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KHIL{A 2 (2006), pp. 23-82. doi: 10.2143/KH.2.0.2021284

Cottons for Coins TRANSACTIONS IN -ËASIMID AL-MUKHA: OBSERVATIONS BY DUTCH PARTICIPANTS*

C.G. BROUWER (Amsterdam)

Ter nagedachtenis aan mijn vader, Bertus Brouwer (1904-1970), Gooise weverszoon, welbespraakt metaaldraaier

TEXTILES TRADED IN AL-MUKHA, 1614-1640: the tollhouse was inspected, the marketplace was not SUPPLY, IMPORT AND TRANSIT visited. Consequently, a lot of questions remained unan- Storehouse on the Red Sea swered. For instance, from which ports or cities were the supplied, to which centres inside During the final stages of the hundred-year strug- or outside the country were they forwarded? Who gle for power over Yemen between Ottomans and were the merchants or brokers involved? What was Ëasimids — resulting in the expulsion of the the size of the cargoes brought by ships or camels? Turkish troops in 1635/6 — a great diversity of tex- At what prices were the materials, , weaves and tile products reached al-Mukha, the country’s main clothes obtained in the production or purchase port, as demonstrated by dozens of contemporary regions, at which prices were they disposed of in al- Dutch records. These first-rate observations by eye- Mukha? How high, accordingly, did the profits rise, witnesses have come down to us in the archives of to which depths the losses fall? And, last but not the Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, that is, the least, what were the commercial objectives? ‘United East India Company’ (VOC), which at the The present article, a continuation of the study time maintained a semi-permanent factory in al- mentioned, aims to provide a detailed sketch of the Mukha and actively participated in the South Mukhawi textile market in the years 1614-1640, Arabian textile trade. based again on the VOC source materials. This time Meticulous and systematic examination of the relevant documents — the results of which have been recently published by Brouwer — establishes that in the quarter of a century that elapsed between * I should like to thank the Nationaal Archief in The Hague 1614 and 1640, alongside unprocessed and cot- for permission to use illustrative material from its rich stores ton and besides yarns and gold thread, more than of records. Dr Julia Harvey (Groningen) expertly corrected the English version of this article. two hundred different sorts, varieties and types of 1 Cf. Brouwer, Commerbands (quotations: pp. 22 and 40). woven fabrics and close to forty kinds of clothes This contribution also includes a survey of the secondary were carried into the tollhouse of the Yemeni port literature pertaining to the Mukhawi textile history (pp. 15- city in order to be weighed, counted and, to the dis- 20); the ‘monographic studies’ mentioned there in n. 5 should be supplemented by Schönig, Mokka, a shortened, tress of the merchants, taxed. Al-Mukha, therefore, and partly superseded, version of a lecture given in 1991 can rightly be characterized ‘a veritable textile store- (cf. Brouwer, Mukha, p. 62, n. 2). In n. 29, some basic house’, its weighing house ‘the epicentre of a textile studies are cited with respect to the so-called ‘First Ottoman imperium stretching from Eastern Asia to Southern Period’, 1538-1635/6, and to the revolt launched in 1599 1 by the Imam Ëasim al-ManÒur bi-’llah and victoriously con- Europe’ . cluded in 1635/6 by his son MuÌammad al-Mu’ayyad In the essay referred to, the assortment of textiles bi-’llah. In n. 30, publications are listed about the VOC in supplied and the origin, material, dimensions, general, its surviving records, its activities in Yemen and its design and various other features of each sort or sub- global textile politics; one should add Matthee, . Thus far, finally, Brouwer, Mukha, is the only fundamental study sort were described in minute detail, the trade in of the Yemeni port and its shipping in the period under those products, however, not. In a word, although discussion.

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it is not the numerous sorts and varieties that are As far as the kannekin mossafijs that were sup- highlighted but the transactions observed by the plied on the Mukhawi market in the commercial Dutch participants which occurred during the season of 1621 are concerned, for example, it can period when the port flourished so amazingly. be stated with certainty that they were woven on Supply, import, transit, weavers, buyers, brokers, Cambay looms and, aboard Indian and English merchants, cargoes, market size, purchase and sales ships, transported from the ports of Surat, Chaul prices, profits and targets: these are the main catch- and Dabhol to the Yemeni harbour. From which words in this commercial story2. ports, however, were the Persian that were sold in al-Mukha in 1616 shipped and by whom? Supply, indisputable or problematic? No doubt, cadia soutrou, a Gujarati fabric circulat- ing in the Tihama city in 1638, had been dis- Indian, Yemeni, Omani, English, Dutch and, possi- charged by Indian ships, but in which seaport had bly, Portuguese ships supplied textile products to al- it been loaded3? Mukha from the South, Turkish crafts and Syrian- In a word, the supply of materials, yarns, weaves Egyptian caravans from the North. The regions, and clothes in Ottoman-Ëasimid al-Mukha can cities or ports whence these vessels and camels set only to be described in terms of changing exacti- out on their lengthy and strenuous journeys prove tude. Careful wording is required. not always to be mentioned in the sources available; occasionally they are rather vaguely indicated, and Textiles supplied from the South: By Indian vessels sometimes insufficiently clearly distinguished from the production districts. Such information, never- Possibly not all, but undoubtedly many, of the ‘mer- theless, is highly important for anyone trying to chant ships’ annually sailing from Indian ports such trace the line from producer to consumer in the tex- as Nagna, Promiens or Miani, Cadts or Kutch, tile trade in those days. Goga, Surat, Diu, Chaul, Dabhol, Goa, Cannanore, Calicut and Masulipatnam, as well as from Achin in the Indonesian Archipelago, provided al-Mukha in the months of March through August, according to an eyewitness in 1616, with ‘ cloths’ and 2 With regard to the numerous exotic names of weaves and 4 clothes occuring in this essay, in accordance with Brouwer, ‘Chinese silk wares’ . That the Red Sea port, Commerbands, p. 22, the original Dutch designations have ‘renowned as a place of huge profits’, really attracted been retained, though in their commonest orthography — ‘fabrics’ and ‘silk wares’ from far-away Masulipatnam in rare cases widely different spellings or problematic is confirmed by another observer5. phrases are indicated in the notes. The names of the fabrics can be found in App. B of the study cited, those of the In accordance with some more detailed informa- clothes in the section on ‘Commerbands, turbans and other tion also dating from 1616, unprocessed cotton, sail clothes’, pp. 33-35. English equivalents of the Dutch terms cloth and Chinese ‘silk wares’ — such as , have been used in a limited number of cases only, viz. ‘cot- and damasks —, together with Chinese and Persian ton’ (catoen), ‘silk’ (sijde), ‘plied silk’ (getwernde sijde), ‘floss’ (flossijde), ‘sewing silk’ (naijsijde), ‘gold thread’ (goudtdraet), raw silk and sewing silk were traded in al-Mukha, all ‘cloths’/‘weaves’/‘fabrics’ (cleeden, lijwaeten, stoffen, doecken, of which products were brought ashore in all proba- goedt), ‘’ (fluweel), ‘’ (damast), ‘’ (satijn), bility by Indian freighters. According to an even more ‘’ (chits), ‘sail cloth’ (seijldoeck), ‘gold’ or ‘silver bro- precise statement, seven crafts originating from Diu cade’ (goude laecken, silvere laecken), ‘passementerie’ (passe- ment), ‘hat’ (muts), ‘robe’ (rock), and ‘turban’ (tulband). As — and Chaul and Dabhol? —, in addition to one in the essay mentioned above, ‘cloths’ is understood to vessel from Surat, unloaded girdles, turbans and mean woven fabrics, i.e. semi-manufactures, in opposition twelve sorts of weaves including baftas, kannekins and to ‘clothes’ referring to garments or final products; ‘sort’, dongerijs. Twelve ships which had put out to sea from ‘variety’, ‘type’ and ‘shape’, finally, are well-defined terms (see Commerbands, p. 25). Nagna, Miani and Kutch arrived with sail cloth and 3 455, 194v; 56, 206v; 698, 1314. solijhammers, one boat from Diu with raw cotton, two 4 H, 67 (Koopvaerdy-schepen; Promiens; Cadts; Cottoene klee- crafts from Dabhol and Chaul with seven sorts of fab- den; Chineesche Sijde-waeren). Cf. H, 56. rics, among which patas and taffeciel Dabolijs, and one 5 33, 168v (gefameert voor een plaets van grooten proffijt[en]; 6 sijdewaeren ende doucken). cargo ship from Goa with ‘Surati cloths’ . 6 56, 206r, 206v (sijdewaerren), 207r (Solij roode kleeden), Journal entries concerning textile ships mak- 207v (Souratsse cleeden). See also 60, 238. ing the Tihama harbour between 27 February and

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Pl. 1. Sketch map of the western Indian Ocean showing the main textile ports discussed, as well as the major production and distribution centres.

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18 May, chronologically arranged in table 1, finally, No fewer than 21 Indian vessels reaching al-Mukha prove to be accurate to the day7. in the season of 1616, one may conclude, held raw cotton and/or fabrics in their holds. They repre- date port of number cargo origin of ships sented more than half of the total number of about 8 27 Febr. Dabhol 1 cloths 38 ships originating from Indian port cities . 26 March Nagna & Miani 2 cotton & cloths How could Indian cargo vessels deposit Chinese 28 March Diu 1 cloths silk products in South Arabia? An observation from Nagna 1 cotton & cloths 1618 answers this question. Year after year, in the 10 Apr. Nagna & Miani 3 cotton 28 Apr. Miani 1 cotton & cloths month of September, crafts from Surat, Cambay [29] Apr. Kutch 1 dotias & baftas and Dabhol, laden with ‘expensive’ Gujarati textiles, 3 May Dabhol 1 cloths called at the port of Achin. These cloths were sub- 4 May Surat 1 cloths sequently sold on Sumatra and Java with ‘large Diu 1 cloths 5 May Diu 1 cloths profit’. In February the ships returned home carry- Kutch & Miani 2 cotton & cloths ing spices, chinaware, silk and ‘Chinese silk wares’, 6 May Miani 1 cotton & cloths for the greater part delivered by Malays and 8 May Pragana 1 dotias Javanese. Almost annually, moreover, a Dabhol ves- 13 May Diu 1 cloths 16 May Diu 1 cloths sel was dispatched straight from Achin to al-Mukha, 18 May Diu 1 cloths charged with the same merchandise9. ‘Several sorts of cloths’, a VOC employee based Table 1. Al-Mukha: Indian textile ships arrived between in al-Mukha noted in 1621, reached this port dur- 27 Febr. and 18 May 1616. ing that season aboard over 13 cargo ships from Nagna, Gingut, Diu, Goga, Surat, Chaul, Dabhol, Cannanore, Cochin and Masulipatnam. Another witness, from the last-named city, confirmed that 7 A, I, 84, 86-87, 100-103 (102: Pragana); in the sources Kutch and Miani are referred to as Cadts and Promiens. The ‘the King’s ship’ annually set off on a voyage to the still unidentified Pragana was, after Van den Broecke who Tihama port, loaded with fabrics produced in kept the log, ‘a certain place situated in Sind’. In the text Golconda, Narsapur and Bengal: parcalles, betieljes, as edited by Coolhaas (100), 28 April precedes 26 April; salampourijs, berams, etc. Supplies also came from a slip of the pen by Van den Broecke or a reading mistake 10 by the editor? Here 29 has been read instead of 26, in accor- Surat in Western India, he claimed . That Chinese dance with Brouwer, Shipping movements, pt. 1, pp. 132, satins as well as armosijns, raw and plied silk figured M43. For the ships involved see ibid., pt. 1, pp. 131-132, on a price-list from 1622 regarding goods traded on M25, M28-M31, M33, M42-M50, M52, M54-M55 and the Mukhawi market during the previous season M58. 8 For the total number of visiting vessels originating from points to Indian supply; in any case, raw cotton on India in 1616, viz. 35 + x, see Brouwer, Shipping movements, the same list came from Nagna and Cormeian (i.e. pt. 2, pp. 29-30, tab. 8, nos. 12-18, 20-37 (x=3). The Goga Miani). Turbans and several dozen sorts and vari- craft which passed by al-Mukha on 29 May on its way to eties of textiles, which in 1621 were offered for sale Jedda, laden with cloths and turbans (no. 19), has not been included. in al-Mukha by merchants from Surat, Chaul and 9 A, I, 174-175 (174: costelijcke; groot avance; chinese sijde- Dabhol, are found in another list drawn up in warren). 1623. Shortly after 8 September 1621, off Burum, 10 232, 252 (verscheijden soorten van cleeden; Gingut); 245, finally, the Chaul ship Mahomet was robbed on its 293r (het Coninckx schip; lijnwaten); 402, 281 (parcallen; betielies; salampourijs; berams). Over 13 cargo ships: home voyage of lots of camelots, commerbands, cf. Brouwer, Shipping movements, pt. 1, pp. 140-142, toochs (‘turbans’) and nuesdoecks (‘handkerchiefs’) by M101-M112. The King’s ship: ibid., pt. 1, p. 142, M109. the Dutch ‘yacht’ Weesp: unsaleable return goods, 11 363, 194r (Cormeian); 455, 194v-196r; 271, 394r-v. obviously11. Mahomet: cf. Brouwer, Shipping movements, pt. 1, pp. 141- 142, M106. Regarding the nature of the textiles seized see According to a testimony from 1622, Surati below, sub ‘Textiles supplied from the South: By VOC traders used to purchase their goedt (i.e. ‘cloths’) in ships’, where the expedition of the Souratte in 1622 and Brodera in order to direct them to al-Mukha with that of the Heusden in 1623 are discussed. Jacht or ‘yacht’: ‘the King’s or Prince’s ships’. On 6 January such a Dutch fast-sailing three-master with square stern and shallow draught often used for reconnaissance or commu- vessel lay ready to sail in the estuary of the Surat nication missions; see Brouwer, Mukha, sub ‘Western ships’, river. To prevent competition, the Suratis banned pp. 300-308. the English Company from stocking up on cloths

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in Brodera. Another statement from the same year From a remonstrantie (‘report’) regarding the confirms that Surat-based Baniyan and ‘Moorish’ main cities of Northwestern India, probably drawn (i.e. muslim) merchants transported ‘various sorts up in 1625, we learn dat linden (read ‘cloths’), in of cloths’ woven in Petsan (i.e. Patham) and Deccan the shape of various weaves — schader, kassidi, to the Red Sea, that means to al-Mukha and asamanij, etc. —, produced and bought in Broach, Jedda12. A price-list from 1622 shows that Chinese Brodera, Cambay and Ahmadabad, was exported satins, armosijns, raw and plied silk, as well as laeck- directly to al-Mukha by ‘Moors’ and others. ens and, supplied from Nagna and Miani, cotton Incidentally, ports such as Diu, Daman, Chaul, changed hands in the Yemeni port. Numerous sorts Dabhol, Bassein and Goa — all of which main- of cloth, in addition to turbans and romaels, carried tained connections with the Tihama city — were from Surat, Chaul and Dabhol to al-Mukha by also provisioned from these production and pur- Indian (and English) traders, appear in a survey of chase centres17. prices which applied in 1622. An observer on the In 1626 an eyewitness stated again that ‘large spot, well informed by locally active textile mer- Moorish ships and smaller crafts’ annually trans- chants, reported that cloths manufactured in Surat ported a multitude of cloths as well as unprocessed and other centres were parted with for astonishingly cotton from Sind, Diu, Surat, Goa and ‘other places’ low prices13. on the Indian coast to al-Mukha. He summed up In 1623, too, cloths and cotton were found on eleven of the favourite and most profitable sorts, the Mukhawi market, as is evident from a note in including baftas, kassidi and longij fota, all manufac- a log. They were delivered annually by cargo ships tured in Cambay, Goga and Ahmadabad18. The fol- from Sind, Pormegniaen or Miani, Diu, Goga, lowing year a Company servant noted that in Cambay, Broach, Surat, Bassein, Chaul, Dabhol, Broach and Brodera baftas and other fabrics were Goa, Cannanore, Cochin, Masulipatnam and made for the Mukhawi market, without mention- remote Achin. That both Chinese satins and raw ing the transport by Indian ships19. and plied silk were offered for sale in the Arabian In a detailed report on Gujarat drafted in 1628, port is mentioned in a business letter from the same the names of about fourteen different textile sorts year. In another passage from that epistle reference which were usually transported from Cambay to is made to eighteen vessels, put out from Sind, al-Mukha by the ‘Moors’ are mentioned: kannekin, Nagna, Miani, Diu, Cambay, Surat, Chaul, Dabhol, montassij, cadia, etc. ‘Foreign’, that is, Indian, mer- Cannanore, Cochin and Carpatan, carrying cotton chants purchased in Broach linden or ‘cloths’ pro- and ‘various Indian cloths’ to al-Mukha14. A price- list passed down to us shows that in 1623 the same range of fabrics was traded in the Red Sea port as 12 A, II, 267 (goedt; des Conninck ofte prince schepen), 266 in the two preceding years; here dozens of sorts, (princenschip); 402, 282 (Moorsche; alderleij sorteeringhe van varieties and types of textiles are meant, in addition lijwaeten; Petsan). to turbans, romaels, potas and raw cotton, all of 13 363, 194r; 455, 194r-196r; 322, 263. 14 402, 284 (Pormegniaen); 420, 23v (alderhande Indische which were brought ashore by the ‘Moors’ (and the cleeden). 18 Vessels: cf. Brouwer, Shipping movements, pt. 1, English). There is no clearer sign, finally, for the pp. 149-150, M160-M165, M167-M170. As for the ship Indian textile supply than the weighage that, from Naman also mentioned see below, sub ‘Textiles sup- according to a city description dating from 1623, plied from the South: By Yemeni and Omani crafts’. 15 15 456, 197r-198r (197r: Mooren); 453, 265. had to be handed over for cotton and silk . 16 484, 76r; 489, 190r; 475, 162r (geen groote scheepen; beter- According to a record drawn up in 1624, innu- coop). merable fabrics, including vise de Roltre and piskier, 17 534, 10-11 (10: linden; 11: Moren), 27 and 28, 34 (tsiad- were regularly transported from Masulipatnam to der) and 43 respectively. 18 656, 144v (groote Moorsche scheepen en cleijnder vaertuijch; al-Mukha. Another document, however, tells us that andere differente plaetsen), 146. Almost identical wording in during that season precious few Indian textiles 665, 165. Johan Carstenzoon’s description of al-Mukha, reached the Yemeni port. From Surat at least ‘no dating from 1626, afterwards ‘purloined or embezzled’ (656, large vessels’ bound for al-Mukha had set sail, caus- 144r: vervreempt ofte verduijstert), was noted down again from memory at the end of 1633 and at the beginning of ing the cloths to be had ‘cheaper’ in the Gujarati 1634 in two slightly divergent versions. Cf. Brouwer, emporium — much to the pleasure of the Dutch Mukha, p. 397, GM72. trading to the Archipelago16. 19 563, 291 (bafta’s).

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duced in Cambay, Goga and Ahmadabad, which arms. In 1633, the ‘Moors’ from Sind, Diu, Goga, they subsequently resold to traders who transported Surat and other ports dispatched both raw cotton them with their ‘ships’ to the Yemeni commercial and fabrics thence. Three ‘most experienced bro- port. A survey regarding the situation in Asia, as kers’, residing in Surat, by name Wissendasnan, Seras elaborate as the previous one and dating from the and Bagesij, drew up a ‘memory’ of the best-selling same year, touches upon cotton and ‘cotton cloths’ and most profitable commodities on the Mukhawi carried by ‘Indian merchants’ from ‘sea places’ such market along with the sales prices then in force. as Sind, Diu, Cambay, Surat, Chaul, Dabhol, Goa, Amongst these figure fifteen sorts of Indian textiles, Cannanore, Cochin and Malabar to al-Mukha20. woven in centres such Cambay, Dholka and From Masulipatnam, a VOC servant wrote in mid- Ahmadabad. A duplicate of this list, with some January, the ‘King’s ship’ of Golconda would sail alterations and additions, turns out to be included within eight or ten days to Mecha, i.e. al-Mukha, in a description of the city of al-Mukha written at charged with tobacco, rice and ‘coarse cloths’. An the beginning of 163422. observer in the latter port reported late in the year In the course of 1635, the Mogoor or Mogul that several kinds of fabrics from Surat, among Emperor — Shah Djahan I — became afraid of them dotias, longijs and allegias, were part of the a Portuguese-English alliance that would prevent ‘articles in demand’, and cotton from that city was his subjects from conducting trade to Persia and offered for sale as well. That Indian crafts accounted Arabia, read al-Mukha. After all, the commerce in for the transport thereof is implied21. cloths that ‘were exported overseas’ was ‘extremely Only scattered communications are found in the large’ and so was his income from toll collection. materials investigated concerning Indian textile No wonder that he made overtures to the Dutch. deliveries to al-Mukha during the fourth decade, so Incidentally, that season the Indian textile mer- loudly filled with the clash of Turkish and Yemeni chants found a ‘very bad market’ in Cheir or al-ShiÌr, Aden and al-Mukha. In the latter port they were even violently robbed of their merchandise by the Ottoman occupiers, cornered by the advancing 20 589, 397r (Mooren), 399r (vreemde; linden), 400r (schepen); Ëasimid fighters, ‘without restitution of a penny’. 602, [3]r-v (v: cattoene linnewaden; Indise cooplieden; Consequently, many ‘Moors’ and Baniyans estab- seeplaetsen). 21 581, 1218 (conincxschip; groeve doecken); 613, 1495 lished in Surat could not avoid bankruptcy, which 23 (courante waeren). King’s ship: Brouwer, Shipping move- caused the local textile prices to plummet . ments, pt. 1, p. 158, M240 (one should add in col. 6 (‘obs’): In 1637, ‘the large ship of the King’, the Chahije ‘The King’s ship’). (Shahi), that left Surat for al-Mukha in April, over- 22 658, 63r (Mooren; li[n]waeten; ervarenste maeckelaers); 662, 285r (memorie; Wissendasnan; Seras; Bagesij); 665, 171-172. taken by storm but one day’s sailing from its desti- In the document last mentioned the names of the brokers nation, was blown out of the Red Sea and thrown are spelled Wissendasaen, Seraf and Bangaija (170). Should ashore south of Chaul, off Danderagepour. The total we read: Wissen Das, Na(e)n Seraf and Bagesij (Bangaija)? cargo, worth 7 to 8 or even 10 lacq — that is, 700 Naen Seraff figures as ‘the Company’s moneychanger’ in a missive from 1637 (688, 622: Compes. wisselaer), see below, to 800 thousand or one million rupia —, was lost, sub ‘Asian merchants’; in a record from 1636 as well — not not excluding the textiles. Expectations were that this dealing with the Yemen — this Surati sarraf makes his ‘disaster’, favourable to the European rivals, would appearance under that same name (R4, 561). Unfortunately, ‘cause demand’ for cloths in the Tihama city24. the brokers in question do not play a part in relevant mono- graphs such as Terpstra, Westerkwartieren, Bos Radwan, One year later, in 1638, at least 23 sorts and vari- Dutch, Gokhale, Surat, Van Santen, Compagnie and VOC- eties of weaves were seen on the Mukhawi market, dienaar, Chakrabarty, Relations, or in Om Prakash’s source- apart from cotton, turbans and fotas, all of which book Factories. were produced in Gujarat and Coromandel. The lots 23 677, 529 (den Mogoor; die ter zee uytgevoert werden; extreem groot); 678, 50 (seer slechten merckt; Cheir; sonder een pen- had no doubt been carried aboard a considerable ningh restitutie; Mooren). number of the 47 ‘fully-laden ships and yachts’ at 24 688, 622 (’t groot schip des Coninckx; Chahije; Danderagepour; most that had set course from ‘various places’ in lacq; disaister; treck causeren; cleeden). Cf. Brouwer, Mukha, India to the South Arabian coastal city. Al-Mukha, pp. 387-388, AM15. 25 698, 1313-1314; 694, 1237; 700b, 358v (volladen scheepen actually, was ‘filled and crammed’ with fabrics and 25 ende jachten; diverse plaetsen; vervult ende verkropt). other commodities .The next season, 27 ships cast Cf. Brouwer, Mukha, p. 388, AM16. anchor in the roads, originating from Pormanij or

