Critits 01 Ameritlln Iotill/ism: Their Methotlllntl Polities IRVING HOWE • Aspects 01 RussillR Imperilliism A. KIMBAY and G. BLACKWELL • The Precursors 01 M"rx • Books in Review THE NEW INTERNATIONAL A Marxist Review THE NEW INTERNATIONAL IMEMO I Yol YXUI. No. 3 Whole No. 154 A Marxist Review MAY.JUNE 1952 The lead article in this issue of THE NEW INTERNATIONAL, TABLE OF CONTENTS Yol. VIlli. No. 3 MAY-JUNE Whole No. 154 Critics of American Socialism; Their Arflcles Method and Politics deals with the most extensive and intensive effort yet THE CRITICS OF AMERICAN put forth by American bourgeois in­ SOCIALISM ...... 115 An Answer to tellectuals to analyze, and dispose of, by Irving Howe socialism as an ideology and a move­ ment in their own country. The fact ASPECTS OF RUSSIAN IMPERIALlSM .. 153 that the authors of the work in ques­ by A. Kimbay and G. Blackwell Critics of American Socialism: tion come not only from academic circles and the fields of bourgeois jour­ PRECURSORS OF MARX ...... 163 An Ana'ysis of Their Method and Politics nalism, but also from the intellectual by Analytikos staffs of the labor movement, simply emphasizes how completely bourgeois Booles In Review The decline of American as a basic text in the American uni­ in ideology and outlook are all circles of "official" American opinion. THE ANATOMY OF COMMUNISM ...... 169 socialism-and it would be frivolous versities. The first volume of Social­ Al though this article will be of spe­ Reviewed by B. Mott to deny this decline or minimize its ism and A merican Life contains a cial interest to Americans in and extent-has led to a great many ef­ number of essays, the second an an­ around the socialist movement, we THE ORGANIZATIONAL WEAPON ...... 171 forts at retrospection, criticism and notated and copious bibliography. feel that it will also have considerable Reviewed by D. Harris premature burial. These studies, no The first is somewhat less than a con­ value for our readers abroad. In our correspondence and occasional discus­ matter how sincere their intention or tribution to the ages, the second is a sions with many of them, we find that Published bi-monthly by the New Inter­ refined their method, are usually signs work of genuine scholarship and with­ national Publishing Co. at 114 West 14th the one question above all about Street, New York 11, N. Y. Re-entered as of the phenomenon they treat; as wit­ in certain limits, to be specified later, America which baffles foreigners is second-class matter March 8, 1950, at the ness the tone of supercilious com­ extremely valuable to anyone inter­ post office at New York, N. Y., under the this: how is it that in our country Act of March 3, 1879. Subscription rates: placence and superior distance in ested in the subject. there is no mass socialist or even $2.00 per year; bundles. 25c each for five copies and up. Foreign. $2.50 per year; which many of them are written. "labor" political movement? How can bundles, 30c each for five and up. Since a wide range of material is Address all editorial and business com­ it be that the American working class, munications to The New International, By far the most ambitious among covered in this book, I will restrict so powerful in its economic organiza­ 114 West 14th Street, New York 11. N. Y. these is a vast two-volume compila­ myself, in this review-article, to four tions, so massive in its relative numer­ general headings: (1) the quality, re­ ical and sociological weight in the MAX SHACHTMAN, Editor tion, recently published under the liability and scholarship of the ar­ country, has failed to reach, ideologi­ JULIUS FALK:, Managing Editor auspices of the Princeton University cally, the level of the working class in seminar in American Civilization. • ticles; (2) the political theories of the Europe and Asia? This study is likely to be received as major contributors; (3) the theory of The book to which we devote so America will deal with this effort so an authoritative work of scholarship social classes advanced by the major much in this issue of our review seeks thoroughly and so devastatingly as we and, more important, to be accepted contributors; (4) the problem of the to explain and justify what is the po­ do. We believe that this issue of THE decline of American socialism. The litical backwardness of the American NEW INTERNATI(>NAL will become a working class as specifically exempli­ handbook for soCialists in the months detailed discussion which at least the fied in the weakness of the American and years ahead during which the ·Soclallsm and American Llle, Two Vol­ last three of these calls for is here socialist movement. We venture the discussion inaugurated here will· run umes. Edited by Stow Persons and Don­ impossible; but a few introductory ald Drew Egbert. Princeton University guess that no other publication in its course. Press. pp. ,1'1.60. remarks may be helpful. opinion which reject both Stalinism "utopian" in this way, intellectual Some Notes on Scholarship and Social Democracy. responsibility requires that one make clear Marx used it in an entirely dif­ No SINGLE PERSON is qualified to sympathy, and obviously the result Partly because of this one-sidedness ferent way. judge all the essays in this book. Suf­ of intensive study. in the choice of contributors, Social­ fice it to say that in terms of quality ism And American Life is full of the In any case, to argue that the hope The problem of point of view is they are extremely uneven. The long­ misunderstandings, the points of ig­ for a classless society is utopian is an more complicated. Anyone familiar est and most important is an historical norance and bursts of malice one absolutist dogma-of precisely the with radical politics must be aware, sketch of American radicalism by would expect at a time when anti­ kind modern critics like to attribute Daniel Bell, and despite fundamental merely from the list of contributors, Marxism has become a crowded and to Marx: it assumes the continued that for all its claim to impartiality, disagreements with its point of view, honored profession. There is, of existence of class society to be inevit­ I think it fair to say that it is a work the book is largely an expression of r:ourse, much solid scholarship in this able. If Professor Harbison means, of careful scholarship and literary the views of the American Social book; but there is also enough distor­ however, that in a socialist society skill. Sidney Hook contributes a piece Democracy. That most, if not all, the tion, carelessness and ignorance to call there might still be a wide range of called "The Philosophical Basis of contributors have no organizational it into serious questions as a reference talent, distinction and achievement, Marxian Socialism in the United ties does not matter: American Social work. I have noted many, but here, he is surely right-but has neglected States," merely a summary of what he Democracy is less a movement than a to avoid tedium, I will list only a few. the Marxist contention that in such a has written elsewhere. Will Herberg, climate. When the edi to~s of this book society there would not be economic whose intellectual history comprises write that "various shades of Marxist Item. In his generally valuable exploitation of class by class. The only a span from Lovestone to Jehovah, is opinion are represented among the article on pre-Marxian socialism, Pro­ meaning that can be attributed to the author of "American Marxist Po­ authors of several of the essays," they fessor Harbison writes: "Marx and Professor Harbison's remark is that litical Theory," written from his "neo­ are either uninformed or disingenous. Engels felt they had purged their Marx and Engels were utopian . . . liberal and theologically grounded" Between Hook and Herberg there are analysis of all nonscientific elements, because they believed in socialism. It point of view. A study of "Sociological important differences on God, but not but they left one notoriously utopIan would be better to say such things Aspects of American Socialist Theory society. Between Bell and Moore belief embedded in their system: the directly. and Practise" comes from Wilbert there is a startling discrepancy in doctrine of the classless society." In Moore, a prominent sociology profes­ tone, but not in politics. The only obvious good faith, Professor Harbi­ Item. "Democratic centralism," Len­ sor at Princeton. The most competent author representing a divergence from son has -misconstrued the entire Marx­ in's formula for party organization, is pieces are the historical ones: a sketch Social Democracy or liberalism is Paul ist position. As every scholar should discussed by Professor Moore in his of pre-Marxian socialism by E. Harris Sweezey, who contributes a piece on know, Marx and Engels declared pre­ essay and by the editors in an intro­ Harbison, a Princeton professor; a Marxian economics which, except for vious varieties of socialism to be ductory chapter. The editors write portrait of American utopian social­ a few friendly references to Stalinist "utopian" not because they antici­ that in a democratic centralist party, ism by T. D. Seymour Bassett, the Russia, has no political relevance. pated a classless society, but because once a political discussion is closed, bibliographer of the project. There is How curious it is that the only per­ they failed to realize that such a "the decision is handed down from also Harry Laidler's "European Social­ son the editors could find to provide society is possible only on the founda­ above by a small central group and is ism Since 1948," an article marvel­ a contrasting "shade of Marxist opin­ tion of an advanced technology, supposed to be accepted by the rank lously predictable in its unremittant ion" turns out to be . . . a quasi­ which alone permits a life of leisure and file without question or com­ pedestrianism. Stalinist. That is purchasing one's ob­ and plenty. One may disagree with ment." (My emphasis-I. H.) this idea, but to do so one must first jectivity rather cheaply. Perhaps the range in quality is best state it clearly. As a piece of scholarship this is suggested by a glance at the non-polit­ scandalous. Which "small central Many readers are likely to accept the ical articles. Professor Willard Thorp's Now it is possible to believe, and at group?" What evidence is there (none, study of the left-wing intellectuals claim of the editors that they have the moment all too fashionable, that of course, being cited) that Lenin during the 1930's is superficial, con­ included "various shades of Marxist the idea of a classless society is utop­ ever urged the rank and file to accept descending and thoroughly uninter­ opinion." Nowhere in the book, how­ ian; in that case, Marx and Engels any decision without question or com­ ested. On the other hand, "Socialism ever, does any writer appear who. did not, as Professor Harbison says, ment? As a description of the Stalin­ and American Art" by Professor speaks for Trotskyism, or revolution­ merely leave "one notoriously utopian ist parties, the statment of the editors Donald Drew Egbert is an outstanding ary socialism, or left socialism-no belief in their system"; their whole has a certain rough validity, but is contribution, rich in detail, ready to writer of the left, that is, who repre­ program must-then be dismissed as still not at all precise: for even in the extend its subject at least a tentative sents any of the shades of socialist utopian. But if one is to use the word Stalinist parties decisions are not "sup-

116 THE NEW INTEaNATIONAI. May.June 1952 117 posed" to be accepted without ques­ exist. The trouble is that Professor Now the year 1917 is a rather im­ Revolutionists. .. ." (My emphasis- tion or comment. Moore takes at face value the Stalin­ portant one in Russian history, two I. H.) ist claim to be "democratic central­ But more. Since Lenin is the au­ revolutions having occurred during ist," not realizing that it is pointless Lenin was here urging that a gov­ thor of the idea of democratic cen­ its 12 months, one in March and the to discuss Stalinist organizational ernment he established in which the tralism, it would seem a matter of other in November. A careful scholar methods in terms of their adherence to Bolsheviks would not participate, a elementary intellectual loyalty to -and none other could enter the democratic centralism or any other government of Mensheviks and SRs, quote Lenin, or at least to state the pages of our book-would specify organizational concept. For Stalinism provided the "10 capitalist ministers" notion as Lenin conceived it. Then, when in 1917, before or after the has no interest in theory, but merely were eliminated. Perhaps this was a if you wish, criticize it; or try to show revolution, the Bolsheviks "refused" utilizes Marxist terminology and tra­ bluff? Then Mensheviks and SRs need that it led to reprehensible practices to enter a coalition government. Per­ dition for its own purposes. Stalinism only have called it, need only have in the Bolshevik Party; or even that it haps he means to suggest that the is entirely totalitarian in its inner life; given land to the peasants and peace led to the totalitarian structure of the Mensheviks and SRs were for a coali­ and one need not agree with Lenin's to the soldiers to have undercut the Stalinists. But first say what Lenin tion government both before and view of organization to realize that, Bolshevik appeal. believed. It would, for example, en­ after October? whatever its real or fancied faults. lighten the many inexperienced read­ If a government of Soviet parties ers of Socialism and American Life But as a careful scholar Professor Before the Bolsheviks took power, were formed, wrote Lenin, a peace­ to be informed that "the small central Moore must surely be aware that the at a time when they had a minority ful transition to socialism would be group" turns out to be, in Lenin's term "democratic centralism" refers, in the Soviets and the Menshevik-SR possible: "Only in Russia can power scheme of things, an elected executive originally, to the Bolshevik party of bloc had a majority, Lenin put for­ be transferred to already existing in­ or central committee, bound by the Lenin. In this party minorities not ward the slogan "All Power to the stitutions, to the Soviets, immediately, policy decisions of party conventions. merely questioned but fought against, Soviets." On April 20, 1917 Lenin peacefully, without turmoil, for the It would further enlighten readers to howled and denounced the decisions wrote: "It must be explained to the capitalists are not in a position to re­ be informed that nowhere in Lenin's of majorities. Surely Professor Moore masses that the Soviet of Workers' sist the Soviet ..." Gune 20, 1917). writings (not even as shorn and is acquainted with the fact that in Deputies is the only possible form of But the Mensheviks and SRs did not mangled by David Shub) is there the 1918 Bukharin and his group of revolutionary government and, there­ want power, either for the Soviets or faintest suggestion that the rank and "left communists" publicly agitated fore, our task is, while this govern­ themselves-they preferred to main­ file must not comment on decisions against Lenin's Brest-Litovsk policy, ment is submitting to the influence tain ministerial relations with the of the central committee. Such distor­ demanded in public newspapers that of the bourgeoisie, to present a pa­ bourgeois parties and international tion seems to me beyond possible the German terms be rejected, and tient, systematic, and persistent analy­ relations with the Allies. excuse: the editors should either in­ in effect set up a party of their ow; sis of its errors and tactics .... While fonn themselves or write on oth~r "within" the Bolshevik party. Pro we are in the minority, we carry on Later, after the Bolshevik govern­ subjects. But, of course, one can plead fessor Moore is very firm with Marx­ the work of criticism and of expos­ ment was formed, there was some talk ing errors, advoca~ing all along the Zeitgeist, which for a time permits ism for its lack of precision in defining of a coalition government of all so­ necessity of transferring the entire cialist parties. The Mensheviks laid everything. social classes; it would have been more power of state to the Soviet of .Wark­ down as a condtion for such a coali­ seemly if, in what is after all a much Now, Professor Moore with his con­ ers' Deputies . ..." On June 23, 1917 tion that Lenin and Trotsky, those tribution. In a democratic centralist simpler matter, he had been a little Lenin wrote: "We hold that the notorious "German agents," be ex­ organization, he writes, "the minority precise himself. unique institution known as the Soviet cluded from the government. In effect~ may not question the decision of the I tem. In his article Harry Laidler of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' this was a proposal not for a partner­ majority. Decisions are binding down writes: "Many socialists have main­ Deputies is the nearest approach to ship but for an act of political sui­ the line, and initiative for question­ tained since the Russian Revolution an all-people's organ for the expres­ cide by the Bolsheviks. ing current policy must always come that communists did a great disserv­ sion of the will of the majority of the from the top." Within context, there people, a revolutionary parliament. These, in brief, are the facts. Had ice to the world by their refusal in is reason to suppose that Professor On principle we always have been, Laidler mentioned at least a few of Moore may have in mind the organ­ 1917 to join with the other socialist and are, in favor of having all the them, his readers might be better in­ izational life of Stalinists. If so, he is parties in Russia in forming a coali­ power pass into the hands of such an formed on the problem of coalition wrong. It is entirely meaningless to tion socialist government." That this organ, despite the fact that at pres­ governments. speak of "majorities" and "minorities" sen tence has fewer errors than words ent this organ is in the hands of the Item. Will Herberg writes: "Be­ in Stalinist parties: no such creatures is due to Laidler's gifts as a stylist. defencist Mensheviks and Socia list- cause the true concern of the socialist

