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The Late Bronze Age Collapse and the Sea Peoples' Migrations (4265 The Late Bronze Age Collapse and the Sea Peoples’ Migrations (4265/3500 words) Gregory D. Mumford (University of Alabama at Birmingham) Introduction: The study of the Late Bronze Age collapse and the Sea Peoples’ migrations is exceedingly complex and contentious regarding diverse and often contradictory evidence and interpretations. Its scope spans multiple regions in the East Mediterranean, Egypt, and Near East; it covers several centuries straddling the Late Bronze Age (1550–1200 BCE) to Iron Age (1200– 586 BCE); it entails diverse disciplines and specialists, including the archaeology, art, languages, and history of the Aegean, Western Anatolia, the Hittites, Cyprus, Syria-Palestine, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Libya, and elsewhere. The topic also incorporates a continuous influx of new data and re- assessments.5 The textual-pictorial account from Ramesses III’s memorial temple at Medinet Habu has long dominated more popular and simplified perceptions and misconceptions regarding a “single” event ca. 1200 BCE (elsewhere 1190/1177 BCE):6 This pivotal event is applied to mark the “collapse” of Late Bronze Age empires, kingdoms, city states, and their affiliated cultures throughout the East Mediterranean and Near East, followed by their integration and/or partial replacement during the early Iron Age with hybrid populations, societies, material culture, and polities. In contrast, the extant and emerging patchwork of evidence suggests that the foundation of a new geo-political and socio-cultural landscape of the biblical Philistines, Israelites, and their neighbors reflects far more complex, multi-faceted, obscure, and long-term factors. Such data also imply a continuity and merging of the Canaanites and other indigenous cultures with various Sea Peoples (e.g., Philistines), the Israelites, and other peoples and influences (Bachhuber 2013). Sources: Although the Medinet Habu account plays a major role in clarifying the Sea Peoples’ migrations and the end of the Late Bronze Age (Murnane 1980, 11–18), other significant historical sources exist from Ramesses III’s reign (Papyrus Harris I and other texts) (Kitchen 2008). In addition, many pertinent texts pre-date and post-date this event and Ramesses III: The Amarna Letters (Moran 1992), records from Ramesses II’s reign (Kitchen 1996; 2000), Linear B texts (Deger-Jalkotzy 2008, 387–92); the Hittite Archives at Hattusha (Hoffner 2009), Ugarit’s archives (Yon 2006), the Onomasticon of Amenemope (Gardiner 1947), the Journey of Wenamon (Simpson 2003, 116–24), and many other sources (Wente 1990, 268 Meshwesh, 269 Sherden; Peden 2001, 182–237). For instance, the Amarna Letters (mid-14th century BCE) and Battle of Kadesh (year 5 of Ramesses II) attest to the presence of the Sherden/Shardana (who appear later in the Sea Peoples’ confederation) as auxiliaries in the Egyptian army (Moran 1992; Kitchen 1982, 55 fig. 18). The Sherden and other (sea) peoples (i.e., Lukka; Shekelesh; Teresh; Ekwesh) are also listed amongst the Libyan (Libu) force attacking Egypt during the reign of Merenptah (late 13th century BCE) (Kitchen 2003, 4). Furthermore, the archaeological record 5 See Sandars 1985; Ward and Joukowsky 1992; Drews 1993; Stager 1995; Oren 2000; Leahy 2001; Bachhuber and Roberts 2009; Yassur-Landau 2010; Haider, Weinstein, Cline and O’Connor, 2012; Bachhuber 2013; Cline 2014; D'Amato and Salimbeti 2015. 6 Absolute dates vary according to High, Middle, or Low chronologies and cross-cultural synchronisms (Dodson 2013; Kotsonas 2013). furnishes much supplementary, albeit often contradictory, information regarding the Sea Peoples and other events leading to the Late Bronze Age’s collapse: This includes palaeo-environmental data (e.g., climate change), settlements, burials and shipwrecks (e.g., Cape Gelidonya; Point Iria), and affiliated ecofacts (Broodbank 2013, 445–505; Walsh 2014, 170, 178, 286; Renfrew and Bahn 2016, 50). Background: During the Late Bronze Age, New Kingdom Egypt expanded its empire over many Canaanite city-states in Syria-Palestine (Hasel 1998; Mumford 1998; Morris 2005; Spalinger 2005; Steiner and Killebrew 2014). Egypt initially dispatched periodic military campaigns and exacted annual tribute under threat of retaliatory attacks in Late Bronze Age IA (1550–1450 BCE). Thutmose III intensified Egypt’s domination of the Levant, starting with the Battle of Megiddo, and continuing with attacks and inspection tours to the north (Redford 2003); his successors consolidated this new imperial infrastructure (e.g., provincial capitals and garrisons), formalized borders (with Mitanni), and expanded interactions with neighboring kingdoms via treaties and diplomatic marriages in Late Bronze Age IB-IIA (1450–1300 BCE).7 Egypt’s