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Miani, Diu, Cambay, Surat and Bijapur, charged sorts of fabrics originating from Sind and Cambay with textiles, etc. Now, too, the supply was more as well as camelijs. An on-the-spot observer noted than abundant26. that the merchants from Nomanij, situated ‘in the Although in the autumn of 1639 an observer Gulf of Persia’, annually sold ‘various sorts’ of stationed in Surat anticipated that the ‘Moors’ and weaves in al-Mukha. However, that they carried all Baniyans, in view of their bad experiences in the of the countless specified sorts that, according to two previous seasons, would realise ‘no large equip- the same witness, were traded at the city’s market ment’ for al-Mukha in the next year and, therefore, in the monsoon of 1640 seems improbable30. would start ‘no major procurement’, the merchants continued their excessive supply of textiles. A good By English cargo ships number of the 18 Indian crafts at least from Parmianij or Miani, Diu, Cambay, Surat, Dabhol, It turns out that the English trade in textiles to al- Malabar, Cochin and Masulipatnam, which called Mukha is reasonably well documented in the at the Yemeni port in 1640, if not all of them, car- sources examined, though considerably less than ried ‘cloths and fabrics’ in their holds. Numerous that of their Indian competitors. sorts of weaves, finished products such as fotas and A ‘memorandum’ drawn up by two Dutch ‘com- romaels, as well as unprocessed cotton — from mercial spies’ shows that in 1618 more than forty Goga — are summed up in a list of cloths traded, sorts and varieties of weaves were purchased by composed by an eye-witness. Chinese velvets, servants of the English East India Company (EIC) satins, pantgis and armosijns, too, found their way in Cambay, Broach and Surat destined for the to al-Mukha. And last but not least, from Miani Mukhawi market. Supposedly, these were trans- came camelijs or ‘Arab robes’27. ported to the Red Sea, whether or not in their total- ity, aboard the vessel that sailed from Surat in By Yemeni and Omani crafts February 1619 and returned in October, that is, the Leeuw (Lion)31. Judging by the testimonies handed down, Yemeni According to statements from the beginning of crafts were barely active in the textile supply in 1620, the English, operating from their establish- al-Mukha. Only two ships, both of which origi- ment in Ahmadabad, used to buy ‘all kinds of nated from Catsinni or Catsimj, that is, from Ëishn, situated on the border between the Îa∂ramawt and al-Mahra, are mentioned. On 7 May 1616, the former made anchorage in 26 700b, 358v-359r (359r: Pormanij). Cf. Brouwer, Mukha, p. 388, AM19-AM23. the Mukhawi roadstead, carrying, in addition to 27 700b, 359r (Mooren; geen groote equipagie ofte uijtreddingh; spices and porcelains, raw cotton and Gujarati geen groote procuijre); vgl. 701a, 93. Furthermore: 704, 400r cloths. On 18 May, the latter followed, charged (Parmianij; cleeden ende lijwaeten); 705, 161v-163r, 166r, with indigo and Indian fabrics. As far as the cargo 167v. Cf. Brouwer, Mukha, p. 389, AM30-AM32, AM34- AM38. of cotton and cloths is concerned, this was trans- 28 A, I, 102 (Catsinni) and 103 (Catsimj) respectively. Cf. ferred in Ëishn from a — Portuguese owned? — Brouwer, Shipping movements, pt. 1, p. 133, M51 and M59. Goa freighter that did not dare to penetrate deeper For the Nassau see below, sub ‘Textiles supplied from the into the Red Sea. Did fear of the Dutch Nassau that South: By VOC ships’. 29 420, 23v (Naman). Cf. Brouwer, Shipping movements, pt. since the end of January had dominated the Bay of 1, p. 149, M166 (there, in col. 2 (‘h/o/c/p’) ‘Naman’ should al-Mukha with its heavy guns play a part here? be replaced by ‘Oman’; this means that in Brouwer, Mukha, Anyway, the South Arabian ship did in fact accom- p. 357, table 6, sub 1623, region 4 should be ‘1’ and region plish an Indian or even Portuguese mission28. 5 ‘34/35’ instead of ‘35/36’, with corresponding changes in the totals). Somewhat less rarely, Omani textile ships 30 704, 400r (Namamij); 705, 167v, 161v (Nomanij; in appeared in front of al-Mukha. In the commercial d’Golpho van Persia; diverse sorteeringen), 162r-v (list of tex- season of 1623, one craft from Naman made the tile sorts). Cf. Brouwer, Mukha, p. 389, AM33. harbour, discharging not only spices, tobacco and 31 128, 241r-v (r: memorie); 149, 487; 151, 213v. Cf. 29 Brouwer, Mukha, p. 402, EM2 (there the EM number ‘2H’ rice but probably also Indian cloths . should be corrected to ‘2’, in col. 2 the date of departure Over one and a half decades later, in 1640, four set in roman character, in col. 3 the italic ‘a’ replaced by vessels from Namanij arrived, supplying several a roman ‘a’ and a roman ‘d’ added, in col. 4 the communi-

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cloths’ including dotia Dolca in Cambay and the Leeuw, and a sloep or ‘sloop’ to al-Mukha, Dholka, as well as various fabrics of Bengali manu- ‘entirely charged with Gujarati cloths’. That dur- facture in Agra, all destined for al-Mukha. The ing the commercial season at the latter place many ‘Moors’ in Surat who looked upon the lucrative fabrics supplied by both English and Indians really English trade to South Arabia with envy tried to appeared in the market is evident from the textile prevent these purchases32. survey mentioned earlier34. In 1621, three English vessels — the Londen, the According to reports, the English were conduct- Bock and the Roo Hart, i.e. London, Buck and Red ing trade in laeckens in al-Mukha, sufficient reason Hart — set sail from Surat for the Red Sea, that is, for the VOC to confirm these facts for itself in 1623. al-Mukha. In their holds were stowed raw silk and A survey of prices drawn up in the Tihama port that ‘weaves manufactured thereof’ which previously had same year makes clear that an excessive number of been carried from Persia. Whether this lot was ever sorts of weaves, in addition to turbans, romaels, fotas brought ashore and traded in al-Mukha or reached and unprocessed cotton, were carried from India by patria remains uncertain. Probably, these ships also both English and ‘Moors’. Unfortunately, the exact delivered in the Yemeni port the crimson and other contribution of the former cannot be determined. ‘English laeckens’ figuring in a price-list preserved. By the way, 1623 was a true disaster year for the In a much more detailed textile survey, numerous EIC. One of the two vessels that on 26 February set Indian cloths are met with that had been transported course from Suhali’s Roads for al-Mukha, the Weel to al-Mukha by both English merchants and traders or Wael (i.e. Whale), overloaded and too lightly bal- from Surat, Chaul and Dabhol. Unfortunately, lasted, capsized after only half an hour’s sailing. which sorts and varieties exactly the EIC employees Among the 35 crew members drowned was the were responsible for is not indicated33. Yemen veteran Salbanck. The entire cargo, includ- It can be deduced from a log entry dating from ing Persian silk and ‘expensive cloths’, was lost35. the early days of 1622 that the English maintained According to the author of the remonstrantie a comthoir in Broach for the sake of obtaining tex- mentioned above concerning a number of cities tiles for al-Mukha and other places. At the time situated in Northwest India, probably dating from their logie in Brodera had already been closed: 1625, the cloths produced in Broach by ‘the most Surat ‘forbade’ them to buy textiles there, as a capable weavers of fine fabrics’, and for which measure to protect its own trade to Arabia. The there was everywhere great demand, were annually factory in Ahmadabad, on the other hand, was bought up by the English, transported to al- fully involved in the purchase of ‘various sorts of Mukha and sold there. Although a later notice, expensive cloths’ destined for, inter alia, the com- from 1628, confirms these English textile pur- mercial port on the Red Sea. On 5 April, the chases, it mentions ‘the South’, that is, the English directed two jachts from Surat, including Indonesian Archipelago, as the destination of the cloths collected36. In the spring of 1626, employees of the EIC cation ‘Surat (dt) (X a)’ included and in col. 6 the phrase hinted to the Directeur (‘Director’) of the Dutch ‘To be (…) (al-.M.?)’ deleted; in the ‘Sources, p. 406, sub factory in Surat that they intended to dispatch EM2, finally, should be added: ‘149, 487; 151, 213v’. wholesale buyers to Dabhol with instructions to 32 149, 486 (alderleij kleeden), 487 (Mooren); 151, 213r. purchase in that port city, in addition to pepper, 33 227, 750 (gewrochte stoffen); 363, 194r (Engelse lakenen); cloths for al-Mukh 37. 455, 194v-195r. Cf. Brouwer, Mukha, pp. 402-403, EM3. a 34 A, II, 267 (comthoir; logie; verbooden), 268 (alderlaij sorter- Reports referring to the English textile trade to inghe costelijcke cleeden); 316, 239 (jachten; sloep; volladen South Arabia during the years of the armed con- met Goesseratse cleeden); 403, 761 (Leeuw); 455, 194v-195r. frontation between Turks and Yemenites are com- Cf. Brouwer, Mukha, p. 403, EM4 (Leeuw, Roos and Dick). 35 379, 3r; 370a, 292; 456, 197r-198r (197r: Mooren;197v: pletely lacking. Not before 1638, when the war had romael). On the Whale: A, II, 281 (Weel); 401, 137r-v already been over for three years, does information (r: Wael; costelijcke cleeden); 480, 57. Cf. Brouwer, Mukha, reappear in the records searched. On 30 April of that pp. 403-404, EM7. Regarding Joseph Salbank, in 1622 year, the Marij or Merrij (i.e. Mary) left Surat for the Captain of the Lion, see Brouwer, Anchor, pp. 202 and 205. 36 534, 10-11 (10: de beste fijne lindewevers); 589, 399r Red Sea port, accompanied by the Blessingh as far as (de Zuijt), 400r. Aden. Aboard were, apart from cloves and other 37 542, 291r. commodities, Gujarati cloths. On 3 October, the

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Pl. 2. ‘Memorandum’ (memorie) on the commodities purchased by the English in Cambaija (Cambay), Brootcha (Broach) and Surratt [Surat], for the purpose of the trade to Mocha [al-Mukha], drawn up by [Adriaen Willemsz. Goeree and Pieter Gillisz. van Ravesteijn], [Surat], [1618] (The Hague, Nationaal Archief, VOC 1072, 241r) (=128). A survey of Gujarati weaves purchased by servants of the EIC and destined for the Mukháwi market, with particularities about shapes and local purchase prices.

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ship returned to Surat with a part of the unsaleable Broach were annually transported to al-Mukha and oddments38. other Asian ports by the ‘Moors’, English, Dutch Notwithstanding the meagre results achieved, in and Portuguese. However, did the Portuguese pos- 1639 the English Company set out again on a tex- sibly provide cities such as Hurmuz, Goa and tile voyage to al-Mukha. The Discouvre, having Malacca with that linden, the others al-Mukha41? sailed together with the Convoij, ‘a small jacht’, from It seems, judging from the available sources, that Surat on 24 April, supplied fabrics. although Portuguese freighters seldom or never cast The ‘bad market’ found in the two previous sea- anchor in the roadstead of al-Mukha, Indian ves- sons in Arabia, a qualified observer remarked in the sels from Portuguese-ruled cities did so all the autumn of 1639, would certainly prevent the more. This impression is confirmed by the — most English and the Indians from organizing another likely Portuguese — ship from Goa that, as we have commercial expedition to al-Mukha. Therefore, seen, for fear of entering the Red Sea transferred only moderate purchases in the Indian textile cen- its textile cargo in Ëishn to a local craft bound for tres, he thought, lay in the future. Whether these al-Mukha in mid-May 161642. dark expectations materialized in 1640, however, is not communicated in the sources investigated39. By VOC ships

By Portuguese freighters? The cargo of the yacht Nassau, visiting al-Mukha between 25 January and 7 July 1616 under the Did Portuguese ships participate in the Arabian tex- Commandeur (‘Commander’) Pieter van den Broecke, tile commerce, like the English? included, besides spices and porcelains, Chinese Nowhere in the records and journals studied are damasks shipped in Bantam. This information is Portuguese freighters laden with textile products provided by the Syrian merchant Hagi Abrahim (the calling at al-Mukha explicitly mentioned. From Ìadjdj Ibrahim) who during the period mentioned 1620 dates an observation that ‘considerable trade’ stayed in the Tihama port43. in cloths and other commodities was being con- The Middelborch and the Duijff, on 19 July 1617 ducted to the Yemeni port from Portuguese-domi- stranded near Daman, had textiles on board. At any nated cities such as Diu, Daman, Bassein, Chaul rate, on 27 June, near Monte Felix, a ‘small cloth’ and Goa. The question arises, however, whether was offered to some native people. Just before these Portuguese or Indians equipped the ships involved? ships had departed from Bantam, however, the The preceding discussion of the Indian supply Gouverneur-Generaal (‘Governor General’), Jan clearly shows that the latter were responsible40. Pietersz. Coen, cancelled al-Mukha as their final In the remonstrantie referred to earlier regarding destination44. the commercial centres situated in Northwestern The ’t Wapen van Zeelandt, which left Jacarta India, supposedly drawn up in 1625, it is stated that halfway through June 1620 setting course for high quality weaves manufactured and purchased in al-Mukha and Surat, carried a shipment of laeckens, in addition to some boxes with damasks, satins, grofgrijn, colle caffa, caffa, armosijns, Chaul, raw and 38 694, 1237-1238 (1237: Marij); 698, 1310-1311 (1310: plied silk. From the Nassau, furthermore, hooffden Merrij). Date of departure of the Mary: 20 Apr. 1638 O.S. [sisi]cques had been transferred, obtained in Cf. Brouwer, Mukha, pp. 405-406, EM13 and EM15. 39 694, 1238 (Discouvre; cleen jachtjen); 700b, 358v (Convoij), Succedana. On 20 or 22 August having anchored in 359r (quaden marcqt); 700c, 359v. Cf. Brouwer, Mukha, Aden, the ship sailed on 29 August straight to p. 406, EM16-EM17. Gujarat: Van den Broecke considered calling at 40 149, 487 (deftigen handel). al-Mukha so late in the monsoon season unsafe. A 41 534, 10-11 (11: Moren; linden). 42 See above, sub ‘Textiles supplied from the South: By large quantity of commodities, brought ashore in Yemeni and Omani crafts’. Aden and consigned to the care of the opperkoop- 43 67, 209r (Hagi Abrahim). Cf. Brouwer, Mukha, p. 408, man (‘senior merchant’) Harman van Gill, reached DM1. Details concerning the expedition of the Nassau in al-Mukha at the end of January 1621 aboard five id., Eye. Arab djalbas. They included in any case laeckens and 44 A, I, 127 (cletgen). Al-Mukha as the initial destination: A, I, 121; 63, 383; 64, 387. Surat as final destination: — as is evident from an extant inventory of prod- A, I, 124; 65, 72. ucts that were in stock in the Dutch comptoir at the

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beginning of August — (Chinese) damasks and Dedel’s instructions, Lemmens and the senior mer- satins45. chant Huijbert Visnich, the future chief of the office At the same time, Willem Jacobsz. de Milde, the in Gamron (i.e. Bandar ‘Abbas), were to examine the successor to the unexpectedly deceased Van Gill as prospects for the Company’s commerce in fabrics in the chief of the Company’s Arabian factory, expected Southern Arabia, especially that in ‘Chinese wares’, that Chinese weaves, provided that they were ‘clean that is, in porcelains and textiles. The English laecken and without spots’ and showing ‘nice colours’ — ‘no transactions were to be carefully watched, too49. black’ ones, therefore! — could be sold at a profit Visnich, who in spite of the strained relations in the future. Whether the two ships with which he with the Turkish authorities went ashore a few had arrived in the port on 3 or 4 July, the Samson times, came to the conclusion that the VOC, if the and the Weesp, carried textiles is uncertain. Perhaps dispute were settled, would be able to annually dis- black-coloured satins and damasks? Anyhow, on pose of Chinese damasks, satins, gold and silver bro- their way out, on 1 June near Dordri (Durdureh), cade, armosijns and floss, as well as raw cotton from the vessels removed a lot of ‘fabrics’ belonging to Surat and surroundings, and ‘various sorts of coarse Portuguese merchants from a ‘Moorish’ craft, the cloths’ from Cambay and other production centres, Remanij, originating from Cambay but shipped in and that at a ‘reasonable profit’. In order to provide Diu. Was this booty brought ashore in al-Mukha46? his Masters in Batavia with further information, De It is unknown whether the ’t Wapen and the Milde drew up two elaborate textile surveys regard- Noort Hollant, placed under the command of Jan ing the Indian and English textile commerce in the van Gorcum, separated from the English-Dutch years 1621-1623, in which sorts and varieties, quan- ‘defensive fleet’ off Goa by Admiral Jacob Dedel and tities and prices are dealt with. That very same year, which arrived on 13 March 1622 in al-Mukha’s these Masters required in an eijsch or ‘order’ that red harbour, supplied woven materials. The Souratte laecken, Italian gold , velvet, satin and gold under Johan van der Dussen, however, which passementerie should be sent from patria for distri- reached the Yemeni port on 1 May coming from bution over al-Mukha and other commercial cen- Surat, carried two boxes full of cloths, more pre- tres in the Westerkwartieren or ‘Western Districts’50. cisely: of turbans, and even more precisely: of camelots, commerbands, toochs (‘turbans’) and nues- doecks (‘handkerchiefs’). As related before, these had 45 180, 166r, 167r (hooffden [sisi]cqes; Succedana); 232, 256; been stolen by the Weesp, shortly after 8 September 361, 376r (comptoir). What is meant by hooffden [sisi]cques, 1621, from the Mahomet. These textiles, now for is still unclear; hoofd or kepala as part of weaves is discussed the second time in al-Mukha, however, could not in Brouwer, Commerbands, p. 31. For the voyage of the ’t Wapen see id., Mukha, p. 408, DM2, and id, Expedition. be unshipped, let alone traded as a consequence of Djalba: Modest-sized Arab sailing vessel used for the trans- the heated conflict that had broken out between the port of passengers and commodities in the Red Sea and Turkish authorities and the Dutch factory after the Indian Ocean; details in id., Mukha, pp. 287-298. misbehaviour of the Samson and the Weesp. So the 46 232, 256 (schoon ende onbevleckt; schoone coleuren; geen two boxes returned unopened to the Gujarati port- swarte), 249-250 (249: Moors; Dordri; 250: linden). For the Samson and the Weesp see Brouwer, Mukha, pp. 408-409, 47 city in mid-September 1622 . DM3; for the Remanij id., Shipping movements, pt. 1, The plan conceived at the end of 1622 to send p. 145, M131. the boxes to Batavia with the Weesp — as such 47 316, 239; 274, 24v; 271, 394r-v. Particulars with regard to the looting actions by the Weesp and the resulting Turkish- stolen commodities could not be piloted through Dutch clash can be found in Brouwer, Servant, pp. 108- the alfandega or ‘tollhouse’ of Surat ‘without great 109, 111 ff., and id., Anchor, sub no. VI, especially pp. 204- problems’! — was not implemented. According to 205. For the Dutch vessels see id., Mukha, p. 409, DM4 the cargo bill, the boxes, along with some pieces of and DM5, for the Chaul craft id., Shipping movements, pt. 1, pp. 141-142, M106. laecken, were stowed in the hold of the Heusden 48 358, 1041 (sonder groote moeijten; alfandega); 375a, 34 which, sailing under François Lemmens from a (andere decaense cleeden). Persian destination: 384, 68r. position off Goa, dropped anchor in al-Mukha’s 49 370a, 291, 292 (Chinese waeren) roads on 12 March 1623. However, the turbans, 50 402, 284-285 (284: redelijcke avance; 285: alderleij sorteer- inghe van groove cleeden). Textile surveys: 455, 194v-196r; commerbands and ‘other Deccan cloths’, now for the 456, 197r-198r. Eijsch: 454, 77r. The adventures of the third time in Arabia, were explicitly destined for the Heusden in al-Mukha are dealt with in Brouwer, Servant, Persian not the Yemeni market48. According to pp. 119-128. Cf. id., Mukha, p. 409, DM6.

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At the end of January 1625, the eijsch just men- al-Mukha, included in his general report on the tioned was literally repeated. Later in the year, in South Arabian port city a series of much demanded September, Harman van Speult, who left the and profitable weaves that could be ordered and pur- Archipelago with three vessels bound for Gujarat, chased by the Company in Cambay, Goga and was commissioned by Governor General Pieter de Ahmadabad. Van den Broecke’s suggestion, more- Carpentier to dispatch, in consultation with Van over, to follow the English example by buying cloths den Broecke at Surat, ‘some ships’ to al-Mukha in in Dabhol for the Arabian market met with De order to sell there, apart from spices and other com- Carpentier’s enthusiasm, if only this could be real- modities, ‘profit-yielding Surati cloths’. Although ized ‘without evident danger from the side of the the remonstrantie from the same year regarding the enemy’, that is, the Portuguese52. main trade centres in Nothwestern India, quoted In 1627, however, Batavia, through De Carpentier earlier, refers to the Dutch ‘nation’ as belonging to and Coen, judged it inadvisable to equip ships with the regular suppliers of Broach linden — in the ‘Hindustani cloths’ for al-Mukha, the Company lack- sense of various sorts of fabrics —, in reality no ing the ‘means’ required, not to mention ‘the great VOC bottom with a substantial textile cargo had troubles, waste of time, impediment to ships and thus far been observed in the Red Sea51. wearing out of our people’53. From about 20 June till 20 August 1626, Van Nevertheless, in 1628 the Surati office launched Speult’s mighty fleet of seven richly loaded vessels, a new Arabia expedition, undertaken by the Bommel having sailed from Surat, was riding at anchor in and the Weesp, under the senior merchant (?) Job sight of al-Mukha. Aboard the Walcheren, placed Christiaensz. Grijph as Commander. Remarkably, under the command of the senior merchant Dirck none of these vessels, anchoring from 15 May till van der Lee, was a shipment of Italian gold , 12/13 July in the Bay of al-Mukha, took a single velvets and satins; gold passementerie, on the other piece of cloth in its hold. Part of Grijph’s task, hand, had been sent back to Java with the Heusden. though, after having left the Red Sea, was to load a Although Van den Broecke, the Director of the lot of silk lying ready in Gamron on behalf of the Surat factory, did not doubt that these commodities Gujarati head office. Nothwithstanding the stagna- would yield ‘profit’ in Yemen, in December the Hoge tion of trade in al-Mukha as a consequence of the Regering or ‘Supreme Governors’ in Batavia held war raging between Ëasimids and Ottomans, quite other opinions on that matter. As the sales Grijph saw a rosy future. After the re-establishment price in al-Mukha supposedly would not even of peace, he thought, the Company’s commerce approach the purchase price, they requested the would turn out to be ‘very lucrative’. Profits were Directors in patria ‘to send no more’ of these prod- to be gained on raw cotton and on ‘all coarse Surati ucts; crimson as well as ‘ordinary’ laecken, nonethe- cloths’, such as dotias, kannekins, baftas, berams, less, remained a welcome article. In the meantime, longijs, schaders and allegias, these being ‘selling the senior merchant Johan Carstensz., who had wares’54. succeeded the deceased Van Speult as Admiral in Five years later, at the end of 1633, Philips Lucasz., chief of the VOC establishment at Surat, charged Carstensz. to rewrite his purloined report on al-Mukha dating from 1626, this time from 51 Eijsch: 503, 399r; 504, 16r. Commission: 527, 157r (eenige memory. In addition, he requested ‘the most expe- schepen; proffijtgevende Suratsche cleeden). Remonstrantie: 534, 11 (linden; natie). rienced brokers’ in town to provide him with a ‘fun- 52 558, [1e]290r (geen meer te senden; slechte); 542, 292r damental treatise on [al-Mukha’s] constitution’. (avance). Carstensz.’s description of the city (in a later ver- This was all because of the profitable trade in fab- sion from 1633): 656, 146r. Dabhol proposal: 542, 291r; rics and cotton conducted by the ‘Moors’ from 547, 126r (sonder evident perijckel van den vijant). Visiting Surat, Goga, Diu, Sind and other coastal cities to Dutch fleet: Brouwer, Cauwa, pp. 46-48. Cf. id., Mukha, pp. 409-410, DM7. the Red Sea port, a trade in which, unfortunately, 53 567, 153v (Indostansche cleeden; middelen); 576, 23 (groote the Company did not participate. According to moeijten, tijtquisting, scheepslemmering ende affsloving van Carstensz. there were opportunities for the Dutch. ons volck). 54 613, 1495 (seer proffitabel; alle grove Suratse cleeden; chi- By way of exploration a ‘defensive ship or yacht’ aders; courante waeren). Silk cargo: 589, 400v. See Brouwer, should call at al-Mukha at the beginning of March Cauwa, pp. 48-50. Cf. id., Mukha, p. 410, DM8. with a modest cargo of selling fabrics; remainders

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unwished-for could be left in a Company-owned in the Yemeni port, should not be sent, for this comptoir, entrusted to the care of two or three ‘loyal product had ‘too large a size and too little value’. and expert persons’. In the opinion of the brokers Remainders, he thought, could be entrusted, after consulted — Wissendasnan, Seras and Bagesij, men- the Indian example, to two stay-behinds who, oper- tioned above —, without a doubt at least fifteen ating from a new office, could embark on selling profit-yielding sorts of weaves would quickly find a them in Sena (i.e. ∑an‘a’) and al-Mukha. Incidentally, ready market in al-Mukha. Supported by this opti- the next textile shipment should serve as a ‘test’ mistic advice, Lucasz. and his Board decided to dis- only57. patch, by way of ‘test’, a vessel to South Arabia in At the end of October 1640, Paulus Croocq, 1634, with a cargo including ‘various Cambay and residing in Surat, went through Wurffbeen’s find- Ahmadabadi cloths’. The senior merchant Johan ings in a missive directed to Van Diemen. He won- van Twist was charged with the collection of these dered whether a new Arabia expedition was worth weaves55. organising. Didn’t the Mukhawi textile trade only Unfortunately, due to a conflict with the Gujarati involve tiny lots and uncertain profits? This trade, authorities, Van Twist did not succeed in reaching indeed, was nothing but a ‘matter of good luck’! In Ahmadabad before the end of January 1634, too late fact, the Director was against the whole idea of leav- to buy sufficient cloths at acceptable prices. As a con- ing behind VOC servants in the Yemeni port or, sequence the Arabia voyage of the Uijtrecht and the worse, the establishment of a new office. For all Camelioen planned for mid-March was cancelled56. that, in conformity with Van Diemen’s desire, he At the end of 1638, Governor General Antonio undertook to assemble some promising textiles for van Diemen let the Directors in patria know that al-Mukha. A month later, Croocq informed the he planned to enlarge the Company’s trade in Governor General that he would purchase ‘sorts of Coromandel and Gujarati cloths to al-Mukha. In Cambay, Ahmadabadi and Masulipatnam cloths’ for practice, however, little thereof was realised. Neither al-Mukha to the value of 30 to 35 thousand rupia, the Rarob, which called at the Tihama city from that is, half the amount Van Diemen had recom- 7 November 1638 to 22/23 January 1639 originat- mended. In mid-April 1641, however, he commu- ing from Batavia, nor the ’t Vliegende Hart, which nicated that the Arabia voyage, owing to circum- anchored there from 5 June to 13 August 1640 stances, had to be cancelled. The weaves assembled arriving from Surat, was provided with a cargo of were given another destination58. textiles. Van den Broecke and the onderkoopman or ‘junior merchant’ Johannes Sigismundus Wurffbeen, how- ever, exerted themselves to assemble detailed infor- 55 658, 63r (ervarenste maeckelaers; fundamenteelen berecht van mation on the Mukhawi textile market. In their (…) constitutie; Mooren). Carstensz.’s report: 656, 146r, reports they made room for the numerous sorts and 146v (deffencieff schip ofte jacht; fidele en experte persoonen; varieties of weaves traded in the city during the sea- comptoir); in the slightly more elaborate version dating from February 1634 — directed to Governor General Hendrick sons of 1638 and 1640, for their origin, supply, Brouwer — the short list of fabrics has been replaced by quantities and prices. They argued for the Company the detailed brokers’ survey: 665, 170-172, 174-175. to send its textile ships early in the year, around 25 Brokers’ treatise: 662, 285r. Lucasz.’s decision: 661, 141v March or even at the end of February, from Surat (preuve; verscheijden Cambaijss als Amadabatse cleeden). 56 to the Red Sea, for then an important part could 666, 264; 668, 328 (cleeden). Does the cancelling of the expedition to al-Mukha by the Uijtrecht, caused by ‘the still be played in the market. Even though, accord- expensiveness of the cloths’ and the ‘revolts’ in Yemen (677, ing to Wurffbeen, this market proved to be flooded 530: der cleeden dierte; revolten), concern 1634 or 1635? with textiles, and even though consequently the 57 689, 82v-83r; 698, 1313-1314, 1315-1316; 705, 161v- 163r (161v: redelijcke advancen; 162r: preuve; 163r: van te sales prices collapsed, ‘reasonable profits’ could still grooten volumen ende van cleijnen valeur), 166r-v, 169r be realized on carefully selected cloths. In addition (Sena); 704, 400r. Cp. 697, 1262. More detailed informa- to coloured carseijs, perpetuaans and mesulaans, tion on the two voyages is given in Brouwer, Cauwa, Chinese silk wares such as velvets, satins, damasks, pp. 56-60 and 60-63 respectively. Cf. id., Mukha, p. 410, DM9 and DM10. pantgis and armosijns stood a definite chance, cer- 58 706, 146v, 148r (luck wel, raeck wel), 157v; 707, 130v (preuve; tainly if coloured red or flowered. Unprocessed cot- sorrteeringe Cambaijse, Ammadabatse ende Masulipatnamse ton, on the other hand, although in high demand cleeden); 708, 586v, 606v. See also Brouwer, Cauwa, p. 63.