118 THE NEW INTEINATIONAL May.Ju•• 1952 119 is fixed on the world to come, the If a Marxist wrote such nonsense, there is a substantial number; but to movements throughout the world in­ problem of living and working in this you can imagine what howls would complete the picture, a word is neces­ dependently of whether it shared world becomes a very perplexing one. rise from Herberg. And since he sary about some errors of omission. power in a coalition government or In harmony with its basic orientation, writes it, why don't we have the right We have here a group of writers who not." orthodox socialism can engage in but take a firm moral stand against the to howl, say, just a little? ANOTHER QUITE REMARKABLE omis­ one really legitimate form of activity sins of Bolshevism-and who can op­ It would be tedious to list further sion from this volume is any discus­ in the existing order-preparing for pose a firm moral stand against any­ errors of commission·, of which sion of the fact that we are at present the revolution. In strict logic, there­ one's sins? But these very writers are living in a war economy; that this fore, 'immediate' or 'partial' demands strangely silent in other regards. You war economy is largely responsible -that is, demands that fall short of the would never learn from this book that * Still, a word must be said about the for the air of "prosperity" which per­ socialist goal and may thus be granted 500 page bibliography. Immensely useful the Irish Easter Rebellion was sup­ vades the land; that it obviously con­ within the framework of the capitalist as it is, there are serious problems in­ pressed by an English government in volved in its method. The editions have ditions both the socialist movement system-can have no place in the so­ not been content with a mere compilation which leaders of the Labor Party par­ and the indifference to radicalism felt cialist program." but have decided to annotate their entries. ticipated. Or that the French Social Unfortunately, they do not make explicit by most workers and intellectuals; the (inevitable) political bias from which Democrats have consistently sup­ These, exactly, are Herberg's words. they work, and the result is that the in short, that the entire mood and ported "their" imperialism in Asia bias comes through in a variety of indirect tone of the book is, at the very least, Would there be any point in re­ and disguised ways. Between their wish to and Africa. Or that the German So­ be objective and their unacknowledged strongly influenced by the historical minding Herberg that socialists be­ cial Democrats are said to have had point of view there is frequent confiict. moment in which it appears. lieve the struggle for immediate de­ Usually, the latter dominates. some connection with the murder of mands a frequent aid to the growth Because they have not declared their Liebknecht and Luxemburg. Indeed, But by far the most serious omis­ bias at the outset, which would have been of socialist consciousness; that they the useful and honest thing to do, the if you read no other book on social­ sion in this immense volume is one really desire improvements in the bibliographers fall into a variety of con­ ism, you would be completely be­ that immediately disqualifies it as an fusions. Here is an example of that con­ conditions of the people, even under fusion at its worst: "No comparably wildered at coming across a statement attempt to understand either con­ capitalism; that they do not consider objective literature exists on the socio­ made in his salad days by Sidney temporary society or radicalism. There logical analysis of the socialist culture of extreme misery a fertile ground for Soviet Russia, the chief country where Hook: "the historic function of so­ is no effort in any of these essays to the flowering of a socialist movement? socialism has achieved complete power." cial demoC1·acy since 1918 has been to develop a theory of Stalinism~ a theory Surely this vicious nonsense is not aC­ It is a long time since Herberg has cepted by the contributors to the first suppress or abort all revolutionary of its sociology in Russia~ its signifi­ volume. thought in Marxist terms, and he may cance as an international movement~ not remember what these simple prop­ Equally serious is the fact that the its relation to Asian nationalism~ etc. bibliographers, despite their evident con­ ositions mean. Let us therefore trans­ scientiousness, display a lack of first-hand expelled in 1937." At the very least, a etc. The most important, difficult and pose them into a language he readily knowledge of their subject; they have gross oversimplification, even if one be­ challenging question of our day­ worked hard, but at a problem which is lieves, as I do, that the behavior of the grasps. Orthodox Judaism, to which not their•• For example: Trotskyists in the Socialist Party is open surely not unrelated to the subject of to serious criticism. The Trotskyists en­ Herberg assents, anticipates the com­ "The Left Opposition would not partici­ tered the SP at a time when it was mov­ this book-is left untouched. There ing of the Messiah, for then alone can pate pn the London Bureau set up in ing leftward. When the SP right-wing is no effort even to develop the trite 19331 and later lost to the London Bureau proposed policies unacceptable to both the all men be united in love and justice. the Spanish and Dutch Trotskyist ad­ Trotskyists and the "native" left-wing of notion - that Stalinism flows "inevit­ That, so to say, is its form of "so­ herents of popular fronts." Inaccurate: the party, policies such as the support of ably" from Bolshevism, a notion the Spanish and Dutch Trotskyists were a capitalist candidate, LaGuardia, in New cialism." Would it not, however, be not at the time adherents of popular York, a faction fight broke out. The strug­ which, even if stated, would not re­ malicious if a Marxist were to write fronts, and the issue at stake was some­ gle was, essentially, over ideological is­ move the necessity for treating Stalin­ thing quite different. sues. To know this is to see how super­ that orthodox Jews, because their eyes ficial and misleading the bibliographical ism as a distinct phenomenon, a Victor Serge "abandoned Trotskyism for comment is. are riveted on the coming of the democratic socialism"-not entirely accu­ society and movement requiring spe­ Messiah, could not in strict logic strug­ rate and certainly a heavily weighted The bibliographical comment on "the cial analysis. While the editors find statement. Shachtman group" indicates that its au­ gle for religious liberty in this imper­ thor took a hurried glance at The New room for chapters on 19th century fect world? or that their expectation "Leon Trotsky, in The New Cour.e. and lateraatloaal but did not look again. Thus, utopian communities, Christan So­ Max Shachtman in the same volume, at­ an article by Shachtman is cited in which of the Messiah made "perplexing" tempt a compromise between democracy he claims the adherence of the Italian cialism, and a number of other not and bureaucratism." This far exceeds the Trotskyists for his position on the Rus­ their performance, meanwhile, of permissable limits of bibliographical an­ sian question. At best, this is of fifth quite burning matters, they have not such religious duties as the conversion notation; it is simply a political charac­ rate importance. But Shachtman's article thought to treat this most important terization-and in ou!" opinion, a false in the December 1940 New Iateraatloaal of non-believers, the saying of daily one. -Ill R ....la a Worker. State1'-which is subject of the day. If nothing else, prayers, the rendering of charity to perhaps the most important theoretical this alone is enough to render the "The Trotskyist faction wrecked the statement he has made on Stalinism, is not the poor? Socialist Party organization before it was cited.. book an intellectual failure. 120 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL MaY"'ln. 1952 121 or its absence, in future transfers of Marx listed three exceptions, Hol­ II Theories of Politics social power. land, England and America, countries where he believed a peaceful transi­ Every major change in social rule THE MAJOR THEORETICAL article in political tactics or solutions. No­ tion to socialism possible. Not too Socialism and A merican Life is by where in his article is there an aware­ during the modern era has been ac­ companied by one or another degree many years ago-in 1933-an American Will Herberg. It is difficult to cope ness of the tension of history, of the Marxist wrote on this subject: with this article in political terms, fact that a mere statement of a de­ of violence. The greatest of all bour­ since it does not really rest upon an sired end does not yet settle the geois revolutions, the French; the At the very time when Marx was mak­ examination of history or current pol­ problem of how to reach it, or the English Revolution under Cromwell; ing his exception in favor of England itics, but consists mainly of maxims fact that action within history must even the sacrosanct American-all vio­ she had the largest navy in the world, lent. Neither the bourgeoisie nor its standing armies in India, Egypt and suggesting paths of desirable conduct be conditioned by that which one Ireland, a highly developed bureaucracy, and visions of desirable events. To acts against. To announce, as he does, political ideologues showed the fain­ and as Marx's letters testify, the most polemize against Herberg is some­ that democracy is "an eternal human test disinclination to use violence astute and class-conscious ruling class in what like depreciating a man who has value" is laudable; but to assent to when advantageous to their ends. Had the world.... Is this a country in which moralists urged the Continental Con­ the social revolution could have taken just deliyered a solemn lecture against this maxim is not yet to consider how place peacefully? sin; the innocent and malicious alike this value can be realized or thwarted, gress to eschew violence in 1776, only may conclude that one is for sin. limited or expanded in practice. Her­ impatience would have been the re­ N or is the reference to the United berg succumbs to the great fault of sponse.- States any more fortunate. [At the time I do not myself think that the ex­ political moralists: he ignores, finally, Marx made his exception], America had The writings of Marx and Engels gone through her second revolution to pression of political maxims (e.g. the need for examining history in its on this subject contain a series of break up the semi-feudal slavocI·8.CY democracy is an absolute good, power particulars. which barred the expansion of industrial is always dangerous etc. etc.) is a propositions something like the fol­ capitalism. At the very moment Marx worthless activity, if only because so­ These general remarks are best il­ lowing: (1) when the bourgeoisie was speaking, the North was exercising cialism, in some fundamental if im­ lustrated by glancing at Herberg's sought to achieve undisputed social a virtual dictatorship over the South.... plicit sense, is a moral goal and not treatment of the problem of revolu­ domination, a conflict of violence Was it likely that in a country in which arose; (2) the modern capitalist state feeble and "constitutional" attempts to merely a predicted stage of future tion. Like most liberals and Social abolish chattel slavery had called forth society. While economic conditions Democrats, he discusses the subject of rests on bodies of armed men far the most violent civil war of the nine­ may impel workers and other people reform and/or revolution as if it were stronger than any known in previous teenth century, the abolition of wage primarily a question of moral pref­ societies; (3) even when capitalism is slavery could be effected by moral sua­ to struggle against capitalism, that sion? struggle acquires a socialist dimension erence: which is more desirable, a threatened, not by fundamental op­ only through consciousness and will; gradual peaceful slide into socialism position, but by partial inroads in These intransigent lines may seem and once you will the existence of or a bloody insurrection? Put this power, it does not hesitate to use sectarian to some; and I cite them not socialism, you are declaring a pref­ way, the question permits of only one force; (4) therefore it follows that to raise the issue of whether Marx or erence on the grounds, presumably, (sane) answer. Unfortunately, it when the working class and its allies the commentator was correct. The that it will be better for humanity. "proves" too much, for it makes Marx try to establish socialism, or show a point I wish to make, rather, is that Even as it depends on and is limited and Lenin seem neither wrong nor degree of power preparatory to the the author (Sidney Hook) was argu­ by historical conditions, the conscious stupid but simply maniacs who should establishment of socialism, the de­ ing in terms of historical precedent, activity for socialism is a moral ac­ have been put away. I take it Her­ fenders of the old order will probably possibility and actuality; his argument tion. No matter how much Marxists berg doesn't quite claim that. not hesitate to use force. was therefore open to verification and may refer the socialist struggle to the rebuttal. But Herberg does not write The writings of the important needs of the working class, their wish in this manner: he will not stoop to Marxists have never rested on abso­ that this class assume leadership in • It may be said. however. that all of history. lutist dogma. On the question of the these revolutions occurred against auto­ the march toward socialism rests upon "road to power," they have been based cratic regimes while the transition to Herberg tells us that the Bolsheviks a moral assumption that it is desirable socialism is likely to take place in demo­ on the following items: (1) a study cratic societies. This, to some extent. is insisted upon one thing "as a fixed for humanity to move toward social­ true; the only problem is whether the de­ of past history, particularly major dogma: the revolution could not be ism. fenders of capitalism will show sufficient shifts of class power; (2) an analysis restraint to permit, without violent inter­ accomplished peacefully, without force ference, a democratic. majority-supported In pronouncing his maxims, Her­ of capitalist society; (3) a prediction, ?-nd peaceful transition to socialism. While or violence." This may sound pretty berg does not trouble, however, to partly drawn from the previous two It cannot be answered a priori, this prob­ lem can profitably be discussed. But Her­ bad for the Bolsheviks, only it is not wonder whether they can be taken as factors, of the likelihood of violence, berg will not deign to such details. quite accurate. If Lenin had any 122 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May"'••• 1952 123 "fixed dogmas," they were that cap­ tion; Luxemburg and Liebknecht were particularly Leninists believe in effected do not effect the definition. italism offered no hope for humanity, murdered-was this an atmosphere in armed insurrection, coup d'etats etc. Violence can occur without social socialism had to be instituted in full­ which one could envisage a smooth When such talk is not mere provoca­ revolution, social revolution without ness, the working class is the major transfer of social power? Instead of tion, it is mere ignorance. For it is violence. Every sane socialist, of what­ actor in the revolutionary drama, etc. announcing, ex cathedra and from his a fundamental tenet of Marxism that ever faction, hopes that the transition etc. As I have shown in earlier pages, moral perch, that Lenin made force voluntary and active participation of to socialism will occur peacefully; it Lenin was ready to suppose that the into a "fixed dogma," might not Her­ socialism can be built only with the would then be easier, quicker and, Russian Revolution could take place berg more profitably considered the masses; without that participation, most important of all, more humane. peacefully (and, by the way, it vir­ whether Lenin was right or wrong in socialism cannot be weakened; to at­ But surely this is not the issue that tually did, the bulk of violence erupt­ his estimate of Europe in 1920? If tempt to "sneak into" power is a cer­ agitates the radical movement today. ing only later, when the White armies, he cared to argue in terms of histor­ tain way of betraying the socialist If this were the only point of differ­ helped by the Western powers and by ical evidence, we should be happy to goal. ences between Marxists and reform­ some though not all the Mensheviks, listen; we are far from persuaded that ists, I would favor unity with the So­ Nor is this a recent or retrospective began a counter-revolution.) The two Lenin or anyone else was infallible; cial Democratic Federation - and discovery. Wrote Lenin on April 22, quotations cited from Lenin could be we believe in fact, that he, as anyone would brook no aesthetic objections. 1917: "To become a power, the class­ supplemented by many others, but to else, made serious mistakes; but if one What is reprehensible about Social conscious workers must win the ma­ avoid tedium, I shall risk only one is to propound maxims, one must be Democracy is not at all that it fails jority over to their side. So long as no more: "The capitalist regards the prepared to relate them to experience. to issue blood-curdling calls for vio­ violence is committed against the Soviets of Workers', etc., Deputies as lence, but that it accommodates it­ And, indeed, did not Italy in 1921, masses, there is no other road to anarchy, because such an organization self to capitalism, to its institutions as later Germany in 1933, prove that power. We are not Blanquists, we are of power does not commit the people and values. Is your goal a fundamental Lenin had estimated the European not for the seizure of power by a beforehand and unconditionally to social change or a blend of reforms? situation with at least some realism? minority." Dozens of other citations capitalist subjection; but provides lib­ Do you believe in class independence (D nIess, of course, Herberg inclines are possible; here are two. April 27, erty and order together with the pos­ or have you discovered the wisdom of toward that most philistine of opin­ 1917: "Blanquism consists in an effort sibili ty of peaceful and gradual class cooperation? transition to Socialism." (April 27, ions: if Lenin hadn't started making to seize power by relying on the sup­ 1917) Trotsky, discussing the English revolutions, the fascists would never port of a minority. With us it is crisis of 1926, declared a peaceful have arisen; q.e.d. Lenin is responsi­ quite different. We are as yet a minor­ SURELY, NO MARXIST of reasonable transition possible (Where is Britain ble for fascism. This is a piece with ity, we realize the need of winning a intelligence criticized the British La­ Going?): in 1941 the editor of THE the Rotarian view that if agitators majority." May 6, 1917: "the slogan bor government for enacting national­ NEW INTERNATIONAL expressed a simi­ didn't disturb the workers, there'd of 'Down With the Provisional Gov­ ization of industry through legislative lar opinion about contemporary Eng­ be no strikes and hence no strike­ ernment' is at the present moment not means or, in principle, for compen­ land. breaking.) Had the German workers sound, because such a slogan, unless sating former owners. Our criticism Still, it would be idle to deny that taken power in 1920, a certain amount there is a solid (i.e., a class-conscious was that Attlee showed no interest in the Communist International in it& of blood might have been shed-the and organized) majority of the people stimulating workers' participation in "heroic period" believed that the rev­ exact amount depending largely on on the side of the revolutionary prole­ factory management or in developing olutionary working class had to anti­ the attitude of the Social Democratic tariat, is either a mere phrase or, ob­ a socialist foreign policy. Though it cipate struggles in force. Why? Be­ leaders; but it would have been a tiny jectively, reduces itself to encouraging took socialistic steps of a kind unpre­ efforts of an adventurous nature." cause Lenin was blood-thirsty and fraction of the blood spilled 15 years cedented for a reformist government, later in Germany because the workers the British Labor leadership still ac­ Trotsky a scoundrel? It would be absurd to suppose that cepted far too much of the old order, had not taken power. It is right to the present-day disagreements be­ One must remember that for sev­ still thought-as G. D. H. Cole wrote urge that the cost of revolution be tween Marxists and reformists revolve eral years after the first world war, in England-of the workers as follow­ reckoned; but one must, at times, about the question of "violence"; Europe was gripped by a revolution­ ers to be manipulated and directed. reckon the cost of abstention from that is the version of textbooks, ary situation; it seemed a definite pos­ On such living issues did the clash revolution. journalists and informers. By a revo­ sibility that the continent would go between Marxist and reformist mani­ lution Marxists refer to a shift in so­ the path of Lenin. Reaction was des­ N ow there are wiseacres-some tes­ fest itself. perate; in Italy Mussolini prepared tify for the FBI, some don't-who say cial power from class to class, a trans­ to march on Rome; in Germany the that all this is merely eyewash, for formation of property relations-and Still, it may be asked, doesn't the Reichswehr plotted