relations with the Hittite Empire decline sharply in the late 14th century BCE (Amarna period), following the Hittite expansion and incursion into Mitanni, the defeat, defection, and loss of some northern Egyptian vassals (in Amurru), and an Egyptian escort’s alleged murder of a Hittite prince dispatched to Egypt (Dodson 2009, 89–94; Dodson 2014, 76–81, 135–38; Stavi 2015). Egypt fights Hatti during the next few decades, restoring order in its Canaanite Empire, and eventually establishing peace and a stable border between the Hittites and Ramesses II (Late Bronze IIB: 1300–1200 BCE). However, during this period Egypt and adjacent regions face natural disasters (climatic change; low Niles; drought; famine), unrest in Canaan, Nubia, and marginal regions (vassal rebellions; Shasu Bedu attacks; Israelite stirrings), Libyan incursions into the Nile Valley (Ramesses II fortifies the western delta), fights over the succession (Amenmesse versus Sety II), internal strife (Queen Tawosret, Siptah, and Chancellor Bay in late Dynasty 19), gold depletion in Nubia’s mines, other economic problems (inability to pay tomb workers; workmen’s strikes), and other factors affecting Egypt and its empire (Dodson 2010; Spencer 2014; Goelet 2016). The Iron Age IA-B period (1200–1000 BCE) witnesses a relatively rapid decline in Egypt and its imperial territories (Dodson 2012), which succumb to increasing Libyan incursions (in Egypt) and further population movements and settlement by indigenous refugees, Bedouin, and others: For instance, a confederation of Philistines arises in southwest Canaan, the Tjeker, Sherden, and other Sea Peoples are attested in various parts of the Levant (e.g., Phoenicia; Transjordan), while the Israelites emerge in the southern hill country (Kitchen 1995, 243–54; Killebrew 2005). Sea Peoples’ Migrations: Medinet Habu portrays the Sea Peoples’ migrations as a “single event” dating to year 8 of Ramesses III, who claims that “The foreign countries, they made a conspiracy in their isles. Removed and scattered in battle, were the lands at one time. No land could stand up against (‘before’) their arms, beginning from Hatti (Anatolia); –Qode (Syria), Carchemish (Syria), Arzawa (southern Anatolia), and Alashiya (Cyprus), cut off (all) at once in one [place]” (Kitchen 7 See Der Manuelian 1987; O'Connor and Cline 1998; Cohen and Westbrook 2000; Bryan 2001; Cline and O’Connor 2006; Dodson 2009. 2008, 34). These foes represent three newcomers, the Peleset, Tjeker, and Weshwesh, and familiar enemies: The Sheklesh, the Denyen/Danuna (Danaoi? of the Iliad), and a captured enemy labelled “Sherden of the Sea” (Bachhuber 2013, 6098). This group is described as establishing a camp in the Hittite controlled region of Amurru (southwest Syria), devastating this region, and moving southward overland to Egypt’s imperial frontier in Djahi (i.e., northern Palestine to southern Syria), perhaps as far south as Tell Borg and the Pelusiac branch (Hoffmeier 2014). In the land battle scenes, the Sea Peoples are shown advancing in chariots and as infantry with clean shaven faces, flaring (feathered?) helmets, upper body armour, tasselled kilts, circular shields, spears, axes, and long swords; they utilize three-person crews (i.e., characteristic of Anatolian chariotry), and are identified as Peleset, Denyen, and Tjekel. The chariots are followed by identical warriors driving wagons carrying women and children, drawn by “humped” oxen typical of Zebu cattle from Syria and Anatolia (O’Connor 2000, 95–97). Ramesses III also mentions securing Egypt’s delta river mouths with warships and troops along the riverbanks (Wachsmann 2000). The Sea Peoples’ fleet is represented by five ships with bird- headed ends: Three ships contain warriors with flaring helmets (identified as Peleset, Denyen and Tjekel) and two boats have crewmembers wearing horned helmets (often equated with the Sherden) (Haider et. al., 2012, 198). Ramesses III claims victory against both the land and sea invasions, while affiliated texts mention the presence of the Sherden and Teresh. However, the Teresh and Denyen are attested a few decades before as foes during the reign of Merenptah, while the Denyen and Sherden appear even earlier as troublesome peoples in the 14th century BCE. The frequency of hostile sea raiders is attested by other LB Age accounts of piracy by the Lukka (from Lycia in southwest Anatolia) and Ekwesh (western Anatolia?), who are otherwise absent from Ramesses III’s list of enemies. Late Bronze Age Collapse: The Aegean: The decline of the Mycenaeans and Aegean in general is complicated, remains unclear and is widely debated. It involves multiple factors (e.g., droughts; famines; earthquakes; warfare; palace system collapse), varies in nature and intensity between polities and regions, and ranges from gradual to more
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