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From the North: By Turkish boats and Syrian caravans before 7 July, bringing woollen and silk laeckens ashore, in addition to hard cash, tin, mercury and According to the testimony of a Baniyan active other products. This ship, weighing no less than as a merchant in Aden and al-Mukha, on 1 or 700 last and called Besmari or Mansourij, visited 3 September 1614 four to five ships cast anchor in the Tihama port ‘every year’, we are assured by the the roads of Mecka (i.e. al-Mukha), originating from Ìadjdj mentioned61. the ‘excellent trade cities’ of Suez and Missihirri (or Five years later, in 1621, the ‘ship from Suez’ — Cairo), lying high up in the Red Sea. Their cargo some witnesses refer to two vessels — turned out to included silk, velvet, grofgrijn and damasks. These be seriously overdue. On 21 August it had not yet vessels, said the same informant, appeared almost arrived, and that, according to rumours, as a con- every month of September in the Yemeni harbour, sequence of manipulations by the money-loving making their way homewards in January59. Fa∂l Allah Basha. The merchants in al-Mukha were On 6 March 1616, a ‘caffila or carawanna’, that eagerly looking forward to the laeckens, Italian fab- is, ‘caravan’, entered the city of al-Mukha, having rics and camelots expected62. left Aleppo in the opening days of November 1615 From 1640, finally, dates the observation that and taking its way via Suez and Mecca. The 600 to the Turks ‘annually’ carried a shipment of laecken to 1,000 camels carried not only boxes full of reals and al-Mukha. No doubt, this happened by ship not by ducats, lots of mercury, vermillion and other com- caravan. Incidentally, since the collapse of Ottoman modities into the city, but also velvets, satins, rule over Yemen, ‘the large vessel the Mansourij’ had damasks, armosijns, camelots, Turkish gold brocades, disappeared from sight in al-Mukha. As was laeckens, alcatiffs, sewing and stiching silk and recorded in the winter of 1638-39, its place had Barbary hats. That this was not an incidental cara- been taken over by ‘the Arab gelbi’ or djalba, to be van but an annual one is clear from the words of rated among the ‘small crafts’. Tragically, during the the Dutch observer: the outward journey ‘usually’ past season this ship perished off Jedda with all of took up to two months, the voyage back was there- its crew, passengers, commodities and treasure63. upon undertaken in January or February. Actually, the caravan mentioned above left the Yemeni trade Textile products imported into Yemen centre, according to the Aleppan participant the Ìadjdj Ibrahim, already on 6 November, climbing The sources consulted prove to be virtually silent up along Zidde (Jedda) and Mecca and reaching its regarding the distribution of textile products in the starting-point on 24 March 161760. hinterland of al-Mukha. Even though only a few During the same commercial season ‘the large details are communicated, it is beyond doubt that King’s ship’ sailed from Suez and arrived in al-Mukha during the early decades of the seventeenth century there was a regular and substantial import of mate- rials, weaves and clothes. In the spring of 1623, a Dutch merchant visiting 59 4, 89r (Mecka; treffelijcke coopsteden; Missihirri). Cf. Brouwer, Shipping movements, pt. 1, p. 128, M1. al-Mukha testified that ‘the major lots’, that is, the 60 H, 55; A, I, 85 (caffila ofte carawanna;gemijnnelijck); vgl. 56, commodities thrown en masse onto the market, were 206v. Details on the caravan journey are communicated in ‘consumed’ in ‘the kingdom of Yemen’. Among the 67, 209r and 210r (Zidde), with date corrections in Brawir goods involved were ‘coarse fabrics’ and raw cotton, & Kablaniyan, Yaman, sub no. 5, pp. 104-105, 108-109. 61 H, 67 (’t groot Koninckx Schip); 67, 210r (B[e]smari; alle as opposed to ‘fine fabrics’ and other expensive wares jaren); 698, 1310 (Mansourij). For this ship see Brouwer, — such as diamonds and spices — which were Mukha, pp. 290, 298-299. Cf. id., Shipping movements, pt. traded in transit to Egypt. The Company, really, 1, p. 134, M67, and id., Mukha, p. 394, GM26, pp. 399- could dispose of ‘entire shiploads’ of such ‘coarse 400, GM95. A last, equal to 2 ton, weighed 4,000 Dutch pounds, that is, 1,976 kg metric. cloths’, in all sorts and dimensions, in the Tihama 62 232, 253-254 (253: schip van Suwes). Cf. Brouwer, Shipping port, as the ‘Arabs’ (read: Yemenis) were ‘consuming’ movements, pt. 1, p. 143, M121. these. Still that same year the chief of the Dutch 63 705, 166v (jaerlijcx); 698, 1310 (’t groote schip de establishment in the town confirmed that dozens of Mansourij; de Arabise gelbi; cleen vaertuijgh). Cf. Brouwer, sorts and varieties of Cambay weaves which had been Mukha, p. 388, AM18. 64 402, 284 (meeste parthijen; ’t coninckrijck van Jemen; gecon- supplied in the two preceding seasons were ‘con- sumeert; groove lijwaten; fijnne lijnwaten), 285 (heele scheeps- sumed’ ‘in Arabia (i.e. Yemen), in the mountains’64.

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Perfectly in accordance with these observations (Durdureh) gained information on the regular from 1623, it is stated in an elaborate description native shipping to al-ShiÌr, Aden and al-Mukha. of al-Mukha dating from 1626 — again commit- Raisins and dates were transported thence, rice, mil- ted to writing in 1633 and 1634 — that, unlike ‘the let and cloths carried back69. finest and most important’ commodities supplied The two small crafts from Kutch and Miani that in the port which found their way to Egypt and arrived in the roads of al-Mukha on 5 May 1616 Turkey, ‘the coarsest’ fabrics, cotton and other prod- supplied cotton and fabrics destined for ‘the oppo- ucts were ‘purchased and consumed’ ‘in the realm site shore of Zeelan’, that is, Zayla‘ in the eyalet of of Arabia or Yemen’65. Îabash70. A general report on the situation in Asia drawn According to a log entry from 1617, merchants up in the second half of 1628 echoes the statements from the Yemeni port transported ‘coarse Gujarati from 1623 and 1626. ‘A great mass’ of cotton fab- cloths’, including dotia, to the coastal strip near rics and unprocessed cotton unshipped in al-Mukha Monte Felix, in exchange for which they obtained and traded there, it says, are ‘consumed in the coun- gum arabic71. try itself’66. A report dating from 1623 states that the major- About a decade later a witness recorded that, as ity of both the coarse textiles and unprocessed cot- a rule, Surati, Cambay and Coromandel cloths of ton reaching the harbour of al-Mukha from Indian all kinds, as well as raw cotton and turbans, brought cities such as Surat, Cambay, Goga and Dabhol ashore in al-Mukha during the commercial season were sold not only in Yemen and Arabia but also on of 1638, were partly carried further by ‘caffilas’ and ‘the opposite shore of the Red Sea’, where they were ‘sold in the country’. But what is meant by ‘coun- ‘consumed’ by ‘the Abyssinians’. In the year men- try’ in this passage? Certainly the Arabian Peninsula tioned, on 12 March, the Heusden, only just arrived up to Syria, possibly including Yemen67. in the Yemeni port, captured a ‘small craft’ lying In 1640, finally, a Dutchman operating on the ready to sail to Judda (Jedda), charged with bun or Mukhawi market was convinced that cloths that ‘coffee beans’, pepper and cloths72. might be supplied by the Company in future sea- In 1628 it was noted that all kinds of Indian sons that unfortunately might be left unsold would weaves as well as raw cotton were ‘consumed’ not find, through servants staying behind, ready buyers only in Yemen but also ‘in the vicinity’, that is, in out of season in Zena (∑an‘a’) and ‘other cities in the surrounding districts. Probably, both the African the interior’. The ‘common laecken’ transported by littoral across the Red Sea and the northern Tihama the Turks to al-Mukha and ‘the surrounding quar- or Îidjaz is meant here73, ters’, the same trader observed, was used by ‘the Arabs’, that is, the Yemenis, for the manufacture of, amongst other things, robes and ‘hats’, and that ‘in large quantities’68. ladinghe; groove cleeden; consumeeren); 455, 194v (in Arabia, in ’t geberchte; geconsumeert). 65 656, 144v (de fijnste en importanste; de groffste; in ’t rijcke Textiles forwarded in transit: To Îabash and van Arabia off Jemen; getrocken en geconsumeert). Repeated the Îidjaz almost verbatim in 665, 165. 66 602, [3]v (groote mennichte; in ’t land selfs (…) gecon- It is easy to find references in the sources consulted sumeert). 67 698, 1315 (caffila’s; in ’t landt gesleten), 1313-1314 (fabrics to the proposition that a good deal of the textiles specified). assembled in al-Mukha were traded in transit to 68 704, 400r (Zena; andere steeden lantwaerts in); 705, 166v regions nearby or far away. Commercial centres sit- (gemeen laecken; d’omleggende quartieren; d’Arabiers; hoeden; uated on the opposite African coast and on the in groote quantiteijt). 69 A, I, 24 (Dordori). northern Arabian shore, as well as in Egypt and 70 A, I, 101 (de overcuste van Zeelan). Syria were the final destinations for numerous south- 71 A, I, 128 (groove goeseratsse cleeden). ern textile products, ports on the Indian littoral for 72 402, 284 (d’oovercust van ’t Roode Meer), 285 (Abecijnnen; a number of northern fabrics. The transit to Îabash consumeeren). Jedda craft: 412, 57r (scheepgien; Judda; bun); see also Brouwer, Servant, pp. 120-121 (erroneously sug- and the Îidjaz will be dealt with here first. gesting that Dutch textiles, that is, laecken were involved), In mid-1614, the Dutch merchants who and cf. id., Shipping movements, pt. 1, p. 149, M156. anchored with the Nassau in front of Dordori 73 602, [3]v (omher; geconsumeert).

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More than a decade later, on the basis of per- According to a communication from 1623, the sonal observation and information collected, a VOC fine sorts among the weaves carried to al-Mukha by employee recorded that the majority of such cloths, ships originating from Surat, Cambay, Dabhol and turbans and raw cotton as were supplied from Surat, other Indian cities, forming part of the ‘most impor- Cambay and Coromandel during the monsoon of tant and most expensive goods’, landed along sea or 1638 were ‘distributed’, either by caffilas or by gel- land routes in Suez, Gran Cairo or Alexandria. They bis, over Suwakin, Lebescij — i.e. al-Îabash, ‘on the were there traded in transit again and ended their opposite shore of Ethiopia’ —, Jedda and Mecca74. odyssey in the markets of Istanbul, Carmonia From 1640 dates the observation that Indian (Karaman), the Barbary States, Italy or Marseilles77. traders ‘of comfortable means’ carried the cloths In 1626, an eyewitness confirmed the statement which they could not part with at acceptable prices from 1623, writing that the finest and most impor- on the Mukhawi market overseas to Jedda and from tant Indian textiles were annually taken by the Suez there (overland) to Mecca, Medina and other places; ship from the South Arabian port to Egypt and to cities, therefore, where they could command from there — by ship or camel? — transported to higher prices. It was remarked in the same year that Turkey78. Two years later, this observation was the Abassij or ‘inhabitants of the Ethiopian coastal repeated again, though this time the fineness of the regions’ annually visited al-Mukha with their ‘small fabrics was not emphasized. A vast quantity of boats’. Supplying slaves, butter and mats, they Indian textiles and cotton, so the record says, trav- returned with ‘coarse sorts of cloths’, including kan- elled by land or by sea to Suez, Groot Kaijro (Great nekins and dotia. “Moorish’ merchants, too, partic- Cairo) and Alexandria, from which trade junctions ipated in this overseas trade. The latter annually set they fanned out to Istanbul, Caramanna, Barbaria out on a journey into the Ethiopian interior in and European Mediterranean ports79. order to barter spiaulter or ‘zinc’, copper and cloths A considerable part of such fabrics, turbans and for slaves. At the start of the ‘southern monsoon’, cotton from Western and Eastern India as were they came back to al-Mukha, that is, in April or offered for sale on the Mukhawi market in 1638 May75. were normally traded in transit with ships or cara- vans to Suez, Missi[er] (Egypt) and Grand Caijro. In To Egypt and Syria the year in question, however, as mentioned before, the ‘Arab gelbi’ from Suez, with merchants and cap- The large Aleppo caravan that had reached al-Mukha ital on board, foundered on its way out off Jedda. by way of Suez at the beginning of March 1616, No ‘large caffels (‘caravans’) with large numbers of and that headed for home in the early part of merchants’, moreover, descended to al-Mukha ‘from November via Jedda and Mecca, was loaded with, above in the country’, that is, from Suez as they among other commodities, ‘cotton cloths’ supplied ‘used to do’ before. This circumstance recurred in by Indian vessels76. 1639. As a consequence, in neither of these seasons was a substantial transit to Egypt and Syria realized by returning vessels or camels80. 74 698, 1313-1314 (1313: gedistribueert), 1315 (caffila’s; In 1640, finally, the Turkish merchants, whether gelbi’s; Lebescij; op d’overcuste van Ethopiën [sic]). or not arrived by ship, played a significant part in 75 704, 400r (van groter middelen); 705, 167r-v (r: Abassij; the Mukhawi textile commerce. As buyers of Indian inwoonders van d’Æthipoische cust; cleijne scheepkens; v: grove sorteringe cleeden; Moorsche; spiaulter; zuijdermousson). fabrics they showed themselves to be ‘extremely 76 H, 55-56 (56: Cottoene kleeden). careful and particular’. Anyone who wanted to con- 77 402, 284 (importantste ende costelijckste goedren; Gran Cairo; clude a transaction with them should ‘closely’ pay Carmonia). attention to the textile purchase in the Indian pro- 78 656, 144v; repeated almost verbatim in 665, 165. The two 81 documents, drawn up in 1633 and 1634 respectively, sketch duction centres . the situation in 1626; cf. above, n. 18. 79 602, [3]v (Groot Kaijro; Caramanna; Barbaria). To India 80 698, 1313-1314, 1315 (Missi[er]; Grand Caijro), 1310 (Arabise gelbi); 694, 1237; 700b, 358v (groote caffelen met groote meenichte van cooplieden; van booven uut ’t landt; plee- Northern textile wares and southern buyers met gen te doen). each other in early seventeenth-century al-Mukha. 81 705, 161v (gantsch curieus ende wilkeurigh; pertinent). Although the number of passages attesting to this

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in the records and journals investigated is but small, from May to October, was the real production their significance is convincing and far-reaching. period. The ‘workers’ or ‘poor people’, altogether ‘a Most of the velvets, satins, damasks, armosijns, poor nation or a nation of artisans’, forced to live Turkish gold brocades, camelots and laeckens that from their daily production, worked to order and had been brought to al-Mukha by the Aleppo car- demanded payment ‘in hand’, that is, in cash. The avan on 6 March 1616 found their way from there customers could make their wishes known with to India, stowed in ship’s holds; camelots in partic- regard to quantity, quality and ‘design’ of the weaves. ular were a favourite return commodity for Surati Merchants residing in Broach and Cambay, merchants. As related before, this Syrian caravan chiefly Baniyans, who during the wet season put annually visited the South Arabian emporium82. out to tender, purchased and stocked the fabrics During the season of 1621, the trade commu- wished for. In this way they achieved the voorcoop nity of al-Mukha eagerly looked forward to the or ‘pre-emptive purchase’. In October and arrival of the large Suez vessel. The laeckens, camelots November they resold their products to wholesalers and ‘Italian fabrics’ it was supposedly carrying were mainly staying in Surat. From January on, the lat- ‘in demand’ on the Indian shore. As indicated ter dispatched their vessels, richly loaded, to above, this ship, too, appeared every year in the Red al-Mukha. As far as Brodera is concerned, in that Sea port83. city maeckelaers’ or ‘brokers’ were active as ‘pre- According to a testimony from 1640, finally, the emptive buyers’ in the service of the wholesalers85. Turkish merchants active in al-Mukha supplied As far as the orders placed with weavers or the ‘common laecken’ to their counterparts from India, purchases made in distribution centres are concerned, especially to those from Surat84. generally speaking these were done on the basis of tan- gible monsters or ‘samples’ of textiles that were in Weavers, pre-emptive buyers and brokers; samples demand in the outlet aimed at. In the autumn of and test items 1616, for instance, in Bantam, Coen promised to dispatch to Andries Sourij in Jambi the baftas and The route from producer to consumer was long for kannekins required as soon as the Nassau returned textile wares marketed in al-Mukha during the from al-Mukha and Surat, and that ‘in conformity opening decades of the seventeenth century. Leiden with the samples’ he had received, obviously, from laecken, for example, having arrived via the Cape of Sourij previously. And in mid-1624, Visnich sent Good Hope, Java and Gujarat, ended its voyage in from Isfahan four ‘samples’ of ‘cotton yarns’, pro- ∑an‘a’. Golconda turbans, supplied via Surat, found vided with price indications, to Abraham van Uffelen buyers in Mecca. Chinese silk wares, delivered by at Masulipatnam, with the request to consider the way of Achin and Dabhol, reached Marseilles after purchase of those varieties86. The same ‘sample having passed Suez, Cairo and Alexandria. Between method’ was followed in the Yemeni textile com- weavers and users, in fact, a great number of mer- merce, as is demonstrated by a letter from Croocq at chants operated, both great and small. Surat dating from October 1640. Therein the The sources examined provide some summary Director expressed the hope that Wurffbeen, when information on Indian cotton weavers and Asian returning with the ’t Vliegende Hart from al-Mukha, traders displaying activities in the Arabian and Red would carry ‘some samples’ of the ‘weaves best sold Sea. Whereas data with respect to English mer- chants turn out to be rather poor, those concerning their Dutch rivals are both numerous and detailed. From two remonstranties drawn up in 1625 and 82 H, 55-56; 56, 207v. 1627, and from a log dating from 1628, we learn 83 232, 253-254 (254: IJtalijaensche stoffen; getrocken). 84 705, 166v (gemeen laecken). that weavers were living and working in large num- 85 534, 10-11 (10: Mooren; heijdenen; Ketterijs; Persies), 27, bers in cities such as Broach, Brodera and Cambay 28 (regentijt; op de hant; fatsoenen; maeckelaers), 34 (arbei- and in the surrounding villages. In the city first jtsluijden; voorcoop); 563, 291 (arm ofte ambachtsvolckjen); mentioned it was ‘Moors’, ‘heathens’, Baniyans, 589, 399r (schamele luijden), 400r (met contant). Well-doc- umented information on weavers, orders, payments, etc. is Ketterijs (Khattris) and Persies (Parsis) who pur- provided by Van Santen, Compagnie, pp. 188 ff., and id., chased cotton and yarns and operated the looms. In VOC-dienaar, pp. 116-119. each of these centres the ‘rainy season’, stretching 86 45, 144 (monsters); 484, 76r (monsteren; cattoene gaeren).

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there’ — as he had ‘seriously advised’ the junior mer- from Pragana and Diu that put into al-Mukha on chant to do —, so that he, Croocq, could act accord- 8 and 16 May 1616, the former charged with dotia, ingly ‘in the procurement thereof’87. the latter with Cambay and Gujarati cloths. And Conversely, modest quantities of textiles could the majority of the merchants who arrived some be taken to South Arabia to test their saleability on days before, on 4 May, with a textile ship from Diu the spot. At the end of 1640, for instance, consisted of Baniyans, the remainder being ‘Moors’ Wurffbeen recommended, if another Arabia voyage and Armenians90. should be organized, to send 50 pieces of velvets, According to a statement from 1626 — recorded satins and damasks each and 100 pieces of both in 1634 —, ‘the merchants of Gran Caijro and pantgis and armosijns ‘by way of sample’88. Natoga’ (i.e. Turkey) made themselves useful in the It is not certain, finally, whether or not samples textile commerce on the northern sea route. Every played a part in all textile transactions on the year descending with the Suez ship to al-Mukha, they Mukhawi market. With regard to the Dutch expe- bought there a variety of Indian cloths. However, in ditions to Yemen scheduled for 1634 and 1641, it a later report, dating to 1640, the Egyptians do not was judged necessary, on the basis of surveys of tex- appear anymore on the stage; only ‘the Turks’ play tiles which had yielded ‘the best profits’ in the pre- a part therein. Among the merchants who, incor- ceding monsoons, to collect large lots of Cambay, porated in caravans, moved overland to and from al- Ahmadabadi and Masulipatnam cloths ‘by way of Mukha were in any case inhabitants of Damascus trial’. Probably, neither samples sent from al-Mukha and Aleppo. In 1616 at least, the Ìadjdj Ibrahim and to Surat nor test items sent the opposite way were Hadgi Noredin (the Ìadjdj Nur al-Din), a ‘citizen of required89. the town of Aleppo’ and a ‘merchant of Damasques’ respectively, took part in the caravan that arrived on Asian traders 6 March. Unfortunately, whether these two traders themselves brought textile wares cannot be deduced Who were the Asian traders dealing in textiles? In from the sources available91. the documents consulted they usually act as anony- Not all of the participants in the Mukhawi tex- mous individuals or in groups. ‘Indian merchants’, tile trade were of the same calibre or, rather, had the for instance, annually carried Turkish ‘common same purse at their disposal. In 1640, an observer laecken’ home from al-Mukha, as we learn from a concluded that among the Indians were ‘merchants statement from 1640. The ‘merchants of Souratte’ of poor means’, who, in the event of a slow market, (i.e. Surat), it is said in a journal entry from 1622, were forced to ‘part with’ their fabrics at low prices. used to direct cloths purchased in Brodera with These ‘small merchants’ could not afford to stay ‘Prince’s ships’ to the Yemeni port city. In a record behind in al-Mukha after the end of the season. dating from the same year these merchants were dis- Opposed to them were the traders ‘of larger means’, tinguished into Baniyan and ‘Moorish’ traders. the ‘mighty merchants’ who were able to maintain Exclusively Baniyans were on board the two crafts the asking price for their textiles and, if necessary, to beat up to Jedda with their unsold remainders and to climb from there to the Holy Places: the prices current there amply compensating for the 87 706, 147v (eenige monsters; aldaer best getrocken cleden; expense of staying behind92. ernstelijck (…) gerecommandeert; in de procure derselver). 88 705, 166r (tot een monster). Only a handful of Asian businessmen active in 89 661, 141v (preuve); 707, 130v (tot een preuve; de beste the Mukhawi textile trade are known by name. The voordeelen). large vessel from Dabhol that entered the harbour 90 705, 166v (Indische cooplieden; gemeen laecken); A, II, 267 on 3 May 1616 with a rich cargo of textiles had (de cooplieden van Souratte; prince schepen); 402, 282 (Moorsche); A, I, 101 (mooren), 102. been equipped ‘at the expense’ of Aga Rasa. This 91 665, 165 (de negotijanten van Gran Caijro ende Natoga); Agarrasa or Agha Rasa was no less a person than the 705, 166v (d’Turcken). Caravan: H, 55; A, I, 85; 67, 209r Governor of the port of origin! Aboard the ship (Hagi Abrahim; borger van de stadt Aleppo), 210r (coopman from Surat charged with Gujarati and Cambay van Damasques); 70, 212r (Hadgi Noredin). 92 704, 400r (cooplieden van geringen vermoogen; springen; van cloths which cast anchor in the roads on 4 May groter middelen); 705, 161v (geringe cooplieden; capitael; 1616 was the merchant Godi Gelaldin Mahomet or machtige negotianten). khawadji Djalal al-Din. His ‘companion’ was called

