Speech by Federal Chancellor Dr. at the digital congress organized by the CDU/ CSU parliamentary group “Toward a future oriented transatlantic partnership” Video conference held on May 5, 2021

Mittwoch, 5. Mai 2021

Ralph Brinkhaus,

Alexander Dobrindt,

Johann Wadephul,

Dear colleagues,

Ladies and gentlemen,

I would like to mention right away that the United States of America is, and will remain, Europe’s most important partner – this is something I feel strongly about; the U.S. is our natural and indispensable partner. As Europeans, and also as Germans, we share more values and interests with this region than with any other region in the world. We are Allies in NATO, partners in global trade, and like minded nations with liberal and democratic constitutional traditions. From ’s perspective, we owe the United States a great debt of gratitude, because of the hand of reconciliation that was extended to us after the end of World War II and the end of National Socialism, and because of the support that was lent to us in connection with German unification in 1989 and 1990.

That said, in recent years our partnership was not really as vibrant as it could have been. Yet I do believe – as I did during the somewhat difficult years – that we can only find solutions for common tasks and key future issues through close cooperation as reliable partners.

Now we’re looking to the future. This congress’s motto, “Strengthening the transatlantic bond again – toward a future oriented and comprehensive partnership” clearly shows that the CDU/CSU parliamentary group takes the same view. This sets out a task for everyone who is active in politics, not least for the Federal Government, of course. Because despite everything a unified Europe can accomplish, by joining forces with the U.S., we can be far more effective at shaping globalization. We are much stronger if we adopt a common position.

I think we all agree there is no shortage of large challenges to tackle. I need only mention the pandemic, as well as the major task of addressing climate change, and certainly also the global power shift caused by the economic and political clout of China and the in part highly aggressive approach being taken by Russia.

So it is good to know that President Biden – as he has made clear repeatedly since taking office – and his administration advocate a strong transatlantic partnership. Moreover, they believe a rules and values based world order forms the foundation for the peaceful, fair and prosperous coexistence of nations. In its first 100 days, the new U.S. administration has already taken seminal decisions in this connection. I would like to give you some examples.

One is the U.S. climate summit that took place two weeks ago. At it, the United States announced ambitious targets – as, of course, has the . I think this sent a very important signal ahead of the 26th COP that will be held in Glasgow this fall. Also, in connection with the United States’ return to the Paris Agreement, we saw a number of countries increase their national targets. In Germany, we are currently in the process – and we discussed this today in the Federal Government – of swiftly implementing the judgment handed down by the Federal Constitutional Court. This means we will redouble our climate action efforts between now and 2030, and that we will raise our reduction target to 65 percent. We will also do everything in our power to achieve climate neutrality as early as 2045. For this, we of course need to adopt and implement additional measures.

Right now, we are also working to face down the pandemic. The United States has rejoined the World Health Organization, and it has contributed its share to the COVAX international vaccine initiative, in the form of financial contributions. When it comes to COVAX, for example, Germany is the largest donor – but the U.S. is also making a considerable contribution. Currently, the U.S. is not exporting any significant quantities of vaccine. However, its domestic vaccination campaign will be concluded in the foreseeable future. I think the U.S. will work very closely with Europe in order to supply the world with vaccines. This will be a multi year effort, and it will be a good area for transatlantic cooperation. Maybe we can already send some signals in this regard in Rome on May 21, at the Global Health Summit that is being held in the context of the G20 under the Italian Presidency.

The new administration of President Biden has made a clear commitment to NATO and European security. At our European Council meeting in March, we had a video teleconference with the American president, during which President Biden announced closer cooperation between the United States and Europe. Another important signal is that the U.S. has extended the New START Treaty with Russia. We of course hope this will set the stage for further steps toward disarmament and arms control.

But let me return to European American cooperation, including our military and security cooperation: The European Security and Defence Policy is among other things a strong pillar that can supplement our partnership in NATO. In this connection, I want to make perfectly clear that a good transatlantic partnership requires that partners can rely on each other. At the Wales summit, we pledged to work toward spending two percent of our GDP on defense. And Germany remains committed to this target. I would like to recall that the commitment to this two percent target, which actually dates back to the early 2000s, has been renewed in view of Russian aggression in connection with the annexation of Crimea and the situation in eastern . So this target has been relatively recently reaffirmed and underscored, and this has a great deal to do with defense, with a view to Russia in particular.

What truly deserves support is that the U.S., together with the European Union, is again showing a commitment with regard to the Iranian nuclear program. Every attempt is being made to encourage to return to compliance with its obligations under this agreement.

Of course, we are also working together – on the understanding that rules and values form the common foundation of our foreign policy – to underscore that human rights need to be upheld wherever that is necessary. That is very important. It applies with a view to Russia, with a view to China, and with regard to many other countries in the world. In this connection, I very much welcome that President Biden wants to host a summit of countries that feel committed to democratic values.

