly restore the rights notoriously taken by force or intimidation; but this act, obtained under duress, should have no weight with the authorities of the United States, to whom I appealed. But it may be asked, why did I not make some protest at the time, or at least shortly thereafter, when I found my friends sentenced to death and imprisonment? I did. There are those now living who have seen my written statement of all that I have recalled here. It was made in my own handwriting, on such paper as I could get, and sent outside of the prison walls and into the hands of those to whom I wished to state the circumstances under which that fraudulent act of abdication was procured from me.” Liliuokalani

Queen Lili`uokalani is escorted by guards up the steps of the palace, where she was imprisoned after a cache of arms was found in her garden during the counterrevolution of 1895

A queen to the end to her people, Queen Lili`uokalani died in 1917, her plea for justice unanswered."(Hawaii State Archives)

http://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/liliuokalani/hawaii/hawaii.html

16 “Living Harmony . . .” CIVIL RIGHTS, CIVIL LIBERTIES, NON–VIOLENCE, RESISTANCE, EXHIBITION AWARDS & RECEIPTION

110th Commemoration of The Overthrow of The Hawaiian Nation & 74th Anniversary of the Birth of Dr. King

Honolulu Hale Courtyard

January 17, 2003

6:30 p.m.

The Royal Hawaiian Band

Mayor’s Proclamation

Introduction of Judges The four outstanding jurors for this show are: Juror: Rich Richardson, Assistant Director, Arts at MARKS Garage Juror: Elaine Zinn, Arts in Education Coordinator for the State Foundation on Culture & The Arts. Juror: Marie “Dolly” Strazar, Director Lyman Museum, Hilo, Hawai`i

Presentation of Awards to Artist

Different categories: Black & white, Computer Art, Collaborative works, Experimental Art, Interactive Art, Installation Works, Large Scale pieces. Pottery, Sculpture, 2D, 3D & Electronic media.

Different medium: Acrylics, Etchings, Film, Digital, Gouache, Glass, Metal, Mixed medium, Oil, Photography, Video, Water Color, Wood

17 THE DR. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. COALITION – HAWAI`I & THE CITY & COUNTY OF HONOLULU

Bah’ i International Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Inc. SGI – Youth Peace Committee - Hawaii United Nations Association of Hawai’i

Invite You To Be Our Guest The 15th Annual Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday Candlelight Bell Ringing Ceremony Nagasaki Peace Bell Honolulu Hale Civic Grounds January 19, 2002 6:30 p.m.

People say, what is the sense of our small effort? They cannot see that we must lay one brick at a time, take one step at a time. A pebble cast into a pond causes ripples that spread in all directions. Each one of our thoughts words and deeds is like that. No one has a right to sit down and feel hopeless. There’s too much work to do.

Dorothy Day

18 NAGASAKI PEACE BELL

"We are deeply moved and very much gratified that the Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Coalition has chosen to hold its annual bell-ringing ceremony at the Nagasaki Peace Bell to honor the birthday of the American Nobel Peace prize awardee." said Katsuichi Fukahori, leader of the Nagasaki Bell Presentation Committee delegation and an atomic-bomb survivor.

The Nagasaki Peace Bell is a gift to the people of the City and County of Honolulu from the survivors of the atomic bombing of Nagasaki and their supporters. Recognizing that true steps to peace must begin with acknowledgment of harmful actions in the past, the survivors in Nagasaki wished to make a gesture of reconciliation to the people of the city of Honolulu, which sustained a military attack by their country on December 7, 1941.

Working through the organizing efforts of the Congress Against Atomic- and Hydrogen-Bomb Committee of Nagasaki and the Nagasaki Prefecture Hibakusha Membership Association, these victims began a lengthy process of raising funds and negotiating with the mayor and the city council-of Honolulu for acceptance and placement of the peace bell monument at a location acceptable and appropriate for the general public. Through mutual efforts the groups in both cities saw the success of the project in the dedication ceremony which took place on December 7, 1990 on the grounds near the city hall, Honolulu Hale, when the peace bell was rung for the first time to the great satisfaction of the delegation of sixty or more of the Nagasaki Hibakusha in attendance.

Since that date the bell has been sounded on August 9 of the year and on the day observing the birthday of the American peacemaker and promoter of non-violence, Martin Luther King, Jr. Additionally, it has become the site of observances of important occasions in the continuing struggle to end the production and use of nuclear weapons.

There are two other peace bell monuments of the same design, which were given to the city of Leningrad (now once more St. Petersburg), Russia and to a city in Manchuria, which felt the brunt of the Japanese military action. In 1996 the Nagasaki Hibakusha reaffirmed their commitment to the spirit of the bells by sending each of the three cities a gift of $10,000 for the maintenance of the monuments.

At the base of the monument a plaque is inscribed with the following message:

Nagasaki, the city devastated by the bitter tragedy of a nuclear bomb, dedicates this Nagasaki bell as a symbol of the rebirth of Nagasaki and the desire of its citizens for peace in the future through sincere reconciliation and reflection on the folly of war.

19 Martin Luther King Jr. 2003 Parade Participants

JOINT MILITARY HONOR COLOR GUARD 1. HPD MOTORCYCLES 2. ROYAL HAWAII BAND 3. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. COALITION- HAWAI`I 4. MOUNTED POLICE 5. MAYOR HARRIS 6. HPD EXPLOYERS 7. MAYORS TEAM 8. GRAND MARSHALL (Buffalo Solider, Dr. Waddell & State of Hawai`i Representative, Helene Hale) 9. THE LATE HONORABLE PATSY T. MINK 10. REFUSE TRUCKS (Memphis We Remember) 11. EMERGENCY MEDICAL SERVICES 12. DEMOCRATIC PARTY 13. AFL/CLO 14. H.G.E.A. W/BAND 15. HAWAII STATE TEACHERS ASSOC. 16. U.H. PROFESSIONAL ASSEMBLY 17. KAPPA ALPHA PSI 18. REPUBLICAN PARTY

20 19. MOMS KITCHEN 20. GLCC 21. PENN. SPRING FIELD H.S. BAND 22. BLACK NURSES ASSOC. 23. FREEDOM BAIL BONDS 24. PHI BETA SIGMA FRAT. ZETA SORO. 25. TRINITY MISSIONARY CHURCH 26. AFRO AMERICAN HERITAGE COMMITTEE 27. DELTA SIGMA THETA SORO. 28. 25TH INFANTRY ARMY BAND 29. CROSS ROADS CHURCH 30. HAWAII CIVIL RIGHTS COMM. 31. HAWAII STATE COMMISSION ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN 32. ALPHA KAPPA ALPHA SORO. 33. ALPHA PHI ALPHA 34. BAHAI YOUTH 35. RAINBOW COALITION 36. HAWAII COALITION AGAINST LEGALIZED GAMBLING 37. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS 38. CIVIL UNIONS-CIVIL RIGHTS 41. PFLAG 42. DIGNITY 43. AMERICAN FRIENDS (AFSC) 44. AMERICA CORPS TO END VIOLENCE 45. HICKAM AFRO AMERICAN HERITAGE 46. VETERANS FOR PEACE 47. HONOLULU BLACK NURSES ASSOCIATION 48. MOMAYA 49. PRINCE-HALL GRAND LODGE 50. REFUSE & RESIST 51. STAND UP FOR AMERICA 52. FIRE DEPT (2 FIRE TRUCKS)

21 Unity Rally

January 20, 2003 11:00 a.m. - 4p.m. Kapiolani Park Bandstand

Entertainment

Palani’s Hula Halau

Kimberly Bradford Jazz & Blues Vocalist

The Franchize- Rappers

Azure McCall –Jazz Vocalist Smoke Train – Blues

Jerome Harris- Ron & Victoria’s Rhythm & Blues Band

Shirley Sypert’s Keiki’s Leonard Piggee – Vocalist

Food, Crafts & Games & Rides for Children

22 Ain't I A Woman?

by Sojourner Truth Delivered in 1851 at the Women's Convention in Akron, Ohio

Well, children, where there is so much racket there must be something out of kilter. I think that 'twixt the Negroes of the South and the women at the North, all talking about rights, the white men will be in a fix pretty soon. But what's all this here talking about?