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Mahomet Sadoch or MuÌammad ∑adiÈ (?). These buy up textiles for Yemen in Cambay, Broach and men were very closely related to the political admin- Surat. ‘The English’, it is said in a missive from istrative elite: the latter was a son of Godi Nisiam 1620, were conducting trade from Surat to al- (khawadji NiÂam), the Governor of Surat, the for- Mukha in ‘cloths [manufactured] in this country’, mer this Governor’s son-in-law. One may assume that is, Gujarat. And in 1626, again ‘the English’ that Nizam, as the owner of the textiles supplied, aimed at purchasing textiles in Dabhol. The sole had granted his sons a mandate to conclude trans- merchant singled out from anonymity is Salbanck. actions. A few years later, in the spring of 1623, On 26 February 1623, he left the Basin of Surat Djalal al-Din acted as the sabandaer or shahbandar with the Weel, charged with silk and fabrics. As of Surat, and was honoured with a Chinese alcatiff related before, the vessel capsized straight away. by Van den Broecke93. Among the drowned persons on board was the ‘sen- No doubt, such a construction was also found ior merchant’ mentioned96. on the Chahije, in 1637. When this ‘King’s ship’, Unlike their English competitors, the Dutch sailing from Surat and steering a course for al- merchants who, by order of their superiors in Surat Mukha, was dashed against the rocks off Chaul at or Batavia, bothered to sell woven products in al- about the end of April, its cargo including a vari- Mukha are always mentioned by name: Van den ety of fabrics could not be salvaged. Among the Broecke, calling at the Yemeni port with the Nassau duped merchants were the Sabandar Hagie (shah- in 1616; the same senior merchant visiting Aden bandar al-Îadjdj), the Governor Hackim (Îakim), with the ’t Wapen van Zeelandt in 1620 and entrust- Miersiamamouth (Mirza MaÌmud), as well as Naen ing commodities to Van Gill on behalf of the office Seraff (Nan Sarraf) and Tapedas Seraff, the former to be established in al-Mukha; Van der Dussen with being the local wisselaer or ‘money changer’ of the the Souratte in 1622; Lemmens with the Heusden VOC, the latter serving the EIC in the same func- in 1623; Van der Lee with the Walcheren in 1626. tion. Of the total of at least 700,000 rupia at which All of them supplied small or large lots of textiles the total ship’s cargo was estimated, the share of in al-Mukha, even though this did not always result these five prominent personalities amounted to in landing, let alone in sale. The merchants resid- 240,000 rupia, about one third; the shahbandar ing for a protracted period in the port, De Milde and the Governor accounted for the bulk thereof and Isaack Sallaert, likewise endeavoured to sell the with 100,000 and 70,000 rupia respectively. While cloths assembled. Finally, whether the VOC’s ser- these cargo owners continued exercising their vants conducted private trade in textiles as did their important offices in Surat unhurt, their servants English rivals is not indicated in the Yemen-related risked their lives at sea94. documents examined97. The Ottoman authorities in Yemen, too, partic- ipated in the Mukhawi textile business. The craft that on 12 March 1623 lay ready to sail to Jedda in the South Arabian harbour, but was obstructed from doing so by the Heusden, took a lot of weaves 93 A, I, 101 (Aga Rasa; Godi Gelaldin Mahomet; compannion; in its hold ‘at the expense of the Bassa’ (Basha). Mahomet Sadoch; Godi Nisiam); 33, 168v (Agarrasa); 398, Here the Beglerbegi of the eyalet is meant, that is, 33v (sabandaer; with additional data on Aga Rosa, 1623). Fa∂l Allah Basha. Undoubtedly, there was a mer- See above, sub ‘Textiles supplied from the South: By Indian vessels’, table 1. chant aboard who was specially entrusted with the 94 688, 622 (schip des Coninckx; Sabandar Hagie; Gouverneur care of these textile products, a creature of the Hackim; Miersiamamouth; Naen Seraff; Tapedas do. [=Seraff]; Governor General95. wisselaer). See above, the section on ‘Textiles supplied from the South: By Indian vessels’, sub 1637. 95 European merchants 412, 57r (voor rekeninge van den Bassa). See above, ‘Textiles forwarded in transit: To Îabash and the Îidjaz, sub 1623. 96 128, 241r (d’Engelschen); 149, 487 (De Engelsen; dese The employees of the EIC who followed the south- lantsche kleeden); 542, 291r (d’Engelsen). Joseph Salbank: ern textile routes to al-Mukha are not or only seldom A, II, 281 (Salbanck; Weel; oppercoopman). See above, ‘Textiles supplied from the South: By English cargo ships’, mentioned by name in the records inspected. Almost sub 1623. always they act as a collective. In 1618 it is reported, 97 See above, sub ‘Textiles supplied from the South: By VOC for instance, that ‘the English’ were accustomed to ships’.

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THE TEXTILE MARKET: QUANTITIES AND PRICES As far as the yarns are concerned, plied silk was weighed in cattijs100. Units of account, weight and currency In the records and journals investigated the size of batches of cloths in general is exclusively indi- The size of textile cargoes supplied, imported or for- cated in vague terms: ‘a great many’, ‘a large quan- warded, just like the size of batches bought or sold, tity’ and the like101. The size of shipments of spec- was determined either by weighing or by counting. ified sorts, varieties and types thereof, as well as that Likewise, prices were calculated per number or of lots of clothes, on the other hand, is often given weight. Which units of account and weight, then, in an extremely precise way, though not in units of were used in the textile market of al-Mukha at the weight but in numbers. Most of the time the items turn of the seventeenth century? prove to be counted in corges or ‘scores’, often in In the sources examined, quantities of unprocessed stucks or ‘pieces’ — sometimes in synonymous ps., cotton, if precisely given, are expressed in baers that is, pees (Port. peças) —, and very exceptionally (Ar. bahar), a unit of weight equated with 393 3/4, in packs. Just like a baal, a pack was actually a meas- from 1638 with 375 Hollands pond. As one such ure of capacity or unit of packaging with a chang- ‘Dutch pound’ represented 494.09 gr in the metric ing weight depending on the material packed; system, a ‘heavy’ bahar weighed roughly 195 kg, a unfortunately, nowhere in the sources is the weight ‘light’ one about 185 kg98. The size of lots of raw silk thereof communicated102. was indicated not only in bahars but also in cattijs Judging from the documents studied, in al-Mukha and baals. One (Chinese) cattij, that is, 1/100 picol, unprocessed cotton was priced per bhaer (bahar), raw was equal to ± 618 gr metric, if the weight of one Chinese silk either per catij or per frasle (Ar. farasila), picol is determined as 125 Dutch pounds. A ‘bale’ of raw Persian silk per lb. Mochas. For sewing silk, inso- silk weighed, at least in 1621, ‘50 lb. Hollants’, that far as originating from China, the price was fixed per is, ± 25 kg; in fact, a baal was a unit of packaging99. catij, insofar as supplied from Persia per lb. Mochas103. It deserves to be mentioned that in the tollhouse of al-Mukha the weighage for raw cotton was deter- 98 For instance, 402, 285 (baer). A great variety of spellings: mined per farasila, that for raw silk per Mukhawi bhaer, bahar, bahaar, bhaer, baer, etc. Cf. Brawir & ra†l104. According to a single notice, the price of gold Kablaniyan, Yaman, p. 159. ‘Heavy’ bahar: 453, 267;‘light’ thread was calculated per pap. or papier105. What are bahar:705, 163r. 99 Among other records: 363, 194r (bhaar); 180, 167r (cat- the metric equivalents of farasila and ‘Mukhawi tij); 227, 750 (balen; 50 lb. Hollants). Balen is also spelled pound’? The ‘heavy’ version of the former, making ballen. Picol: 180, 166r; different spellings: picoll, piecol, up 1/15 bahar, weighed 26 1/4, the ‘light’ one 25 etc. 100 180, 167r (cattij). Dutch pounds, that is, ±13 kg and ±12.5 kg metric 101 A, I, 101 (vijtermaten veel); 661, 142r (groote quantiteijt). respectively. The ‘heavy’ and ‘light’ versions of the lat- 102 665, 171 (corgen); 363, 194r (stucken); 558, [1e] 290r (ps.); ter, also called ratel (Ar. ra†l), representing 1/20 67, 209r (packen). Although ps. is a plurale tantum, spo- farasila, weighing 1.3 and 1.25 Dutch pounds, were radically the singular p. is met with (for example, 180, 106 167r). Probably, the abbreviation pn. found in 705, 166r, ±648 gr and ±618 gr . is a slip of the pen for ps. by the pennist or ‘scribe’. Corge Outside Yemen the purchase prices for un- (sing.) takes on various shapes, such as corgie, corgi, corgij, processed cotton and plied silk were calculated corgo, carge, etc. Plur. Stucken appears in different forms as per Surati man (Ar. mann) and per pil. (i.e. picol) well, among which are stucks, stucs, stucx and stuckx. 103 705, 163r (bhaer); 56, 206v (catij; lb. Mochas); 420, 23v respectively. In 1628, the Surati mann was equated 107 (frasle). with 30 Dutch pounds, that is, 14.8 kg metric . 104 A brief notice on ‘weighages’ is found in Brouwer, As far as sorts and varieties of weaves and clothes Commerbands, sub ‘Tollages and charges’. are concerned, both inside and outside Yemen the 105 In the unique transcript of 56 the price of Persian gold thread is given per pijp (206v). No doubt, this is an error prices were usually calculated per corge, less often made by the transcriber. He simply misread the abbreviation per stuck or p. (pees), once — in the case of soucij pap. found in the original version, i.e. papier. Contemporary — both by corge and stuck. Now and then prices are records unrelated to Yemen show that the product at stake given per length; in 1616, for example, laecken, car- was traded by papier; see, for example, R1, 295 (Eng. ‘papers’), R2, 616 (papieren), and R3, 1651 (pampieren). seij, velvets, satins and damasks, all of them origi- 106 56, 205v (ratel). For the ‘heavy’ versions see Brawir & nating from Europe, were priced per elle, that is, Kablaniyan, Yaman, p. 160 (with metrical values in n. 3). ‘ell’ — equal to 68.78 cm metric. The prices for the

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latter three sorts even prove to be calculated in elles discharged ‘all kinds of Indian cloths’ in al-Mukha. and corges as well, i.e. per length and per number. On board Van Speult’s ships — or rather, on board Only sail cloth was priced per lb. [Mochas] or ra†l, the Walcheren — ‘gold brocades’ were carried from so per weight. Exceptionally, prices for whole pieces Surat to the Yemeni seaport in 1626. And turbans of fabric are combined with prices for parts of the referred to as mottaber harrier were unloaded there same pieces — misleadingly also called stucks —: in a decade earlier, in 1616112. the seasons of 1621 and 1622, for instance, A remarkable example of a textile cargo of which marhama Masulipatam was sold in al-Mukha at 35 the composition is exactly known, the size, how- to 40 reals of eight a corgi, that is, 20 whole pieces ever, completely unknown, is the detailed ‘memo- of the weave, and at the same time at 8 cabier randum’ concerning English purchases on behalf of (kabir) ‘every stuck’, read: 1/16 part of a piece108. the expedition to al-Mukha probably planned for In al-Mukha sales prices of textiles were mostly 1619, a document dating from 1618. In addition expressed in reals of eight, at times in dhahabis, sel- to one variety of clothing, 37 distinct sorts of fab- dom in kabirs, only once in rupias. One real of rics are summed up for the greater part with their eight — a silver coin of Spanish origin — was usu- cost prices per score or piece, but without their ally equated with 48 Dutch stuivers. In 1616, one quantities113. dahabo or dhahabi — a gold Hungarian ducat — Vague size indications prove to be not only was considered equal to 1 1/4 reals minus 2 kabirs, numerous but also diverse. ‘Many’, ‘a great many’, that is, 1 13/60 to 1 14/64 — i.e. 1.22 — reals. In ‘much more’, ‘not too many’, ‘a few’, ‘some’, ‘a lot’, that same year, at least during the trade season, one ‘a considerable lot’, ‘large lots’, ‘a considerable quan- silver cabier Mocha was worth 1/60 to 1/64 — i.e. tity’, ‘a large quantity’, ‘a mass’, ‘a great mass’, ‘richly 0.016 — reals of eight109. In 1633, one silver ropia laden’, ‘extremely richly loaded’ and ‘completely was valued by the Company’s servants at 24 stuiv- charged’: these are terms often used. Incidentally, ers, that is, half a real110. information such as ‘assembled in abundance’, Purchase prices paid for textile products in India ‘entire ship’s cargoes’ and ‘a fluijt (‘flute’) of 150 lasts or elsewhere are given in reals of eight, guldens, fully stowed’ occur as well114. rupias and maÌmudis. The Dutch gulden or ‘guilder’ — abbreviated f — was a monetary unit only, divided into 20 hard stuivers, worth 5/12 (i.e. 0.42) 107 613, 1495; 180, 167r (pil.). Surati mann should not be reals of eight. One silver mamoudij was estimated confused with Mukhawi mann, the latter weighing 1/10 at ±10 1/2 stuivers, that is, ±1/5 (0.22) reals111. farasila or 2 ra†l, so ±1.3 kg metric (‘heavy’ version). 108 See, for instance, 698, 1313 (corge); 128, 241r (stuck); 705, 166r (p.); 455, 195r (corgi; ijeder stuck); 56, 206v (elle). Cargoes of undetermined or vague size 109 56, 205r (cabier Mocha), 205v, 207r (dahabos). 110 661, 141v (ropias). For the value of the rupia one may con- How large were the separate lots of textiles that were sult Van Santen, Compagnie, p. 82. unshipped or loaded in al-Mukha? In the sources 111 613, 1495 (mamoudij). The value in Dutch stuivers of the mahmudi, as well as its exchange value against the Mughal analysed this question is often not answered or only rupia in South Gujarat before ± 1630, is discussed in Van vaguely, sometimes, however, quite exactly. It goes Santen, Compagnie, pp. 81-83. without saying that data of an undetermined or 112 A, I, 86 (schepkens; Promiens; cattonnen), 85 (naij- ende vague nature is of little help to textile research. stickzijde); 420, 23v (Naman; Cormian; alderhande Indische cleeden); 558, [1e] 290r (goude laeckenen); 56, 207r (mot- In the following short anthology of statements taber harrier). regarding materials, yarns, fabrics and clothes no 113 128, 241r-v (r: memorie). See App. A. indication of cargo size is found. On 10 April 1616, 114 56, 207v (veel); A, I, 101 (vijtermaten veel), 102 (rijckelijck three ‘small crafts’ from Nagna and Promiens gelaaden), 84 (seer rijck (…) geladen); 153, 443r (veel meer); 656, 146r (niet te veel); 316, 239 (een weijnich; volladen); (Miani) brought ‘cotton’ ashore in al-Mukha. The 227, 750 (eenige); 705, 167v (parthije); 666, 264 (een goede caravan that had arrived in the city only shortly partije); 589, 397r (groote partijen); 151, 213v (goede quan- before, on 6 March, supplied ‘sewing and stitching titeijt); 704, 400r (groote quantiteijt); 534, 11 (menichte); silk’. In the commercial season of 1623, vessels from 602, [3]v (groote mennichte); 245, 293r (abondant (…) geracolgiert); 402, 285 (heele scheepsladinghe); 613, 1495 Naman (Oman) and Indian cities such as Sind, (een fluijt van 150 lasten groot, wel vol gedraeft). Fluijt/fluit: Cormian (Miani), Nagna, Diu, Cambaij, Surat, Dutch fast-sailing two-decked three-master with round Dabhol, Chaul, Cannanore, Cochin and Carpatan, stern, lightly manned and armed, an excellent cargo ship;

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Pl. 3. ‘Memorandum’ (memorie) on commodities which are saleable in Jomenij [Yemen] according to Wissendasnan et al., [Surat], [1633] (The Hague, Nationaal Archief, VOC 1113, f. 285r) (=662). The quantities of cloths which, in the opinion of the Indian brokers, the Dutch could dispose of in al-Mukha, with the purchase prices in Gujarat and the total amounts of money involved.

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In 1614, for instance, four to five crafts from Suez Mahomet on its homeward voyage from al-Mukha and Missihirri (MiÒr, i.e. Egypt or Cairo) entered the was robbed by the Weesp of, amongst other com- Bay of al-Mukha, charged with ‘many commodities modities, 14 camelots — including 14 ‘half pieces’ made of silk’. In March 1639, the English at Surat —, and of 236 commerbands (‘belts’) of various dispatched the Discouvrie to the South Arabian shapes, 230 toochs (‘turbans’) and 46 nuesdoecks emporium together with the Convoij carrying ‘a con- (‘handkerchiefs’), all stored in two kists or ‘boxes’. siderable quantity’ of cloths. According to a notice Whereas the camelots were estimated at f 141, the from 1625, ‘large quantities’ of alegia montassijswere 512 clothes were valued at f 5,969. Naturally, the annually shipped from Cambay to al-Mukha. And Mahomet’s total outward cargo of textiles cannot be in the course of 1640, ‘some’ camelijs or ‘Arab robes’ deduced from this return cargo of remainders120. reached the city as part of the cargo of crafts from At the beginning of May 1622, the two boxes Parmianij (Miani) and Nomanij (Oman)115. seized, with the same content and value, returned from Surat to al-Mukha aboard the Souratte and, Cargoes of well-defined size for the third time, in mid-March 1623 aboard the Heusden. In the hold of the latter yacht, moreover, The exact size of a limited number of textile ship- were two ‘half pieces’ of crimson laecken worth ments reaching or leaving al-Mukha turns out to be f 354:7:8. An expert on board estimated that a lot registered in the records examined. These well- of 3 to 4,000 bahar of Surati cotton could be defined quantities of materials, yarns, fabrics and annually disposed of by the Company in the clothes will be reviewed below. As demonstrated Yemeni port121. The Weel, that had only shortly elsewhere116, real, possible, planned and cancelled before capsized while setting course to South cargoes are to be considered of equal value. Arabia, had been charged with no less than 804 In 1616, the cargo of the Nassau consisted of bales of the same product. Did these bales weigh two or three packs of Chinese damasks. It remains 50 Dutch pounds each and was, consequently, unknown how many pieces precisely were involved 40,200 pounds involved, that is, 102 ‘heavy’ and which value they represented117. Mukhawi bahar122? On board the ’t Wapen van Zeelandt, sailing to In 1623, the Dutch Company’s Directors in al-Mukha in 1620 but turning in Aden, were 47 Holland were requested by the Government in cattij of raw silk and 100 ditto of plied silk, that is, Batavia to send 20 to 24 pieces of red laeckens, 6 to 0.15 and 0.32 ‘heavy’ Mukhawi bahars respectively. 8 pieces of Italian gold brocades, 10 to 12 pieces of In a separate cas or ‘case’, moreover, eight ‘half velvets and the same number of satins. These weaves pieces’ of crimson laeckens were carried, as well as, should be sold in Surat, Cambay, Agra and al- distributed over two other ‘cases’, seven different Mukha. How many were reserved for the latter city? weaves in various shapes, comprising 242 pieces altogether. The total purchase value of silk, yarns and fabrics amounted to f 5,484:22:8. Apart from that, only the laeckens, damasks and satins proba- see Brouwer, Mukha, sub ‘Western ships’, pp. 300-308. A last, equal to two ton, weighed 4,000 Dutch pounds, that bly reached al-Mukha; on 1 August 1621 the fab- is, 1,976 kg metric. rics first mentioned proved to be sold, whereas 8 115 4, 89r (Missihirri; veel coomanschapen aen sijde); 694, 1238 and 36 pieces respectively of the weaves last men- (Discouvrie; goede quantiteijt); 534, 34 (groote perthijen); tioned remained in the Dutch office118. 705, 167v (eenighe; Arabische rocken; Parmianij; Nomanij). 116 See Brouwer, Commerbands, sub ‘Woven fabrics: 2) The English Londen, Bock and Roo Hart, calling Supplied, scheduled, cancelled or expected’, p. 25. at the Tihama port in 1621, brought more than 500 117 67, 209r (packen). bales — of 50 Dutch pounds each — of Persian 118 180, 166r (casse; halve stucken), 167r (cattij); 232, 255-256; silk, i.e. over 25,000 pounds or 63.5 ‘heavy’ 361, 376r. 119 227, 750; 363, 194r (packen). Mukhawi bahar, with a purchase value of 25,000 120 271, 394r-v (r: halve stuckx; kisten). reals of eight. In addition, the merchants succeeded 121 274, 24v; 375a, 34 (halve stucken). In the latter document in selling 24 packs of laeckens on the market. Were the ‘box no. 1’ (kist No. 1) is estimated at f 3,501 instead these 24 packs the entire lot? How many pieces were of f 3,623, which results in a cost price for the two boxes 119 of f 5,847 instead of f 5,969. 402, 285. actually at stake; what were the purchase costs ? 122 A, II, 281; 401, 137r; 480, 57 (mentioning 400 bales, after In September of the same year, the Chaul sloop the rumours in Aleppo).

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Six laeckens, two gold brocades, three velvets and Surat, Cambay, Ahmadabad and Coromandel as three satins, possibly? The same numbers were well as seven different kinds of clothes: fota bedara required again in the early days of 1625. But at the and fota gogarij baram from Ahmadabad, fota end of 1625 the request was reduced to 2 to 3 ‘cases’ Masulipatami and various romaels manufactured in of 10 pieces of crimson laeckens, and 6 cases of 8 to Ahmadabad and Coromandel. In this scheme 3,736 10 pieces of ‘ordinary’ laeckens, so in total to 68 to to 3,936.5 corge of weaves were at issue, that is, 90 fabrics, and that on behalf of Surat, Persia and 74,720 to 78,730 single pieces, as well as 175 corge al-Mukha jointly. Were 23 to 30 of these exclusively of clothes, that is, 3,500 pieces, altogether 78,220 destined for the Yemeni port123? to 82,230 pieces. Five Chinese ‘silk fabrics’, more- The memorie drawn up in 1633 by brokers in over, encompassing 350 pieces, should be sent ‘by Surat at the request of Lucasz. can be considered a way of sample’. At what amount of rupias all of purchase proposal for the Uijtrecht and the these textile wares could be purchased the junior Camelioen, the two vessels selected for an Arabia merchant does not mention. That, again, this cargo expedition in the next season. The list comprises would not reach the Red Sea port in 1641 could 15 sorts and varieties of Cambay and Ahmadabadi not predicted125. fabrics, represented by 4,990 corge, that is, 99,800 single pieces in total. The overall purchase value Scope of the market amounted to 133,550 rupia, that is, f 160,260, if the rupia is equated with 24 stuiver. Carstensz., In late-Ottoman, early-Ëasimid al-Mukha, materi- in his report to Brouwer dating from 1634, als, yarns, weaves and sorts of clothes were supplied, adopted this proposal. Apart from two alterations imported and forwarded from all corners of the in the quantities at stake, he added three weaves — world. As stated before, two basic materials were 300 corge or 6,000 pieces in all —, as well as two involved, four (or five) yarns and threads, 218 sorts, batches of turbans, feratganijs and sellijs — 150 varieties and types of woven fabrics and 41 to 42 corge or 3,000 pieces altogether. In doing so he sorts of finished products. The diversity of the tex- arrived at a total of 5,440 corge or 108,800 pieces tile supply, therefore, was immense, even though it of fabrics and clothes, to be bought at 151,050 showed seasonal fluctuations. rupia, that is, f 181,260. This textile cargo, he In which quantities exactly did these numerous thought, could be annually sold by the Company textiles appear on the Mukhawi market, all together in Yemen. That in 1634 and following years no or each individually? Thus not the cargo per single voyage at all would be organized to al-Mukha was ship or caravan is discussed here, but the compre- quite unforseeable for either brokers or senior mer- hensive volume per season. It turns out that only chant124. for a handful of specified products is such quanti- In 1640, Wurffbeen suggested that Croocq tative data found in the sources explored. And for assemble an Arabian textile cargo for 1641 includ- no more than two monsoons has the quasi-entire ing 52 sorts and varieties of fabrics originating from supply of textiles been registered therein. In this context one should realize that estimates of quanti- ties to be sold in the near future were always based on quantities actually supplied in the past, or rather, 123 454, 77r; 503, 399r; 504, 16r; 558, [1e] 290r (cassen; were identical with them. slechte). 124 662, 285r (memorie); 665, 171-172. Carstensz. added the As far as the materials are concerned, according fabrics of alegia doccoraqui and chintz, both from to an estimate from 1616, the transactions annually Ahmadabad and Burhanpur, and casser [Gabes]; instead of concluded by the joint Asian and European mer- 500 corge of white baftas and 50 corge of Ahmadabadi baf- chants in the Tihama port might encompass 6,000 tas, he entered 50 and 500 corge respectively. According to a decision by the Board of the Surat office presided over by to 8,000 ‘heavy’ bahar of cotton. In 1622, the Lucasz., the purchase value of the total cargo of the two amount of cotton originating from Nagna or vessels — comprising cotton, cloths and spices — should Cormeian (Miani) delivered in al-Mukha by the amount to 130,000 to 140,00 rupia, that is, f 156,000 to ‘Moors’ and ‘the General Company’, i.e. the VOC, f 168,000 (666, 264). For the number of pieces per sort of fabrics or clothes see App. A. was assessed at 5,000 to 6,000 ‘heavy’ bahar. One 125 705, 162r-v, 166r (sijde stoffen; tot een monster). See and a half decades later, in 1638, no more than 1,000 App. A. ‘light’ bahar of cotton from Nagna or Goa changed