counter-revolu- everyone "knows" that Marxists and the means by which this change is experience of the British Labor re- l24 THE NEW '"TERNATIONAL M"ay-Juae 1952 125 gime raise the question once more of Indian nationalism in blood, to break probleb; and if socialists, by their prin­ likely, perhaps unnecessary, that "dic­ "the road to power?" Let us agree the general strike of 1926, to cloud cipled adherence to that tradition, tatorship of the proletariat" can ever that it does. Clearly, a bolder party the skies of Ireland with terror. Have strengthen it and endow it with fresh recover its original, unobjectionable could have led England much fur­ the latter-day representatives of this meaning, the path to socialism is likely meaning. Today, socialists declare ther along the road to socialism, and class become so much more civilized? to be eased. In America, of course, to­ against dictatorship of any kind: we probably have done so without suffer­ In truth, it had little choice-and con­ gether with this tradition there is are for popular rule, for the defense ing armed resistance. This is a· phe­ sidering its many difficulties it man­ another one, based on mob violence; of minority rights, for the preserva­ nomenon of the decline of capitalism, aged quite well to stay on its feet. how the two are likely to interact in tion and enlargement of democracy as the possibility of a peaceful transi­ But it would, nonetheless, be a ser­ the future it would be risky to say. One to a point capitalism cannot reach. tion envisaged was a phenomenon of ious error to underestimate the power thing is clear: the problem cannot be its youth. Exhausted by two wars, The phrase is open to another va­ of the democratic tradition in a coun­ settled by a fatuous sneer at Leninist worn down by international competi­ riety of misinterpretation: the work­ try like England, sullied though that violence (generally, the sneer of a lib­ tion, deprived of large sections of its ers will "lord" it over their middle­ tradition has been by politicians and eral ready to justify atom-bomb vio­ empire, burdened with an obsolete in­ class or agricultural allies, etc. But publicists. In modern society, the lence.) Perhaps it is true that the dustrial plant, the English capitalist at least in industrially advanced coun­ democrtic tradition, which comes to radical movement in the late twenties class lacked the strength and the tries, the transition to socialism might far more than a duplicate or veil for and early thirties, under the influence spirit to consider, let alone begin, well be made with considerable ease, bourgeois ideology, is a force in fre­ of Stalin and Zinoviev, had a barri­ armed resistance. And it showed its through a regime that would be far quent opposition to the state, a means cade obsession; perhaps true, as well, usual class intelligence when it peace­ less dominated by any single class of bequeathing and receiving values that the Communist International, fully accepted nationalization, for it than the organ of a population bound won from or against the state, and the even in its brief best days, was inflex­ sensed that Attlee was not likely to de­ together by a common, visibly liberat­ very ground-work, the inseparable ible on this matter. But surely Her­ prive it of all unearned sustenance. ing purpose. basis, of socialism. Had some fascist berg's maxims help very little. Wait or risk everything in dubious gang tried to overthrow the Labor Similar considerations apply to the gamble, was its choice; it chose wisely. regime, the vast majority of the popu­ In practice, if not in formal state­ term "bourgeois democracy." As tra­ ment, the socialist tendency speaking ditionally used by Marxists, it suggests All this is true, but not enough. lation, including many who had not voted for Labor and some who had ·through THE NEW INTERNATIONAL has the limitations of democracy in a cap­ There is no evidence that the British refined its position on these problems italist context; yet, through debase­ bourgeoisie so much as contemplated been temporarily hurt by its measures, would immediately have rallied to the -returned to a Marxist view unsullied ment, it sometimes came to suggest­ armed resistance; it realized that in a by Stalinist influence, or if you wish, and not only, though primarily, in country where the (domestic) demo­ government. For despite its painful backwardness with regard to imperial­ modified its view under the impact of the Stalinist movement-an impa­ cratic tradition is as strong as in Eng­ recent events. For example, the phrase tience with or implicit depreciation land, any extra-parliamentary adven­ ism, the British people have a pro­ found if unarticulated appreciation "dictatorship of the proletariat" has of democracy. ture, by whichever party~ can end only virtually been dropped by most Marx­ in grief. Was it, however, also true of the value of democracy-and rightly Historically, democracy was the so,· ists. To Marx, in the few places he political form most advantageous, that the English bourgeoisie was it­ used it, the phrase meant nothing self so imbued with the democratic We see, therefore, that in some though not uniformly indispensable, more than a regime transitional to to an expanding bourgeoisie; but spirit that it would not try to upset countries the problem of "the road to socialism, one in which the majority a democratically chosen government? power" cannot be exhausted merely more than that, too. It was the re­ of the people, centered about the ward wrested by the masses from the The question is of 3rd rate impor­ by an analysis of class relations or an working class, protected its victory tance, but worth a glance. Remember, appeal to historical precedents. The bourgeoisie for help in its revolutions; from armed counter-attack and pre­ and whatever its inadequacies or dis­ for one, that this was a battered, if democratic tradition, a good in itself pared both the economy and itself not defeated, class; no longer the no matter how frequently vulgarized tortions, democracy is one of the two for a classless society. Had Marx lived or three most precious conquestions of proud ruler of an international em­ or traduced, plays a role in setting this to see the horrors immediately sug­ human history. pire, but the suppliant partner of the gested to the modern mind by what United States; a class that had lost a • One need only compare the drive the Stalinists call "the dictatorship of The great values of freedom of great deal of its self-confidence and against civil liberties that has taken place during and, often enough, because of the the proletariat," he would surely have speech, press, assemblage and belief; morale. Remember, too, that the Eng­ Fair Deal regime with the relative re­ found another, less ambiguous de­ of habeas corpus and the assumption lish beourgeoisie had never, in the spect for minority rights under both the Labor and, thus far, the Conservative scription. Shifts in language being that a man is innocent until proven past, hesitated to use force: to drown cabinets. historically conditioned, it seems un- guilty-these are not bourgeois; they 126 THE NEW INTEINATIONAL May"'... 1952 127 are victories won through centuries of be reached democratic rights must be strictions of law or convention." This lost all grounding in principle." If It human effort, the very fundamental preserved; a world-wide totalitarian is said, not about Bolshevik practice, is not, however, part of Stalinist teach­ of socialism, the heritage of the past society, of whatever sort, means the which is open to debate, but about ing, he must be asserting th~t "th.e that is most precious for the future. death of socialist hopes for an in­ "revolutionary socialist teaching." In "outlawing of all other parties IS Herberg is right, I think, when he definite future. And we value these such teaching, however, the workers' found in "the revolutionary socialist attacks the notion that democracy is democratic rights in themselves, de­ regime is anything but arbitrary: it is teaching" of, say, Marx and Lenin. a "transitory institution" and, instead, fending them, if I may say so, with based on a popular upsurge expressed Nothing of the kind is true; no evi­ declares it an "enduring value." He is greater vigilance and consistency than through popular institutions. Nor is dence is presented by Herberg for this right, but in a vacuum; for he makes those liberals who are ready to wink it dictatorial, except in the special wild assertion, nor can it be. To the no effort to relate this enduring value an eye at the persecution of Stalinists sense that it is still a class society. contrary, there are numerous instances to anything in or of society. Among or, for that matter, of various kinds of (Surely, to confound this special sense (cited frequently in past ~ssues of ~is Marxists the problem of democracy anti-Stalinist radicals. of "dictatorship" with the generally­ magazine) where the leading Marxists understood sense of totalitarianism is speak of several parties functioning has received more serious and anxious What might be maintained is that unworthy of a man with so acute a within a workers' states. * In Bolshe­ attention during the past decade than during the early Communist days in moral sensibility as Herberg.) As for vik Russia, it is true, the Mensheviks ever before-and for very good reason. America, characterized as they were being free from restrictions of law or and SR's were outlawed shortly after Democracy has never seemed more by romantic and thoughtless leftism, convention, which law is Herberg the revolution; the correctness of this precarious, and capitalism less inter­ and during the thirties, when both talking about? Every new society step is certainly open to debate; but ested in or capable of defending it, Trotskyism and left socialism were establishes its own laws, keeping some it must be understood that they were than in recent years. Some decades contaminated by Stalinist germs, some from the past and discarding others. declared illegal on the charge of join­ back it could be assumed by socialists Marxists had a tendency to take a That is what the French did, and ing and supporting the White that" democracy was an assured con­ cavalier attitude toward democracy, the British and Americans too. A so­ counter-revolution, not because of any quest which would outlive capital­ not so much in their formal programs cialist society would remove from the principle or doctrine. How much ism, and the problem was to build as in their implicit attitudes. Like books those laws that preserve private reality would creep into Herberg's upon it, so to speak a socialist edifice. other people, they had not yet grasped property in the means of production, schematic moralizing if he mentioned In a sense, democracy was taken for the full meaning of totalitarianism; but would preserve those which guar­ the fact, say, that the Social Revo­ granted, perhaps too much so, but they were dizzy with fantasies of revo­ antee fair trials and free speeCh. Sim­ lutionary Fanny Kaplan tried to mur­ taken for granted since it was no­ lution quite unrelated to the realities ilarly with conventions: some kept, der Lenin. And what is so malicious where greatly threatened. The major of American life; and because the fu­ some not. After the Russian Revolu­ about all this is that Herberg argues, conflict was between a reeling capital­ ture seemed so near and so good, they tion people called each other com­ not that the Bolsheviks made mistakes ism and a self-confident Marxism. were ready to discard or at least rade instead of mister. At the same or committed political crimes, but Today, however, the situation is quite neglect the best of the past. But this, time, we may suppose, men still gave that they took the measures they did . different: we live in a period when if true, is no longer true; and one of up their seats in Moscow street-cars, because they were adhering to some history has been thrown back, when the most objectionable aspects of Her­ if not to all women, then to pregnant the working-class, except in a few berg's article is that he nowhere indi­ women. If Herberg had thought for a countries like England, hardly plays cates the numerous discussions of moment, instead of indulging in the * During the "mid-1920's some of the an independent political role. There democracy that have concerned Marx­ Bolshevik leaders, particularly those who, popular sport of Bolshevik-baiting, he like Bukharin, made a bloc with Stalin, is, today, no immediate possibility for ists during" the past decade, not least would have realized that it is impos­ did speak of a state in which only one the achievement of socialism in either of all in the pages of this magazine. party was legal, the Communist Party. continental Europe or the United sible for any society to be "free from (There is nothing necessarily undemo­ all restrictions ... of convention." cratic about one party being in power, States; but there is a very serious so long as the others have full rights of danger that democratic rights will be HERBERG MAY BE MISLEADING on ". . . the direction of the total af­ opposition.) But this, it must be remem­ destroyed by Stalinism in Europe and "the road to power," but he is simply bered, was already the period of Stalinist fairs of society by 'the party of the iecline, when the whole atmosphere of by domestic reaction here. Conse­ hair-raising on other subjects. Writing proletariat/ all other parties being ;evolutionary Russia was poisoned. Even quently, socialists place a greater em­ of "revolutionary socialist teaching" outlawed as the expression of non­ rrotsky, the leading fighter against Stalin­ on "the Soviet system," he lists several ist bureaucratism, wrote some things in phasis on democracy than ever before. proletarian interests." I'he New Course that seem to condone the tenets. Here are two: idea of a one-party state (see, particular­ Is this mere opportunism, a tactic Herberg cannot be referring to the ly, page 27, paragraph 2.) There is no diffi­ prompted by weakness? By no means I " ... the arbitrary, dictatorial char­ Stalinists for he is intelligent enough mlty in taking an attitude toward this ;ort of thing: it needs only to be repudi­ We realize, first, that if socialism is to acter of the regime, free from all re- to write that Stalinist action "soon l.ted. 128 THE NEW INTEINATIOHAL May-Jane 1952 129 Marxist or Leninist principle of a riched-but they would still be doing respect accorded to the office, etc. preposterous to suppose that so com­ one-party regime. uncreative work. How is this problem etc.-rest not merely (even if primar­ plex a phenomenon as the rise of ily) on class rule; it may be that they Stalinism can be explained by so The one section of Herberg's ar­ to be solved? I don't know. It doesn't follow from the sheer largeness and limited a "cause" as the vanguard (or ticle that has a certain interest is his require any immediate anxiety, if cumbersomeness of the modern eco­ any other) theory of the party. In criticism of the i,mage of the future only because it is, alas, not an imme­ nomic and political and industrial truth, every political organization, that is held by most socialists. Here diate problem; but an awareness of it unit. Under socialism, there is reason and particularly every socialist organ­ proof is almost impossible, since no hel ps keep our image of the desired to suppose that a very considerable ization, sets itself up as some kind of one can demonstrate by objective future from degenerating into a dull simplification of administrative pro­ vanguard movement: the CIO speaks measurement that socialists hold one and static Elysium, as intolerable as the Christian vision of Heaven. cedures could be enforced, since many "for" the workers, the ADA speaks or another vision of the classless so­ "for" the liberals, the SP speaks "for" ciety; but impressions are not without of the economic and social motivations EVEN IN A SOCIALIST society, writes now present for administrative com­ socialism, the SWP "speaks for" value; and some of Herberg's, though Herberg, there would be social clashes plication would then be removed. But Trotskyism, etc. etc. A political party by no means all, are worth discussing. -and not merely disputes over where unless one wishes to say that under that does not lay present or future He finds that the usual image of to build dams or any of the other socialism bureaucratism is impossible claim to leadership, is a contradiction socialism is too untroubled. All the trivial examples given in socialist by definition-in which case, it is in terms. This does not, of course, conceivable difficulties of the future primers. The mistake socialists make, fruitless to discuss any problem under dispose of the problem of the "van­ are lumped into the transitional work­ he says, is to believe that "the only socialism, since all evils can be de­ guard party." I think it makes sense ers' state which is assigned the task conceivable universal motive of anti­ clared impossible by definition-it to say that the vanguard theory shares of solving them; after which, social­ social conduct is economic." Well, we must be granted that. even with its with other theories of organization, ism. But if you think of socialism as a can't be sure, not so long as we live main social cause removed, bureau­ and perhaps has even more than them, society which has solved all social in a class society; there do seem to be cratism might still be a problem. certain dangers: it is too easy to iden­ problems, then clearly there is no deep-seated aggressive drives in the tify the "historical interests" of the But if it is rash to assume that the point in discussin~ the problems of human organism, but the degree to class with the immediate interests of socialism. Let us take a difficult prob­ which these might be lessened or put removal of economic inequality would the party, particularly when the lem which, perhaps because it is con­ to constructive use in a healthy so­ entail the complete eradication of former are defined by the party; it crete, Herberg does not raise. One of ciety is a subject largely for specula­ bureaucratism, it is completely false is too easy for the party leadership the great misfortunes of modern life tion. On the other hand, it is a coarse to suppose that man has some unspeci­ to become a privileged stratum above is that millions of people have to do error to suppose that huma,n nature fied and unanalyzed power drive the ranks, privileged in terms of pres­ meaningless routine work. This is is ineradicably evil, though in these (power for what? where? when?) which tige, not income; it is too easy to partly a consequence of the division times a most fashionable error. Her­ keeps him from cooperative behavior. make a grand correlation between bu­ of labor, and in turn a cause for the berg refers, again without evidence, This "power drive" is a category of reaucratic phenomena and class so­ worker's alienation from his work. to the "power drive . . . rooted in the political moralists, not of psycholo­ ciety, thereby passing over the con­ The difficulty is exacerbated by the nature of man, much deeper than the gists or anthropologists, who in fact crete problems of bureaucratism in conditions of capitalist production; superficial layers of economic interest have marshalled considerable evidence parties. But there is no sure-fire way but why are we to suppose that with through which it manifests itself . . . to show that n some societies (particu­ of avoiding these problems, short of the abolition of capitalism this prob­ power creates its own interest and larly among savages who have read refraining from organization. lem would be solved? or even with feeds insatiably on itself." If by bu­ neither Kierkegaard nor Niebuht) it the achievement of socialism? The reaucratism one means the special does not exist. Another criticism of Herberg's is that high level of productivity which is a privileges given a ruling stratum