That man over there says that women need to be helped into carriages, and lifted over ditches, and to have the best place everywhere. Nobody ever helps me into carriages, or over mud-puddles, or gives me any best place! And ain't I a woman? Look at me! Look at my arm! I have ploughed and planted, and gathered into barns, and no man could head me! And ain't I a woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man - when I could get it - and bear the lash as well! And ain't I a woman? I have borne thirteen children, and seen most all sold off to slavery, and when I cried out with my mother's grief, none but Jesus heard me! And ain't I a woman?

Then they talk about this thing in the head; what's this they call it? [Members of audience whispers, "intellect"] That's it, honey. What's that got to do with women's rights or Negroes' rights? If my cup won't hold but a pint, and yours holds a quart, wouldn't you be mean not to let me have my little half measure full?

Then that little man in black there, he says women can't have as much rights as men, 'cause Christ wasn't a woman! Where did your Christ come from? Where did your Christ come from? From God and a woman! Man had nothing to do with Him.

If the first woman God ever made was strong enough to turn the world upside down all alone, these women together ought to be able to turn it back , and get it right side up again! And now they is asking to do it, the men better let them.

Obliged to you for hearing me, and now old Sojourner ain't got nothing more to say.

This file was prepared for electronic distribution by the inforM staff. Questions or comments should be directed to [email protected]

23 January 1, 1863 The 140th Commemoration of The Emancipation Proclamation

Judge Douglas, and whoever like him teaches that the Negro has no share, humble though it may be, in the Declaration of Independence, is going back to the era of our liberty and independence, and so far as in him lies, muzzling the cannon that thunders its annual joyous return; that he is blowing out the moral lights around us; when he contends that whoever wants slaves has a right to hold them; that he is penetrating, so far as lies in his power, the human soul, and eradicating the light of reason and the love of liberty, when he is in every possible way preparing the public mind, by his vast influence, for making the institution of slavery perpetual and national.

Abraham Lincoln Fifth Debate with Stephen A. Douglas Galesburg, Illinois October 7, 1858

24 Forward Being the truth, it makes no pretensions to romance.

The sky, a pale blue-gray, greeted guests to the White House on New Years Day 1863. The crisp cold, bone chilling, north wind blew with the undertone of a funeral dirge, as the nation approached its third year of bloody civil war. The Cabinet members, Diplomats, high Army Brass, Naval Officers, Congressmen, Federal Judges and other dignitaries shaking hands with the President and Mrs. Lincoln could not know of the pivotal moment in history this Thursday was to become. Everyone at the annual reception knew of the impending signing of the Emancipation Proclamation later that evening, not everyone was pleased.

Long before President Abraham Lincoln had ever dreamed of issuing an edict of freedom, African- Americans had been hoping and praying for such a measure.

Lincoln had originally conceived of the proclamation as a measure for the self-preservation, rather than for the regeneration, of America. But the proclamation, almost in spite of its creator, changed the whole tone and character of the war. Black’s sensed this more quickly than did Lincoln.

Despite the proclamation’s limitation African-Americans hailed it with much joy. The war, wrote Frederick Douglass, was now “invested with sanctity.”

The Emancipation Proclamation did more than lift the war to the level of a crusade for human freedom. It brought some very substantial practical results, for it gave the go-ahead signal to the recruiting of Black soldiers. By midsummer of 1863 Lincoln could report that “the emancipation policy, and the use of colored troops, constitute the heaviest blow yet dealt to the rebellion.”

The esteem that African-Americas had for the Emancipation Proclamation helped to make it one of the most far-reaching pronouncements ever issued in the United States. African-Americans were instrumental in creating the image of the proclamation that was to become the historic milestone. The proclamation soon assumed the role that African-Americans had given it at the outset, and became to millions a fresh expression of one of man’s loftiest aspirations—the quest for freedom. The Emancipation Proclamation did not’ have to await the verdict of posterity: within six months after it was issued on that fateful date of January 1, 1863, the mass of Americans had come to regard it as a milestone in the long struggle for human rights.

“As affairs have turned, it is the central act of my administration, and the greatest event of the nineteenth century.” lamented Lincoln as he sat in a pensive mood for is his portrait painter Francis B. Carpenter in February 1865. Later that spring, in the waning days of his life, in what was to be a rare moment of self-revelation. Lincoln confided to lifetime friend, Joshua F. Speed, that he had come to believe that his chief claim to fame would rest upon the proclamation. It was the one thing that would make people remember that he had lived.

As we commemorate the 140th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, we must remember, we must recall. Those of us who come from an oral tradition must tell this story in every generation.

Marsha Joyner, October 13, 2002

25 Speech by Willie Lynch to Virginia Plantation Owners.

As we begin to look at the 140th commemoration of The Emancipation Proclamation, it is important that we examine how he got here. Therefore, I could think of no better way to examine this issue than through the most eloquent voices of the 19th century, Frederick Douglass as he introduces the writing of Willie Lynch.

“. . . the missing link that has been sought to explain how we were put into the condition that find ourselves in today. It confirms the fact that the slaveholder tried to leave nothing to chance when it came to his property; his slaves. It demonstrates, how out of necessity, the slave holder had to derive a system for perpetuating his cash crop, the slave, while at the same time insulating himself from retribution by his unique property.” Frederick Douglass

"Gentlemen,

. I greet you here on the bank of the James River in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and twelve. First, I shall thank you, the gentlemen of the Colony of Virginia, for bringing me here. I am here to help you solve some of your problems with slaves. Your invitation reached me on my modest plantation in the West Indies, where I have experimented with some of the newest and still the oldest methods for control of slaves. Ancient Rome's would envy us if my program is implemented. As our boat sailed south on the James River, named for our illustrious King, whose version of the Bible we Cherish, I saw enough to know that your problem is not unique.

While Rome used cords of wood as crosses for standing human bodies along its highways in great numbers, you are here using the tree and the rope on occasions. I caught the whiff of a dead slave hanging from a tree, a couple miles back. You are not only losing valuable stock by hangings, you are having uprisings, slaves are running away, your crops are sometimes left in the fields too long for maximum profit, You suffer occasional fires, your animals are killed.

Gentlemen, you know what your problems are; I do not need to elaborate. I am not here to enumerate your problems, I am here to introduce you to a method of solving them. In my bag here, I HAVE A FULL PROOF METHOD FOR CONTROLLING YOUR BLACK SLAVES. I guarantee every one of you that if installed correctly IT WILL CONTROL THE SLAVES FOR AT LEAST 300 HUNDREDS YEARS.