Things are also on the move in the sphere of free and fair trade. We want to try and as swiftly as possible clarify unresolved questions regarding the reform of the World Trade Organization. It is also encouraging to see that talks are now underway in connection with sanctions related to Airbus and Boeing. So more discussions are being held, with a view to solving problems.

Therefore, we could say that the headline on transatlantic cooperation is “We’re Back in Business.” Now that is entirely different from “Business as Usual.” Because, in recent years, a profound change has been happening, one that also has to do with the way that the U.S. views its role in the world. Previously, there was a kind of automatism that the United States would always intervene immediately, especially militarily, wherever crisis situations arose. Going forward, that will not be the case. This is why the U.S. is expecting greater engagement on the part of its partners. So this is now also a task for the European Union – of course, including Germany – when it comes to ensuring our own security, maintaining stability in our neighborhood, and upholding universal values in the world.

I think that we can take up this challenge full of confidence and without hiding our light under a bushel. Germany has proven in various ways that it is a reliable partner. I am thinking, for example, of our engagement in Afghanistan – engagement as part of NATO, whereby Germany has also taken on a lead role in the northern part of the country. Germany will live up to this responsibility in other spheres as well.

A further development that we must keep an eye on is the United States’ pivot to Asia. This, too, is not an entirely new development. President Obama already spoke of an Asian century. We should not make the mistake of thinking this is a pivot away from Europe. Rather, it is a response to changes in the geopolitical distribution of power, especially in the Asia Pacific. It is good that the Federal Government has drawn up policy guidelines for this region, as well. This is of course closely connected to China being an ascendant economic and political power in the world. The United States has always been both an Atlantic and a Pacific actor. It is therefore only more than natural for it to react to this rise of China.

In such a situation, we Europeans can of course not be a neutral onlooker, among other things due to our Alliance and our community of shared values. Instead, we remain allies, also in tackling these challenges. Having said that, common values do not automatically result in identical interests. Foreign policy is always a mix of the values one holds and the vested interests one pursues. Carefully formulating what Europe’s interests are is certainly also part of what’s on our plate as transatlantic partners and friends.

As Europeans, we are not interested in the world becoming divided again into two spheres. President Biden recently emphasized he feels the same. However, common rules must be adhered to; and this applies to everyone – to Russia, to China, and to all other countries with which we cooperate. I believe you can say that, when it comes to values and interests, our relations with China are truly multilayered. On the one hand, we have a keen interest in seeing a large country like China develop well, with people there achieving prosperity and China becoming a part of the multilateral order. We cannot successfully tackle climate change or solve the WTO’s or other global issues without, or against, China. China’s commitments to achieve climate change targets and carbon neutrality by the year 2060, as well as to peak emissions before 2030, are encouraging signs for multilateralism. On the other hand, there is substantial criticism about the human rights situation in China – here, I am thinking of Xinjiang province and the Uighurs, and about the situation in Hong Kong.

In our discussion formats – and we have just recently had our latest round of German Chinese intergovernmental consultations – we must talk about the entire range of issues, also the difficult ones. These include human rights topics, along with rule of law topics, and the topic of good economic cooperation and open markets. The EU China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment, too, is something that I consider to be a very important project, despite all of the difficulties that will certainly arise in connection with its ratification. Because it will get us greater reciprocity in terms of market access, because we have agreed on compliance with the labor standards of the ILO, and because we have agreed on how trade can be best developed for our mutual benefit.

It will be important for us, also looking to the future, to maintain an exchange in our transatlantic partnership about things that may not immediately result in identical positions. Currently, this includes the issue of Nord Stream 2. What is important for me in this connection is that we pursue a joint policy on Ukraine, and that Ukraine remains an important partner when it comes to the delivery or transit of natural gas.

Of course, we are truly happy – and very much appreciate – that U.S. forces will remain stationed in Germany. We welcome that recent redeployment plans are being dropped – just as we know this creates expectations for us. I have said so earlier.

We should develop the transatlantic partnership as broadly as possible, so that it extends beyond political contacts. There are trade relations, and there are exchange programs for young people. I believe it is very important to nurture people to people contacts – as we also say in German these days. We could think about providing new incentives in this regard in the near future.

As far as economic cooperation is concerned, I have for some time campaigned for a trade agreement between the United States of America and the European Union. We have trade agreements with many regions of the world. It would make sense if we could develop such a trade agreement with the U.S., like we have done with Canada.

So we have our work cut out for us, as transatlantic partners in a restless world – a world that needs partnerships. That is why I am happy that, with the new U.S. administration, we now have new opportunities that we can seize – and that is what the Federal Government would like to do.

Thank you very much for listening. I wish you all the best for the remaining part of the congress. I see that the next discussion participants are waiting. Warm greetings to everyone in the Reichstag building.

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