that the socialist movement tries to absorb prereqUisite for socialism makes the rests upon one or another class, then POLEMIZING AGAINST THE concept of the entire life of its members. On this, division of labor indispensable; the it follows that in a class society this the "vanguard party," Herberg de­ he is frank enough to admit that it division of labor means, for many, un­ kind of bureaucratism, the most fund­ duces (but does not describe) how the was the .German Social Democracy creative work. Under socialism, to be amental kind, would be eliminated. party leadership becomes "the van­ which first began to create a "whole sure, there would be more leisure, the But it may be that the various pro­ guard of the vanguard." And "what life" for its members, everything from workers would playa role in planning cedures and habits associated with this doctrine has meant for the re­ nurseries to literary societies. The no­ and managing factories, their cultural bureaucratism-the usurpation of spe­ gime and practical activities of the tion of "everything in and through interests would be widened so that cial privileges, the "short-cutting" of Communist Party [which one?] it is the movement" is certainly dubious, life outside the factory would be en- democratic procedures, the excessive hardly necessary to relate." But it is if only because there are many fields 130 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May"'••• 1952 131 of human aCtIVIty which the move­ state" is one in which, necessarily, of thought they must necessarily be politics comes, objectively, to little ment is incompetent to approach. l( no individual or minority can con­ academic; for what is the point of more than adaptation to the status Nor is there good reason why it should ceivably claim any rights." Herberg raising problems about the shape and quo-adaptation with reforms but try to approach them: the political may not know it, but his statement tone of a socialist society if your whole adaptation nonetheless? party has specific purposes, sharply is itself a crude instance of the "in­ limited and in some ways to be re­ evitability" fallacy: he is saying that garded merely as a necessary burden. wherever popular sovereignty is su­ Again, it should be added that the preme there is never a possibility for III Theories of Classes notion of "everything in and through minority rights. Surely, this is a view the party," which was favored in al­ that can be rejected, not only in terms AMERICAN SOCIETj, writes Daniel explain the conflict between merchant most every wing of American radical­ of a socialist future, but even in terms Bell at the end of his article, has not and agrarian classes in early America, ism some 15 years ago, has in prac­ of our experience in the capitalist fulfilled the classical pattern of Marx­ but since then the social fluidity and tice been abandoned by the political present. The desired image of social­ ism. In America there are none of economic expansion of this country tendency that expresses itself through ism, one shared by all the major so­ the hard-and-fast social groups Marx has made for a situation in which THE NEW INTERNATIONAL. cialist writers, is a society in which found in Europe: no Proletariat, no veto groups jockey for power, prestige popular sovereignty or popular will Bourgeoisie, no Aristocracy, no Mili­ and income but do not align into two irreconcilable classes. Actually we is blended with the protection of mi­ tary. Bell does not mean, of course, HERBERG'S MOST INTERESTING re­ that we have no workers or capitalists have, as Bell says, "interest blocs: in nority rights. The transition period, marks about the image of socialism or army officers; by his capitalized functional terms, labor, farmer, busi­ the most dangerous and difficult of concern the problem of democracy. categories he wishes to refer to co­ ness; in social terms, the aged, the Two definitions, he says, are possible. all, requires an intense political con­ hered classes or castes or status groups veterans, the minority groups; in re­ "Democracy may be taken to mean sciousness; and while there is no rea­ of a kind, he claims, that have not gional terms, the Missouri Valley Au­ the equalitarian mass state, the abso­ son to suppose that such an intense appeared in America. The position thority, Columbia Valley Authority, lutism of popular sovereignty against political consciousness is a "normal" suggested here he has developed at St. Lawrence waterway." which no individual or minority can or even desirable feature of human greater length in an article "America's conceivably claim any rights. But life at all times, there can be no guar­ Un-Marxist Revolution" (Commen­ How else, inquires Bell, but in terms democracy may also be taken to mean antee of minority rights except insofar tary~ March 1949). It is the position of of competing power blocs can you ex­ a liberal, limited-power state, guaran­ as they are cherished in consciousness David Riesman in his book, The plain the rise of Roosevelt? Political teeing civil and political liberty, pro­ -and this is true for all societies. For Lonely Crowd. And it receives its ex­ theorists have seen Roosevelt as "a tecting the rights of individuals and the transition to socialism to be made treme and ludicrous statement in a temporizing solon, whose political re­ groups against predatory minorities democratically-that is, for the transi­ recent article by Mary McCarthy (The forms sought to stave off the revolu­ tion of the propertyless masses; a and oppressive majorities alike." Be­ tion to be made at all-there must be a Reporter~ Jan. 22, 1952) who writes Tiberius Gracchus, a patrician who cause, he continues, socialists have high level of political consciousness, that "Class barriers disappear or be­ come porous; the factory worker is deserted his class to become the peo­ been "committed so uncritically to the a principled respect for democratic an economic aristocrat in comparison ple's tribune; a Louis Napoleon, an cult of popular absolutism," they have values, and the existence of "counter­ to the middle-class clerk; even segrega­ ambitious power-hungry demagogue, dismissed as mere bourgeois shams vailing powers" in potential opposi­ tion is diminishing; consumption re­ manipulating first one class then the various checks and balances by tion to the state: parties, cooperatives, places acquisition as an incentive. The another while straddling them all in which constitutional governments are unions, industrial units, all indepen­ America . . . of vast inequalities and order to assure his personal role." Bell limited in power. dent from and able to resist the state. dramatic contrasts is rapidly ceasing rejects all these comparisons as to exist." . "baroque," and sees him as a balance The important point touched by These problems are of considerable between competing pressure groups, Herberg is muddied by extreme and interest to socialists, though by their Miss McCarthy's remarks may be adjusting their conflicts, evening out careless formulations. For one thing, very nature they neither permit nor dismissed as mere fantasy, but the inequalities; a benevolent umpire of a the phrase "popular absolutism" is require immediate solutions; still, it is viewpoint of Bell has to be considered. "managed economy." A fair summary of it would run some­ ambiguous and emotionally over­ good to be aware of them~ One could charged; "popular will" would be take Herberg's hints and suggestions thing like the following: American society has never settled to the hard EVEN IN SIMPLE empirical terms, this more accurate. Nor need it be sup­ with a greater degree of seriousness if social polarities suggested by Marx. analysis has curious weaknesses. Bell posed that the "equalitarian mass one were not aware that for his school The theory of class struggle may help denies the existence of a cohered self- 132 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May-June 1952 133 conscious bourgeoisie at precisely the not be all that Roosevelt was; but if dynamic terms, he cared more about ditioned by the relation of various time when it is becoming more aware you don't see that he was this pri­ observing the movement of history groups to the mean of production. of its position and "destiny" than it marily, you will never understand his than providing neat academic cate­ ever was. N ever before has there social role. In terms of conscious mo­ gories. But while one may consider it been such a flood of institutional tives, he may just possibly have been fundamental in some sense, the rela­ "free-enterprise" propaganda as dur­ Gracchus serving as the people's trib­ But there are definitions. Bukharin tion of men to the means of produc­ ing the past decade; never before has une and more probably was a Solon defined class as "the aggregate of per­ tion is clearly not always a sufficient the American capitalist class so con­ offering reforms to stave off-perhaps sons playing the same part in produc­ criterion for establishing class mem­ sciously assumed responsibility for the not revolution-but certainly mass dis­ tion, standing in the same relation bership. Occupation, which is not defense and preservation of its system content; in terms of his objective role, toward other persons in the produc­ quite equivalent to one's relation to on an international scale. Nor has he was surely more a Solon than any­ tion process, these relations being also the means of production, may often there been a time when the military thing else; and in his immediate be­ expressed in things (instruments of be, in specific instances, a more im­ as a group showed the degree of self­ havior he occasionally did resemble labor.)" Trotsky offered a looser but portant criterion. Other objective fac­ conscious independence it recently Louis Napoleon. His extraordinary in some respects more useful defini­ tors are also important: income. has. popularity or charisma is due partly tion: a class is defined by "its inde­ power. common interest. Generally to large personal gifts and partly to pendent role in the general structure speaking. a class develops particular It is true that all the competing the panic of a country unused to the of economy and by its independent forms of behavior and cultural out­ grou ps have functioned in terms of shock of so extreme a depression and roots in the economic foundation of lets; it has a distinct prestige rating cooperation-and-struggle, but this is therefore desperately seeking a father society. Each class ... works out its in society; it develops a unique com­ a phenomenon of war economy-war to save it. We need not enter into this own special forms of property." A re­ munity of outlooks, a class attitude. economy being a dirty word that problem here except to ask: if war cent writer, Lewis Coser, offers a Still, this leaves us with many prob­ neither Bell nor any other self-re­ had not broken out and .the New Deal definition of the Marxist concept that lems. 1£ you define a proletarian as specting liberal will deign to use. The had continued in its failure to solve is couched in the language of Max notion of an equilibrium between America's economic problems, how Weber: "a class [is] a group of men one who sells his labor power on the market, does that mean an engineer competing veto groups acquires plaus­ long would the Roosevelt legend have whose life situation is determined by ibility only in moments of prosperity: survived? their economic function within the is a proletarian? Or a salaried busi­ it is a theory which arises, for ex­ total society, and whose conditions ness manager? Or a government offi­ ample, in imperialist countries where But since Bell's theory has, in one are similarly determined by this eco­ cial? We reject such descriptions the advantages of foreign exploitation or another form, become quite popu­ nomic function." Useful as these def­ empirically, for we know that in their are so large that some of those ad­ lar lately, it may be useful to shift initions are for various purposes, the styles of life, their identifications and vantages drip down to the workers. the discussion to a more abstract level first two, at least, cannot encompass their interests, these people are not In the United States today the situa­ and review both the Marxist notion all problems; as Max Shachtman has generally aligned with the workers. tion is somewhat different: the ap­ of class and the writings of some pointed out, they do not apply to the Relation to the means of production parent restraint of the competing American sociologists on this subject. merchants, whom Engels was ready to and occupation, while often con­ classes or groups is due to the bless­ accept as a class even though they did gruent. are not always so; and if one ings of what Bell in his Commentary not take part in production. wants a still finer social distinction, article delicately calls "managed THERE ARE INNUMERABLE methods one must consider other objective cri­ economy." That these blessings no re­ of stratifying a population: by relig­ The Marxist approach to class is teria, such as income or status. Even form government of capitalism, cer­ ion, by prestige status, by social class, what sociologists call an "objective" here difficulties appear: the income of tainly not the New Deal, has yet been by urban-rural division, etc. etc. The one, though not, as we shall see, en­ a white-collar worker may be pretty able to sustain, we know from expe­ Marxist approach emphasizes social tirely so. It establishes social classes much the same as that of an indus­ rience. class. Unhappily Marx did not offer in terms of the roles played by groups trial worker yet their modes of life, a text-book definition of "class"; the of tnen in. the process of economic their relations to classes, their pat­ As for Bell's question about Roose­ chapter on classes at the end of ·Cap­ production. Ownership or non-owner­ terns of culture are likely to be quite velt, he erects a puzzle where none ital~ Volume III. remains a mere frag­ ship of the means of production be­ different. need exist. The phenomenon of a lib­ ment. This does not mean, however, comes a central criterion for determin­ eral politician trying to patch up cap­ that he failed to suggest in many con­ ing class membership. And class A whole school of sociology follows italism is well-enough known in texts what his idea of class was. Be­ opposition occurs with regard to the the "subjectivist" approach to classes, Europe; and soon we shall know it cause he was concerned with social distribution of the total social prod­ agreeing with Sombart that a social well enough in America too. This may struggles and looked upon society in uct. In turn, this distribution is con- class is a group "which, by its way of 134 THE NEW INTERNATIONAl. May-June 1952 135 thinking, stands for a particular sys­ but class attitudes depend very much class 'an Bieh' (in itself), a class not yet tions raised against the Marxist theory tem of economic organization." Rich­ on awareness. At the other extreme, conscious of itself as such; he calls class of classes are based on misunderstand­ 'fur Bieh' (for itself), a. class already ing or ignorance. Marxists do not say ard Centers, an American scholar of merely to note that men are strati­ conscious of its social role." this school, defines class as a Upsy_ fied according to their relation to the that there are only two classes in chological phenomenon ... A man's means of production is not yet to say THE BASIC MARXIST definition de­ society; or that political behavior is class is a part of his ego, a feeling on very much, unless one concludes that limits class position. It also notices invariably determined by class posi­ his part of belongingness to some­ certain consequences in behavior fol­ class opposition. Both of these are tion ("a portion of the bourgeoisie," thing; an identification with some­ low from this stratification. And once present despite the awareness of par­ writes Marx in the Communist Mani­ thing larger than himself." And R. M. that is said, it follows that we have ticipants. At times, class struggle may festo, "goes over to the proletariat."); McIver writes: "class does not unite abandoned purely objective criteria. break into open class warfare. Class or that the development of class con­ people and separate them from others We may conclude, therefore, that a struggle can occur on different levels sciousness is automatic, a simple re­ unless they feel their unity or separa­ useful approach to class, while basing of intensity, and with different de­ flection or reflex from economic con­ tion." itself on objective criteria, would not gree of consciousness. Most of the dis­ ditions. confine itself to them; the dichoto.my cussions, particularly in academic between objective and subjective, ex­ circles, as to whether the American And Marxists, it may be added, are WHAT THE SUBJECTIVIST calls class, cept in extreme instances, is not very workers are class conscious simply ig­ aware that there are other significant Marxist refers to as class-conscious­ meaningful. Once the problem is nore the fact that there is more than stratifications in society besides those ness; what Marxists call class, one taken from the realm of abstract defi­ one degree of class consciousness. of class. It is true that Marx did not subjectivist writer, Centers, calls nition and placed in the context of There is, for example, the class con­ pay as much attention to these as stratum. Does this mean, then, that historical movement, the two tend to sciousness which exists in terms of have other social thinkers; the prob­ the distinction between the two is become inseparable. competition within a commonly ac­ lems he was dealing with led him to largely verbal? To some extent, it is. cepted system: the working class sees concentrate on classes rather than An important reason for the distinc­ In his book Historical Materialism the capitalists as a kind of enemy but castes or status groups. But what Max tion is that the two schools are really Bukharin has an excellent passage on does not think of capitalism as an Weber writes on those latter seems to interested in different problems: they this matter: enemy. The present attitude of large me entirely acceptable to Marxists. sections of the American labor move­ Status groups, he says, are bound to­ ask different questions and solicit dif­ Class psychology and class ideology, ferent orders of response. But between the consciousness of the class, not only as ment is probably close to this attitude. gether by some non-economic concep­ to its momentary interests, but also as tion, a conception of "honor"-nobil­ the extreme versions of either ap­ Class consciousness depends on a proach there is a fundamental split. to permanent and universal interests, are ity, religion, race, etc. They are "com­ a result of the position of the class in vast number of factors. 1£ there is a What McIver says above is clearly munities" in a sense that "classes" production, which by no means signifies strong class tradition in a country, only intermittently are. "Property as untrue: people are separated from that this position of the class will at a tradition of socialism or militant such is not always recognized as a each other-in occupation, housing, once produce in it a consciousness of its unionism, obviously class conscious­ general and basic interests. On the con­ status qualification, but in the long leisure activity, social friendship, ness will be intense. 