My method is simple. Any member of your family or your overseer can use it. I HAVE OUTLINED A NUMBER OF DIFFERENCES AMONG THE SLAVES; AND I TAKE THESE DIFFERENCES AND MAKE THEM BIGGER. I USE FEAR, DISTRUST AND ENVY FOR CONTROL PURPOSES. These methods have worked on my modest plantation in the West Indies and it will work throughout the South. Take this simple little list of differences and think about them.

On top of my list is "AGE" but it's there only because it starts with an "A." The second is "COLOR" or shade, there is INTELLIGENCE, SIZE, SEX, SIZES OF PLANTATIONS, STATUS on plantations, ATTITUDE of owners, whether the slaves live in the valley, on a hill, East, West, North, South, have fine hair, course hair, or is tall or short. Now that you have a list of differences, I shall give you a outline of action, but before that, I shall assure you that DISTRUST IS STRONGER THAN TRUST AND ENVY STRONGER THAN ADULATION, RESPECT OR ADMIRATION.

The Black slaves after receiving this indoctrination shall carry on and will become self refueling and self generating for HUNDREDS of years, maybe THOUSANDS.

Don't forget you must pitch the OLD black Male vs. the YOUNG black Male, and the YOUNG black Male against the OLD black male.

You must use the DARK skin slaves vs. the LIGHT skin slaves, and the LIGHT skin slaves vs. the DARK skin slaves.

You must use the FEMALE vs. the MALE. And the MALE vs. the FEMALE.

You must also have you white servants and over-seers distrust all Blacks.

But it is NECESSARY THAT YOUR SLAVES TRUST AND DEPEND ON US. THEY MUST LOVE, RESPECT AND TRUST ONLY US.

Gentlemen, these kits are your keys to control. Use them. Have your wives and children use them, never miss an opportunity. IF USED INTENSELY FOR ONE YEAR, THE SLAVES THEMSELVES WILL REMAIN PERPETUALLY DISTRUSTFUL.

Thank you gentlemen. Willie Lynch"

THE WILLIE LYNCH WRITINGS

The Black ArcadeArcade Liberation Library; 1970 (recompiled and reedited by Kenneth T. Spann

27 Emancipation Proclamation

By the President of the United States of America:

Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit:

"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States."

Now, therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief, of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days, from the day first above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit:

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the Parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James Ascension, Assumption, Terrebonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the City of New Orleans) Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth[)], and which excepted parts, are for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.

And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States, and parts of States, are, and henceforward shall be free; and that the Executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.

28 And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington, this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty three, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty- seventh.

By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

A Union soldier reads the Emancipation Proclamation to newly freed slaves. After Lincoln signed the Proclamation, celebrations took place throughout the country. (NARA, 79-CWC-3F8)

29 The Emancipation Proclamation, An Act of Justice By John Hope Franklin

Thursday, January 1, 1863, was a bright, crisp day in the nation's capital. The previous day had been a strenuous one for President Lincoln, but New Year's Day was to be even more strenuous. So he rose early. There was much to do, not the least of which was to put the finishing touches on the Emancipation Proclamation. At 10:45 the document was brought to the White House by Secretary of State William Seward. The President signed it, but he noticed an error in the superscription. It read, "In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my name and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed." The President had never used that form in proclamations, always preferring to say "In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand. . . ." He asked Seward to make the correction, and the formal signing would be made on the corrected copy.

The traditional New Year's Day reception at the White House began that morning at 11 o'clock. Members of the Cabinet and the diplomatic corps were among the first to arrive. Officers of the Army and Navy arrived in a body at half past 11. The public was admitted at noon, and then Seward and his son Frederick, the Assistant Secretary of State, returned with the corrected draft. The rigid laws of etiquette held the President to his duty for 3 hours, as his secretaries Nicholay and Hay observed. "Had necessity required it, he could of course have left such mere social occupation at any moment," they pointed out, "but the President saw no occasion for precipitancy. On the other hand, he probably deemed it wise that the completion of this momentous executive act should be attended by every circumstance of deliberation."

After the guests departed, the President went upstairs to his study for the signing in the presence of a few friends. No Cabinet meeting was called, and no attempt was made to have a ceremony. Later, Lincoln told F. B. Carpenter, the artist, that as he took up the pen to sign the paper, his hand shook so violently that he could not write. "I could not for a moment control my arm. I paused, and a superstitious feeling came over me which made me hesitate. . . . In a moment I remembered that I had been shaking hands for hours with several hundred people, and hence a very simple explanation of the trembling and shaking of my arm." With a hearty laugh at his own thoughts, the President proceeded to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. Just before he affixed his name to the document, he said, "I never, in my life, felt more certain that I was doing right than I do in signing this paper."

When I made my first serious study of this document, several copies of the December 30 draft were in existence. The copies of Cabinet officers Edward Bates, Francis Blair, William Seward, and Salmon P. Chase were in the Library of Congress. The draft that the President worked with on December 31 and the morning of New Year's Day is considered the final manuscript draft. The principal parts of the text are written in the President's hand. The two paragraphs from the Preliminary Proclamation of September 22, 1862, were clipped from a printed copy and pasted on to the President's draft, "merely to save writing." The superscription and the final closing are in the hand of a clerk in the Department of State. Later in the year, Lincoln presented his copy to the ladies in charge of the Northwestern Fair in Chicago. He told them that he had some desire to retain the paper, "but if it shall

30 contribute to the relief and comfort of the soldiers, that will be better," he said most graciously. Thomas Bryan purchased it and presented it to the Soldiers' Home in Chicago, of which he was president. The home was destroyed in the Great Chicago Fire of 1871. Fortunately, four photographic copies of the original had been made. The official engrossed document is in the National Archives and follows Lincoln's original copy.

It is worth observing that there was no mention, in the final draft, of Lincoln's pet schemes of compensation and colonization, which were in the Preliminary Proclamation of September 22, 1862. Perhaps Lincoln was about to give up on such impracticable propositions. In the Preliminary Proclamation, the President had said that he would declare slaves in designated territories "thenceforward, and forever free." In the final draft of January 1, 1863, he was content to say that they "are, and henceforward shall be free." Nothing had been said in the preliminary draft about the use of blacks as soldiers. In the summer of 1862 the Confiscation Act had authorized the President to use blacks in any way he saw fit, and there had been some limited use of them in noncombatant activities. In stating in the Proclamation that former slaves were to be received into the armed services, the President believed that he was using congressional authority to strike a mighty blow against the Confederacy.

It was late afternoon before the Proclamation was ready for transmission to the press and others. Earlier drafts had been available, and some papers, including the Washington Evening Star had used those drafts, but it was at about 8 p.m. on January 1 that the transmission of the text over the telegraph wires actually began.

Young Edward Rosewater, scarcely 20 years old, had an exciting New Year's Day. He was a mere telegraph operator in the War Department, but he knew the President and had gone to the White House reception earlier that day and had greeted him. When the President made his regular call at the telegraph office that evening, young Rosewater was on duty and was more excited than ever. He greeted the President and went back to his work. Lincoln walked over to see what Rosewater was sending out. It was the Emancipation Proclamation! If Rosewater was excited, the President seemed the picture of relaxation. After watching the young operator for a while, the President went over to the desk of Tom Eckert, the chief telegraph operator in the War Department, sat in his favorite chair, where he had written most of the Preliminary Proclamation the previous summer, and gave his feet the proper elevation. For him, it was the end of a long, busy, but perfect day.