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hands on the market. As for (Chinese) raw and plied as Van den Broecke noted in a detailed survey of silk, according to the estimate mentioned dating prices: one material, 23 weaves and 5 sorts of from 1622, 6 to 7 bahar in total could be disposed clothes. These constituted but one ninth part of the of year after year by ‘Moors’ and Dutch together126. 265 to 267 kinds of textiles arriving in the South Season totals prove also to be communicated Arabian seaport during the quarter of a century regarding three woven fabrics. In 1622, it was esti- studied. mated that the Asian and Dutch traders combined According to the survey mentioned, a quantity would be able to sell 200 to 400 pieces of Chinese of 1,000 bahar of raw cotton from Goa and Nagna satins of different shapes in al-Mukha every year, in had been thrown on the Mukhawi market. The addition to 100 to 200 pieces of armosijns and 15 number of fabrics sold was 64,850 corge, i.e. to 20 pieces of crimson laeckens127. 1,297,000 pieces. As far as clothes are concerned, From two detailed price-lists drawn up in 1623 13,600 corge had met with a sale, i.e. 272,000 by a well-informed observer — De Milde or Sallaert pieces. Consequently, the total amount of weaves — it may be gathered that in three successive sea- and clothes traded in the season of 1638 in the Red sons, 1621-1623, one and the same material, 64 Sea port reached 78,450 corge, that is, 1,569,000 identical sorts, varieties and types of weaves and 10 pieces130. equal sorts and varieties of clothes were traded in the Yemeni port. Even though these 75 products Massive lots of weaves and clothes distinguished represented less than one third of the 265 to 267 textile wares in total that were observed In separate cargoes as well as in an all-embracing on the Mukhawi market during the period 1614- season’s supply, some fabrics and sorts of clothes 1640, they formed an impressive collection! Were were strongly represented, others modestly or even these commodities, in the eyes of the Dutch partic- weakly. It may be inferred from two scheduled ship’s ipants and their capable advisers, possibly the most cargoes and from two season’s totals — one antici- important ones? In the price-list regarding 1621- pated, the other realized — which sorts and vari- 1622, contrary to the one covering 1623, room has eties of weaves and clothes were carried to al-Mukha been left for a separate column in which was regis- in massive lots and marketed there. tered, in corges, ‘which quantity could be annually As far as the fabrics that were included in single marketed’. A minimum and a maximum amount cargoes are concerned, in the ‘memorandum’ drawn was filled in for almost all of the products, doubt- up by Surati brokers in 1633 that functioned as the less based on the quantities actually sold in the two purchase guideline for the planned Yemen expedi- years mentioned128. tion of the Uijtrecht and the Camelioen in 1634, just According to the 1621-1622 price-list, a ‘large as in Carstensz.’s adapted version thereof dating lot’ of unprocessed cotton from Nagna would yearly from the year last mentioned, two varieties figure of find ready buyers in al-Mukha: it’s hard to imagine which the number of pieces amounted to at least a vaguer indication of volume. Of the 64 weaves, 1,000 corge: alegia mossafij and alegia maravadij. on the other hand, an exact amount of 83,307 to The textile cargo in 1640 suggested by Wurffbeen 101,680 corge in total could be disposed of, that is, for the 1641 voyage to al-Mukha knew one variety 1,666,140 to 2,033,600 pieces. The ten sorts of that was represented by 1,000 corge of pieces: kan- clothes seemed to be saleable in numbers ranging nekin mossafij. from 25,942 to 31,358 corge or 518,840 to 627,160 The two varieties that should be supplied ‘mas- pieces. So, the total number of pieces of the 74 sorts sively’, according to both the ‘memorandum’ and of fabrics and clothes distinguished which could be annually sold in al-Mukha amounted to 2,184,980 126 to 2,660,760 single pieces129. 56, 206r; 363, 194r (Mooren; de Generale Compagnie); 698, 1314. Fifteen years later, in 1638, Indian crafts, 127 363, 194r. assisted by the English Marij, brought large quan- 128 Price-list 1621-22: 455, 194v-196r (194v: wat quantiteijt tities of textiles ashore in al-Mukha. As related dat jaerlijcx can vertiert worden); price-list 1623: 456, 197r- above, the warehouses were crammed with them. 198r. 129 455, 194v-196r (196r: groote pertije). For the number of In spite of this, no more than 29 textiles originat- pieces per sort, variety or type see App. B. ing from Gujarat and Cormandel were parted with, 130 698, 1313-1314. Details are given in App. B.

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Carstensz. comprising 3,000 corge together, pieces in all, confirms the massive supply and sale accounted for either 60 or 57% of the entire weaves of the same two weaves. cargo of 4,990 or 5,290 corge, so more than half of The 42,000 to 51,500 corge of ‘major’ fabrics it. The share of the ‘major’ fabric in Wurffbeen’s just mentioned was a little more than 50% of all blueprint, totalling 1,000 corge, formed 27 or 25% weaves considered to be saleable from 1624 of the shipment of weaves numbering 3,736 onwards — namely 83,307 to 101,680 corge —, to 3,936.5 corge, that is, a quarter thereof131. In that is, roughly half. The 35,000 corge thereof that table 2 these ‘massive varieties’, distributed over the were actually sold in 1638 formed 54% of the two scheduled cargoes, are presented with their entire turnover of fabrics — to wit 64,850 corge quantities. —, also about half. In table 1 the quantities at stake in both of the seasons are given132. Cargo Season Compared with woven fabrics, sorts and varieties 1634 1641 1624 1638 of clothes formed a much less significant part of the weaves planned ship’s cargoes for 1634 and 1641 and of alegia mossafij 2,000 the season totals expected for 1624 and realized in alegia maravadij 1,000 1638. Masses of clothes are less massive than masses kannekin mossafij 1,000 22,000-26,500 20,000 of weaves! kannekin morandi 20,000-25,000 kannekin morabiti 15,000 As shown in table 1, feratganijs and sellijs num- bering 150 corge together in Carstensz.’s cargo pro- Total 3,000 1,000 42,000-51,500 35,000 posal for 1634, and fota bedara and romael calerij totalling 90 corge in Wurffbeen’s recommendation clothes for 1641, were the varieties largest in size. They - feratganij 100 resented successively the complete shipment of sellij 50 fota bedara 50 clothes and over half thereof — 150 and 175 corge romael calerij 40 respectively. schas silsalla 12,000-16,000 Expectations were that from 1624 onwards schas schas vermigel 6,000 silsalla of all the clothes would sell best with no less schas 5,000 than 12,000 to 16,000 corge. In 1638, 11,000 corge Total 150 90 12,000-16,000 11,000 of schas vermigel and schas exchanged hands. These ‘major’ varieties covered 46 or 51% of the total sup- Table 2. Al-Mukha: Numbers of fabrics and clothes ply of clothes assumed from 1624 — namely (in corges) per massively supplied variety in 25,942 to 31,358 corge —, 81% of that realized in two cargoes and two seasons. 1638 –13,600 corge. It goes without saying that tur- bans were involved in all cases133. De Milde’s quantitative estimate per sort or variety of fabrics that seemed marketable in the course of Sales prices: Of raw materials and spun yarns one season, committed to paper in 1623 and valid from 1624 on, shows two varieties of at least 15,000 Prices from five years which were paid during the corge of pieces: kannekin mossafij and kannekin commercial season on the Mukhawi textile market morandij, comprising 42,000 to 51,500 corge for cotton supplied have come down to us. together. Van den Broecke’s survey of the commer- Quotations for raw and plied silk survive from four cial activities that were displayed in the monsoon of and three seasons respectively, for sewing silk and 1638, drawn up in 1639, with 35,000 corge of gold thread from one monsoon. In table 3 these sales prices in reals of eight — once in reals and ducats —, calculated per weight in changing units, have been conveniently arranged. In order to facil- 131 The share of the massively supplied fabrics in each of both itate internal comparison, the price per ‘heavy’ ship’s cargoes can be read from App. A. Mukhawi bahar, if necessary, has been added 132 For the number of pieces per ‘massive fabric’ during the commercial seasons at issue see App. A. between square brackets. 133 The quantities per sort of clothes in both cargoes and sea- sons are indicated in App. A and B respectively.

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1616 1621 1622 1623 1628 1638 1640

cotton 13-30/hb 18.75 35-37 50/lb 23;24;25; /hb /hb [52.5] 28/lb [24; Ch. raw 5-9/c 100-120/hf 100-120/hf 130/hf 25;26; 29.5] silk [1575-2835] [1500-1800] [1500-1800] [1950] P. raw silk 8-10/hr [2405-3006] plied silk 100-120/hf 100-120/hf 130/hf [1500-1800] [1500-1800] [1950] Ch. sewing 5-6/c silk [1575-1890] P. sewing 6-8/hr silk [1803-2405] gold thread 1.5/p

Table 3. Al-Mukha: Sales prices of materials and yarns during separate seasons, in reals of eight per ‘light’ and ‘heavy’ Mukhawi bahar (lb, hb), ‘heavy’ Mukhawi farasila (hf), Chinese catti (c), ‘heavy’ Mukhawi ra†l (hr) and papier (p), with conversion into ‘heavy’ Mukhawi bahars, if necessary, between square brackets134.

Despite the meagre numerical data to hand, it is (of 3 span), there remain all-in-all 143 sorts, vari- evident that raw silk and silk yarns were immensely eties and types of which the selling prices, calculated more expensive than unprocessed cotton. In the by piece or score, are easily comparable with each monsoon of 1623 the selling price of silk amounted other. to more than a hundredfold that of cotton! It is As far as the currency units are concerned, the remarkable, moreover, that the prices for raw and majority of the sales prices in 1616 were expressed plied silk were identical. Persian sewing silk, finally, in dhahabis, one price in Mukhawi kabirs137. proves to have been significantly higher priced than its Chinese equivalent. Do the cotton prices that survive from five dif- ferent seasons allow us to draw any conclusion 134 Cotton: 56, 206r; 456, 198r (price in ducats and reals); about the price trend? They rose, it seems, from a 613, 1495; 698, 1314; 705, 163r. Silk and silk yarns: 56, low level in the years 1616-1623 to a high one in 206v; 363, 194r; 420, 23v. Gold thread: 56, 206v. The 1628, reached a top value in 1638 and fell back to price for cotton communicated by Grijph (613, 1495) was their low point of departure in 1640. Nevertheless, calculated per bahar of 390 Dutch pounds; for conven- ience, the sale of this unit is equated here with the ‘heavy’ the total lack of information with respect to no less bahar of 393 3/4 pounds. The raw and plied silk referred than six seasons between 1616 and 1623 and, even to in 363 and 420 have been considered Chinese products. worse, nine monsoons between 1628 and 1638 pre- 135 For the sales prices per sort, variety and type of fabrics see vent us from stating whether a continuous rise App. C. 136 Surveys including sales prices: 56, 206r, 206v, 207r (regard- occurred in those long-lasting intervals or an inces- ing 1616); 455, 194r-196r (1621, 1622); 456, 197r-198r santly fluctuating progress. (1623); 665, 171-172 (1633); 698, 1313-1314 (1638); 705, 162r-163r, 166r-v (1640). Incidental quotations: Of woven fabrics armosijns (363, 194r), laeckens (232, 256; 363, 194r), satins (363, 194r; 420, 23v). De Milde’s lapidary remark that dur- ing the current season of 1624 the ‘Hindustani cloths’ Price quotations have passed down to us with regard ‘maintained the price level of the previous years’, even to roughly two thirds of all fabrics traded in al- though only ‘a few’ were supplied (489, 190r: Industansche Mukha during the period investigated, to be precise cleeden; op de marckt van voorgaende jaren [waren] 135 gebleevenn; weijnich), leads to all sorts of questions. The for 146 distinguished weaves . It turns out that prices mentioned in 456, for instance, differ considerably almost all of them originate from six textile surveys from those met with in 455, as the senior merchant him- covering the seven seasons of 1616, 1621, 1622, self emphasized (455, 194v). And doesn’t small supply, gen- 1623, 1633, 1638 and 1640136. erally speaking, cause high prices? For these reasons the prices given in 455 and 456 have not here been considered Sail cloth being priced per lb. [Mochas] or ra†l, applicable to 1624. carseij per elle, and laecken either per elle or per ges 137 56, 205r (cabier Mocha), 205v, 207r (dahabos).

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Apparantly, the amounts paid for fabrics in 1633 irrespective of the number and size of the lots mar- were fixed in reals, in fact, however, in rupias. It keted, the highest and lowest maximum sales prices should be underlined that these prices in rupias did have been arranged, in descending order, in table 4. not imply at all that the Indian coin was accepted in the Yemeni emporium, even less that the Indian merchants cashed rupias for their textile wares sold. highest lowest The ‘memorandum’ from which the 1633 prices satin 500 longij patta 7 have been derived was written by brokers active in cassa 440 ornij sasodij 7 velvet 440 pattia 7 Surat who calculated automatically in rupias, the camelot 400 schisan 7 more so as they were making, at the request of the damask 320 ornij d’Ammadabath 6 local Dutch trade office, a comparison between pur- atlas 280 longi jvasirij 5 chase and sales prices138. armosijn 260 ravetij 5 alegia herierij Daboulij 240 raudi 4 Most of the selling prices for weaves prove to have been made in reals of eight. As dhahabis, Table 4. Al-Mukha: Highest and lowest maximum kabirs and rupias can effortlessly be turned into sales prices for weaves during seven seasons, in reals of reals, it is preferable to express the sales prices eight per corge. of cloths supplied and traded in al-Mukha in that currency. That sales prices for fabrics have survived from The enormous difference between the highest seven commercial seasons does not mean that each and lowest maximums is very noticeable. In any one sort or variety is represented by a complete series of season, satin found a ready buyer in al-Mukha at no seven prices. Nor that each season’s quotation con- less than 500 reals of eight a corge, raudi, on the sists of one price only. Quite the contrary! Prices other hand, at 4 at the very most. So the highest from all seven commercial periods have been pre- satin price could amount, in extremis, to 125 times served for no more than one single fabric, kassidi. the highest raudi price! Even the maximum selling From six, five and four monsoons quotations have price of alegia herierij Daboulij, 240 reals a score, suvived for five, four and six sorts respectively. A was still 34 times higher than that of longij patta, at modest number of three prices, however, is known 7 reals. for 49 sorts, of two prices only for eight sorts, and The lowest and highest minimum sales prices of one price for no less than 73 sorts, that is, the show a similar colossal difference in level, as can be absolute minimum. As far as the number of price read from table 5, arranged in ascending order. In quotations per season is concerned, often only one the commercial seasons under discussion, for price is communicated, much more often, however, instance, at least one lot of kannekin mossafij had to there is a series of two, three or more prices. In the be parted with at a mere 2 reals of eight a corge, latter case a minimum and a maximum price are whereas the bottom price for velvet was as high as involved. It goes without saying that such highest 360 reals, that is, 180 times higher. And the lowest and lowest values can also be indicated for the seven prices for dongerij and coutenij Abdulgani were still seasons together. in a proportion of 1 to 16! For which cloths were peak prices paid during the quarter of a century studied in al-Mukha? And for which ones bottom prices? lowest highest Judging by the limited number of quotations kannekin mossafij 2 coutenij Abdulgani 110 from no more than seven commercial seasons, and ravetij 3 atlas 160 raudi 4 damask 180 ornij d’Ammadabath 4.5 alegia herierij Daboulij 200 longij vasirij 5 camelot 200 schisan 5 satin 240 138 The purchase prices found in 665, 171-172, prove to be sijgrij 5 cassa 300 exactly the same as those in 662, 285r. The latter are dongerij consti 7 velvet 360 expressed in roa., that is, ropias; this is confirmed in 661, 141v, where the form ropias occurs in full. Probably, the Table 5. Al-Mukha: Lowest and highest minimum pennist responsible for 665 mistook the abbreviation roa. in sales prices for weaves during seven seasons, in reals of the exemplum for ra., that is, reael. eight per corge.

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Pl. 4. ‘Report’ (rapport) by J[ohan] Sigusmundus Wurffbeen, Surat, adressed to Paulus Croocq, Surat, 13 Oct. 1640 (The Hague, Nationaal Archief, VOC 1134, f. 162r) (=705). The estimated quantities of Surati and Cambay weaves to be sold by the VOC in al-Mukha during the next commercial season and the anticipated sales prices.

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The absolute difference between the minimum them. Unfortunately, as related before, data from no and maximum selling prices fluctuated per cloth more than seven monsoons has been passed down from zero to gigantic. It turns out that with 36 for as much as one single weave, from six and five sorts, varieties and types the bottom and the peak seasons for only five and four sorts and varieties prices coincide, simply because only a single quota- respectively. To make matters worse, these commer- tion from all of the seven seasons has passed down cial periods are unevenly distributed over the quar- to us. Kandien asereck, casser pettera d’Berampour and ter of a century in question. So it would seem to be taffari genporra are examples of this. The smallest foolhardy to hazard definite statements on the price difference, namely 1/2 real of eight, is observed with trend of even a limited number of cloths. salou tsjagerij, sold at 48 1/2 and 49 reals. Together Nevertheless, it can do no harm to cast a glance at with 70 other weaves — including dotia sesontra, the selling prices at which these ten sorts were sold bafta tokelij and montassij — this variety is part of at the time. In table 7 the weaves have been arranged a group in which the difference between minimum according to the descending number of seasonal and maximum prices could rise to 10 reals. For 29 quotations. cloths — such as casser, chela and alegia tervisi — this gap increased from 11 to 90 reals. The greatest The sales prices of this small group of cloths — interval by far, ranging from 120 to 260 reals, scarcely representing 5% of all weaves traded on the occurred with a handful of weaves, seven in total, Mukhawi market — roughly showed a rise in 1621 which have been included in table 6. compared to those realized in 1616. Though that level was maintained through 1622, it dropped back in 1623. In 1633, some prices succeeded in minimum – maximum difference equalling the level of 1621-1622 or even in surpass- satin 240-500 260 ing it, other prices remained below it. This situa- camelot 200-400 200 tion was more or less maintained in 1638, but was armosijn 80-260 180 soucij 40-200 160 followed in 1640 by a considerable drop to a level cassa 300-440 140 corresponding to that of 1623 or, worse, that of damask 180-320 140 1616. Whether a gradual movement was involved atlas 160-280 120 or a jumpy progress, to be represented by a flowing Table 6. Al-Mukha: Difference between minimum and curve or a zigzag line respectively, cannot be estab- maximum sales prices per weave during seven seasons, lished as a consequence of the poor numerical data in reals of eight per corge. available.

Of finished clothes To outline the movement of cloth prices in the Yemeni commercial port through the period stud- Sales prices for 28 out of 38 or 39 sorts and vari- ied in a reliable way, exact quotations would be eties of clothes being the subject of transactions in required from all years or at least from most of Ottoman-Ëasimid al-Mukha are met with in the

1616 1621 1622 1623 1633 1638 1640 kassidi 27-27 25-45 25-45 25-30 25-25 43-44 26.25-30 beram 18-30 18-30 17-20 40-40 35-40 20-20 kannekin mossafij 7.5-7.5 4-9 4-9 2-6 13-14 10-12 chela 25-30 25-30 20-20 40-40 26-27 20-20 schader lolewij 9-12 9-12 7-7 12.5-12.5 15-17 15.5-18 chintz 17-20 17-20 15-15 25-100 17-18 10-10 bafta 25-40 25-40 16-35 32-35 20-20 sacander scaij 35-50 35-50 27-30 35-35 35-36 satin 320-360 240-500 240-500 280-500 320-320 schader borael 12-35 12-35 11-20 25-25 23-25

Table 7. Al-Mukha: Minimum and maximum sales prices for the ten fabrics best documented during seven seasons, in reals of eight a corge.

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Dutch records investigated. These affect the same It is self-evident that the interval between mini- seven seasons as mentioned in the section on weave mum and maximum selling prices is smallest with prices. Nearly all prove to be calculated per corge, the ten sorts of clothes for which the two extremes only some per piece. Except for four prices in dha- coincide; these include fota bedara and mandil. For habis and rupias, they are expressed in reals of eight. fota visierij the difference between the two marginal For nine sorts of clothes prices originate from three values came to half a real only, for fota sebedi, how- seasons, for one sort from two seasons, for eighteen ever, to 45 reals, and for fourteen other sorts and sorts, finally, from no more than one monsoon. varieties to an amount in between. With a differ- Single and multiple quotations per season balance ence of 90 and 300 reals between peak and bottom each other more or less, resulting in minimum and prices, schas mocassep and schas schikisa were absolute maximum prices139. leaders in the field. The highest and lowest peak prices in reals a score at which clothes were sold on the Mukhawi Purchase prices: Paid for materials and yarns market have been included in table 8 below. In the documents and journals examined scarcely highest lowest any information is found on the amounts of money schas schikisa 700 fota bedara 9.0 involved in the purchase, in India or elsewhere, phradkanij herierij 120 fota gogarij baram 9.0 of the textile materials and yarns which were sold in schas mocassep 120 fota visierij 8.5 sellij 105 mandil 5.0 al-Mukha during the transitional stage from Ottoman to Ëasimid rule. It is not certain, more- Table 8. Al-Mukha: Highest and lowest maximum sales over, that some lots of which the cost price is known prices for sorts of clothes during one to three out of reached the Tihama port in reality. This applies in seven seasons, in reals of eight per corge. particular to the cargoes of raw and plied silk that were transported by the ’t Wapen van Zeelandt from Jacarta to Aden in 1620, but, as related before, pos- It will be obvious that schas schikisa at 700 reals sibly did not end up in al-Mukha140. a corge towers high above the other sorts and vari- In 1628, the cost price of unprocessed cotton eties of clothes. This extreme price is no less than bought in Surat was 3 mamoudij a local man (Ar. 140 times the lowest registered maximum price, mann) of 30 Dutch pounds, that is ±8 1/2 reals of 5 reals, at which mandil was disposed of. eight a ‘heavy’ Mukhawi bahar141. With regard to the lowest and highest minimum In 1620, the ’t Wapen carried in its hold a quan- sales prices, table 9 shows that fota sebedi and tity of 47 cattij of Chinese raw silk worth f 248:8. mandil set a depth record with 5 reals a corge, no So the purchase price in Jacatra was 2 1/5 reals of more than an 80th part of the amount of at least eight per cattij, that is, 693 reals a ‘heavy’ Mukhawi 400 reals to be paid for schas schikisa. bahar. The raw silk supplied in the following sea- son by the Londen, Bock and Roo Hart had been lowest highest bought in Persia at 1 real per Dutch pound, that is, fota sebedi 5 feratganij 65 393 3/4 reals a bahar; its quality was considered mandil 5 phradkanij herierij 80 ‘nothing very special’ by the Dutch experts142. fota visierij 8 sellij 105 fota bedara 9 schas schikisa 400 The plied silk brought ashore by the ’t Wapen in 1620 had been entered in the books in Jacatra at Table 9. Al-Mukha: Lowest and highest minimum sales prices for sorts of clothes during seven seasons, in reals of eight per corge. 139 Sales prices of clothes are found in the surveys referred to in n. 136. For the conversion of dhahabis and rupias into reals of eight see the section devoted to ‘Units of account, We may state that various sorts and varieties of weight and currency’. The selling prices per sort or variety turbans found a market in the Yemeni port city at of clothes are registered in App. C. 140 See above, ‘Textiles supplied from the South: By VOC both the highest maximum and the highest mini- ships’, sub 1620. mum prices, whereas fota varieties account for the 141 613, 1495 (mamoudij; man). lowest peak and bottom values. 142 ’t Wapen: 180, 167r. London: 227, 750 (niet veel besonders).