1£ there is great even language habits-regardless of trary, it may be said that this is rarely run it is, and with extraordinary reg­ the case. [Bukharin here proceeds to of­ social. mobility, it may hardly exist ularity." When the style of life spe­ whether they feel it or not. This ex­ fer reasons why there is a discrepancy at all. 1£ social mobility is possible but treme subjectivist approach has no between class position and class aware­ cific to a status group becomes difficult, that may intensify class con­ formalized in law, convention or re­ way of accounting for the indisput­ ness.] The result is that a class discharg­ sciousness. A sudden extreme change able fact that, at times, the conditions ing a definite function in the process of ligion, and membership in it becomes production may already exist as an ag­ of conditions is often a prod to class of men are determined by factors of hereditary, it becomes a caste. By con­ gregate of persons before it exists as a consciousness. War, international trast, writes Weber, classes represent which they are not aware; a worker self-conscious class; we have a class, but trade, foreign events, conditions of em­ "possible, and frequent, bases for com­ caught up in a depression and de­ no class consciousness. I t exists as a ployment, political tendencies-these factor in production, as a specific ag­ munal action. We may speak of a prived of his livelihood is a victim of are further influencing agents. capitalist crisis even if he clings to the gregate of production relations; it does 'class' when (1) a number of people not yet exist as a social, independent It goes without saying that the have in common a specific casual com­ ideology of Horatio Alger. Class posi­ force that knows what it wants, that tion, class behavior, class attitudes­ feels a mission, that is conscious of its theory of classes is a simplification; ponent of their life-chances in so far all exist regardless of, though not un­ peculiar position, of the hostility of its all hypotheses are. The only relevant as (2) this component is represented affected by, class awareness. The rela­ interests to those of other classes. As question is this: can the theory be exclusively by economic interests in designations for these different stages in tions here vary: class position is al­ used with profit to understand and the possession of goods and opportun­ the process of class evolution, Marx ities for income, and (3) is represented most untouched by class awareness, makes use of two expressions: be calls control society? Many of the objec- 136 THE NEW INTEIIIATIOIIAI. May"'... 1952 137 under the conditions of the commod­ cilable is a predictive statment; it in­ caste divisions. Even there caste posi­ For one thing, their very approach ity or labor market." Weber has re­ volves a claim as to what will-that is, tion and class status (or occupation) makes difficult a serious examination cently become a favorite of American may-happen. are, as a rule, closely correlated; but of class relations. This is a subject sociologists, sometimes being put in there are mixed situations, particu­ that cannot be studied in static terms, opposition to Marx; but there is more IN AN INTERESTING ARTICLE ("The larly in the South, where caste and by taking a poll or conducting a sur­ wisdom in these few lines than in all Theory of Social Classes," Marxist class intersect, conflict and melt into vey-though, of course, such methods the writings on class of American can be very helpful. The problem of Quarterly~ April 1937), Abraham Edel each other. For a white man in the sociologists, laid end to end, from offers another possible use of the South, the most important determin­ class must be seen in dynamic his­ Harvard to California. word "fundamental." He suggests that ing factor of his life is generally not torical terms: it makes no sense, for A theory of classes involves the "a certain division into classes will be (as he would like to believe) his white­ example, to discuss social mobility claim that, in some sense, this kind of fvund to be a fruitful hypothesis ex­ ness but his class position, his being without correlating it with the move­ stratification is more important than plaining a great variety of the inter­ a worker or a capitalist or a store­ ment of American society from war to another. The test for this claim is relationships of social traits in any, or keeper. But for a Negro, caste position prosperity to depression to war to war empirical, but before the test can be many, cultures." By assuming the most is still probably the most important economy. And in most sociological made it is necessary to know the mean­ important social division to be that of factor: the middle-class Negro is still studies, neither history nor politics ing of the claim. What de we class, you are able to explain social shaped and bent more by his condi­ is a welcome visitor. tion as Negro than his income or mean by saying that economic phenomena more adequately and In 1940 Fortune magazine ran a poll control them more usefully than peo­ occupation. classes form a more fundamental dis­ asking people to assign themselves to tinction in society than religious or ple who assume that the most im-' "upper" or "lower" or "middle" class. vocational and racial groupings? And portant social divisions are, say, those Basically, however, the Marxist theory of classes is intended far less It triumphantly concluded that Amer­ particularly since we are ready to of nation or philosophy or religion. ica was a middle class country because grant that, in a given moment, con­ This, of course, is an hypothesis to be as a device for social classification than a method for studying social 90 per cent of the respondents classi­ flicts among capitalists, or clashes be­ tested, but an hypothesis made clear. fied themselves as "middle." The cen­ tween whites and Negroes, or splits If, however, the Marxist theory does change. It asserts that the major mo­ tions of modern society can best be tral weakness of this poll is, of course, in the working class may be more help explain why at a certain mo­ its wording; where a scientist might noticeable and exacerbated than the ment mysticism becomes intellectually understood in terms of class maneuvre and class conflict; this is still an hypo­ not assign any emotional valuation to opposition between the classes. popular or large sections of the pro­ such words as "upper" and "lower," ductive forces remain idle amidst gen­ thesis, of course, but one for which In Toward the Understanding of people answering the poll might very eral want, then it would seem likely the evidence is by now overwhelming. Karl Marx~ Sidney Hook offered one well do so. A much more serious ef­ that its efficacy results from the fact answer. All other antagonisms in cap­ fort in this direction is found in a that it describes an actual relation­ italist society, he says, are reconcilable: FROM MOTIVES OF CURIOSITY I have study by Richard Centers, The Social ship among people; that people are all employers have a common interest Psychology of Classes~ based on a ques­ so situated as to make their relation devoted several weeks to glancing in maintaining a high rate of profit, tionnaire sent out to 1,100 people. to the means of production or their through the wri tings of American so­ their inner disputes can be modulated ciologists on the subject of class; I do (We need not here enter into the ques­ occupation a determining factor in through mergers and agreements, the not feel my time was well spent. There tion of what makes an "adequate the history of their lives. If it works, opposition between vocational groups are a number of valuable empirical sample"; presumably, the pollers of this hypothesis points back to an ac­ can also be mediated and in any case some intellectual sophistication have tuality. Otherwise, why should it studies of class, but hardly a significant does not involve class exploitation. solved the problem.) Centers found work better than others? Why should theoretical work. Only a few years The test, then, of a fundamental so­ that 51 per cent of his respondents we be prompted to start with this ago the most prominent American so­ cial division is the difficulty of remov­ ciologist, Talcott Parsons, Professor at identified themselves with the "work­ rather than another hypothesis? ing it. But the mere fact that the Harvard, wrote: "the Marxian view of ing class." Obviously, working class ?p~osition between worker and cap­ If you want to estimate what Weber the importance of class structure has does not have the depreciatory over­ ItalIst may be declared integral to calls the "life-changes" of a person, the in a broad way been vindicated." tones of lower class; hence, more peo­ capitalism proves only that its dura­ single most important fact to know (Papers, American Economic Associa­ ple were ready to make that identifica­ ~ion will be equal to that of capital­ about him is his occupation. That tion, May, 1949). But there is little tion. Even here the problem is com­ Ism; not yet anything about its inten­ is true, however, only in situations evidence that this remark has been plicated by the fact that many of the sity or importance. In any case, the where class relations predominate. It taken seriously by American sociolo­ 1,100 answers were probably not based statement that the classes are irrecon- is not true in a society with rigid gists. on any precise notion of what a 138 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May"' ••• 1952 139 worker is; several factory owners more than suggest its quality. He has are not closely correlated with the ob­ ist assumptions. "One's job," con­ placed themselves in that category. been criticized in the academic jour­ jective economic position of groups. cluded Lynd, "is the watershed down But dearly, it is a considerable ad­ nals for drawing conclusions favorable The most enlightening of these ... are which the rest of one's life tends to vance over the Fortune poll. to a Marxist view from correlations the questions relating to individual flow in Middletown." not high enough to be conclusive. In opportunity to rise as contrasted with Since Centers used a psychological Another valuable books of this kind any case, his book shows conclusively the existence of fixed classes. On this is Elmtown's Youth by A. B. Hollings­ definition of class, he could discover that in terms even of self-awareness, issue, people at all levels adhere over­ head. This is a study of high-school only what we would call data with which often lags behind reality, the whelmingly to the traditional Amer­ youth in a Mid-Western town, "de­ regard to class-consciousness. N onethe­ notion that America is a middle-class ican belief. They expect either them­ signed to test the hypothesis that the less, some of his material is highly country, so dear to propagandists and selves or their children to 'get social behavior of adolescents is re­ interesting: ahead.' " In other words, Kornhauser's professors, is simply untrue. And it lated functionally to the position their must be remembered that by far the date supports the common Marxist Whereas almost nine-tenths-87 per families occupy in the social structure cen~f large business owners and man­ most serious limitation of such a study contention that there is a certain agers are either conservative or ultra of the community." The detailed an­ is that, at best, it tells us merely what amount and kind of class conscious­ swer to this question is, of course, the conservative in political and economic ness in America-to be specified later orientation, only about one-fifth-21 per people think about themselves. book itself; the summary conclusion, ---":but not, or at least not yet, of the cen~f semi-skilled manual workers are which does not even hint at the so oriented. A.gain, although 55.5 per kind present in Europe or envisaged wealth of material collected by Hol­ cent of large businessmen can be de­ ANOTHER EXTREMELY VALUABLE in the Marxist program itself. lingshead, is that "there is a func­ scribed as ultra conservative, only 2.5 study of this kind is "Analysis of 'Class' tional relationship. between the class per cent of unskilled workers are found Structure of Contemporary American The limitations of the psychological in this category. These differences are position of an adolescent's family and Society-Psychological Bases of Class approach, particularly when based on . . . not confined to the urban strata polls which elicit purely formal re­ his social behavior in the community." alone, but are manifested between the Divisions" by Professor Arthur Korn­ rural occupational strata as well. hauser in a compendium called Indus­ sponses, are obvious. Another prev­ alent approach in American sociology trial Conflict: A Psychological Inter­ IF WE TURN TO THE academic so­ N early three-quarters of all business, is the community study. Here greater professional and white collar workers pretation. Kornhauser states his prob­ ciology journals, we find various mi­ identify themselves with the middle or lem as follows: "Problems of 'class' are flexibility of observation, distinctions nor empirical studies which demon­ between position and awareness, and upper classes. An even larger proportion concerned essentially with the social strate, for example, that even among of all manual workers, 79 per cent, iden­ particularly between verbal response orientations presumed to grow out of elementary school children class posi­ tify . . . with the working and lower and observable attitude are possible. classes. people's contrasting objective condi­ tion helps determine major areas of But these studies suffer from one cen­ tions.... To what extent are the behavior; or that in a city like Oak­ There are large and statistically sig­ tral limitation: for purpose of conven­ acknowledged income and occupa­ land, California there is considerable nificant differences among occupational ience they usually employ medium­ strata as determined by the battery of tional contrasts of our society accom­ social mobility, though most of it is to sized mid-Western cities, usually of questions concerned with conservatism­ panied by significant psychological be found wi thin the middle class and about 50,000 people. It happens, how­ radicalism. The top occupational strata differences?" Using a variety of polls, from the upper strata of the working are marked by their adherence to the ever, that the social weight of the Kornhauser submits them to exhaus­ class to the middle class. One inter­ status quo . . . the lowest occupationai United States at the present time is tive analysis. Though unsympathetic esting study, by Alfred Jones, investi­ groups are distinguished by their lack probably in the large cities; in the of support of the status quo and by their to the Marxist approach, Kornhauser gated the attitudes of Akron, Ohio small-city community studies both endorsement of views clearly radical in concludes: "In all these examples [of residents during the 1938 sit-down character. [Center's use of "radicalism" the major institutions of capitalism polls] from quite independent sources, strikes; his questionnaire was focussed is open to question; perhaps "social re­ and the major sectors of the working marked differences in opinions are on opinions of corporate property. form" would be more adequate.] class must be by-passed. seen to be correlated with the objec­ Slightly more than 75 per cent of the A substantial degree of relationship is also found between political behavior and tive differences in income and occupa­ Of these studies the most significant Akron population was found to be occupational status. The higher groups tion.... There is some indication that still remain Robert Lynd's Middle­ not "unfavorable" toward corporate are characterized by much greater sup­ upper and lower economic groups town and its sequel Middletown in property; 16 per cent violently anti- port of the traditionally conservative Re­ have tended to draw farther apart in Transition. Though Lynd did not . corporate and 8 per cent procorporate. publican Party than is the case with the the past few years-particularly as find, of course, a thoroughly aware This, in terms of conscious attitudes lower occupational strata. seen in the decreasing favor of the bourgeoisie pitted against a thorough­ and opinions-at a time when the These paragraphs, taken almost at New Deal at high income levels. . . . ly aware proletariat, his analysis makes Akron workers were, objectively, chal­ random from Centers' book, do little On many issues, of course, attitudes sense only in terms of generally Marx- lenging private property "rights"

140 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May.Jua. 1952 141 through sit-down strikes. Here we century, and in considerable measure, middle class goes deeper than the do now. This was also somewhat true have statistical verification of the up to the end of the World War. figures might suggest, for it is often of independent artisans as well. But common observation that there are By 1870 most of this had changed. in the interests of big capital to leave the "new middle class," often com­ great "contradictions" of attitude Among people employed in agricul­ certain of the independent strata on posed of salaried employees in tertiary among the American workers. ture, 25 per cent were tenants and 30 paper, although they are completely ("service") industries and of bure~u­ dependent on the big undertakings. cratic fat in primary and secondary In­ And, indeed, it is hard to escape the per cent propertyless laborers. The old middle class, composed of small dustries-these are highly vulnerable feeling-though I think it should be to capitalist crisis. They have no social resisted-that sociological research on independent entrepeneurs, was clear­ ABOUT THE FAMOUS "new middle ly declining, and declining much as stake in terms of property; they have class mainly confirms what we already class" there is not much need to write only an economic stake in terms of in­ "know" through observation and his­ Marx predicted it would. In 1870 the here·; most of what needs to be said independent middle class still formed come; their increasingly mechanized torical analysis. This is largely due to appears in C. Wright Mills' excellent work 'lowers" them to a semi-prole­ the fact that there is nowhere in ex­ 33 per cent of the gainfully employed; book. A few points, however: The by 19'40 it had shrunk to 20 per cent. tarian level; large numbers of them istence a serious generalizing study of "new middle class," by virtue of being are ideologically oriented and smitten American class relations-a lack which Writing in The Marxist QuaTteTly~ propertyless, is at least as dependent with the malaise characteristic of mod­ casts as great discredit on American January 1937, Lewis Corey found that on capitalist production as the work­ ern urban life. Consequently, they Marxists, with their claim to a special "The economic power of independent ing class and perhaps, because of its often form, as they did in Germany, interest in the subject, as it does on enterprisers is as relatively insignifi­ comparative lack of social cohesion, one of the most explosive groups in professional sociologists, despite the cant as their numbers. Not more than even more so. The small entrepeneurs modem society. fact that the latt~r have far greater 400,000 are engaged in manufactur­ could, at one time, partly insulate opportunities for such a study. ing, mining, construction, and trans­ themselves from capitalist crisis: the There remains, most important of portation, where they are over­ farmers, during the period of capital­ all, the working class, and of all classes Nonetheless, a few provisional re­ whelmed by the might of concentrated ist expansion, could avoid the worst the least studied or analyzed. Compris­ marks-and they will, finally, lead us corporate capital. They flourish most effects of city depressions, if only be­ ing a majority of the gainfully-em­ back to Bell's thesis-are possible. actively in trade, where the chain cause they consumed theri own prod­ ployed population, organized into powerful trade unions, this class re­ The classless ideal was closest to stores make constantly greater gains." uce to a far greater extent than they Since Corey wrote, economic condi­ tains its strategic position in society, realization in America during the immediately, as a powerful bargaining 1820's and 1830's. Seventy per cent of tions have