For many others in various parts of the country, the day was just beginning, for the celebrations were not considered official until word was received that the President had actually signed the Proclamation. The slaves of the District of Columbia did not have to wait, however, for back in April 1862 the Congress had passed a law setting them free. Even so, they joined in the widespread celebrations on New Year's Day. At Israel Bethel Church, Rev. Henry McNeal Turner went out and secured a copy of the Washington Evening Star that carried the text of the Proclamation. Back at the church, Turner waved the newspaper from the pulpit and began to read the document. This was the signal for unrestrained celebration characterized by men squealing, women fainting, dogs barking, and whites and blacks shaking hands. The Washington celebrations continued far into the night. In the Navy Yard, cannons began to roar and continued for some time.

31 In New York the news of the Proclamation was received with mixed feelings. Blacks looked and felt happy, one reporter said, while abolitionists "looked glum and grumbled . . . that the proclamation was only given on account of military necessity." Within a week, however, there were several large celebrations in which abolitionists took part. At Plymouth Church in Brooklyn, the celebrated Henry Ward Beecher preached a commemorative sermon to an overflow audience. "The Proclamation may not free a single slave," he declared, "but it gives liberty a moral recognition." There was still another celebration at Cooper Union on January 5. Several speakers, including the veteran abolitionist Lewis Tappan, addressed the overflow audience. Music interspersed the several addresses. Two of the renditions were the "New John Brown Song" and the "Emancipation Hymn."

There was a veritable galaxy of leading literary figures gathered in the Music Hall in Boston to take notice of the climax of the fight that New England abolitionists had led for more than a generation. Among those present were John Greenleaf Whittier, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Francis Parkman, and Josiah Quincy. Toward the close of the meeting, Ralph Waldo Emerson read his "Boston Hymn" to the audience. In the evening, a large crowd gathered at Tremont Temple to await the news that the President had signed the Proclamation. Among the speakers were Judge Thomas Russell, Anna Dickinson, Leonard Grimes, William Wells Brown, and Frederick Douglass. Finally, it was announced that "It is coming over the wire," and pandemonium broke out! At midnight, the group had to vacate Tremont Temple, and from there they went to the Twelfth Baptist Church at the invitation of its pastor, Leonard Grimes. Soon the church was packed, and it was almost dawn when the assemblage dispersed. Frederick Douglass pronounced it a "worthy celebration of the first step on the part of the nation in its departure from the thralldom of the ages."

The trenchant observation by Douglass that the Emancipation Proclamation was but the first step could not have been more accurate. Although the Presidential decree would not free slaves in areas where the United States could not enforce the Proclamation, it sent a mighty signal both to the slaves and to the Confederacy that enslavement would no longer be tolerated. An important part of that signal was the invitation to the slaves to take up arms and participate in the fight for their own freedom. That more than 185,000 slaves as well as free blacks accepted the invitation indicates that those who had been the victims of thralldom were now among the most enthusiastic freedom fighters.

Meanwhile, no one appreciated better than Lincoln the fact that the Emancipation Proclamation had a quite limited effect in freeing the slaves directly. It should be remembered, however, that in the Proclamation he called emancipation "an act of justice," and in later weeks and months he did everything he could to confirm his

32 view that it was An Act of Justice. And no one was more anxious than Lincoln to take the necessary additional steps to bring about actual freedom. Thus, he proposed that the Republican Party include in its 1864 platform a plank calling for the abolition of slavery by constitutional amendment. When he was "notified" of his re -nomination, as was the custom in those days, he singled out that plank in the platform calling for constitutional emancipation and pronounced it "a fitting and necessary conclusion to the final success of the Union cause." Early in 1865, when Congress sent the amendment to Lincoln for his signature, he is reported to have said, "This amendment is a King's cure for all the evils. It winds the whole thing up."

Despite the fact that the Proclamation did not emancipate the slaves and surely did not do what the Thirteenth Amendment did in winding things up, it is the Proclamation and not the Thirteenth Amendment that has been remembered and celebrated over the past 130 years. That should not be surprising. Americans seem not to take to celebrating legal documents. The language of such documents is not particularly inspiring, and they are the product of the deliberations of large numbers of people. We celebrate the Declaration of Independence, but not the ratification of the Constitution. Jefferson's words in the Declaration moved the emerging Americans in a way that Madison's committee of style failed to do in the Constitution.

Thus, almost annually--at least for the first hundred years--each New Year's Day was marked in many parts of the country by a grand celebration. Replete with brass band, if there was one, an African-American fire company, if there was one, and social, religious, and civic organizations, African Americans of the community would march to the courthouse, to some church, or the high school. There, they would assemble to hear the reading of the Emancipation Proclamation, followed by an oration by a prominent person. The speeches varied in character and purpose. Some of them urged African Americans to insist upon equal rights; some of them urged frugality and greater attention to morals; while still others urged their listeners to harbor no ill will toward their white brethren.

As the 50th anniversary of the Proclamation approached, James Weldon Johnson, already a writer of some distinction was serving a tour of duty as U.S. Consul in Corinto, Nicaragua. His biographer, Eugene Levy, tells us that Johnson for some time had considered writing a poem commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation. In September 1912, when he read of the ceremonies marking the Preliminary Proclamation, he realized that he had only 100 days in which to write the poem. Using all of his spare time, of which there was little, Johnson hammered out "Fifty Years." There was not enough time to publish it in one of the major literary monthly journals, so he turned to the New York Times, which published it on its editorial page on January 1, 1913.

Addressing his fellow African Americans in the first stanzas, Johnson said: O Brothers mine, to-day we stand Where half a century sweeps our ken, Since God, through Lincoln's ready hand,

Struck off our bonds and made us men. Just fifty years--a winter's day--

33 As runs the history of a race; Yet, as we look back o'er the day, How distant seems our starting place! Then, in a more assertive tone, making certain that humility did not replace self-confidence, he said: This land is ours by right of birth, This land is ours by right of toil We helped to turn its virgin earth, Our sweat is in its fruitful soil. To gain these fruits that have been earned, To hold these fields that have been won, Our arms have strained, our backs have burned, Bent bare beneath a ruthless sun. Then should we speak but servile words, Or shall we hang our heads in shame? Stand back of new-come foreign hordes, And fear our heritage to claim? No! stand erect and without fear, And for our foes let this suffice-- We've bought a rightful son-ship here, And we have more than paid the price. . . . That for which millions prayed and sighed That for which tens of thousands fought, For which so many freely died, God cannot let it come to naught.

In the second half of the Proclamation's first century, the annual celebrations diminished in extent as well as in fervor. Some celebrants, with an eye on a quick buck, began to promote June 19, the day on which President Lincoln signed a bill abolishing slavery in the territories. The bill did not apply to Texas, which was a state in the Confederacy, but slick promoters there soon drew attention to that day and persuaded Texans, Oklahomans, and others in the Southwest that this was indeed the day of emancipation. It was never quite clear to me, moreover, why we in Oklahoma celebrated August 4 as well as Juneteenth and January 1, but clearly the summer months had many advantages over a January observance.

Something else was diluting the celebrations of the anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation. It was bad enough that a casual reading of the Proclamation made clear that it did not set the slaves free. It was also clear that neither the Reconstruction amendments nor the legislation and Executive orders of subsequent years had propelled African Americans much closer to real freedom and true equality. The physical violence, the wholesale disfranchisement, and the widespread degradation of blacks in every conceivable form merely demonstrated the resourcefulness and creativity of those white Americans who were determined to deny basic constitutional rights to their black brothers.