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200 reals a picol, which meant 630 reals per ‘heavy’ lowest highest Mukhawi bahar143. lolewij potha 2.5 camelot 62.5 lolewij 3 tirecaudia 70.0 mavij 3.5 damask 100.0 Paid for weaves longij patta 4 satin 100.0 mingtasse 4 Chaul 120.0 Purchase prices of a total of 53 weaves, that is, cadia birregera 4.5 caffa (colle ~) 160.0 almost a quarter of all cloths traded at the time in cadia cansigera 4.5 grofgrijn 160.0 phadellha 4.5 caffa 200.0 al-Mukha, can be found in the records investigated, prices paid in far-away India, the Archipelago or Table 10. Lowest and highest minimum purchase prices even Europe144. Apart from some occasional quota- for woven fabrics in India etc. during three seasons tions from changing years, most of the prices come (1618, 1620, 1633), in reals of eight per corge. from the surveys of three realized or scheduled ship’s cargoes in 1618, 1620 and 1633145. A mere handful of prices prove to be calculated a corge respectively, was extreme. And although the per stuck or pee, the majority, however, per corge. ratio between phadellha and camelot did not amount Only for carseij and laecken do quotations per elle to 1:80, with purchase prices of 4 1/2 and 62 1/2 occur. Consequently, the purchase prices of 51 sorts reals it still was 1:14! and varieties of weaves can be compared with each Such differences, and even larger ones, are also other, preferably per score. The majority of the met with where the maximum purchase prices of prices are expressed in rupias, a small group in fabrics are involved, as can be seen in table 11. The guilders and some in maÌmudis. The conversion prices of damask and lolewij potha lay farthest from into reals of eight does not pose a problem146. For one another: 281 and 2 1/2 reals, the former being one single sort — laecken — prices have passed no less than 112 times the latter. Matour de Sede down from five seasons, for three sorts — bafta, scored with 100 reals 15 1/2 times higher than chela and mavij — from two seasons, for all other lolewij cham costing 6 1/2 reals. weaves from one year only, generally no more than a single quotation even. In the latter cases the min- highest lowest imum and maximum purchase prices are identical. damask 281 lolewij cham 6.5 The lowest and highest minimum purchase caffa 200 phadellha 5.0 satin 200 cadia birregera 4.5 prices paid for the weaves in the regions of origin caffa (colle ~) 160 cadia cansigera 4.5 during the years 1618, 1620 and 1633, i.e. shortly grofgrijn 160 longij patta 4.0 before their sale on the Mukhawi textile market, Chaul 120 mingtasse 4.0 expressed in reals of eight a corge, have been assem- camelot 100 lolewij 3.0 matour de Sede 100 lolewij potha 2.5 bled in table 10. Table 11. Highest and lowest maximum purchase prices It is evident that the prices varied widely. The for fabrics in India etc. during three seasons distance between the cost price of lolewij potha and (1618, 1620, 1633), in reals of eight per corge. that of caffa, bought at 2 1/2 and 200 reals of eight

Unfortunately, the meagre quantitative informa- 143 180, 167r. tion at our disposal does not allow pronounciations 144 The purchase prices of the individual fabrics are included on height and trend of purchase prices during the in App. D. It turns out that for cadia venia the cost price entire period at stake. Can the minimum and max- has not been entered in 128, 241r. The purchase price of imum prices found, however, be devoid of all camelots, as mentioned in 271, 394r, is an estimated one. 145 Surveys: 128, 241r-v (concerning purchases in 1618); 180, indicative value? 166r, 167r (1620); 662, 285r, and 665, 171-172 (1633). Isolated data: bafta (656, 146r); camelot (271, 394r; 491, Paid for clothes 66); carseij (56, 206v); damask (361, 376r); laecken (56, 206v; 232, 256; 375a, 34; 558, [1e] 290r; 705, 166v); satin (361, 376r). In the Company’s documents concerning early 146 As indicated above (n. 138), the prices for 1633 listed in seventeenth-century Yemen, the prices for which 665, 171-172, are expressed in rupias, not in reals. finished clothes sold on the Mukhawi market were

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obtained in the Indian production or purchase cen- with ‘the most profitable’ weaves. The Turks, he tres prove to be thin on the ground. For no more noted, annually threw their ‘common laecken’ on than six products have such prices come down to the Mukhawi market ‘in hope of profit’148. us, calculated in Dutch guldens (‘guilders’) or Indian Usually, the records consulted give only a vague rupias, either per stuck or per corge, to be found in answer to the question to which heights the returns a ‘memorandum’ from 1618, an ‘inventory’ from for textiles actually climbed. In 1623, a participant 1622, a log entry from 1623, and another ‘memo- in the trade was of the opinion that Chinese randum’ from 1634147. They bear upon the years damasks, velvets and other weaves could be sold 1618, 1622 and 1633, on the understanding that with ‘reasonable profit’. In 1626, an expert stated for each of the sorts of clothes referred to quota- that ‘Moorish’ ships from Sind, Diu, Surat, Goa and tions from one season only are found. other Indian seaports laden with, among other com- In table 12 below, the sorts and varieties of modities, ‘all kinds of fine and coarse cloths’, annu- clothes involved have been brought together with ally visited al-Mukha for the sake of the ‘good and the minimum and maximum purchase prices in definite profits they gain on the commodities car- reals of eight per score paid in India, arranged in ried with them’ while attaching a list of the textile descending order. wares which yielded ‘the largest profits’ in that city. In 1633, three Surati brokers composed a survey of 1618 1622 1623 1633 trade items, chiefly including woven fabrics, which tooch 50-666.5 83.25-125 could be sold in Yemen ‘certainly and with the commerband 8.5-250 41.5-250 greatest profits’. In 1640, ‘the greatest profits’ could sellij 37.5 feratganij 27.5 be realized on Cambay textiles, whereas unprocessed nuesdoeck 33.5 cotton yielded ‘good profits’149. fota boralhij 9.5-10 Not always, however, did profit lie within reach. The expectations were that gold brocade, velvet and Table 12. Purchase prices of clothes in India during satin, transported in 1620 by the Dutch from Surat one of three seasons, in reals of eight per corge. to al-Mukha, would not even cover their cost price. In 1638, as a consequence of the Suez caravan’s fail- ure to appear and the disastrous wreck of the Arab PROFITS AND TARGETS djalba with wealthy Turkish merchants aboard off Jedda, the sale of fabrics and other commodities Profits and losses: Vaguely indicated brought ashore by ‘Moorish’ cargo vessels yielded less money than the amount loaned at interest in What other than gain could have lured merchants, nakhudahs and captains from Syria, Egypt, India and the Archipelago to the textile market of far- away al-Mukha, disregarding the manifold pains 147 128, 241r, 271, 394r-v, 491, 65, and 665, 172, respectively. The prices derived from the ‘inventory’ of goods taken from and dangers? the Mahomet by the Weesp have been ‘estimated’ (getacxeert) Although the Yemeni port city was situated by the Dutch in the spring of 1622 and may differ from at a very great distance, declared a trader in the cost prices actually paid by the Chaul merchants in Masulipatnam in 1616, it ‘enjoyed fame as a place 1621. In n. 138 it has been proposed that ra. or ‘reals’ in 665, 172, should be read as roa. or ‘rupias’. of large profits, drawing silk wares and fabrics from 148 33, 168v (wert gefameert voor een plaets van grooten this coast’. At the end of 1625, De Carpentier, in proffijt[en?], treckende sijdewaeren ende doucken van dese Batavia, instructed Van Speult and Van den Broecke custe); 527, 157r (proffijtgevende Suratsche cleeden); 567, to dispatch some vessels from Gujarat to al-Mukha 153v (de gerequireerde profijtgevende Indostansche cleeden); 576, 23; 705, 162r (d’proffijtgevenste), 166v (gemeen laecken; loaded with ‘profit-yielding Surati cloths’; less than op hoope van winst), 169r. two years later he and Coen regretfully had to admit 149 402, 284-285 (284: redelijcke avance); 656, 144v (Moorsche; that the Company’s financial means were too inad- alderhande fijne en grove lijwaeten; goede en vaste advanc[e] equate to continue the Arabian trade with ‘the die op haer aenbrengende goederen gaudeeren), 146r (de meeste advance), and 665, 165 (656 and 665 were written down required profit-yielding Hindustani cloths’. In in 1633 and 1634 respectively); 662, 285r (seecker en met 1640, the Commander of the ’t Vliegende Hart pro- de mees[t]e advancen); 704, 400r (de meeste winsten); 705, posed to resume navigation to the Red Sea port 163r (goede winste). See also 706, 157v, and 707, 130v.

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India for the purchase thereof. In the same year, the Camelioen comprising eighteen sorts of weaves and English Marij returned from al-Mukha with numer- two sorts of clothes, in lots of changing size, the ous kinds of textiles which the merchants ‘had not purchase and sales prices of which were taken from managed to make any profit on’; the yield on sold the Indian and Mukhawi market situation in 1633. products, moreover, had been ‘very meagre’. In the From the total purchase sum of 151,050 rupia in following season, it’s true, the ‘private merchants’ Gujarat and the total selling amount of 339,600 aboard the Discouvre succeeded in finding buyers rupia in al-Mukha resulted a ‘profit’ of 188,550 for their fabrics, but ‘the greatest part thereof with rupia, that is, 94,275 reals of eight. This meant, for loss’. It will come as no surprise, therefore, that the this specific assortment, an expected percentage Dutch Director in Surat concluded in the autumn profit of no less than 125%151. of 1640, on the basis of exhaustive reports by eye- witness experts, that the trade in textiles to al- Specified according to product Mukha yielded ‘only now and then — it being very uncertain when — some notable profits’. In this On the textile market of al-Mukha, which profits branch, he thought, you needed ‘to be lucky’150. could be gained on individual materials, yarns, weaves and clothes? Exactly stated With respect to unprocessed cotton, purchase prices outside Yemen and sales prices in al-Mukha Only seldom, in fact no more than four times, are have passed down to us from 1628 only, regarding real profit margins communicated in the sources raw and plied Chinese silk we have the cost price analyzed. from 1620 and the sales price from 1621. Although According to the judgment of the Indian mer- the batches of raw and plied silk in question, being chants, during the trade months of 1622 the sell- part of the cargo of the ’t Wapen van Zeelandt, were ing price of a part of the fabrics supplied from Surat probably not delivered in al-Mukha, they could have and other cities remained below the cost price level. reached that city at the end of January 1621; the The profits made on another part did not rise above comparison of prices, therefore, seems legitimate. 25%. In table 13, the available bahar purchase and In the monsoon of 1628, on the other hand, all sales prices for materials and yarns realized on for- coarse sorts of weaves from Surat –including dotias, eign markets and in al-Mukha respectively are con- kannekins, baftas, berams, longijs, schaders and ale- trasted. From these the minimum and maximum gias– were ‘commodities in demand’ on which at profit, both in amounts and percentages, can be eas- least 70% profit could be gained. ily deduced. In 1633, according to ‘reports’ received and after ‘calculation’, the return on cloths, raw cotton and Among the weaves then traded in al-Mukha were spices offered for sale on the Mukhawi market by 27 sorts and varieties of which both Indian purchase the ‘Moors’ from cities such as Sind, Diu, Goga and prices and Mukhawi selling prices per corge have Surat amounted to 60% or even more. And that in been handed down to us. Regarding eighteen spite of all ‘troubles and times of scarcity’! thereof, pairs of prices dating from one and the At the beginning of 1634, finally, on the advice same commercial season, that of 1633, even prove of Surati brokers, a cargo was proposed for the to have survived, two thereof from successive mon- soons, 1620 and 1621. As far as the latter two are concerned, the armosijns and satins unloaded in 150 558, [1e] 290r; 694, 1237 (Moorse), 1238 (niets en conden 1620 in Aden by the ’t Wapen van Zeelandt were advanceeren; seer sober); 698, 1310; 700c, 359v (de meeste stocked in the Dutch comptoir at al-Mukha at the part al met verlies); 706, 146v (maer somwijlen (ende seer onseecker is wanneer) eenige merckelijcke voordeelen), 148r beginning of 1621 and subsequently offered for (luck wel raeck wel). It should be noted that Van den sale; thus the cost price from 1620 and the sales Broecke was of the opinion that the Indians, notwithstand- price from 1621 belong together. ing the naval disaster, sailed home ‘with large profits and All twenty sorts and varieties of cloths in ques- rich return cargoes’ (698, 1310). 151 322, 263; 613, 1495 (courante waeren); 658, 63r (Mooren; tion have been entered into table 14 together with rapporten; overslach; occurentiën ende schaerse tijden); 665, the corge prices at which they were — or could have 171-172 (172: avance). been — obtained and sold in 1620-1621 and 1633.

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purchase sale profit percentage cotton 1628 8.5 35-37 26.5-28.5 312-335 Chin. raw silk 1620 693 1621 1500-1800 807-1.107 116.5-159.5 Chin. plied 1620 630 silk 1621 1500-1800 870-1.170 138-185.5 Table13. Purchase and sales prices of materials and yarns during the seasons of 1620-1621 and 1628, in reals of eight per ‘heavy’ Mukhawi bahar, and the resulting profits.

purchase sale profit percentage chintz 1633 12.5-50 25-100 (-25) – 87.5 (-100) – 700 satin 1620 100-200 1621 240-500 40-400 20-400 alegia de Cambaija 1633 25 80 55 220 dotia treedij Dolqua 1633 20 55 35 175 beram 1633 15 40 25 166.5 armosijn 1620 40 1621 80-100 40-60 100-150 schader borael 1633 10 25 15 150 chela 1633 16.5 40 23.5 142.5 casser [Gabes] 1633 15 35 20 133.5 montassij 1633 6.5 15 8.5 131 alegia maravadij 1633 11 25 14 127.5 alegia doccoraqui 1633 22.5 50 27.5 122 alegia semssimia 1633 25 50 25 100 alegia mossafij 1633 8.5 16 7.5 88 schader schampalij 1633 8.5 15 6.5 76.5 longij patta 1633 4 7 3 75 bafta 1633 20-25 32-35 7-15 28-75 kassidi 1633 15 25 10 66.5 mavij 1633 11 16 5 45.5 schader lolewij 1633 10 12.5 2.5 25

Table 14. Purchase and sales prices of woven fabrics during the seasons of 1620-1621 and 1633, in reals of eight per corge, with the corresponding profits and (between round brackets, with negative sign) losses.

The profits ensuing from these, both amounts and As far as the profits gained on clothes are con- percentages, have been added. The arrangement is cerned, regrettably, next to nothing can be in accordance with the descending profit margin. reported. As related before, during the struggle for power between Turks and Yemenis the purchase It turns out that of the five weaves priced per elle prices of no more than six finished products were mentioned above152, carseij and laecken are the only recorded by the Dutch observers and, still worse, ones for which pairs of prices from one or more sea- the selling prices of only two thereof. Fortunately, sons have survived. In table 15 all the relevant data the prices at which the latter two textiles, ferat- has been included. ganijs and sellijs, were bought and sold originate from one and the same commercial season, a con- purchase sale profit percentage dition permitting comparison and profit calcula- laecken 1616 1.5-2.5 2.5-4.5 0-3 0-200 1620 2-3 tion. In table 16 the values found and deduced 1621 5-8 2-6 66.5-300 have been combined. 1640 2 1.75 (-0.25) (-12.5) carseij 1616 1-1.25 2-2.5 0.75-1.5 60-150

Table 15. Purchase and sales prices of weaves during the seasons of 1616, 1620-1621 and 1640, in reals of eight per elle, with the calculated profits and 152 See above, sub ‘Units of account, weight and currency’: (between round brackets, with negative sign) losses. laecken, carseij, velvets, satins and damasks.

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purchase sale profit percentage schader lolewij is hardly conceivable. On a bull mar- sellij 1633 37.5 105 67.5 180 ket, one corge of the former could yield 400 reals of feratganij 1633 27.5 65 37.5 136.5 profit, one corge of the latter at most 2 1/2 real, that Table 16. Purchase and sales prices of clothes during is, a 160th part! the season of 1633, in reals of eight per corge, It should be realized, finally, that profits always and the resulting profits. mean gross profits. Numerous costs, inescapable for the textile merchant, had to be covered therefrom, such as living expenses, seamen’s pay, ship’s mainte- Considerations nance, presents, charges, transport wages and, last but not least, bribes. In fact, it is difficult, or rather The textile trade to al-Mukha was considered prof- impossible, to estimate the profit gained on any itable, as appears from several quotes. Although at single textile product. times losses had to be accepted, usually substantial gain was guaranteed. For three seasons general profit Circumstances affecting the profits margins could be pointed to, as well as for a single ship’s cargo. The profits per bahar, corge or elle, On the Mukhawi textile market — as on all moreover, made on two materials, one yarn, 21 other markets — supply and demand determined weaves and two sorts of clothes in the course of one the sales prices, which in their turn, dependent on season only, in addition to the return on one fabric the purchase prices paid elsewhere, determined the — laecken — during three monsoons, proved to be profits. So, if a low supply of textile products coin- calculable. cided with the availability of large amounts of What significance should be attached to these money, this inevitably resulted in high prices and, results? most of the time, in high profits; massive supply, Taking stock of the two materials, four or five on the other hand, meeting low capital caused the yarns and threads, 218 weaves and 38 or 39 sorts prices fall and led to losses. In the foregoing a great of clothes marketed in the Yemeni port city during number of circumstances have passed the review the successive commercial seasons of the period affecting to a greater or lesser degree, and more or studied, the judgement cannot be very enthusiastic. less directly, either the supply of materials, yarns, Any general statement about the size of either prof- weaves and clothes, or that of noble metals in the its or losses, let alone their development, based on shape of specie or bullion. the numerical series required, is simply not possi- In 1623, for instance, the English vessel the Weel ble. At the very most, only an indicative value can capsized off Suhali, taking its entire cargo of textiles be assigned to the handful of amounts and percent- to the bottom of the sea. In 1637, a storm blew the ages found or calculated. Surati textile freighter the Chahije out of the Red On materials, yarns and fabrics, so the data sug- Sea back to the Indian coast where the ship was gest, large to extremely large profits were made, at wrecked. In the following season, the Arab djalba, least in terms of percentages. Real peaks were cotton, sailing from Suez to al-Mukha, foundered off Jedda, chintz, satin, laecken and alegia de Cambaija. textiles, money and merchants disappearing in the Doubtless, the absolute profits were far more impor- waves. The Turkish-Dutch conflict, created by the tant, that is, the actual amounts of money involved. looting of Indian crafts by the Dutch in the autumn Whereas the gigantic maximum profit of 335% of 1621, caused a standstill in the VOC’s textile yielded by cotton, for instance, came down to a trade to Yemen for several years. In 1622, English mere 28 1/2 reals of eight a bahar, the profit of traders were forbidden to purchase textiles for 159.5% gained on Chinese raw silk amounted to no Arabia by their Surati rivals. In 1634, the Dutch did less than 1,107 reals, almost 40 times as much! not succeed in obtaining sufficient cloths in Thus, in view of the concrete amounts paid, Ahmadabad in time; consequently, their voyage to Chinese raw and plied silk, satin, chintz, armosijn al-Mukha was cancelled. In 1621, the large Suez and alegia de Cambaija were the most profitable tex- ship with its textiles and coins did not arrive in al- tile wares in the Yemeni port. Schader lolewij, longij Mukha’s roads, probably as a result of the new patta and mavij, on the other hand, scored lowest. Beglerbegi’s greed for money. In 1628, the resumed A contrast sharper than that between satin and hostilities between Turks and Zaydis caused trade

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to stagnate, including that in textiles. In the course of profit they had cherished before. And the voyage of that bloody war, in 1635, Indian ships riding at of the Marij undertaken in 1638 with ‘many cloths’ anchor in the roadstead of al-Mukha were violently on board ended for ‘the English Company and its robbed of their goods — textile products included private merchants’ in disaster. The same applied to — by Ottoman troops cornered by Yemeni insur- the expedition of the Discouvre and the Convoij gents. In the successive commercial seasons of 1638, completed in the following season. But few of the 1639 and 1640, the storehouses in the Yemeni port Company’s fabrics carried by these two ships actu- city were crammed with textiles and other com- ally found buyers in al-Mukha, whereas the weaves modities, whereas buyers did not grow on trees. taken along by ‘the President and the English mer- Shipwreck, conflicts, problems in purchasing, chants at their private expense’ were readily disposed manipulations by the authorities, the Turkish- of, though at a loss. Possibly, country trade could Yemeni war, excessive supply: such circumstances, yield nice profits in the South Arabian port city, in and many more, endangered both the regular sup- fact it resulted in disappointing losses154. ply of textile wares and the unobstructed concen- That not all of the Indian textiles unshipped in tration of capital in al-Mukha. Changing quantities al-Mukha were weighed or counted in the city’s toll- of textiles and coins resulted in fluctuating prices house is demonstrated by a passage in a price-list and profits. covering the commercial seasons 1621-1622. Some ‘fine wares’ originating from Petgaen (i.e. Patan) ‘do Barter, country trade and smuggling not come into the alfandiga’, says the text, imply- ing that neither import and export levies nor Were textiles bartered in al-Mukha? And if so, were weighages and gateages were paid. The contraband profits gained or losses incurred? in question comprised the weaves alegia herierij The number of references to barter found in the Daboulij and soucij and the turban varieties schas records is small but conclusive. According to a schikisa and schas mocassep. It is self-evident that Dutch missive from 1640, the ‘common laecken’ such uncharged textiles, whole-heartedly loathed by annually carried to the port by Turkish merchants the municipal authorities, were profitable even was ‘bartered’ for ‘a few unsaleable commodities’ by when the market was slow or quiet155. Indian traders nursing hopes to be able to turn the fabric to account in Surat. In other words, having Commercial targets tried in vain to sell their merchandise for cash, the desperate Indians were forced to accept payment in It goes without saying that the Asian and European northern laecken. merchants were out to make a profit by selling tex- Another instance of circumstances beyond con- tiles. But what was this profit used for? Was it trol is quite instructive. During the commercial sea- invested in native products such as coffee or indigo, son of 1640, a number of Indian merchants had to or in commodities supplied from East Africa, Syria, part with their ‘cloths’, as a consequence of the bad market situation, for cauwa (coffee), ruinas (fuwwa, a red dye-producing plant) and other products ‘val- ued at the highest [price]’. It is no surprise that they 153 705, 166v (gemeen laecken; eenige invendible coopmanschap- suffered ‘losses’ in these disastrous transactions. One pen; getrocqueert); 706, 146v (cleeden; cauwa; ruinas; ten hooghsten (…) aengeschadt; schade). It seems that barter was can only conclude that textile traders resorted to not meant in H, 56, A, I, 174, and 705, 167v. barter only to avoid more serious losses. Barter was 154 1623: A, II, 281 (veel particulire comp. dinars). 1638: 694, the last resort153. 1238 (Marij; veel cleeden; d’Engelse Compe. ende haer parti- A few documents explicitly refer to ‘country culiere marchants). 1639: 700b, 358v (Discouvre; Convoij; d’President ende Engelse marchians voor hare particuliere trade’. The English merchants in particular usually reecq[ueninghe]); 700c, 359v. See above, ‘Textiles supplied acted not only as Company employees but also as from the South: By English cargo ships’, sub 1623, 1638 independent entrepreneurs who carried their own and 1639. For ‘country trade’ as a phenomenon, consult goods — including textile wares. ‘Many private Furber, Empires, index. 155 455, 195v (fijne waeren; Petgaen; dat niet in de alfandiga en Company servants’, for example, sustained consid- compt; alega herierij Daboulij; soucij; chas schiskisa; chas erable losses at the wreck of the Weel in 1623, this macassep). For levies, ‘weighages’ and ‘gateages’ see Brouwer, forming a sharp contrast to the high expectations Commerbands, sub ‘Tollages and charges’.

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Egypt or even Europe such as ivory, coral, saffron looted. No less than 87% of the total cargo value, or hides? What was, in other words, the strategic estimated at f 57,417 or 24,433 reals of eight, con- target of the Indian, English and Dutch merchants, sisted of precious metals whether or not coined, viz. what was their ‘philosophy’? f 49,302 or 20,980 reals158. In 1616, a competent watcher in al-Mukha In imitation of the Indians, the servants of the found that the Indian ships which had unloaded a EIC, too, tried to get hold of noble metals in al- variety of goods including textiles in the past sea- Mukha. In October 1619, for example, the Leeuw son carried ‘no other return items then Venetians arrived in Surat from the South Arabian port car- and reals of eight’, or at least ‘a few commodities’156. rying ‘a huge return cargo of cash’ obtained in Halfway through the period investigated, in exchange for various kinds of textiles. And accord- 1626, another expert stated that ships sailing from ing to a testimony from 1622, the English hoped Sind, Diu, Surat, Goa and other Indian seaports to procure ‘large [sums of] cash’ for the textiles they annually carried spices, tobacco, cotton and fabrics transported from Gujarat to Arabia. In order not to to the Tihama emporium. The coarse qualities endanger this trade they anxiously steered clear of thereof were parted with in the Yemeni hinterland, Dutch company in Yemeni waters, VOC bottoms the fine and by far most important ones, however, being feared for their violent actions against Indian resold to Egyptian and Turkish merchants. The lat- crafts. That they abstained from any agression ter, who arrived season after season with a large ves- against coming and going Asian ships is only too sel from Suez, brought with them a joint capital evident159. worth ‘as much as 20 tons of gold’. This treasure In its textile trade to the Red Sea, finally, the consisted of golden Venetiaens (i.e. zecchinos), VOC was as eager for cash as its rivals. Why? Ready ‘Moorish’ and Hungarian ducats, as well as silver money obtained in al-Mukha by selling a variety of reals of eight. Shortly before the monsoon broke, commodities including Surati and Coromandel tex- the Indian crafts returned home, richly laden with tiles would ‘strongly support’, as De Carpentier for- ‘good golden ducats’. With these ‘large capitals’ they mulated in mid-1621, the Company’s textile and subsequently enriched their homelands157. indigo purchases in Surat on behalf of the So the cash the Indian traders gained in their tex- Archipelago. Without damaging the Dutch facto- tile transactions in al-Mukha was not used to pur- ries elsewhere in Asia, he argued, such purchases chase northern or Yemeni products. It was by no could not be financed by Batavia alone. Two years means accidental, therefore, that in the autumn of later, Coen was of the opinion that the Company 1621, only a small number of unsold camelots and had failed to gather sufficient income from the sale clothes were stolen by the Weesp from the Chaul of spices on the Coromandel coast in order to buy vessel the Mahomet, on its home voyage from al- the textile products required for Sumatra and Mukha, in addition to some paltry batches of Achin; by selling textiles in al-Mukha, Patani and opium, oil, mercury and coral. At the same time, other places, it should gather additional ‘gold and however, a really colossal sum of ready money: reals, silver’. They could not reckon any more on finan- ducats, rix-dollars, kabirs and melted silver was cial support from patria160.