changed considerably, but this description, by and large. still *Except for a word on the article in So­ and pressure group, ultimately, as a the gainfully occupied worked for cialism and American Life by Wilbert lever for the establishment of social­ themselves. The frontier made acqui­ holds. Moore, the sociologist who has already distinguished himself with respect to dem­ ism. Though the percentage of the sition of landed property quite easy. A report of the Smaller War Plants ocratic centralism. Moore challenges the Marxist analysis by citing the existence working class in relation to the total Only 15 per cent of the gainfully em­ Corporation in 1945 declared that: of several occupational groups which, he of gainfully-employed has decreased ployed were wage workers. Then, in­ says. "do not tlt into either of the ap­ somewhat since 1870, there has been deed, there was a middle-class Amer­ The relative importance of big busi­ proved Marxian categories." But this re­ ness, particularly the giant corporations, mark gives away his whole case: it a sharp increase in the number of ica. In Triumph of American Cap­ assumes that Marx "approved" of only two increased sharply during the war, while categories, bourgeois and proletarian; it workers engaged in manufacturing italism~ another product of salad days, the position of small business declined. assumes, that is, that Marx was an industries. Writes Fritz Sternberg: Louis Hacker wrote: . . . In each of the war industries, with ass. Professor Moore cites the presence of farmers, service-industry employees, but one exception, firms with 10,000 or white-collar workers and professionals; In 1929 the number of workers in . . . if industrial workers in America more employees grew in relative im..;. though what he supposes he is proving by [manufacturing] industries was 10.5 mil­ did not migrate westward to become free portance. In manufacturing as a whole, this citation--other than the fact that lions, in 1938 it was 9.2 millions and in farmers, certainly potential workers did these few giants accounted for 13 per many of these are not proletarians-is not 1939 it was 10 millions. But during the . . . small farmers of New York, New clear. Modern industry has, he says, be­ cent of total employment in 1939, and come bureaucratized to an extent unfore­ war it rose to 15 millions in 1942, and England, the British Isles, Germany and for fully 31 per cent of the total in seen by Marx. Perhaps so, perhaps not; reached its highest point in 1943, with Scandinavia who began to fill up first which made few gains during the war, what Marx foresaw is not tlnally of tlrst 17.3 millions. But even in 1945 it was the old North West and then the prairie 1944. . • • In the nonwar industries, importance; but what Is important is that still 15.3 millions, and in 1948, 14.1 States would have been converted early this development does not contlict with small business, generally speaking, held the basic Marxist analysis. The growth of millions. into industrial workers . . . if they had its own. Taking manufacturing as a bureaucracy, insofar as it is not the con­ not had the opportunities to continue whole, the giants expanded greatly, while sequence of war-time sloth, is due pri­ This concentration of workers in farming under more satisfactory condi­ all other firms, especially small business, marily to the shift from individual to manufacturing industry seems all the tions. These opportunities were to be corporate ownership. Professor Moore suffered a substantial decline. . . . thinks this may sometimes make it diffi­ more significant when one recalls that, found in the American West, certainly cult for the worker to identify just who throughout the whole of the nineteenth The destruction of the independent the capitalist is! despite the increase in agricultural 142 THE NEW '"TEINAT'ONAl May-J ••• 1952 143 production, there has been a steady reaucrats, quasi-intellectuals - for they, however, had enough sense not I think it indisputable that during though not uninterrupted decrease in whom the war economy has provided to use. Actually, of course, no class, the past 50 years America has become the number of farmers in America. a "natural culture" in which to thrive except in very rare circumstances, can increasingly stratified into social Nor do these figures adequately sug­ and spawn. be said to have a· homogeneous con­ classes. The social mobility tradition­ gest the social weight of the working There is of course some mobility: sciousness. In America today there are ally associated with this country is, class, its increasing coherence as a that is what we mean by speaking of various levels of class consciousness except in certain limited sectors of force in American life. a class society rather than a caste so­ among the workers, ranging from a the middle class, a thing of the past; THERE REMAINS THE difficult prob­ ciety. In a fine study called "The Mid­ tiny minority of socialists to a con­ and such of it as remains, is largely lem: to what extent does social mo­ dle Classes in Middle-Sized Cities" siderable minority which identifies it­ the dubious fruit of war economy. In bility still play a significant role in (A merican Sociological Review, Octo­ self with the middle class. But it is terms of income, this stratification is determining the life and attitudes of ber 1946), C. Wright Mills found that indisputable that there has been an graphically demonstrated. The Cen­ workers? No very precise answer can, the group of small businessmen and immense increase of a certain kind of sus Bureau, in its 1951 report, found or need, be given; it is enough to professionals contained the largest class consciousness during the past that the top fifth of the American note that, despite the temporary in­ proportion of people who had climbed few decades. The rise of the CIO, one population gets nearly half, 47 per crease in mobility that has undoubted­ from lower strata, 18 per cent having of the two or three most important cent of the nation's money income (be­ ly occurred during the past decade, had working class fathers and 9 per events in 20th century American his­ fore taxes) while the bottom fifth gets the general tendency during the past cent low-income white-collar fathers. tory, is sufficient evidence. Where most only three per cent. The top 40 per half century has been toward more But both the top, Big Business and AFL unions previously cultivated a cent of the nation's money income (be­ rigid stratification. Writing in the Executive, and the bottom, Wage job or craft consciousness, the CIO of money income while the bottoin 60 early 1940's, the Temporary National Worker, showed considerable rigidity, has given a certain generalized con­ per cent gets 20 per cent of income. Economic Committee of the U. S. nine out of ten wage workers coming tent to the conception of "the labor This is hardly a picture of equality or Congress found that: from wage working families. movement"; has aligned a consider­ even of fairly evenly balanced compe­ able section of the American workers, ting groups. What these facts (as many others It is widely recognized that substan­ the most aware and militant, as a co­ that could be cited) suggest is aptly tial opportunity for promotion does not hered group battle for common ends. Of the "interest blocs" proposed by exist for a large proportion of the generalized in Social Life7 one of the True, the CIO accepts the continued Bell, three-labor, farmer, business­ workers. . . . Most of them, therefore, better sociology texts, by Melvin existence of capitalism; it does not, are social classes; three others, vaguely must look forward to remaining more or Tumin and John Bennett: less at their current levels despite the of course, have socialist consciousness; referred to in terms of Valley Author­ havoc this may visit upon the American Mobility has slacked off as the United but it represents a consolidation, both ities, are apparently regional group­ tradition of 'getting ahead.' States developed a stable economy and in economic and political terms, of ings. Only the remaining three-the wealth-power system. Instead of a gen­ aged, the veterans, and the minority A recent study of employment in the strongest elements within the eral tendency toward mobility we find groups-may properly be called inter­ Oakland, California (by Reinhold that mobility is highly variable for cer­ American working class. This may not est blocs, and even they split up along Bendix and Seymour Lipset, Ameri­ tain points in the class system where be entirely what Marxists want; class lines. But if it is merely the can Journal of Sociology7 February, temporary economic changes require new n~ither i,~ it ~owever what the apolo­ personnel, as in the recent war when the existence of either the regional group­ 1952) indicates that there has been an glSts for a mIddle class America" pre­ demand for highly skilled workers was ings or the special interest blocs that increase of movement between top sume to exist. It is an intermediary suddenly increased many times over pre­ invalidates the Marxist theory, then strata of the working class and the war conditions. stage, mixed, complicated-as all de­ that theory was never valid even in middle class; empirical observation velopments in actual history, as dis­ With this factual background, we Europe. Both France and Germany among the Detroit auto workers sug­ tinct from theories about history, must can touch for a moment on the prob­ have often been disturbed by conflicts gests that during the war and imme­ be. lem of class consciousness. To what between provinces and regions; Eng­ diate post-war years some of the more extent, if at all, are American workers land has witnessed long struggles be­ adventuresome left the factories to set class conscious? It is easy enough for WE CAN NOW RETURN to Bell's theory tween England proper and Scotland, up small businesses; but by and large liberal writers to reach glib general­ of America as the scene of mobile as recently England proper and Wales. there seems no reason for supposing izations: the American workers are ~ompetin? pressure groups working No one has yet thought to suggest that that the degree of mobility among not socialists, hence they are not class In a fleXIble, managed economy, in the presence of these conflicts removed the workers has been nearly as great conscious. Behind this argument there which there is no ruling class but a class struggles from the countries of as among the various elements of the is the assumption that Marx filled out sharing, with whatever friction, of Europe; and unless someone is bold middle class-operators, fixers, bu- a prescription for the workers which political power. enough to declare the conflict of in- 144 THE NEW INTERNATIONAl. May...... 1952 145 terest between the Columbia Valley in the long run these blocs align into "we may regard it as out of the question how to prevent the gap from opening up Authority and, say, the Tennessee social classes. Merely to point to a that in the future there will be any eco­ in an economic organism for which the Valley Authority (or any conHict like multiplicity of causes or factors in nomic expansion of the United States process of external expansion has not, it) more important to an understand­ history represents no very great wis­ beyond her own frontiers to an extent and cannot have, anything like the effect dom; the problem is to weigh causes that will make it a decisive factor for the that it formerly had for Europe . • . the ing of American life than the conflict solution of the market problem .•. U. S. economic organism has become between capitalists and workers, then and factors, to see them in internal extremely vulnerable to economic crisis the mere listing of nine groups in an relationship. This much done, it be­ The industrial production of the United -as the 1929 crisis clearly demonstrated unequal series does nothing to dis­ comes clear that the farm bloc in States is much greater than that of Eu­ -the gigantic increase of production and prove the Marxist approach either. American history, for all its impor­ rope, not including the Soviet Union. ,industrial concentration has still further N ow when a social organism which ac­ increased this vulnerability.... tance, has not been able to shape counts for almost half the total produc­ In certain limited situations, the fundamental policy, and never will. tion of the world enters a phase of out­ Another New Deal, then, would, if Bell hypothesis has limited use. If ward expansion, then that expansion you want to take a narrow-focus view The conflicts-and they are real must take on an incomparably greater it had any chance for success, have to of American politics, to examine why enough-that occur between big busi­ scale if it is to obtain the same results manage the economy so radically that certain temporary alignments occur ness and the state are conflicts be­ as were obtained by European capitalist it could create full employment with expansion in the second half of the nine­ a steady growth of production and in the Democratic Party, it may be tween sectional capitalist interests and teenth century. profitable to think in terms of com­ the general political interests of Amer­ labor productivity. Thus far, not a peting interest blocs. But so soon as ican capitalism which, because of its Sternberg then proceeds to show single capitalist state has succeeded you try to define trends that run unprecedented international position, that in the United States foreign trade in doing this. In Britain, where full deeper and longer than a transient must take into account all sorts of in relation to production as a whole employment was achieved, it came maneuvre, you will have to think in domestic pressures from labor, farm­ was always much smaller than was the from a mixture of war economy and terms of classes. ers and other groups in order to pre­ case with any of the European indus­ an effort to transform the capitalist serve the necessary domestic balance trial powers. During the past several system. The relation between the "interest for the creation of a war economy. Yet years, the ratio between U. S. military bloc" and the "social class" resembles the power of the capitalist class re­ expenditure and private capital ex­ The major problem of capitalism, the relation between an eclectic multi­ mains unchallenged, if not unchecked. ports has been 25 to 1. So long as this still unsolved and, so far as one can cause approach to history and histor­ The most significant test during situation continues, "it is unlikely that see, beyond solution, the problem ical materialism. The shorter a period World War II concerned the financ­ U. S. private capital will be willing which more than any single other of history you study, the less usable ing of new industrial construction; to make investments on a large scale factor determines its development and historical materialism generally is; all and here Big Business succeeded in outside the country." shapes the struggle between classes, sorts of minor problems arise which throwing the risk entirely onto the is this: the generalization of the Marxist ap· shoulders of the state, after which it Thus, the problem of markets, now proach cannot handle; but if you want took over the factories. Everything fol­ "solved" by war production, is not The power of capitalist society to to study large-scale movements of so­ lowed the blueprint (the non-existent likely to be solved by foreign invest­ accumulate capital is much greater cieties and classes, then the Marxist blueprint, no doubt, for none was ments. This leaves only the prospect than its capacity to make sustained use approach gives you a far deeper ap­ necessary) of the capitalist class. of another New Deal, that is, further of additional capital in private profit­ preciation and understanding than experiment with welfare economics making industry. any other. Something of the same within the framework of capitalism. seems to me true with regard to "in­ IN THE COMING PERIOD the basic Continues Sternberg: As against this analysis, there is terest bloc" and "social class." question with regard to class rela­ Bell's conclusion: "If a democratic tions is this: assuming no immediate On the assumption that there is no society is to survive ... then some For the error that Bell makes is not war, will the U. S. economic system world war, the time will come when the new sense of civic obligation must in suggesting that the "interest bloc" be in a position to utilize its gigan­ U. S. armaments sector stabilizes itself arise that will be strong enough at a certain level, and perhaps even de­ approach can be valuable, but that it tic productive capacity to the full or to commend the allegiance of all should be counterposed to the Marxist clines. When this comes about, the U. S. will it again become involved in mar­ economic system and U. S. society will groups and provide a principle of approach. The trouble with Bell's ket difficulties and economic crisis? be faced with the question which Roose­ equity in the distribution of the re­ method is, however, that when used velt tried and failed to answer in the wards and privileges of society." for large-scale social intervals it fails In his book Capitalism and Social· 'New Deal'-namely, how to close the Imagine: to have labored with such to recognize any principle of subordi­ ism on TTial~ Fritz Sternberg offers gap between a gigantic volume of pro­ duction and a volume of consumption energy and talent, only to produce so nation among blocs; it fails to see that an answer of the Marxist type: which lags behind it, or, perhaps better, scraggly a mouse I 146 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May...... 1952 147 sneered Sombart, "socialistic Utopias ability to resolve a basic dilemma of IV Setbacks to American Socialism of every sort are sent to their doom." ethics and politics. The socialist move­ ment, by its very statement of goal and (II) American Marxism! at least in its rejection of the capitalist order as WHY HAS SOCIALISM FAILED to thrive labor meant, during the most of the a whole, could not relate itself to the in America? Of course, this question 19th and part of the 20th centuries, since 1919, has been dependent on specific problems of social action in the can be misleading since there were that the working class could enjoy the course of European Marxism. The here-and-now, give-and-take political times when it did thrive, most of all, relatively high wages. Simultaneously, decline during the past two decades world. It was trapped by the unhappy problem of living 'in but not of the during the period of 1912-1918 and, the scarcity of labor stimulated the of the American socialist groups, while partly the result of native conditions, ,world,' so it could only act, and then in­ to a lesser extent, during the early invention of labor-saving devices, adequately, as the moral, but not political, 1930's. Nonetheless, socialism in which, in turn, meant a high level of is to a large extent a reflection of the man in immoral society. It could never America has never established itself productivity. numerous defeats suffered by Euro­ resolve but only straddle the basic issue pean radicalism. of either accepting capitali.st society, and as the formidable force that it became seeking to transform it from within as in Europe, never won the support of (6) For many decades, until the be­ ginning and perhaps into the 20th (12) The damage done by Stalin­ the labor movement did, or becoming the the labor movement or any appre­ sworn enemy of that ~ociety, like the century, the Western frontier, by ab­ ism to the socialist cause is incalcu­ ciable section of the population. The communists. sorbing critical sections of the popula­ lable.. Coming in a country already usual reason for this fact are well inhospitable to socialism, the appear­ If the fancy distinction between enough known, and despite their la­ tion, prevented an exacerbation of class