Several years before 1963, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People began to use the motto "Free by '63." Other groups adopted the motto and focused more attention on the drive for equality. Many leaders were especially sensitive to the significance of the Emancipation Centennial in pointing up racial inequality in American life. On September 22, 1962, when Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York spoke in Washington to mark the opening of the exhibit of the Preliminary Proclamation, "the state's most treasured possession," he said, "the very existence of the document stirs our conscience with the knowledge that Lincoln's vision of a nation truly fulfilling its spiritual heritage is not yet achieved."

During the centennial year itself, the United States Commission on Civil Rights presented to the President a report on the history of civil rights, most of which I wrote on contract with the Commission. Knowing that I would be out of the country during most of the centennial year, I published my history of the Emancipation Proclamation as my contribution to the observance.* On Lincoln's birthday in 1963, President and Mrs. Kennedy received more than a thousand black and white citizens at the White House and presented to each of them a copy of the report of the Civil Rights Commission, called Freedom to the Free. Speaking at Gettysburg later that year, Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson said, "Until justice is blind, until education is unaware of race, until opportunity is unconcerned with the color of men's skins, emancipation will be a proclamation but not a fact." President Kennedy took note of the absence of equality when he said, "Surely, in 1963, 100 years after emancipation, it should not be necessary for any American citizen to demonstrate in the streets for an opportunity to stop at a hotel, or eat at a lunch counter . . . on the same terms as any other customer."

Although it is now possible for most African Americans to eat at a lunch counter in most parts of the United States, subtle, yet barbarous forms of discrimination have accompanied the extension of these civilities. These forms extend from redlining in the sale of real estate to discrimination in employment to the maladministration of justice. In issuing the Emancipation Proclamation and wording it as he did, Lincoln went as far as he felt the law permitted him to go. In subsequent months he went a bit further, inch-by-inch, until before his death he was calling for the enfranchisement of some blacks. The difference between the position of Lincoln in 1863 and Americans in 1993 is that our leaders in high places seem not to have either the humanity or the courage of Lincoln. The law itself is no longer an obstruction to justice and equality, but it is the people who live under the law who are himself or herself an obvious obstruction to justice. One can only hope that sooner rather than later we can all find the courage to live under the spirit of the Emancipation Proclamation and under the laws that flowed from its inspiration.

This essay is based on a talk given by John Hope Franklin at the National Archives, January 4, 1993, on the occasion of the 130th anniversary of the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation. *The Emancipation Proclamation (Garden City, NW: Doubleday and Company, 1963; reprint, Arlington Heights, IL: Harlan Davidson, Inc., 1994).

35 John Hope Franklin has taught at Fisk University, the University of Chicago, and most recently, Duke University, where he is James B. Duke Professor of History Emeritus. Past president of the American Historical Association and the Society of Phi Beta Kappa, his publications include From Slavery to Freedom (1947), The Emancipation Proclamation (1963), and Race and History: Selected Essays, 1938-1988 (1990).

John Hope Franklin

In The Spirit Maya Angelo

“I believe that Spirit is one and is everywhere present. That in my ignorance I may withdraw from it, but I can realize its presence the instant I return to my senses. It is this belief in a power larger than myself and other than myself which allows me to venture into the unknown and even the unknowable. I cannot separate what I conceive as Spirit from my concept of God. Thus I believe that God is Spirit.

My faith is tested many times every day, and more times than I’d like to confess, I’m unable to keep the banner of faith aloft. If a promise is not kept, Or if a secret is betrayed, Or if I experience long-lasting pain, I begin to doubt God and God’s love, I fall so miserably into the chasm of disbelief that I cry out in despair.

Then the Spirit lifts me up again, And once more I am secured in faith. I don’t know how that happens, Save when I cry out earnestly I am answered immediately And am returned to faithfulness. I am once again filled with Spirit and firmly planted on solid ground.

----from “Wouldn’t Take Nothing For My Journey Now” Maya Angelo

37 African American women – “Bondswomen”.

· Aunt Judy's Story: A Tale From Real Life. Written for the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Fair. Matilda G. Thompson · An Autobiography: The Story of the Lord's Dealings with Mrs. Amanda Smith, the Colored Evangelist: Containing an Account of Her Life Work of Faith, and Her Travels in America, England, Ireland, Scotland, India, and Africa as an Independent Missionary. Amanda Smith, 1837-1915 · From the Darkness Cometh the Light or Struggles for Freedom. Lucy A. Delaney (Lucy Ann), b. 1828? · Homespun Heroines and Other Women of Distinction. Hallie Q. Brown (Hallie Quinn), 1859-1949, compiled and edited by · Narrative of Sojourner Truth, a Northern Slave, Emancipated from Bodily Servitude by the State of New York, in 1828. Sojourner Truth, d. 1883 · Narrative of Sojourner Truth; a Bondswoman of Olden Time, Emancipated by the New York Legislature in the Early Part of the Present Century; with a History of Her Labors and Correspondence Drawn from Her "Book of Life;" Also, a Memorial Chapter, Giving the Particulars of Her Last Sickness and Death. Sojourner Truth, d. 1883 · Narrative of Sojourner Truth; a Bondswoman of Olden Time, Emancipated by the New York Legislature in the Early Part of the Present Century; with a History of Her Labors and Correspondence, Drawn from Her "Book of Life". Sojourner Truth, d. 1883 · Progressive Missions in the South and Addresses with Illustrations and Sketches of Missionary Workers and Ministers and Bishops' Wives. Sara J. Duncan · Scenes in the Life of Harriet Tubman. Sarah H. Bradford (Sarah Hopkins), b. 1818 · Shadow and Sunshine. Eliza Suggs, b. 1876 · A Slave Girl's Story. Being an Autobiography of Kate Drumgoold. Kate Drumgoold · Women of Achievement: Written for the Fireside Schools Under the Auspices of the Woman's American Baptist Home Mission Society. Benjamin Griffith Brawley, 1882-1939

38 Harriet Tubman

Harriet Tubman (1821-1913), a legendary figure in the underground railroad, was born to slave parents Benjamin Ross and Harriet Greene, near Cambridge, Maryland. Named at birth Araminta, she later chose her mother's name. Harriet was famous with her deep religious faith, unexampled heroism, as well as an outstanding physical endurance.

In 1848, Harriet Tubman escaped from slavery, and once free, she decided to help other slaves do the same. She made at least nine trips during the 1850s and brought about 180 slaves to freedom. Each escape was carefully planned and no single passenger was lost during these trips. Tubman's almost legendary figure alarmed Maryland planters and they announced a fantastic by that time reward -- $40,000 -- for her capture.

During the Civil War, a brave woman became a scout and spy for the Second South Carolina Volunteers, and informed Union military officials about locations of cotton storehouses, ammunition depots, and slaves awaiting liberation. Closer to the end of the War, she worked in freedmen's hospitals in Virginia.

After the war, never tired of helping other people, Harriet raised money for freedmen's schools, collected clothing for the poor and aided the disabled and sick. She also lectured throughout the East and worked with black women's groups and the African Methodist Episcopal Zion church. This memorable woman will always be in our hearts.

Source: Adapted from "The Black Abolitionist Papers: Vol. V: The United States, 1859- 1865," edited by C. Peter Ripley, et al. Copyright (c) 1992 by the University of North Carolina Press. Used by permission of the publisher. For more information on Harriet Tubman visit the following site: · http://www.nlc-bnc.ca/blacks1.htm

39 Underground Railroad The Underground Railroad was neither" underground" nor a "railroad," but was A loose net work of aid and assistance to fugitives from bondage. Perhaps, as many as one hundred thousand -slaved persons may have escaped in the years between the American Revolution and the Civil War.