TEXTILE TRANSACTIONS IN AL-MUKHA: RECAPITULATION 156 56, 207v (nemen (…) anders geen reetoeren als Venetiaenen ende reaelen van 8en. mede; weijnich copmanschappen). 157 656, 144v (Venetiaenen; Moorsche; wel 20 tonne gouts; goede In a previous study, mainly on the basis of numer- goude ducaeten; groote capitaelen); cf. 665, 165. The two ous contemporary records preserved in the archives documents date from 1633 and 1634 respectively, but are of the VOC, it was convincingly demonstrated that based on observations from 1626. 158 271, 394r-v. Quantities of stolen textiles: 12 camelots (esti- early seventeenth-century al-Mukha can be consid- mated purchase value: f 141 in total), 263 commerbands ered ‘a veritable textile storehouse’ on the Red Sea. (f 2,436), 230 toochs (f 3,349), 46 nuesdoecks (f 184). More than 200 fabrics and almost 40 sorts of According to this same record (394r), a real of eight is clothes passed through its tollhouse, in addition to equated with 47 stuivers. 159 336, 231 (groote contanten). two materials and five yarns or threads. In the pres- 160 225, 107-108 (108: grootelijcx stijven); 240, 15r; 399, 323 ent essay, based again on Dutch sources, the trade (gout ende silver). in these textile products conducted in the same

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period of time has been analyzed. From where were are concerned, these were carried by Syrian, they supplied, and by whom? Were they import or Egyptian and Turkish merchants. The Beglerbegi of transit items? Which quantities were involved, the Yemeni eyalet, finally, participated in person in which prices paid, which profits gained, which the textile trade. losses suffered? And, finally, were specific commer- Quantities of cotton and silk were measured by cial targets aimed at? weight, the former in bahars, the latter in cattis or The majority of the textiles arriving in al-Mukha bales. The size of lots of fabrics or clothes was were supplied by Indian vessels originating from defined by number, either in corges or in stucks. southern ports such as Sind, Nagna, Miani, Diu, Sales prices in al-Mukha were calculated per bahar Goga, Cambay, Surat, Chaul, Dabhol, Goa, for cotton, per farasila, catti or Mukhawi ra†l for Cannanore, Cochin, Calicut and Masulipatnam. silk, per catti or ra†l for silk yarn, and per corge or The Chinese silk wares on board some of these stuck for weaves and clothes. Purchase prices paid crafts were obtained in Achin. Yemeni ships were elsewhere were expressed in Surati amnan, picols, scarcely involved in the supply, Omani vessels some- corges or stucks. what more often. Among the European traders, the In the records, the size of the individual ship’s servants of the EIC operating from Surat were the cargoes of textile is often only vaguely indicated; most active ones. In the years 1620-1622 they met sometimes, however, very precisely. The cargoes of with strong opposition from their Surati rivals who two Dutch ships projected for 1634, for instance, feared losing their trade to Arabia. Whereas comprised close to 109,000 pieces of fabrics and Portuguese textile vessels seldom or never cast clothes in all, the freight of another VOC bottom anchor in al-Mukha’s roadstead, ships dispatched by scheduled for 1641 over 78,000 to more than the VOC actually participated in the supply of tex- 82,000 pieces; the former covered 20 sorts and sub- tiles. But although the Dutch keenly observed the sorts, the latter at least 56. As regards the overall size activities of their competitors, and although they of the Mukhawi textile market per season, for 1624 devised various plans, they did not realize much this was estimated at between almost 2,200,000 and thereof in the end. Textile products, finally, reached over 2,600,000 pieces, spread over 74 different fab- the Yemeni port from the North as well, in the hold rics and clothes. In the monsoon of 1638, the num- of the large Egyptian-Turkish Suez ship or on the ber of weaves and clothes amounted to more than backs of camels from Syrian Aleppo. 1,500,00 pieces, representing 28 sorts and varieties. The coarse and cheap sorts and varieties of the In particular, varieties of alegias, kannekins and tur- Indian and Chinese textiles supplied, as well as bans were supplied en masse. unprocessed cotton, were either sold in the Yemeni From the sales prices mentioned in the sources hinterland or traded in transit to Îabash and the it can be gathered that raw silk and silk yarn yielded Îidjaz. The fine and expensive ones, on the other more than a hundred times as much as unprocessed hand, were resold to Suez, Cairo and Alexandria, cotton. The differences in price between the fabrics whence distribution over Istanbul and several themselves were enormous. During the seven sea- European ports in the Mediterranean followed. sons from which quotations have survived, satin, for Italian and Turkish textile wares, meanwhile, moved example, found buyers at 500 reals of eight a corge, in exactly the opposite direction, via Aleppo and whereas kannekin mossafij knew a bottom price of Suez to al-Mukha in order to be transported over- 2 reals, that is, 250 times less. Unfortunately, as a seas to Indian ports. consequence of the lack of sufficient numerical data, The Gujarati weavers, living in extreme poverty, the general price movements cannot be sketched. produced to order only, demanding daily wages in Of the clothes marketed, turbans of all kinds were cash. Pre-emptive buyers or brokers purchased the the highest priced, fota varieties the lowest. Schas products, which they sold in their turn to whole- schikisa was sold at 700 reals at most, fota sebedi at salers mainly residing in Surat. Often the latter were 5 reals at least, a proportion of 140:1. allied to the political elite; some of them are known Information on the purchase prices of materi- by name. Whereas the name of only a single English als, yarns and clothes paid in India and elsewhere trader has survived, those of all the Dutch mer- is scarce. The prices of almost a quarter of all fab- chants involved in the textile business prove to have rics thrown on the market of al-Mukha, on the been handed down. As far as the northern textiles other hand, are known, though for the greater part

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originating from three commercial seasons only. VOC archives of the VOC kept in the NA, Eerste They prove to vary widely. The lowest purchase Afdeling (‘First Department’) VOC (Dutch) Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie price paid for lolewij potha, for instance, was 2 1/2 (‘United East India Company’) reals a corge, the peak price for damask 281 reals,

the latter over 112 times the former. DUTCH RECORDS Profits and losses prove to be seldom mentioned or only vaguely indicated. At times, however, pre- OBS. The documents are marked by numbers in italics. Nos. cise profit percentages are communicated: 25%, 4-688 have been derived from Brouwer, Comptoir, vol. I; 60% or 70%. A profit of 125% was expected to be nos. 689-708 are provisional. Records not related to Yemen bear R numbers. gained on a cargo of textiles planned for 1634. By comparing the purchase and the sales prices of a 4 Log kept by Van den Broecke, 2 Aug. – 30 Dec. 1614 limited number of textile products we can calculate (VOC 1058) the gross profit amount and margin for a single sea- 33 Kindt to the Directors, 27 Apr. 1616 (VOC 1061) 45 Coen to Sourij, 11 Sept. 1616 (Coen, Bescheiden, II) son. The former in particular was important for the 56 ‘List of tollages in Mocha [al-Mukha]’, drawn up by merchants. Chinese raw and plied silk, satin, chintz, Van den Broecke, [before 1 Dec. 1616] (VOC 1063) armosijn and alegia de Cambaija yielded the high- 60 Coen to the Gentlemen Seventeen, 10 Dec. 1616 est profits, schader lolewij, longij patta and mavij the (Coen, Bescheiden, I) 63 Resolution by Coen et al., 7 Jan. 1617 (Coen, lowest. In 1621, by selling one corge of satin a mer- Bescheiden, III) chant could reap a profit of 400 reals, in 1633, dis- 64 Resolution by Coen et al., 25 Jan. 1617 (Coen, posing of the same quantity of schader lolewij he had Bescheiden, III) to content himself with a return of 2 1/2 reals, that 67 Report by Hagi Abrahim concerning a Dutch ship in the Red Sea, drawn up by Pauw, 28 March 1617 (SG is, 160 times less. 6891) The profits gained in al-Mukha on southern tex- 70 Report by Hadgi Noredin [the Ìadjdj Nur al-Din] tiles by Asian and European merchants were not concerning a Dutch ship in the port of Mocha [al- used for the massive purchase of Yemeni, African or Mukha], drawn up by [Pauw], [(after?) 7 Apr. 1617] (SG 6891) other products. Quite the contrary! Their ships 128 ‘Memorandum’ (memorie) on the commodities pur- returned home with chests full of silver reals and chased by the English in Cambaija (Cambay), kabirs or golden zecchinos and ducats. In other Brootcha (Broach) and Surratt [Surat], for the purpose words, precious metals, whether coined or not, were of the trade to Mocha [al-Mukha], drawn up by [Goeree and Van Ravesteijn], [1618] (VOC 1072) the ultimate commercial target of Indians, English 149 Willemse to Coen, 18 Jan. 1620 (Coen, Bescheiden, and Dutch alike. for coins! VII/1) During the transitional stage from Ottoman to 151 Goeree to the Directors, 25 Jan. 1620 (VOC 1072) Ë simid rule, we can conclude, al-Mukh saw an 153 Van den Broecke to [the Directors], 29 Jan. 1620 a a (VOC 1070) extensive and lively trade in all kinds of textiles. 180 Invoice of the commodities shipped in the ’t Wapen Thanks to the keen observations and scrupulous van Zeelant bound for Mocha (al-Mukha) and Suratten notes made by Dutch participants, advised by capa- (Surat), 15 June 1620 (VOC 1071 ble brokers of Asian descent, four centuries later we 225 De Carpentier et al. to [the Directors], 9 July 1621 (Coolhaas, Missiven, I) can still glimpse the manifold transactions effected 227 Sourij to [Coen?], 3 Aug. 1621 (Coen, Bescheiden, on the city’s textile market. VII/1) 232 De Milde to [Coen], 21 Aug. 1621 (Terpstra, Westerkwartieren) (cf. Coen, Bescheiden, VII/1, 771) 240 [De Carpentier] to Van den Broeck, 17 Oct. 1621 ABBREVIATIONS (VOC 849) 245 Vissnich to the Directors, 23 Oct. 1621 (VOC 1074) A Van den Broecke, Azië 271 Inventory of the goods seized by the Weesp from the Aanw. 1e Afd. Aanwinsten Eerste Afdeling (‘Acquisitions Mahomet from Choul [Chaul], drawn up by First Department’), NA, The Hague Wonderaer et al., 12 March 1622 (VOC 1076) EIC (English) East India Company 274 Resolution by Van den Broecke et. al., 16 March 1622 H Van den Broecke, Historiael (Aanw. 1e Afd., 1984, no. 6) NA Nationaal Archief (‘National Archives’, The 316 Van den Broecke to the Directors, 7 Aug. 1622 Hague, formerly Algemeen Rijksarchief (ARA) (Terpstra, Westerkwartieren) SG archives of the Staten-Generaal (‘States 322 De Milde to Dedell, 16 Aug. 1622 (Terpstra, General’) kept in the NA, Eerste Afdeling Westerkwartieren) (‘First Department’) 336 Coen to Dedel, 28 Aug. 1622 (Coen, Bescheiden, III)

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358 Van den Broecke to Coen, 8 Dec. 1622 (VOC 1078) 547 [De Carpentier] to Van den Broucke, 5 Aug. 1626 361 Calculation of the factory stocks in Mocha (al-Mukha) (VOC 1089) and Suratte (Surat), [1622] (VOC 1076) 558 ‘Memorandum’ (Memorie) on the commodities and 363 ‘Pricelist of commodities’ traded in [Mocha, al- items annually required from Europe for the districts Mukha] in 1621 and 1622, as well as an estimate of of the Indies, drawn up by Van Diemen, on the orders the quantities now saleable, drawn up by [De Milde?], of [De Carpentier], 12 Dec. 1626 (VOC 1088) [1622] (VOC 1079) 563 ‘Report’ (Remonstrantie) on the trade in North India 370a Instruction from [Dedel?] to Lemmens et al., drawn up by Pelsaert, [11 Febr. 1627] (Pelsaert, [(before?) 27 Jan. 1623] (Terpstra, Westerkwartieren) Geschriften) 375a Invoice of the cash and the commodities shipped in 567 [De Carpentier] to Van den Broecke, 3 Aug. 1627 the Heusden bound for Parsia (Persia), [(before?) 27 (VOC 1092) Jan. 1623] (Dunlop, Perzië) 576 Coen et al. to [the Directors?], 9 Nov. 1627 (Coen, 379 Dedel to Coen, 6 Febr. 1623 (VOC 1078; not in Bescheiden, V) Coen, Bescheiden, VII/2) 581 Van Rossen and Pietersz. to Coen, 15 Jan. 1628 384 Resolution by Lemmens de Jonge et al., 2 March (Coen, Bescheiden, VII/2) 1623 (Coll. Geleynssen de Jongh, inv. no. 2) 589 Log and ‘report’ (verbaal) by Van der Lee, 4 Aug. 398 [De Carpentier] to Van den Broecke, 27 Apr. 1623 1627–12 June 1628 (VOC 1094) (VOC 1080) 602 ‘Report on the East Indies’, drawn up by De 399 Coen to Van Uffelen, 14 May 1623 (Coen, Carpentier, attn. the States General, 29 Sept. 1628 Bescheiden, III) (SG 12581-13) 401 Van den Broecke to De Carpentier, 11 June 1623 613 Grijph to [Coen?], 18 Nov. 1628 (Coen, Bescheiden, (VOC 1083) VII/2) 402 ‘Extract-log’, kept by Visnich, 23 June 1621-20 June 656 ‘Description of Mocha [al-Mukha]’ by Carstenzoon, 1623 (Terpstra, Westerkwartieren) attn. Lucas, 22 Nov. 1633 (VOC 1113) 403 Coen to the Directors, 20 June 1623 (Coen, 658 Resolution by Lucasz. et al., 8 Dec. 1633 (Coll. Bescheiden, I) Geleynssen de Jongh, inv. no. 2) 412 De Milde to [De Carpentier], 1 Aug. 1623 (VOC 661 Carstenssoon to Brouwer et al., 30 Dec. [1633] (VOC 1090) 1113) 420 Sallaert to Van den Broecke, 25 Aug. 1623 (VOC 662 ‘Memorandum’ (memorie) on the commodities which 1082) are saleable in Jomenij [Yemen] according to 453 ‘Description of Mocha [al-Mukha]’ by [De Milde?], Wissendasnan et al. [1633] (VOC 1113) [1623] (Van Dam, Beschryvinge, V) 665 ‘Description of Mocha [al-Mukha]’ by Carstensen, 454 ‘Requirement’ (Eijsch) of European commodities to attn. Brouwer, 19 Febr. 1634 (Leupe, Persië 1634) be sent for distribution over the various districts in 666 ‘Daily register’ (Dagh-Register) kept in the Castle of the Indies, [1623] (VOC 1079) Batavia, 24 Febr. 1634 (Van der Chijs et al., Dagh- 455 ‘Price list of textiles sold in Mocha [al-Mukha] in 1621 Register 1631-1634) and 1622’, drawn up by [De Milde?], 1623 (VOC 668 ‘Daily register’ (Dagh-Register) kept in the Castle of 1079) Batavia, 21 June 1634 (Van der Chijs et al., Dagh- 456 ‘Price list of textiles sold in [Mocha] in 1623’, drawn Register 1631-1634) up by [De Milde?], 1623 (VOC 1079) 677 Brouwer to [the Directors?], 4 Jan. 1636 (Coolhaas et 475 Van den Broucque to [De Carpentier?], 24 March al., Missiven, I) 1624 (VOC 1083) 678 ‘Daily register’ (Dagh-Register) kept in the Castle of 480 De Croy to the Directors, 26 June 1624 (Dunlop, Batavia, in dato 22 March 1636 (Van der Chijs et al., Perzië) Dagh-Register 1636) 484 [Visnich] to Van Uffelen, 24 July 1624 (VOC 1084) 688 Van Diemen et al. to the Directors, 9 Dec. 1637 489 De Milde to [Van den Broecke], 25 Aug. 1624 (VOC (Coolhaas et al., Missiven, I) 1085) 689 Van Diemen et al. to [the Directors], 22 Dec. 1638 491 Log and ledger of [the VOC office at] Gamron (A. VOC 1126; B. Coolhaas et al., Missiven, I) [Bandar ‘Abbas], 23 June 1623 – 30 Sept. 1624 694 Pietersen to Van Diemen et al., 30 Apr. 1639 (VOC (Dunlop, Perzië) 1130) 503 ‘Requirement’ (Eijsch) of European commodities and 697 Pietersen to Van Diemen et al., 23 May 1639 (VOC other items for the various districts of the Indies, [27 1130) Jan. 1625] (VOC 1082) 698 ‘Report’ by Van den Broecke, attn. Van Diemen et al., 504 ‘Requirement’ (Eijsch) of European commodities and 26 May 1639 (VOC 1030) other items for the various districts of the Indies, [29 700b Pieterssen to Gardenijs, 5 Sept. 1639 (VOC 1133) Jan. 1625] (VOC 851) 700c Pieterssen to Gardenijs, 11 Oct. 1639 (VOC 1133) 527 Instruction from [De Carpentier] et al. to Van Speult 701a Van Diemen et al. to the Directors, 8 Jan. 1640 et al., 12 Sept. 1625 (VOC 1085) (Coolhaas et al., Missiven, II) 534 ‘Report’ [Remonstrantie] on the main cities in North 704 Wurffbeen to Croocq, 12 Aug. 1640 (VOC 1135) Western India, drawn up by [Geleijnssen de Jongh], 705 ‘Report’ by Wurffbeen, attn. Croocq, 13 Oct. 1640 [1625] (Geleynssen de Jongh, Remonstrantie) (VOC 1134) 542 Van den Broecke to De Carpentier, 6 Apr. 1626 706 Croocq to Van Diemen et al., 26 Oct. 1640 (VOC (VOC 1090) 1134)

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707 Croocq to Van Diemen et al., 22 Nov. 1640 (VOC Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oostindische 1134) Compagnie…. vols. ’s-Gravenhage 1960-. Rijks 708 Croocq to Van Diemen et al., 18 Apr. 1641 (VOC Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Grote Serie, 104-. 1135) Dam, P. van, Beschryvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie. Uitgeg. door F.W. Stapel en C.W.Th. van Boetzelaer van R1 List of goods from the East Indies that could be sold Asperen en Dubbeldam. 7 vols. ’s-Gravenhage 1927-1954. in Holland, 29 Nov. 1616 (Om Prakash, Factories, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Grote Serie, 63, 68, 74, App. I) 76, 83, 87, 96. R2 Casembroot to Coen, 1 July 1620 (Coen, Bescheiden, Dunlop, H. (ed.), Bronnen tot de geschiedenis der Oostindische VII/1) Compagnie in Per zië . Uitgeg. door ~. Eerste deel: 1611- R3 Ysbrantsz to Coen, 23 May 1629 (Coen, Bescheiden, 1638. ’s-Gravenhage 1930. Rijks Geschiedkundige VII/2) Publicatiën, 72. R4 Pietersen to Overschie, 11 Febr. 1636 (Dunlop, Geleynssen de Jongh – De Remonstrantie van W. ~.Uitgeg. Perzië) door W. Caland. ’s-Gravenhage 1929. Werken uitgegeven door de Linschoten-Vereeniging, XXXI. Leupe, P.A. (ed.), ‘Stukken over den handel van Persië en den DUTCH PRINTED JOURNALS golf van Bengalen, 1 6 3 4 ’, in: Kronijk van het Historisch Genootschap gevestigd te Utrecht, vol. X, 2d ser. (1854), Broecke, van den – Korte Historiael Ende Journaelsche pp. 164-208. Aenteyckeninghe Van al ’t gheen merck-waerdich voorgevallen Om Prakash (ed.), The Dutch factories in India 1617-1623: is, in de langhduerighe Reysen, soo nae Cabo Verde, Angola, A collection of Dutch East India Company documents pertain- &c. als insonderheydt van Oost-Indien; beneffens de beschri- ing to India. New Delhi 1984. jvingh en af-beeldingh van verscheyden Steden, op de Custe Pelsaert, – De geschriften van Francisco ~ over Mughal Indië, van Indien, Persien, Arabien, en aen ’t Roode Meyr: Aldereerst 1627: Kroniek en Remonstrantie. Uitgeg. door D.H.A. Kolff (van wegen de Gheoctroyeerde Oost-Indische Compaignie) en H.W. van Santen. ’s-Gravenhage 1979. Werken uit- besocht, en opghedaen, Door Pieter ~. Haerlem, Hans gegeven door de Linschoten-Vereeniging, LXXXI. Passchiers van Wesbusch, 1634. – Universiteitsbibliotheek Terpstra, H., De opkomst der Westerkwartieren van de Oost- Amsterdam (UvA), UBM 1804 E 30. [= H] Indische Compagnie (Suratte, Arabië, Perzië). ’s-Gravenhage 1918. Pp. 165-303.

TEXT EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS STUDIES Brawir, K.Kh., wa-A. Kablaniyan / C.G. Brouwer and A. Kaplanian (eds.), Al- Y a m a n fi awa’il al-Èarn al-sabi‘ ‘ashar: MuÈta†afat min al-watha’iÈ al-hulandiyya al- Bos Radwan, A., The Dutch in Western India 1601-1632 – A muta‘alliÈa bi-’l-tarikh al-iÈtiÒadi li-djanub al-djazira al-‘ara- study of mutual accomodation. Calcutta 1978. biyya 1614-1630. Ikhtiyar wa-ta‘rib wa-taÈdim wa-ta‘liÈ ~ Brouwer, C.G., Cauwa ende comptanten: De Verenigde / Early seventeenth-century Yemen: Dutch documents relating Oostindische Compagnie in Jemen 1614-1655 / Cowha and to the economic history of Southern Arabia, 1614-1630. Sel., cash: The Dutch East India Company in Yemen 1614-1655. transl. into Arabic, introd. and annot. by ~. ™. 3/ Third ed. Amsterdam 1988. ∑an‘a’/Sana’a 1998. 1st ed. 1988. Brouwer, C.G., Dutch-Yemeni encounters: Activities of the Broecke, van den – Pieter ~ in Azië. Uitgeg. door W.Ph. United East India Company (VOC) in South Arabian waters Coolhaas. 2 vols. ’s-Gravenhage 1962-1963. Werken uit- since 1614: A collection of studies. Amsterdam 1999. gegeven door de Linschoten-Vereeniging, LXIII-LXIV. [= A] Brouwer, C.G., ‘The expedition to Yemen in 1620 by Pieter Brouwer, C.G. (ed.), ’t Comptoir Mocha: Documenten van de van den Broecke (servant of the VOC), according to his Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie aangaande handel en book of resolutions’, in: Brouwer, Encounters (1999), scheepvaart in Jemenitische wateren gedurende de zeventiende pp. 53-75. First published in French in 1982. en achttiende eeuw. Uitgeg. door ~. Deel I: 1614-1637. Brouwer C.G., Al- M u kh a: Profile of a Yemeni seaport as Amsterdam (forthcoming). sketched by servants of the Dutch East India Company (VOC), Brouwer, C.G., ‘A stockless anchor and an unsaddled horse: 1614-1640. Amsterdam 1997. [Al-Mukha Triptych: Studies Ottoman letters addressed to the Dutch in Yemen, first on the Maritime Economic History of a Yemeni quarter of the 17th century’, in: Turcica, vol. XX (1988), Emporium, vol. 1.] pp. 173-242. Brouwer, C.G., ‘Non-Western shipping movements in Chijs, J.A. van der, F. de Haan, J.E. Heeres, et al. (eds.), Dagh the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden during the 2nd and 3rd – Register gehouden int Casteel Batavia vant passerende decades of the 17th century, according to the records of daer ter plaetse als over geheel Nederlandts-India. Uitgeg. the Dutch East India Company’, in: Die Welt des Islams, onder toez. van ~. 31 vols. Batavia etc. 1888-1931. vol. XXXI (1991), pp. 105-167 (Part 1), vol. XXXII Coen – Jan Pietersz. ~: Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in (1992), pp. 6-40 (Part 2). Indië. Verz. door H.T. Colenbrander en W.Ph. Coolhaas. 7 Brouwer, C.G., ‘Under the watchful eye of Mimi ibn ‘Abd vols. in 8. ’s-Gravenhage 1919-1953. NB Vol. VI Allah: The voyage of the Dutch merchant Pieter van den (Colenbrander’s biography of Coen) has been included. Broecke to the court of Dja‘far Basha in Sana’a, 1616’, in: Coolhaas, W.Ph., J. van Goor, J.E. Schooneveld-Oosterling Brouwer, Encounters (1999), pp. 29-52. Originally pub- (eds.), Generale missiven van Gouverneurs-Generaal en lished in 1985.

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Brouwer, C.G., ‘White, silk, striped commerband s with sil- Matthee, R., ‘The East India Company trade in Kerman ver heads: Textiles in the tollhouse of seventeenth-century wool, 1658-1730’, in: Calmard, J. (ed.), Études safavides. al-Mukha, listed by Dutch traders’, in: Khil‘a: Journal for Sous la direction de ~. Paris-Téhéran 1993. Bibliothèque Dress and Textiles in the Islamic World, vol. 1 (2005), pp. Iranienne, 39. Pp. 343-383. 15-67. Santen, H.W. van, De Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie in Brouwer, C.G., ‘Willem de Milde, Kani Shalabi and Fa∂li Gujarat en Hindustan, 1620-1660. Meppel 1982. Basha or, A ser vant of the Dutch East India Company Santen, H.W. van, VOC – dienaar in India: Geleynssen de received in audience by the Beglerbegi of Yemen, 1622- Jongh in het land van de Groot-Mogol. Franeker 2001. 1624’, in: Brouwer, Encounters (1999), pp. 103-147. First Schönig, H., ‘ Mokka aus dem Jemen – das Schicksal einer published in Dutch in 1980. Kaffeemetropole’, in: Heklau, H. & H. Schönig (eds.), Von Chakrabarty, Ph., Anglo-Mughal commercial relations 1583- Mokka bis Muckefuck: Zur Botanik und Kulturgeschichte des 1717. Calcutta 1983. Kaffees: Eine Ausstellung des Institutes für Geobotanik und Furber, H., Rival empires of trade in the Orient 1600-1800. Botanischer Garten (Fachbereich Biologie) und des Minneapolis etc. 1976. Europe and the World in the Age Orientwissenschaftlichen Zentrums der Martin-Luther- of Expansion, vol. II. Universität Halle-Wittenberg, Botanischer Garten, 13. Mai – Gokhale, B.G., Surat in the seventeenth century: A study in 17. Juni 2001. Halle/Saale 2001. Pp. 31-56. urban history of pre-modern India. London etc. 1979. Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies, Monograph Series, 28.

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APPENDIX A

Size and composition of European textile cargoes for al-Mukha

The English textile purchases for al-Mukha made in 1618 were probably intended for the Lion’s expedi- tion in 1619. The quantities per sort of fabrics or clothes are unknown. The Dutch voyages to al-Mukha in 1634 and 1641 were contemplated but not completed. So the tex- tile cargoes, proposed and partly put together in reality, did never reach the Tihama seaport. The quantities of weaves and clothes are given in corges. In the records consulted some sorts of weaves are counted by stucks; these have been converted into corges. Abbreviations used: st = stuck. For ‘chintz’ see chits. SOURCES: 128, 241r, 241v (1619); 665, 171-172 (1634); 705, 162r-v (1641).