conflict in the East. ance of Stalinism as a powerful force politics and morality is for the mo­ mentable lack of novelty (which in the thirties and forties created a ment removed, this description is would immediately disqualify them (7) Because of the constant influx misapprehension as to the nature of rather like the classical one of a "cen­ in the eyes of some intellectuals) they of immigrants from central and east­ socialism that is likely to linger for trist" party, one that is neither Marx­ seem to me still true. Without ado, let ern Europe, the American working some time. ist nor reformist, but vacillates be­ me list these reasons briefly: class was sharply split into native tween the two. Bell's explanation for aristocrat and depressed immigrant, the American socialist movement hav­ (1) The absence of a feudal past in IN LISTING THESE causes and condi­ America, which meant ·that capitalism a split which postponed the emer­ ing been in this predicament is much gence of class unity. tions, I do not wish to minimize the too portentous and unhistorical. The could develop here with a minimum ineptitude of American socialism it­ of restrictions. socialist movement proved unable to (8) Strategically located at a (until self, the many failures it brought upon relate itself to the "here-and-now" (2) The tremendous natural re­ recently) safe distance from Europe, its own back; but that is the subject political world not because of its re­ sources available on the American the United States was not burdened for another article. Suffice it to say jection of the capitalist order; for continent, untapped and readily ac­ with the upkeep of a large standing that this ineptitude is, in part, a reflex there were clearly many radical parties cessible. army. of the unfavorable historical setting in Europe which rejected the capital­ which the United States has presented (9) As one of the last major capital­ ist order and yet managed very much (3) America has been a unified land to socalism; and while I do not be­ to relate themselves to "here-and­ area, thus avoiding the problem of ist powers to appear on the world lieve that the hour always calls forth market, the United States could take now" politics. The socialist movement frontiers cutting up natural economic the required movement or man, sure­ in America failed to do this because units, as they have in Europe. advantage of the most recent indus­ I y a more favorable situation would trial innovations of Europe and apply of specific conditions which kept it, have led to a larger and more signifi­ for the most part, in the unhappy (4) Because capitalist society start­ them on a mass scale beyond the re­ cant socialist movement. ed largely afresh in this country, or at sources of Europe. condition of being a sect. In other least only against a past of small farm­ Bell does not exactly ignore the words, the problem is explained in (10) Because of the above factors, ing and handicraft, it did not have above factors, but he insists that most specific historical terms, not in terms there has been, during the past half­ to fight the usual internal bourgeois of them are "not causes but condi­ of some timeless and portentous pat­ century or so, a rise in real wages in revolution except as against the slave­ tions"-a distinction of limited value, tern which has the socialist movement the United States, that is, a rise in owning South. Consequently, the since a condition militating against forever torn between political imme­ the standard of living-by no means working class was not involved in rev­ the growth of socialism may also be diacy and moral motivation. commensurate with the possibilities olutionary struggles during its in­ seen as a cause of its failure to grow. opened up by the expansion of pro­ Now Bell has, in his own way, hit fancy. His own explanation is: duction and the increase of produc­ upon a real problem: how does a (5) The great demand for labor tivity, but a rise nonetheless. "On the that the failure of the socialist movement Marxist group survive in historically power and the constant scarcity of reefs of roast beef and apple pie," in the United States i.s rooted in its in- unfavorable intervals? The radical 148 THE HEW INTERNATIONAL May-June 1952 149 movement is characterized, he says, by shrewdly put, others reveal a total The point can be generalized. Eu­ of capitalist society. His position is the "orgiastic chiliasm" of the Ana­ neglect of the role of political ideas ropean Social Democracy was re­ different from that of the traditional baptists, a phrase Karl Mannheim ap­ in shaping the course of history. But peatedly close to power, repeatedly Social Democrats in one major re­ plied to suggest messianic hope, ec­ let us grant that this description has had at its command the allegiance of spect: he realizes that in America static faith in the millennium to a certain rough empirical relevance masses of people, yet never did it suc­ there is no room for a Social Demo­ come. "But the 'revolution' is not al­ for American socialism. What Bell ceed in solving even those immediate cratic organization. Whereas in Eu­ ways in sight, and the question of fails entirely to consider is: how does problems which, Bell tells us, the rope Social Democracy built its own how to discipline this chiliastic zeal it work for Europe'! chiliastic zeal of American socialists bureaucratic structure with its own and hold it in readiness has been the prevented them from solving. And jobs and status and power, in America basic problem of socialist strategy." It doesn't. It doesn't work for either why? Precisely because the European the Social Democrats have had to find Continues Bell: the reformists or the Marxists, for Social Democrats had become of so­ their jobs and their status and their the practical politicians or the chil­ ciety rather than merely being in it; power in the trade unions, the state In effect, the Socialist Party acknowl­ iastic moralist. Take the chiliastic precisely because they had abandoned and the quasi-intellectual industries. edged the fact that it lived 'in' the world, their earlier intransigant opposition. And what Bell is saying to his friends but refused the responsibility of becom­ Communist Party of Germany in the ing a part 'of' it. But such a straddle early 1920's (when it still was a Com­ Bell's argument is shattered by the of the Rand School is, in effect: let's is impossible for a political movement. munist Party.) It had no trouble in fact that, particularly in Europe, im­ recognize the situation for what it is. . . . Each issue could be met only by an deeply involving itself in every con­ mediate problems can no longer be For our part, we have no objection ambiguous political formula which would crete political problem of the mo­ solved in themselves; they wait upon satisfy neither the purist nor the activist whatever, to this advice. 'Ve merely ment. Or the greatest chiliasts of them a fundamental social reorganization. who lived with the daily problem of insist, however, that the problem of all, the Russian Bolsheviks. They choice. When the Loyalists in Spain de­ socialism remains; that it is not, in manded arms, for example, the Socialist came to power by finding immediate BELL'S GENERAL SCHEMA HAS, then, this modern world, an academic one; Party could only respond with a feeble slogans which corresponded to both policy of 'workers aid,' not (capitalist) no validity for either Marxism or So­ that it offers the only solution to a their chiliastic intentions and the so­ government aid; but to the Spaniard, cial Democracy on a world-wide scale; crisis of society that is steadily destroy­ cial needs of the masses. So we see arms, not theoretical niceties, were the at best, it tells us what we know only ing civilization. need of the moment. When the young that the mere fact of intransigant op­ too well: that in a country with rela­ trade unionists, whom the socialists In a certain sense, then, Bell's view position to society (being in but not tive social stability, it is difficult to seeded into the labor movement, faced of it) does not necessarily prevent a helps clear the air: it forces people to the necessity of going along politically keep a Marxist group intact, caught decide whether socialism still has any with Roosevelt and the New Deal in political movement from making con­ as it is between its unrealizable final real-life meaning for them or whether order to safeguard progressive legisla­ tact wi th the reali ties of the moment. program and the pressures to treat tive gains, the socialists proposed a 'labor it is merely a pleasant recollection. immediate issues in terms of political party' rather than work with the Demo­ And the same thing, in a different compromise. But this is hardly news: Bell makes his choice, we ours. crats, and so the Socialist Party lost way, is true of the Social Democrats. almost its entire trade-union base. The it is the one problem more than any Leon Bl um, the Social Democratic threat of fascism and World War II other that American Marxists have leader, was prime minister of France • finally proved to be the clashing rocks discussed ad infinitum and, I am al­ through which the socialist argonauts during the Spanish Civil War. Unlike IF THE READER HAS been indulgent most tempted to say, ad nauseam. could not row safely. How to defeat Hit­ his impotent American comrades, he thus far, he may wonder what positive And by its very nature it is an insol­ ler without supporting capitalist society? was in a position to do something conclusions follow from my polemic Some socialists raised the slogan of a uble problem: so long as the situations very concrete for the Spanish Loyal­ against the articles in Socaliism and 'third force.' The Socialist Party, how­ exist that forces Marxist groups to ists; he didn't have to content him­ American Life. In a sense, none. I ever, realized the futility of that effort; remain sects, they will be in a condi­ in characteristic form, it chose abnega­ self with vague phrases about "work­ think nothing is more preposterous tion of intermittent or chronic crisis. tion. The best way to stem fascism, it ers aid," though in France even that than the kind of crank ism that period­ stated, 'is to make democracy work at home.' But could the issue be resolved would have meant a great deal; he But if Bell's theory is not very help­ ically afflict the socialist movement: if other than militarily? The main concern could have utilized his position of ful, its implications are very interest­ only we pass this resolution or adopt of the anti-fascist movement had to be power, as head of the Peoples Front, ing. In effect, he is saying that social­ that tactic, or "turn our faces" here, with the political center of fascist power, to help Loyalist Spain on a mass ists should abandon the whole idea of all will be well. But clearly, for the Hitler's Berlin, and any other concern was peripheral. scale. Why didn't he? Surely he was building an independent movement, next period, all will not be well; and no chiliast, surely he was not torn by that they should integrate themselves nothing, no frenzied gesture here or I am not going to discuss the spe­ the conflict between politics and mo­ (as so many have, and with such de­ desperate device there, will seriously cific points raised by Bell; a few are rality, immediacy and ultimates? lightful comfort!) into the institutions change things. 150 THE NEW INT,.NATIONAI. May-June 1952 151 But there are other opportunities. done-for socialists to sneer at the fact One of the false notions that has that no full-scale study of class rela­ Aspects of Russian Imperialism arisen in recent years is that the Amer­ tions in this country has been under-. ican socialist movement failed because taken by professional sociologists. The Drives Behind RUBsian Aggrandizement it was too "theoretical." If anything Why has no Marxist undertaken it? it was the other way: the movement And similarly with other problems: FROM THE TURN OF THE CENTURY therefore non-imperialist. This is the was not theoretical enough. In no ma­ the changing nature of imperialism, to the Stalin-Hitler pact, Marxists dis­ line of thinking of not only confused jor country has Marxism heen so in­ the historical estimate of Bolshevism, cussed imperialism primarily as a people but has become a favorite de­ tellectuall y barren, so devoid of origi­ the theoretical description of Stalin­ phenomenon of capitalist society. Im­ vice of the "theoretical" apologis-ts for nal or even serious critical work. At ism, etc, etc. If we find unsatisfactory, perialism in pre-capitalist societies Russia's countless violations of the various times, this may not have mat­ as we must, the contributions in So­ was, of course, recognized. No Marxist rights of weaker nations. tered too much, say in 1912, when the 'cialism and American Life, we had denied the existence of Roman im­ Examining the Russian policy in movement was expanding, or in 1933, better acknowledge that there is noth­ perialism, whose aim was the extrac­ the light of our earlier definition, when an appreciable group of trained ing of similar solidity or size from a tion of loot, slaves and tribute from however, will tend to eliminate confu­ intellectuals spoke in the name of Marxist point of view. Why this is so, surrounding barbarians. Imperialism sion resulting from a comparison of Marxism. Today, however, when the I shall not try here to explain. But in antiquioty was widespread and feu­ imperialisms stemming from two dis­ number of difficult political problems the time is surely at hand-perhaps. dal imperialism, too, was known and tinctly different systems. It is the pur­ tha t beset socialists is so large, and the long overdue-for sustained intellectu­ acknowledged as such. "The policy, pose of this article to examine some number of intellectual opponents who al work, for an assessment of the tra­ practice or advocacy of seeking to ex­ of the methods which Russian Stalin­ batter at our walls so tremendous, the dition, for a confrontation of critics, tend the control, dominion or empire ism uses in its attempts to extend F us­ need is clearly for sustained and seri­ for an examination of problems on of a nation" was a broad definition of sia's "control, dominion or empire" ous intellectual work. It will not do more than a tactical or empirical or imperialism applying to all societies for the benefit of the Stalinist bureau­ much longer-it should never have journalistic level. Irving HO\VE engaged in the systematic spoliation cracy. of foreign states foi the express bene­ fit of the exploiting power. FROM SHIFTING CENTERS of world There's a Reason Why It is, unfortunately, the view of many power modern capitalist imperialism within the Marxist movement today penetrated backward areas, trans­ that imperialism is unique to capital­ forming their economies and subordi­ ANVIL AND STUDENT PARTISAN ism. The concern of Marxists before nating them to the world market. It did not, however, transform its subject has fhe 'argesf circu'afion of any serious studenf magazine. the advent of Stalinism with capitalist imperialism was a. natural one as no areas into replicas of the home coun­ * Articles on literature and the arts as well as on the tries, and the colonial areas were social sciences. other form of imperialism presented * The rallyinCJ point of proCJressive political thouCJht and an existing threat to the democratic never allowed to reach an advanced action on the campus. and socialist movement, and Stalinist level of industrial development. * The instrument of anti-war sentiment opposinCJ both imperialism was not a predictable Stalin's and the West's drive to war. Because it exports neither its ad­ phenomenon. Consequently, the only vanced economy nor its bourgeois de­ SUBSCRIBE! READ! SELL! DISTRIBUTE! imperialism many: can recognize is mocracy to colonial areas, the capital­ capitalist imperialism, characterized ist world presents a varied picture of by the export of capital, the exploita­ political and social institutions. Stal­ ANVIL AND STUDENT PARTISAN tion of foreign labor-power and the inist imperialism, however, offers no 247 LexinCJton Avenue, New York 16, N. Y. acquisition of cheap sources of raw such variety. If there appears to be a Enter my name as a subscriber for 5 issuel at $1 . .... material in an effort to increase the different emphasis in its policy toward rate of profit. But Russia does not ex­ Street ... various satellite countries, this is only port capital, she has no individual because certain areas serve distinctive Name capitalist benefiiting from a higher needs of the Russian ruling class, and City .. ... Stat•...... rate of profit, industries in satellite must be treated accordingly. nations are being nationalized, etc. Conclusion: Russia is anti-capitalist The exploitation of the satellites

152 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May-JUDe 1952 153 cannot be mere expropriation of their Consequently Bulgaria sends wool Russia's inability to alter her own That the Eastern countries are very surplus goods. Their economic sub­ and leather to Russia despite grave productivity in order to provide for much in need of such economic assist­ ordination to the needs of Russia's shortages of shoes and clothing at the development of joint production ance can best be illustrated by the fact war economy must be assured even if home. When raw materials exist in in an even if one sided manner. Rus­ that in 1947 both Poland and Czecho­ it is accomplished through fundamen­ sufficient quantities to justify con­ sia and her satellites do not have com­ slovakia expressed their willingness to tal upheavals in the productive pat­ tinued production the Russians often plementary economies, in that the accept aid under the Marshall Plan. terns of the satellite countries which allow the satellites to maintain exist­ Kremlin is unable to supply the sub­ contradict their own basic economic ing plants which do not manufacture jugated nations with the machinery THE RUSSIANS HOLD complete domi­ needs. farm products. required for their industrialization. nation over all foreign trade with the Nevertheless, she makes increasing de­ The Titoists, for instance, have Bulgarian copper plants continue satellite countries. In 1948 Russia im­ mands on them for deli very of goods claimed that Russian national policy to purify native ore-for use in Rus­ ported goods totalling 169 million dol­ and these demands tend to create in­ expressed itself in the maintenance of sia's metallurgical factories. The "Vul­ lars from the Eastern European coun­ tolerable pressures on the local econ­ a basically agricultural economy in can" factory still manufactures cement tries (excluding Yugoslavia) as com­ omy. The bulk of the industrial aid Yugoslavia impeding her native need for export to Russia, and the thermo­ pared with 7 million dollars in 1938. required by the satellite states, more­ for industrialization. Russia wished to electric plant, "Republic," uses coal She exported a total of 128 millions over, does not come from the USSR maintain Yugoslavia as a source of from the Pernik mines. Whenever pos­ in 1948 (excluding Yugoslavia) as but from the more highly industrial­ agricultural e~ploitation, and to in­ sible, Bulgarian production is used as compared with 14 millions in 1932.2 Ized countries within the Russian dustrialize her around an agricultural an auxiliary to Russian military man­ Much of this increase in export was sphere of influence. The aid offered base: developing industries which in­ ufacture, and munition plants and made possible by production in sat~l­ by Russia in the form of a $300 mil­ creased agricultural produce, such as factories for overhauling Russian lite states, which Russia is able to ob­ lion loan to China and additional the processing of materials, for ferti­ military vehicles have been built.! tain at a price far below the prevail­ small loans to Poland are a mere to­ lizer or the manufacture of products ing market price, and