The Underground Railroad was perhaps the most dramatic protest action against slavery in United States history. It was a clandestine operation that began during the colonial period, later became part of organized abolitionist activity in the 19th century, and reached its peak in the period 1830 - 1865.

The story of the Underground Railroad is one of individual sacrifice and heroism in the efforts of enslaved people to reach freedom from bondage.

The number of possible sites and structures associated with the Underground Railroad story is immense. The Underground Railroad is every route the enslaved took, or attempted to take, to freedom. It is a vast network of paths and roads, through swamps and over mountains, along and across rivers and even by sea, that cannot be documented with precision.”

Routes that originated in the South, intertwined throughout the North, and eventually ended in Canada. Escape routes, however, were not restricted to the North, but also extended into western territories, Mexico, and the Caribbean. Its operations relied heavily on secret codes as railroad jargon alerted "passengers" when travel was safe. Runaways usually commuted either alone or in small groups, and were occasionally assisted by Black and White "conductors" who risked their lives to escort runaways to freedom. By definition, this activity was clandestine so information about sites and routes was kept secret or not widely distributed. After slavery was abolished, the story of the Underground Railroad was kept alive by oral tradition and written works, including personal accounts and historic documentations. Although the history of the Underground Railroad has been described in several publications, information about the current condition of sites and structures has been limited. Many of these sites and structures, especially in urban areas, have been demolished or substantially changed to make way for development. http://www.nps.gov/undergroundrr/contents.htm

40 Time Line of The Civil War, 1863 1861 | 1862 | 1863 | 1864 | 1865 | Other Photographs This time line was compiled by Joanne Freeman and owes a special debt to the Encyclopedia of American History by Richard B. Morris.

January 1863 -- Emancipation Proclamation. In an effort to placate the slave-holding Border States, Lincoln resisted the demands of radical Republicans for complete abolition. Yet some Union generals, such as General B. F. Butler, declared slaves escaping to their lines "contraband of war," not to be returned to their masters. Other generals decreed that the slaves of men rebelling against the Union were to be considered free. Congress, too, had been moving toward abolition. In 1861, Congress had passed an act stating that all slaves employed against the Union were to be considered free. In 1862, another act stated that all slaves of men who supported the Confederacy were to be considered free. Lincoln, aware of the public's growing support of abolition, issued the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, declaring that all slaves in areas still in rebellion were, in the eyes of the federal government, free. March 1863 -- The First Conscription Act. Because of recruiting difficulties, an act was passed making all men between the ages of 20 and 45 liable to be called for military service. Service could be avoided by paying a fee or finding a substitute. The act was seen as unfair to the poor, and riots in working- class sections of New York City broke out in protest. A similar conscription act in the South provoked a similar reaction. May 1863 -- The Battle of Chancellorsville. On April 27, Union General Hooker crossed the Rappahannock River to attack General Lee's forces. Lee split his army, attacking a surprised Union army in three places and almost completely defeating them. Hooker withdrew across the Rappahannock River, giving the South a victory, but it was the Confederates' most costly victory in terms of casualties. May 1863 -- The Vicksburg Campaign. Union General Grant won several victories around Vicksburg, Mississippi, the fortified city considered essential to the Union's plans to regain control of the Mississippi River. On May 22, Grant began a siege of the city. After six weeks, Confederate General John

41 Pemberton surrendered, giving up the city and 30,000 men. The capture of Port Hudson, Louisiana, shortly thereafter placed the entire Mississippi River in Union hands. The Confederacy was split in two. Through the Fall of Vicksburg -- July 1863 These photographs include three which William R. Pywell took in February 1864, referring back to Grant's brilliant campaign of the previous summer. June-July 1863 -- The Gettysburg Campaign. Confederate General Lee decided to take the war to the enemy. On June 13, he defeated Union forces at Winchester, Virginia, and continued north to Pennsylvania. General Hooker, who had been planning to attack Richmond, was instead forced to follow Lee. Hooker, never comfortable with his commander, General Halleck, resigned on June 28, and General George Meade replaced him as commander of the Army of the Potomac. On July 1, a chance encounter between Union and Confederate forces began the Battle of Gettysburg. In the fighting that followed, Meade had greater numbers and better defensive positions. He won the battle, but failed to follow Lee as he retreated back to Virginia. Militarily, the Battle of Gettysburg was the high-water mark of the Confederacy; it is also significant because it ended Confederate hopes of formal recognition by foreign governments. On November 19, President Lincoln dedicated a portion of the Gettysburg battlefield as a national cemetery, and delivered his memorable "Gettysburg Address." Photographs of the battleground began immediately after the battle of July 1-3. This group of photographs also includes a scene of Hooker's troops in Virginia on route to Gettysburg. September 1863 -- The Battle of Chickamauga. On September 19, Union and Confederate forces met on the Tennessee-Georgia border, near Chickamauga Creek. After the battle, Union forces retreated to Chattanooga, and the Confederacy maintained control of the battlefield. Meade in Virginia -- August-November 1863 After the Battle of Gettysburg, General Meade engaged in some cautious and inconclusive operations, but the heavy activity of the photographers was confined to the

42 intervals between them -- at Bealeton, southwest of Warrenton, in August, and at Culpeper, before the Mine Run Campaign. November 1863 -- The Battle of Chattanooga. On November 23-25, Union forces pushed Confederate troops away from Chattanooga. The victory set the stage for General Sherman's Atlanta Campaign. Chattanooga -- September-November 1863 After Rosecrans's debacle at Chickamauga, September 19-20, 1863, Confederate General Braxton Bragg's army occupied the mountains that ring the vital railroad center of Chattanooga. Grant, brought in to save the situation, steadily built up offensive strength, and on November 23- 25 burst the blockade in a series of brilliantly executed attacks. The photographs, probably all taken the following year when Chattanooga was the base for Sherman's Atlanta campaign, include scenes on Lookout Mountain, stormed by Hooker on November 24. The Siege of Knoxville -- November-December 1863 The difficult strategic situation of the federal armies after Chickamauga enabled Bragg to detach a force under Longstreet to drive Burnside out of eastern Tennessee. Burnside sought refuge in Knoxville, which he successfully defended from Confederate assaults. These views, taken after Longstreet's withdrawal on December 3, include one of Strawberry Plains, on his line of retreat. Here we have part of an army record: Barnard was photographer of the Chief Engineer's Office, Military Division of the Mississippi, and his views were transmitted with the report of the chief engineer of Burnside's army, April 11, 1864. http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/cwphtml/cwphome.html

1868: The 14th amendment to the U. S. Constitution is adopted. The amendment grants suffrage to former male African-American slaves, but not to women

A Short Biography of Frederick Douglass

Frederick Douglass was born in a slave cabin, in February, 1818, near the town of Easton, on the Eastern Shore of Maryland. Separated from his mother when only a few weeks old he was raised by his grandparents. At about the age of six, his grandmother took him to the plantation of his master and left him there. Not being told by her that she was going to leave him, Douglass never recovered from the betrayal of the abandonment. When he was about eight he was sent to Baltimore to live as a houseboy with Hugh and Sophia Auld, relatives of his master. It was shortly after his arrival that his new mistress taught him the alphabet. When her husband forbade her to continue her instruction, because it was unlawful to teach slaves how to read, Frederick took it upon himself to learn. He made the neighborhood boys his teachers, by giving away his food in exchange for lessons in reading and writing. At about the age of twelve or thirteen Douglass purchased a copy of The Columbian Orator, a popular schoolbook of the time, which helped him to gain an understanding and appreciation of the power of the spoken and the written word, as two of the most effective means by which to bring about permanent, positive change.