1619 1634 1641 Sort etc. Sort etc. Quantity Sort etc. Quantity (in corges) (in corges) weaves weaves weaves alegia alegia de Cambaija 500 alegia bandari 10 alegia Cam alegia doccoraqui 50 alegia bessimi 100 alegia de Seda alegia maravadij 1,000 alegia candroucki geddimi 100 bafta alegia mossafij 2,000 alegia crewiessa 40 bafta calla alegia semssimia 20 alegia genporra 10 baijmi bafta 550 alegia de Seda 20 beram beram 200 atlas (70 to 80 st =) 3.5 to 4 cadia casser [Gabes] 100 bafta 20 cadia birregera chela 50 bafta Driabadij 40 cadia cansigera chits 150 beram 30 cadia venia dotia Dolqua (treedij ~) 200 borael 10 casser kassidi 100 borael bisooda 5 chela longij patta 100 cadia d’Sede 10 chela batta mavij 100 cadia soutrou 20 coutenij moucherou montassij 50 casser calabria 100 de Seda schader borael 50 casser candisi 100 destal de Zendanij schader lolewij 20 casser de Dieuw 100 lefijck schader schampalij 50 casser dolqui de Swissij 50 lolewij total 5,290 casser Parmianij 100 lolewij cham casser pettera d’Berampour 100 lolewij potha clothes casser d’Sieshuctra 100 longij casser Solwissij 30 matour de Sede feratganij 100 chela 10 matour soutrou sellij 50 chits 20 mavij total 150 coutenij Abdulgani (50 st =) 2.5 mingtasse kannekin morabiti 200 to 300 mottafou total weaves 5,440 kannekin mossafij 1,000 musithia + clothes kassidi 50 newerij pintaden kassidi d’Nariaet 50 pallagar lefijck arrabij 15

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1619 1634 1641 Sort etc. Sort etc. Quantity Sort etc. Quantity (in corges) (in corges) patole longij vasirij 200 paus gira pintado macarma cadtkallam 10 phadellha matour lensa testara 5 sacander scaij mavij moerabadi 30 schader sanpanvenij mercoulij 30 sera pintaden montassij mandavel 30 sera [meume] ornij d’Ammadabath 200 tirecaudia ornij sasodij 30 pattia 30 clothes phidca de Dabul 50 raudi 50 fota boralhij sacander scaij 10 salou (fringel ~) 50 salou genporra 100 salou tsjagerij 100 schader borael babissi 100 schader borael solbissi 30 schader lolewij 200 to 300 souna arabij 10 souna neckschij 10 sumaet 5 taffari genporra 10 total 3,736 to 3,936.5

clothes

fota bedara 50 fota gogarij baram 30 fota Masulipatami 10 romael calerij 40 romael chijt 30 romael coudebassij 10 romael setrentsij 5 total 175

total weaves 3,911 to 4,111.5 + clothes

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APPENDIX B

Size and composition of the textile turnover in al-Mukha per season

The quantities regarding 1624 were estimated by the Dutch on the basis of the textile turnover in al-Mukha during the commercial seasons of 1621-1622 and, probably, 1623. The quantities given for 1638, on the other hand, concern the sales actually realized in that monsoon. Within the sorts, varieties and types of weaves and clothes mentioned, no further distinctions have been entered according to features such as ‘dimensions’ (‘small’, for instance) or ‘design’ (‘striped’, etc.). [Lac.?], found in 455, 195r, is understood to be equal to ‘large’ schader cadcallam in 456, 197v. With regard to 1624, where only one value is found in the sources, this has been interpreted as both the min- imum and the maximum quantity. The quantites of textiles are expressed in corges. For ‘chintz’ see chits. SOURCES: 455, 194v-196r, and 456, 197r-198r (1624); 698, 1313-1314 (1638).

(1621-23) 1624 1638 Sort etc. Quantity Sort etc. Quantity (in corges) (in corges) weaves weaves alegia coudrou 1,200 to 1,500 alegia 500 alegia herierij Daboulij 3 5 alegia tervisi duanij 200 alegia Masulipatam 800 800 amadabath 3,000 alegia saboenij 80 95 bafta Driabadij 3,000 alegia tervisi 2,000 2,500 beram 3,000 bafta 1,500 2,150 cadia soutrou 200 bafta Nausarij 300 400 cammislaan nilli 1,000 bafta tokelij 100 150 chela 1,500 beram 610 815 chemiane 500 beram Daranimgamenij 100 200 chits 500 beram Masulipatam 1,000 1,000 dotia Dolca 6,000 camsaan 150 210 dotia marolli 6,000 candianij 10 12 dotia sesontra 400 candianij cottenij 700 900 kannekin morabiti 15,000 candianij herierij 20 25 kannekin mossafij 20,000 casser 2,000 2,500 kassidi 1,000 ceer hierrierij 20 25 lefijck arrabij 150 chela 500 600 longij maffa 1,000 chits 200 300 longij mousaffie 500 dongerij consti 6,000 8,000 resmi 100 dotia 150 210 sacander scaij 300 kannekin morandij 20,000 25,000 schader borael 500 kannekin mossafij 22,000 26,500 schader lolewij 500 kassidi 300 400 total 64,850 lefijck meckij 600 700 lolewij cham 200 250 clothes lousawrij 100 120

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(1621-23) 1624 1638 Sort etc. Quantity Sort etc. Quantity (in corges) (in corges) lunsa 20 25 fota Dolca 600 macarma 1,000 1,000 fota visierij 1,000 macarma cadtkallam 60 70 schas 5,000 makrab chanp 10 12 schas vermigel 6,000 males 10 12 siadarij 1,000 marhama Masulipatam 1,000 1,000 total 13,600 matour lensa 50 60 matour soutrou 50 60 total weaves 78,450 mavij 1,600 2,000 + clothes mavij danader 100 120 mochadda 20 25 montassij 3,000 3,700 paet 4,600 4,920 paet pannij 500 600 paet tolpeda 500 600 phidka 1,300 1,600 ravetij 400 500 sacander scaij 600 800 schader borael 130 160 schader cadcallam 40 55 schader calemcarij 10 10 schader compti 800 1,000 schader coria 1,000 1,200 schader Daboulij 2,000 2,000 schader geliom 300 400 schader lolewij 1,000 1,200 schader phopholi 100 150 schader schampalij 1,130 1,360 schammet saphij 30 40 schisan 10 12 seher Cambaijti 10 12 sijgrij 200 300 soucij 24 30 soucij mettellack 10 15 soucij terckenia 10 15 souna meckij 1,000 1,200 souna neckschij 40 50 total 83,307 to 101,680

clothes

fota boumij 150 to 220 fota saboenij 16 20 fota sebedi 2,520 3,125 mataber 430 560 Missir romael 4,000 4,000 phradkanij herierij 10 12

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(1621-23) 1624 1638 Sort etc. Quantity Sort etc. Quantity (in corges) (in corges) schas Mesalipatam 3,000 3,000 schas mocassep 3,813 4,416 schas schikisa 3 5 schas silsalla 12,000 16,000 total 25,942 to 31,358

total weaves + clothes 109,249 to 133,038

APPENDIX C

Sales prices of weaves and clothes in al-Mukha

The sales prices valid in al-Mukha concern sorts, varieties and types of weaves and clothes, irrespective of distinguishing features such as ‘dimensions’ or ‘design’. So, different prices realized for ‘red’ or ‘blue’ ver- sions of any one variety are subsumed under the collective name of the variety in question. On the basis of the parallel passus in 456, 197v, [lac.?], found in 455, 195r, is considered to be ‘large’ schader cad- callam. If only one selling price is met with, this price represents both the minimum and the maximum value. Prices are given in reals of eight per corge. Prices in other currencies and/or applicable to other units of account have been converted into prices in reals per corge between square brackets. Prices per elle, ges or ra†l, that is, per length or weight, not being convertable into prices per number, are indicated in the ‘minimum-maximum’ column by the symbol –. For ‘chintz’ see chits, for ‘damask’ damast, for ‘Patani belt’ Patanisse gordel, for ‘satin’ satijn, for ‘sail cloth’ seijldoeck, and for ‘velvet’ fluweel. Abbreviations used: dhah = dhahabi; el = elle; kab = kabir; p = pee; r = ra†l; rup = rupia; st = stuck. SOURCES: See sub nn. 136 and 139.

70 9532-06_KHILA_2/2006_02 15-10-2007 15:43 Pagina 71 200-240 40-60 25-40 30-40 80-80 30.5-34 60-60 50-120 16-16 20-20 50-50 65-70 35-40 50-50 25-25 35-40 60;65;7027;28;30 60-70 27-30 33;35;38 33-38 45;5060 45-50 20 789 30;32;35;40 65;70 1633 1638 1640 min.-max. 160 rup [=80] 100 rup [=50] 50 rup [=25] 32 rup [=16] 100 rup [=50] 50 6/st [=120] 10;12/st[=200;240] [=200;240] 10;12/st 40;45;50; 40;45;50; 40 35;37;40 35;37;40 25 35;40 35;40 35 35;40 35;40 35 55;60 55;60 [=30.5-34] es eav geddimi Daboulij 1 23456 w Sort etc.Sort 1616 1621 1622 1623 alegia alegia bandari alegia bessimi alegia de Cambaija alegia Cambajetij 25-28 dhah alegia candroucki alegia coudrou alegia crewiessa alegia doccoraqui alegia genporra alegia herierij alegia herierij alegia maravadij alegia Masulipatam alegia mossafij alegia saboenij alegia de Seda alegia semssimia alegia tervisi alegia tervisi duanij

71 9532-06_KHILA_2/2006_02 15-10-2007 15:43 Pagina 72 16-40 20-28 50-55 17-40 15-40 25-26 24.5-24.5 30.5-30.5 35-45 42-42 50-50 200-400 20 11;12;13/p 80-260 260] 8;13;14/st[=160;260; 280] 160-280 ;23 42 50 35;5025;27;28 35-50 25-28 [=220;240; 789 25;26 30;32 17;19;20;22 17-32 25 1633 1638 1640 min.-max. [=32;35] 20;2850;55 20;28 50;55 20 50 4-5/st[=80-100] [=80-100] 4-5/st 25;28;30; 25;28;30;35; 16;20;35 64;70 rup 18;20;22; 18;20;22;25;40;45 17;18;2015;20;40 80 rup [=40] 40;45 15;20;40 35;40 35 15-20;30 20 35;40 40 25;30 30 [=24.5] 10-12-13-20/st [=200-240 - 260-400] Daranimgamenij Masulipatam Sort etc.Sort 1616 1621 1622 1623 1 23456 amadabath armosijn atlas bafta bafta Cambaijeti 20 dhah bafta Driabadij bafta Hamdebadibafta Nausarij 25 dhah [=30.5] bafta tokelij beram beram beram borael borael bisooda cadia d’Sede cadia soutrou camelot

72 9532-06_KHILA_2/2006_02 15-10-2007 15:43 Pagina 73 14-28 30-40 16-28 17-20 22-23 – 300-440 9-20 18-18 35-35 18-18 20-40 13-14 10-100 50-55 18 20;2417;18;1934;35;36 20-24 17-19 34-36 13;14;1618 13-16 16;17;18;19;20 16-20 27;28;29 27-29 789 22;23 13;14 1633 1638 1640 min.-max. 80 rup [=40] 26;2750;200 rup 17;18 20 10 70 rup [=35] [=25;100] 14;15;16; 14;15;16;24;34;36;40 14;22 34;36;40 30 17;20;22; 17;20;22;23; 16;17 17;20 17;20 18 23;25;28 25;28 50;52;55 50;52;5524;26;28 26;28 50 18;20 18;20 9;12 25;3017;20 25;30 17;20 20 15 2-2.5/el 15-22/st [=300-440] de Swissij d’Berampour Sort etc.Sort 1616 1621 1622 1623 1 23456 camislaan nilli camsaan candianij candianij cottenij candianij herierij carseij cassa casser casser calabria casser candisi casser de Dieuw casser dolqui casser [Gabes] casser Parmianij casser pettera casser d’Sieshuctra casser Solwissij ceer hierrierij chela chemiane chits

73 9532-06_KHILA_2/2006_02 15-10-2007 15:43 Pagina 74 20-40 7.5-8.5 7-9 42-42 40-40 20-22 11-11 26-26 – 55-55 7-11 ges span ) 5.5;6/p[=110;120] 16/p [=320] 110-120 180-320 20/p [=400] 360-440 13.5; 14 30 26 (=3 ~) (Turkish 1.75/ 12 43;44 26.25;27;28; 25-45 13;14 10;11;11.5; 2-14 789 42 40 20;22 16;17 12;12.5;13; 10-17 1633 1638 1640 min.-max. 110 rup [=55] 7 27;30;32; 27;30;32; 20;25;27 35;40 35;40 40;45 45 8;9 8;9 10;10.5;11 10;10.5;11 7 8.5;9 8.5;9 6;6.25 22 dhah [=27] 25;30;35; 25;30;35;40; 25;30 50 rup [=25] 9-15/st [=180-300] 6-7 dhah [=7.5-8.5] 18-22/st [=360-440] 1.5-5;4;5-9/el 2.5;3;4.5/el 5.5;5-8/el 5-8/el 0.75-2;1-2.5/el Abdulgani (treedij~) Sort etc.Sort 1616 1621 1622 1623 1 23456 coutenij damast dongerij dongerij consti dotia dotia Dolca dotia Dolqua dotia marolli dotia sesontra fluweel kandien asereckkannekin morabiti 9 dhah [=11] 8 dhah [=10] kannekin morandij kannekin mossafij 6 dhah [=7.5] 4;5;6;7;8;kassidi 4;5;6;7;8;kassidi d’Nariaet 2;2.5;3.5;4; laecken

74 9532-06_KHILA_2/2006_02 15-10-2007 15:43 Pagina 75 80-100 22-40 13-15 17-20 100-110 35-45 60-70 85-90 16-17 5-5 7-7 28-28 80-80 80-100 60-60 30-40 17-25 10;11;12 10-15 5 4;4.5;5/st[=80;90;100] 80-100 789 30;32 30;3285;90 16;17 30-32 1633 1638 1640 min.-max. 14 rup [=7] 4/st [=80] 3/st [=60] 27;4013;14;15 27;40 13;14;15 13 22 17;20 17;2035;40;4513;14;15 18 35;40;45 13;14;15 45 11 4;4.5;5/st 4;4.5;5/st 4/st [=80] 5;5.5/st[=100;110] [=100;110] 5;5.5/st 4.5;5/st[=90;100]3;3.5/st 4.5;5/st [=90;100] [=60;70] 3;3.5/st [=60;70] 4/st [=80] 35;40 35;40 30 20;25 20;25 17 [=80;90;100] [=80;90;100] 23 dhah [=28] Masulipatam testara cadtkallam 1 23456 Sort etc.Sort 1616 1621 1622 1623 lefijck lefijck arrabij lefijck meckij lolewij cham longij maffa longij mousaffie longij patta longij vasirij lousawrij lunsa lunsa herrierij macarma macarma makrab chanp males males herrierij marhama matour lensa matour lensa matour soutrou

75 9532-06_KHILA_2/2006_02 15-10-200715:43Pagina76 76 1 23456 789 Sort etc. 1616 1621 1622 1623 1633 1638 1640 min.-max. mavij 10;11;12;14 10;11;12;14 10;12 32 rup [=16] 10-16 mavij danader 13;14;15 13;14;15 8 8-15 mavij moerabadi 12;13 12-13 mercoulij 26 26-26 mochadda 21;24 21;24 16 16-24 montassij 10;11;12; 10;11;12;13; 7;9 30 rup [=15] 7-15 13;14;15 14;15 montassij 16 16-16 mandavel ornij 4.5;5;6 4.5-6 d’Ammadabath ornij sasodij 7 7-7 paet 20;21;22;23; 20;21;22;23; 18;20;22;24 18-30 24;25;28;30 24;25;28;30 paet pannij 20;21;22 20;21;22 16 16-22 paet tolpeda 17;18;19 17;18;19 15 15-19 pattia 7 7-7 phidca 9;10;11;12 9;10;11;12 8;9 8-12 phidca de Dabul 7;8 7-8 raudi 4 4-4 ravetij 3;3.5;4 3;3.5;4 5 3-5 resmi 45;50 45-50 sacander scaij 35;40;45;50 35;40;45;50 27;30 35 35;36 27-50 salou (fringel ~) 27.5;30 27.5-30 salou genporra 45 45-45 salou tsjagerij 48.5;49 48.5-49 9532-06_KHILA_2/2006_02 15-10-2007 15:43 Pagina 77 11-35 20-40 60-70 33-50 12-20 28-28 7-9 – 16-24.5 7-18 8-10 7-15 8-18 9-13 5-7 7-40 14;15;15.5 14-15.5 28 15.5;16;17;18 16/p [=320] 240-500 789 1633 1638 1640 min.-max. 25 rup [=12.5] 15;16;17 7 20;25;34;40 20;25;34;4060;70 20;30 60;70 60;70 12;14;25; 12;14;25; 11;12;20 50 rup [=25] 23;25 33;35;45;50 33;35;45;50 40;45;50 17;20 17;20 12;14 360-500] 360-500] 400-500] 8;1013;158;9 8;1013;18 13;159-12 8;9 11;12;13 13;18 8 7;7.5 9;12;17;20; 11;12;13 9-12 9;12;17;20; 7;14;15;30 8 9 5;6;7 30 rup [=15] 7 5;6;7 6 30;35 30;35 35; 40 35; 40 [=320-360]2-5; 3-6/el 18-25/st [=240-360; 18-25/st [=240-360; [=280-360; 20-25/st [=0.08-0.1]/r 16-18/st 12-18; 12-18; 14-18; babissi solbissi Bessilatij [=16-24.5] 1 23456 Sort etc.Sort 1616 1621 1622 1623 satijn schader borael schader borael schader borael schader cadcallam schader calemcarij schader compti schader coria schader Daboulij schader geliom schader lolewij schader phopholi schader schampalij schammet saphij schisan dhah seher Cambaijti seijldoeckseijldoeck 13-20 5-6 kab/r

77 9532-06_KHILA_2/2006_02 15-10-2007 15:43 Pagina 78 40-70 5-50 5-15 20-30 10-13 80-200 40-40 35-35 65-65 9-9 10-12 9-9 30-30 22-22 27-27 18-25 15-37 10;11 10-15 9;1040 9-10 35 9 9 30 789 10;11;12 1633 1638 1640 min.-max. 130 rup [=65] [=80;120;140] 12;15 12;15 5;7 25;3010;13 25;3012;15 10;13 20 12;15 10 12 17;18;19; 17;18;19; 15;25 2;2.5;3; 2;2.5;3;3.5/st 2/st [=40] 7;8;9;10; 7;8;9;10; 5;6;30;35 35;37 35;37 4.5;5/st[=90;100] 4.5;5/st [=90;100] 22;25 4;6;7/st 22;25 18 3.5/st [=40;50;60;70] [=40;50;60; 70] 40;50 40;50 180;200 180;200 18 dhah [=22] 22 dhah [=27] 1 23456 clothes Sort etc.Sort 1616 1621 1622 1623 sijgrij solijhammer soucij soucij mettallack soucij terckenia souna arabij souna meckij souna neckschij sumaet taffari genporra veradi feratganij fota bedara fota boumij fota Dolca fota gogarij baram fota Masulipatami fota saboenij fota sebedi

78 9532-06_KHILA_2/2006_02 15-10-200715:43Pagina79

1 23456 789 Sort etc. 1616 1621 1622 1623 1633 1638 1640 min.-max. fota visierij 8;8.5 8-8.5 mandil 4 dhah [=5] 5-5 mataber 10;12;20; 10;12;20;24; 9;25;30;35 9-50 24;45;50 45;50 Missir romael 15;18 15;18 15-18 Missir romael 14 14-14 kalerij mottaber harrier 25-28 dhah 30.5-34 [=30.5-34] Patanisse gordel 1-2/st 20-40 [=20-40] phradkanij herierij 5;6/st 5;6/st 4/st [=80] 80-120 [=100; 120] [=100; 120] romael calerij 15;16 15-16 romael chijt 20 20-20 romael coudebassij 35 35-35 romael setrentsij 60 60-60 schas 35;36 35-36 schas Mesalipatam 11;12 11;12 11;12 11-12 schas mocassep 30;35;40;45; 30;35;40;45; 30;40;120 30-120 60;100;120 60;100;120 schas schikisa 25;30;35/st 25;30;35/st 20;25;30/[st] 400-700 [=500;600; [=500;600; [=400;500; 700] 700] 600] schas silsalla 10;12 10;12 10 10-12 schas vermigel 30;35 30-35 79 sellij 210 rup [=105] 105-105 siadari 30;40 30-40 9532-06_KHILA_2/2006_02 15-10-2007 15:43 Pagina 80

APPENDIX D

Purchase prices of weaves outside Yemen

The purchase prices –paid in India, the Indonesian Archipelago or other countries– bear upon sorts, vari- eties and types of weaves, irrespective of features such as ‘origin’, ‘dimensions’ and ‘design’. Different prices paid, for instance, for ‘fine’ and ‘coarse’ versions of one and the same variety are gathered under the co- ordinating name of that variety. Where no more than one single price occurs, this price is considered both the minimum and the max- imum one. Prices are given in reals of eight per corge. Prices in rupias, maÌmudis or guldens per stuck, pee or corge –for example, 7-15 maÌm/st– have been converted into prices in reals per corge mentioned between square brackets [30.5-65.5]. Prices per elle, that is, per length, not being convertable into prices per number, are indicated in the minimum-maximum column by the symbol –. For ‘chintz’ see chits, for ‘damask’ damast, for ‘satin’ satijn. Abbreviations used: dhah = dhahabi; el = elle; f = gulden; maÌm = maÌmudi; p = pee; rup = rupia; st = stuck. SOURCES: See sub n. 145.

123456 Sort etc. 1618 1620 1633 other years min.-max. alegia Cam 35 rup [=17.5] 17.5-17.5 alegia de Cambaija 50 rup [=25] 25-25 alegia doccoraqui 45 rup [=22.5] 22.5-22.5 alegia maravadij 22 rup [=11] 11-11 alegia mossafij 17 rup [=8.5] 8.5-8.5 alegia semssimia 50 rup [=25] 25-25 armosijn 2/p [=40] 40-40 bafta 1.75-4;5-14; 30-40;50 rup 7.5-65.5 7-15maÌm/st [=15-20;25] [=7.5-17.5;22- 61;30.5-65.5] -60 maÌm [=-13] bafta calla 16-26 rup 8-13 [=8-13] baijmi 19.5;30 rup 9.5-15 [=9.5;15] beram 30 rup [=15] 15-15 cadia 13;16;18;20; 6.5-20 25;30; 35-40 rup [=6.5;8;9;10; 12.5; 15; 17.5;20]

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123456 Sort etc. 1618 1620 1633 other years min.-max. cadia birregera 9.25 rup [=4.5] 4.5-4.5 cadia cansigera 9 rup [=4.5] 4.5-4.5 caffa 10/p [=200] 200-200 caffa (colle ~) 8/p [=160] 160-160 camelot (1622) 62.5-100 5/st [=100] (1623) 7.5 f/st [=62.5] carseij (1616) – 2-3 f/el [=1-1.25]/el casser 16-17;25; 8-13 26 rup [=8-8.5; 12.5-13] casser [Gabes] 30 rup [=15] 15-15 Chaul 6/p [=120] 120-120 chela 35-36 maÌm 33 rup [=16.5] 7.5-16.5 [=7.5-8] chela batta 16-22 rup 8-11 [=8-11] chits 25;100 rup 12.5-50 [=12.5;50] coutenij moucherou 3;3.5;4-9 rup/st 30-90 de Seda [=30;35;40;90] damast 5/p [=100] (1622) 100-281 [33.75] f/st [=281] dotia Dolqua 40 rup [=20] 20-20 (treedij ~) grofgrijn 8 p [=160] 160-160 kassidi 30 rup [=15] 15-15 laecken 5;5.5;6;7.5 f/el (1616) – [=2;2.25;2.5;3]/ 4;5;6 f/el el [=1.5;2; 2.5]/el (1623) 7.5 f/[el] [=3]/el (1626) 3-4 f/el [=1.25- 1.5]/el (1640) 4.5 f/el [=2]/el lefijck 22-28 rup 11-14 [=11-14]

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123456 Sort etc. 1618 1620 1633 other years min.-max. lolewij 6.5 rup [=3] 3-3 lolewij cham 13 rup [6.5] 6.5-6.5 lolewij potha 5.5 rup [=2.5] 2.5-2.5 longij patta 8 rup [=4] 4-4 matour de Sede 3-9;10 rup/st 30-100 [=30;90;100] matour soutrou 19;20;2[2?] 9.5-10 [rup] [=9.5; 10;[11?]] mavij 7-9 rup 22 rup [=11] 22 rup [=11] 3.5-11 [=3.5-4.5] mingtasse 8 rup [=4] 4-4 montassij 13 rup [=6.5] 6.5-6.5 mottafou 40-48;50; 20-30 60 rup [=20; 24;25;30] newerij pintaden 28-35 rup 14-17.5 [=14-17.5] pallagar 3-4 rup/st 25-33.5 [=25-33.5] paus gira pintado 30-40 rup 15-20 [=15-20] phadellha 9;10 rup 4.5-5 [4.5-5] sacander scaij 22-25 rup 11-12.5 [=11-12.5] satijn 5;7.5;8;10 p 100-200 [=100;150; 160;200] [18.5] f/st [=153] schader borael 20 rup [=10] 10-10 schader lolewij 20 rup [=10] 10-10 schader schampalij 17 rup [=8.5] 8.5-8.5 sera [meume] 15-20 rup 7.5-10 [=7.5-10] sera pintaden 20-30;40; 10-25 50 rup [=10; 15;20;25] tirecaudia 16; 70-71 16.25 maÌm/st [=70-71]

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