Returning to the Eastern Shore, at approximately the age of fifteen, Douglass became a field hand, and experienced most of the horrifying conditions that plagued slaves during the 270 years of legalized slavery in America. But it was during this time that he had an encounter with the slave breaker Edward Covey. Their fight ended in a draw, but the victory was Douglass', as his challenge to the slave breaker restored his sense of self- worth. After an aborted escape attempt when he was about eighteen, he was sent back to Baltimore to live with the Auld family, and in early September, 1838, at the age of twenty, Douglass succeeded in escaping from slavery by impersonating a sailor.

He went first to New Bedford, Massachusetts, where he and his new wife Anna Murray began to raise a family. Whenever he could he attended abolitionist meetings, and, in October, 1841, after attending an anti-slavery convention on Nantucket Island, Douglass became a lecturer for the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society and a colleague of William Lloyd Garrison. This work led him into public speaking and writing. He published his own newspaper, The North Star, participated in the first women's rights convention at Seneca Falls, in 1848, and wrote three autobiographies. He was internationally

44 recognized as an uncompromising abolitionist, indefatigable worker for justice and equal opportunity, and an unyielding defender of women's rights. He became a trusted advisor to Abraham Lincoln, United States Marshal for the District of Columbia, Recorder of Deeds for Washington, D.C., and Minister-General to the Republic of Haiti.

Frederick Douglass sought to embody three keys for success in life:

· Believe in yourself.

· Take advantage of every opportunity.

· Use the power of spoken and written language to effect positive change for yourself and society.

Douglass said, "What is possible for me is possible for you." By taking these keys and making them his own, Frederick Douglass created a life of honor, respect and success that he could never have dreamed of when still a boy on Colonel Lloyd's plantation on the Eastern Shore of Maryland.

Three Speeches by Frederick Douglass

Speaking With Frederick Douglass

Fremarjo Enterprises, Inc PO Box 382 Emigrant, MT 59027 (406)333-4970 (406) 333-4145 Fax

[email protected]

45 Harriet Beecher Stowe Harriet Beecher Stowe: 1811-1896 See also: Bibliography Harriet Beecher was born June 14, 1811, the seventh child of a famous protestant preacher. Harriet worked as a teacher with her older sister Catharine: her earliest publication was a geography for children, issued under her sister's name in 1833. In 1836, Harriet married widower Calvin Stowe: they eventually had seven children. Stowe helped to support her family financially by writing for local and religious periodicals. During her life, she wrote poems, travel books, biographical sketches, and children's books, as well as adult novels. She met and corresponded with people as varied as Lady Byron, Oliver Wendell Holmes, and George Eliot. She died at the age of 85, in Hartford Connecticut. While she wrote at least ten adult novels, Harriet Beecher Stowe is predominantly known for her first, Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852). Begun as a serial for the Washington antislavery weekly, the National Era, it focused public interest on the issue of slavery, and was deeply controversial. In writing the book, Stowe drew on her personal experience: she was familiar with slavery, the antislavery movement, and the underground railroad because Kentucky, across the Ohio River from Cincinnati, Ohio, where Stowe had lived, was a slave state. Following publication of the book, she became a celebrity, speaking against slavery both in America and Europe. She wrote A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin (1853) extensively documenting the realities on which the book was based, to refute critics who tried to argue that it was inauthentic; and published a second anti-slavery novel, Dred in1856. In 1862, when she visited President Lincoln, legend claims that he greeted her as "the little lady who made this big war": the war between the states. Campaigners for other social changes, such as Caroline Norton, respected and drew upon her work. The historical significance of Stowe's antislavery writing has tended to draw attention away from her other work, and from her work's literary significance. Her work is admittedly uneven. At its worst, it indulges in a romanticized Christian sensibility that was much in favor with the audience of her time, but that finds little sympathy or credibility with modern readers. At her best, Stowe was a early and effective realist. Her settings are often accurately and detailed described. Her portraits of local social life, particularly with minor characters, reflect an awareness of the complexity of the culture she lived in, and an ability to communicate that culture to others. In her commitment to realism, and her serious narrative use of local dialect, Stowe predated works like Mark Twain's Huckleberry Finn by 30 years, and influenced later regionalist writers including Sarah Orne Jewett and Mary Wilkins Freeman.

46 For an excellent listing of on-line information and resources about Stowe, see the Women's History Guide's Netlinks.

Uncle Tom's Cabin:

Life Among the Lowly

The Text Uncle Tom's Mothers

Resources Uncle Tom's Houses

Harriet Beecher Stowe

Dr. Susan McKinney Steward

All African American women have endured heartache. Selecting just one African American woman was difficult, to say the least. My choice is Dr. Susan McKinney Steward. Dr. Steward is the first African American woman to formally enter the medical profession and to gain recognizable success. Although she was confronted with two barriers – being black and a woman, this highly self- motivated and determined woman overcame the odds of both, successfully. She graduated from the New York Medical School for Women and Children as valedictorian of her class in 1870. Dr. Steward was born in Brooklyn, New York, in 1848. She later married William G. McKinney, and bore a son and a daughter. After the death of her husband in 1894, she became an organist and choirmaster at the Bridge Street African Methodist Church and a board member of the Brooklyn Home for Aged Colored People. An avid student of the history and progress of women in medicine, she was one of the founders of the Women’s Royal Union of

47 New York and Brooklyn. She also served as an active member if the Kings County Homeopathic Society. She did her postgraduate work at Long Island College Hospital and was further distinguished as being the only female in her graduating class. Early in her career, she practiced “homeopathy” at a hospital and dispensary. During her association with the hospital, the dispensary practice grew in size and had to be moved into larger quarters. It was later renamed the Memorial Hospital for Women and Children. Dr. Steward also had a successful private practice in Brooklyn for more than 20 years, and she eventually opened a second office in Manhattan. Later after the death of her first husband, she married the Reverend T.G. Steward, a United States Army Chaplain and instructor at Wilberforce University. Shortly thereafter, she left Brooklyn and made her home in Wilberforce, Ohio, where she practiced for many years. She died in 1918.

48 49 “ . . that this nation shall have a new birth of freedom...." Abraham Lincoln, Nov 19, 1863 By: Marsha Joyner

November 19, 1863. The bracing cold, autumn wind blew across the Pennsylvania killing fields, with the tone of a funeral lament, the nation was ending its third year of the bloody civil war. Melancholy gray clouds hung low covering the noon day sun at the junction of Baltimore Pike and Emmittsburg Road as the procession of notables turned southward through town toward the site of the ceremonies, gathering more than 20,000 people as they moved along. Looming above the honorable guests, a loose, irregular, almost gait, lean, tall man, considerably over six feet in height, with stooping shoulders as if carrying the weight of the world, dress in a black suit and a tall hat, President Abraham Lincoln seemed deep in thought and far away from the Gettysburg battlefield.

Remembering seeing Confederate tents and campfires across the hill in Alexandria -- burning thru the night from his windows at the White House, reading causality figures from both sides, watching brother against brother, trying to understand strategy, naval warfare, big guns, troop movements and military maps-- recalling bullets hissing, humming and whistling everywhere, cannons roaring, bodies dropping, horses tearing and plunging, mad with wounds and terror; all the while Lincoln remained in a constant state of mourning at the loss of his son and his nation.

Slowly stepping up to the speakers platform on the incomplete burial ground, without the pomp and circumstances accorded today’s President of the United States, wearing the mourning hat band for his late son Willie, and following more than two hours for oration by Edward Everett -- as was the custom of the day-- President Lincoln had not been the principle speaker, but had been invited to say “Dedicatory Remarks”. Drawing a carefully prepared, folded manuscript from his vest pocket in a trembling voice he began to read:

“Fours core and seven years ago our fathers bought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.”

[1776, The Declaration of Independence]

But the constitution-- which made independence complete-- all people, were not treated equal. Blacks-free and slaves, Indians, women & other non-white, non-land owners, all of which had fought in the war of independence, were not included.

“Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.”

50 His dark, full, deeply set eyes were penetrating and full of tenderness and grace as Mr. Lincoln recalled the sacrifice of the 51,000 men & boys who were killed or wounded in a three day battle on the fields of Gettysburg.

“But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far and above our poor power to add or detract. The world will, little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.”

We as humans are unwilling to remain satisfied with events in and for themselves. Events must have meaning. Lincoln understood this profoundly. The Emancipation Proclamation, which he had issued on January 1 of that same year, had given definition to the Civil War. Now, as he dedicates the “Soldiers National Cemetery” this moment gave meaning to the war.

“ It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work, which they who fought here have thus far so nobly, advanced. It is rather for us—to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us --that from these honored dead we take increased devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—. that this nation, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from this earth.” “The unfinished work they have done . . . the great task remaining. . ..” For Blacks and President Lincoln, the Emancipation Proclamation had taken on new dimensions. The edict became even clearer--adding a much deeper significance with this celebrated address. In the tabloid influences of current times, the “American Idol” atmosphere and “Star- Wars” images, most of what happened at Gettysburg and the entire bloody Civil War has been forgotten.

Future years will never know the seething hell and the black infernal background of countless minor scenes and interiors of the secession war, and it is best they should not know real war.

51 This war, these battles, the dead and the dying, the scorched earth, the ever vigilance, the imagined joy of freedom are the never ending, unavoidable labor pains attendant upon the rebirth of democracy.

Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation followed by his Gettysburg Address brought home that a democracy cannot live on its past achievements, but it has to be constantly on the move.

Today, as we stand on the precipice of still another war --we should take the time to reflect . . to remember . . to think . . to wonder. . . with hungry & homeless people on the streets. . .with our civil liberties being eroded . . .freedom of speech bring questioned . . .and truth, the first casualty of war. . . we should-- as Mr. Lincoln said--dedicate ourselves to the task of giving the United States a new birth of freedom.

52 Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Peace Poem Contest What began as an idea among a handful of artists on Maui to promote good will internationally has turned into a document more than three-football-fields long and containing thousands of lines of poetry about peace from more than 120 countries. The International Peace Poem project began in 1976 in Lahaina, Maui with a child writing two lines about her hopes for peace. Since then, thousands of people have contributed their lines of peace poetry, including singer Willie Nelson, U.S. Sen. Daniel Inouye, and Mahatma Gandhi’s grandson Arun Gandhi.

One of the mainstays of the project has been the annual Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Peace Poetry Contest, held in Hawaii in January to observe the contributions of the late civil rights leader. Students from public, private and home schools are encouraged to contribute at least two lines of peace poetry. Winners from Hawaii’s four counties are recognized in ceremonies on the Big Island, Maui, Kauai and Oahu. Mayors of respective counties have contributed certificates recognizing the students, and small businesses have donated gifts to winners.

“2002 was the biggest year yet. With over 50 classes competing from all over Hawaii, we had over 850 contestants and 163 winners. It truly has turned into a community event that fosters peace,” said Peace Poem coordinator Melinda Gohn. “The first step resides in ourselves and in expressing our thoughts and hopes for peace.” The project has had a rippling effect, especially among educators and young people worldwide from students in Japan writing about peace in observance of Hiroshima Day to young people in the Republic of Slovakia expressing their wish for an end to civil war. The project has also become a place to honor persons internationally who have promoted the use of nonviolence methods to achieve social change.

During their participation of Millennium Peace Day at the United Nations in New York in September 2000, Peace Poem officials recognized the work of three Americans killed in Colombia during a cultural education mission at the invitation of the Uwa tribe. One of the Peace Poem speakers was Maeh-ki “Red Sky” El-Issa, the son of the late Ingrid Washinawatok, one of the three slain Americans. Mackee read a passage about peace written by Mother Theresa, then later presented a Hawaiian lei to Colombian First Lady Nohra Pastrana.

More information about the International Peace Poem Project may be obtained through the worldwide web at www.peacepoem.com or send a letter to P.O. Box 102, Lahaina, Maui 96761.

53 “ . . . no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."

Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Washington, D. C. August 28, 1963

HONOLULU-PACIFIC FEDERAL EXECUTIVE BOARD EQUAL EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITY COUNCIL

The purpose of the Council is to enhance the quality of employment opportunity within Federal establishments in Hawaii.

To accomplish this, the Council assists Federal agency EEO professionals to improve their effectiveness in their EEO responsibilities.

Chairperson: Ed Young, National weather Service Vice Chair: Mary Okano, Marine Forces Pacific Secretary: Jana Dove, 15th Air Base Wing, Hickam AFB Treasurer: Rae Algso, Commander, Navy Region Hawai`i

54 Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Coalition – Hawai`i 1959 Bishop Street #199 Honolulu, Hi 96813 [email protected]

January 2003

Mayor Jeremy Harris City & County of Honolulu

Dear Mr. Mayor,

Thank you for co-sponsoring the Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday. All of the years of support that you have given us have made the celebration in Hawaii truly unique. You are so busy with so many things that you probably do not know how much support your entire city family of workers give over and above the call of duty to make this holiday a truly overwhelming successful event.

Most Mayors in American have the trash picked up regularly and the buses run on time. Most Mayors work hard at making the streets safe for its citizens. Most Mayors work relentlessly at managing all of the departments, which make a city run. And that is as it should be. But few Mayors have selected a whole office of exceptional people who make sure that the culture and the arts are given the place in society that they deserve.

As you know, it is the cultural and arts which are the heart and soul of a city. It is the culture and the arts, which lift the spirit and elevate the soul. It is the culture and the arts, which are the rhythm of the heart, the drumbeat of life. And it is the prominence of the diverse cultures and arts that make Honolulu the exceptional city it has become. For that I am truly grateful.

Again, thank you for you continued support. And thank you for allowing you staff and the many many workers to do these remarkable things. The people who answer phones and handle issues before they become problems, the quite people who come behind, sweep up trash and haul off debris, the dedicated people in the basement of the building who turn out beautiful print jobs, the security guards who smile and offer to help me lift oversized items, and escort people thru the building after dark, the band members who play three events a day, the rubbish collectors who are so proud to be asked to be a part of the parade,

55 not just to clean up at the end, the parks people, Joan, John and the dozens of maintenance people who care for the park with undying love. They make us feel so welcomed, the mounted police and the horses, which the children adored, and the list goes on. For it is to them, the workers in the vineyard, who give so much and get so little. Words are inadequate to express my deepest gratitude and love.

On behalf of the Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Coalition-Hawai’i, will you please express our appreciation to every person, in every department and at every level.

Thank you. Aloha pumehana Marsha Joyner President