to resell abroad In Hungary, on the other hand, in­ ken when considering the actual needs from agricultural materials. Thus the at below current prices in order to dustrialization is progressing along of these countries. Trade agreements national need for the development of Obtain foreign currency.3 Bulgarian lines originally initiated by the old between satellites aid in their mutual a powerful native industry was obvi­ rose oil, tobacco, shoes, Chinese bris­ Austro-Hungarian monarchy, again industrialization. Czechoslovakia, for ated in favor of the Russian need for tles and Polish coal have all been uti­ with no effort being made by Russia example, sends industrial equipment a Yugoslavian agricultural economy. lized in this manner. When Russia to integrate Hungarian industry with and raw materials to Hungary and sells goods to the satellite states, how­ In Bulgaria we can see the realiza­ adequate supplies of native raw mate­ East Germany supplies Rumania and ever, this situation is completely re­ tion of the agricultural economy rials. Hungary suffers from basic Poland with machinery. which Russia had intended to put in­ shortages and has already announced versed. After a severe drought in 1948, to effect in Yugoslavia. Large quanti­ her intention of importing additional Although it is true that the Rus­ Czechoslovakia paid to Russia $4.00 ties of Bulgarian farm products are raw materials to maintain her heavy sians occasionally aid the productive per ton of grain, 50 per cent more appropriated for Russian use, or for industry. Furthermore, capital goods economy of the satellite states, ex­ than the prices prevailing on the sale on the world market to obtain investments have tended to create an ploitation of these countries by the world market at the time. In addition foreign currency. All Bulgarian indus­ unbalanced productivity and it be­ Russian bureaucracy prevents them to this, Russia often acts as the mid­ trialization is oriented solely toward comes increasingly evident that the from building up capital goods for dleman in transactions between two the exploitation of its agriculture. distortion of her economy cannot con­ further expansion. Normally, they of the satellite states; buying from Large factories have been built for tinue on a permanent basis without would have been able to sell finished processing tobacco (which Russia sells further economic disturbances. commodities abroad and use the pro­ abroad), for production of nitrogen ceeds to further their purchase of ma­ 2 RUBBla'.. Satellite.. In Europe-Ygael Gluckstein-George Allen & Unwin Ltd., fertilizer to aid farm production and The direct orientation of the satel­ chinery and required raw materials. p. 64. lites (both in production and in trade) Appropriation by the Russians of a for the spinning of cotton to be 3 Russia bought, from Poland, at $1.25 shipped to Russia, Wherever she finds toward the USSR, distorts native econ­ large proportion of the finished com­ per ton, a supply of coal for which Den­ omy, and is further aggravated by modity, therefore, a~ts as a powerful mark and Sweden had offered $12. She it more advantageous Russia appro­ realized from this transaction, in the priates agricultural products and force to dampen their economic prog­ course of but a single year, more than $100 million clear profit. Never did Brit­ manufactures them in the USSR. This ress and Russia, in turn, cannot com­ ain's capitalists realize so large a profit is done without any regard for the 1 Bulgarian Economy by Ivanko Gaben­ pensate for this loss since she herself from their Indian colony as did the Rus­ sky. National Committee for a Free Eu­ sian imperialists from this one example needs of the Bulgarian population. rope. has no surplus of machinery to export. of brotherly assistance. Ibid. pp. 66-67. 154 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May...... 1952 155 one, and reselling to the other at a tries by an increase in trade with n?n­ to carry out the official plan for agri­ A graphic comparison of the differ­ higher price. Not imperialism-just Stalinized sections of the world whIch cultural and consumer products. The ences between the standards of living Russian expansionism! were also outside of the Marshall Plan decline in the g.tandard of living is prevailing in Lithuania and the U. S., orbit. This would include Switzerland, reflected in the wage-price changes in for instance, can be seen in the reports Sweden, and other "neutral" areas in Bulgaria since 1939. While wages have of Lithuanian refugees. Where an av­ South America, Southeast Asia and RUSSIAN IMPERIALISM HAS PLACED A risen from an average of 63.6 leva in erage of 35 hours work will pur~hase further brake on the economic devel­ the Middle East. 1939 to the current average wage of a man's suit in America, the LIthu­ opment of its satellites by cutting off To obtain additional goods for ex­ 350-400 leva, prices have skyrocketed, anian worker will pay 1666 man their trade with the Marshall Plan port to these areas, Russia is forcing as shown on the following table.6 hours. The average salary of an un­ countries. In 1950 trade between the satellite regimes to withhold food and skilled worker in Lithuania is 300 United States and the Eastern block consumer goods from its own popula­ rubles per month; a suit costs 1500- reflected a wide margin of imports· tion. The Latvian radio, for example, 2300 rubles, and a kilogram of butter over exports, resulting in a dollar bal­ Price8 in Current repeatedly boasts of the large qua.nti­ ranges from 25-44 rubles. ance of 54 millions which could be 1939 Price8 ties of canned goods, cheese, textIles, used by the Eastern countries to pur­ (In Leva) (In Leva) The appropriation of a worker's beer and tobacco, which is shipped to chase necessary industrial goods and earnings by the various Stalinist re­ Russia, while Lithuania claims that it raw materials abroad.4 In this connec­ Wheat, 1 klg. 4 100 gimes is carried out in many ways. has increased its grain export to Rus­ tion, American restrictions on the im­ Workers are obliged to participate in sia by 100,000 tons. (The grain sent to port of certain types of goods from One Egg 1.5 50 forced savings programs, from which India during the summer of 1951 as these countries will affect them severe­ they are not allowed to withdraw a "gift from the Soviet Union to the Raw Wool ly. This is particularly true because money for long periods of time, mak­ starving masses" also came from Lith­ (unwashed) 1 klg. 47.5 2,000 many plants in Eastern Europe use ing a portion of their wages available uania.) western machines, the parts for which to the state. The "turnover tax," a Sugar, 1 klg. 25 240 special sales tax imported from Rus­ are no longer obtainable. The expropriation of food and con­ sia, constitutes the most important sumer goods from the satellite popula­ Cheese, 1 klg. 26 400 single source of revenue for the satel­ The decline in trade with the West tions combined with the high rate of lite regimes. and the increasing demands of Russia capital investment have resulted in a Beef Meat-1 klg. 20 400 on the Eastern economy was the basis marked decline in the standards of In addi tion to this the currency "re­ of the recent International Economic living in the Eastern countries. Dis­ Butter, 1 klg. 60 850 forms" in Eastern Europe have wiped Conference held in Moscow. It at­ equilibrium in industry takes place in out the savings of the masses, particu­ Man's Suit (domes- tempted to reestablish trade with the different forms but possesses one uni­ larly the peasantry. In Rumania, tic fabric) 1,200 1,700 West, and to offset the effects of trade form feature, the refusal to invest sub­ Article 13 of the currency decree is of decline with the Marshall Plan coun- stantially in consumer goods. Capital Men's Cotton particular interest, in that it provided investment in the satellite nations is Socks, 1 pair 16 400 now 20-25 per cent of national income as compared with 3-4 per cent before 4 Review of International Affairs-July Men's Leather KARL MARX ...... $3.50 18, 1951. the war.s There has been, however, an Shoes, 1 pair 300 5,000 By Franz Mehring actual decline in capital investment UAW & WALTER REUTHER .... 3.00 for agricultural consumer produce. In Calico, 1 meter 30 600 By Howe alld Widick Build Your Hungary only 3.5 per cent of all man­ SHERWOOD ANDERSON ...... 4.00 ufacturing investment is slated for By .rving Howe Marxist Libraryl consumer industries, and in Poland THE DECLINE in the standard of Order from w. caa sapply any book la only 1.1 per cent. This small figure is living is also characterized by recur­ print aad lIIaay that are oat further reduced by the acknowledged ring complaints in the press concern­ LABOR ACTION BOOK SERVICE of print. Write for free book failure on the part of the government ing the decline in the quality of goods. 114 West 14th St•• New York 11. N. Y. IIst-today! (LABOR ACTION BOOK SERVICE can ob­ Labor Action Book Service tain for you any work in print and many 114 W. 14th St•• New York 11. N. Y. 5 Russia's Satellites in Europt>-Ygael 6 Bulgariall Economy by Ivanko Gaben­ out-of-print items. Write for a free book Gluckstein-George Allen & Unwin Ltd .• sk;y. National Committee for a Free Eu­ list.) p. 74. rope, p. 32. 156 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May.June 1952 157 for a recalculation of the population's tant factor operating against maxi­ V nlike his prototype in capitalist future opposition, and national differ­ payment obligations to the state at a mum industrial progress. An analysis society, the Russian manager regards ences, containing the memory of in­ ratio of 20 old lei to one new lei, while of the Russian five-year plans indi­ private decisions as risky, dangerous­ dependent political states, are consid­ the price of rationed articles was also cates that the bureaucracy is unable to possibly fatall Without instructions ered highly dangerous. The process of divided by 20. However, only 80 per set wages and prices with a reasonably from above, he is afraid to hire addi­ Russianization has reached its highest cent was offered on sums below 1000 definite knowledge of their effect on tional labor, request credit for the level in the Baltic countries, Ithe first lei ($6.75) and up to 95 per cent on the total economy. The many sharp purchase of machinery, or obtain areas annexed by the Russians. In this sums over 2,000 lei ($20.00).7 swerves in wages and prices which needed supplies through any but the area, many of the well-known party Russia has put into effect since the regular (bureaucratic) channels. In or­ leaders have been purged and re­ Higher investments are made pos­ inception of the fourth "five-year der to meet his plan requirements, placed by Russians and by natives of sible by the increased exploitation of plan," and the variations in result however, the Russian director often Russian extraction. Even the high the working class, brought about by from the original expressed intentions finds it necessary to commit illegal ranking officials are suspect if they the sharp fall in his standard of living. of this plan indicates the accuracy of acts. In The New Soviet Empire, Dal­ stem from other than Russian origins. This lower living standard, however, this conclusion, as do the complaints lin reveals the existence of a large Twenty-five of the 115 members of is reflected in lower production of of Russian economists to the effect group of "middlemen" in Moscow, the Esthonian Supreme Council do inferior merchandise, to which can be that "no theory of planning actually whose sole function is to obtain addi­ not even speak the language of the traced the repeated references in the exists." Fear of punishment by plant tional supplies for factory managers people they are supposed to represent. East European press to "poor worker directors in a bureaucratic society through illegal barter. Kolkhozes are named, not after na­ morale." leads to falsification of the productive tive, but after Russian heroes. Only picture. The directors tend to mini­ Terror, bureaucracy, economic in­ one such farm in Esthonia bears the The recent plan failures are to a mize the plant potential, for instance, large extent, based on the "lack of efficiency brought about by the lack name of a living Esthonian: Johannes so that production demands made up­ enthusiasm" shown by the working of democratic planning on the local Kotkhas, wrestling champion of the on them may be lessened. Articles in class and their continued castigation level, all act as counter-acting tenden­ Soviet Vnion. In present day Esthoni­ the Soviet press referring to managers for "refusing to show proper enthusi­ cies toward increased productivity in an culture, Russian drama, music and who "speed up production only at the the Stalinist "colonies." In a modern art predominate almost exclusively. asm" is a recurring theme in the satel­ end of the month" reflects their un­ lite press. Because of the coal short­ industrial na'tion such as Czechoslo­ Even the teachers in Esthonian willingness to exceed quotas ev~n vakia, the damage to the economy is age in Russia coal is vital to the war when possible, for fear of an increase economy, yet Polish coal miners have most pronounced. One of the reasons in succeeding quotas. Bourgeois econ­ advanced by the Czech government for never reached their pre-war produc­ omists have often proclaimed the effi­ tivitv. In Czechoslovakia, too, coal is failure to meet the 1951 plan was the Now Available in English ciency of capitalist productive meth­ "manner in which the plan has been a m~jor production bottleneck. This ods, resulting from the dynamic char­ is again traceable to the poor living applied"; and there can be no doubt acter of private ownership. This that the imposition of political terror, Rosa Luxemburg's conditions enjoyed by coal miners, claim contains an element of truth particularly in the Ostrava coal basin, backward methods and bureaucratic when compared to police state plan­ a major source of Czechoslovakian inefficiency on advanced economies is ning insofar as the private owner or "Accumulation of hard coal. one of the outstanding regressive traits manager is freer to make decisions present in Stalinist imperialism. In concerning the conditions of produc­ Czechoslovakia we see the rare histori­ Capital" ALTHOUGH WORKING CLASS resistance tion and employment. Vnder socialist cal example and dire consequences of is an important factor, it is by no planning production will find a pow­ a backward nation imposing its insti­ Introduction by Joan Robinson means the only counteracting force to erful stimulus in the positive attitude tutions on an advanced society. Stalinist "expansion." As in Russia, of the working class toward the fac­ Yale University Pre••• 475 page•• $5 the very existence of bureaucratic tories and their produce; and will be p1anning and the terror and ineffi­ further stimulated by the rapport be­ ANOTHER SIGNIFICANT CHARACTERIS­ ciency arising therefrom is an impor- tween national and local interests. tic of Russian imperialism is its at­ Order from V nder Stalinism, however, the man­ tempt to "Russianize" as large a por­ LABOR ACTION BOOK SERVICE ager is neither free to make indepen- . tion of the Stalinist empire as possible. dent decisions, nor does he represent 114 W. 14th St•• New York 11. N. Y. 7 NeWill from Behind the Iron Curtain, Any deviation from the official policy March, 1952. any local interests whatever. is. regarded as the possible nucleus of 158 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May-Jun. 1952 159 schools are, to a large extent, impot't­ hands of Soviet "specialists," such as tive bureaucracies. Local leaders want perialism. The Russians are opposed ed from Russia. The same tendencies Minister of Interior Georgi Tzankov, who power for themselves. To be sure they to separate national power yet local was trained in the Moscow MVD. The are apparent in other sections, of "the Inspectorate of Party Cadres of the Cen­ are not pure power machines but also Stalinist leaderships are indispensable empire." In Poland, ten thousand tral Committee, which controls all activi­ ideologists, despite many differences political agents to assure Russian im­ Russian specialists dominate the na­ ties of Party members, consists of MVD between their public and private ide­ perialist aspirations. Stalinists in oth­ tive economy and army down to the agents who prepare and carry out purges ologies. When Rumania's Ana Pauker er areas cannot regard the purge trials and direct leading Party cells. The Com­ in the satellite countries with equani­ very lowest units. The Russian lan­ mission of State Control, which super­ marched into a department store in guage is glorified, and taught to Po­ vises the economy, is headed by another Bucharest demanding the finest mity, nor view the approach of Rus­ lish workers in their "off" hours. "speci.alist," Dimo Dichev, a Soviet agent clothes from the sales clerks and de­ sian domination without concern. Rarely are native heroes glorified in for many years. Other Soviet "special­ manding "Do you think we are pigs?" Their fears constitute a powerful fac­ the local press, this honor being re­ ists" head the Commission of Science, tor within Stalinism pointing toward Art and Culture and have even been she indicated her conception of the served for Russian heroes and it is elected to the Bulgarian Academy of role which she played in the revolu­ its eventual destruction. usuall y their images which are deem­ Science. These include Alexander Nes­ tion. ed worthy to appear on the face of meynov, Constantin Bikov and Alexan­ Polish postage stamps. der Oparin. Soviet komsomols use the Russian nationalism has shown that DESPITE THEIR EVIDENT distrust of DUPY [Dimitrov Union of People's it cannot countenance national power the populations in the "colonial" According to an exile report in the Youth] to reeducate youth in Stalin's Communi.sm. Some of their leaders are on any level, however, and Ana areas, the Russian government has March, 1952 issue of News From Be­ Zoya Toumanova, Nisnetzev and Solovod. Pauker has now fallen from power. found it difficult to maintain the same hind the Iron Curtain: And finally, all members of the Central The Russians distrust native rank and direct surveillance over foreign na­ Committee pledge fidelity to the Soviet file CP members because of their con­ tions that it is able to exercise over Soviet control in Bulgaria is exercised Union with the oath: "We are deter­ mainly through the system of Soviet mined to remain true to the death to our nection with the masses, and their sus­ i,ts own people. "specialists" and through the Cominform. genial teacher Stalin." pected "leniency" toward the peasants The Cominform issues orders to the and workers. The G.P.V., while it undoubtedly Party for carrying out its policies The satellite press apes Pravda in exerts a strong influence in maintain­ through the Liaison Section of the Cen­ every conceivable way, even down to Moscow has recognized that nation­ ing Russian leadership in satellite tral Committee. The Central Committee the cartoons and layout. Bulgarian in turn sends reports of its activities to alism in Eastern Europe received a parties, is itself insufficient to insure the Cominform where these are carefully army uniforms are an almost exact powerful impetus during the German their domina-tion. The elmination of evaluated and criticized. The Cominform replica of those in use by the Russian occupation and that many of the rank natve leaders removes what may be also determines special campaigns, such army. The destruction of distinguish­ and file within the CP were inspired an important wedge in retaining what as "aid to Korea," "the peace campaign" ing national characteristics appears to and recruiting members for i.nternation­ by nationalistic motives. She there­ little support the Russians may still al brigades. have become one of the principal aims fore favors party members of Russian have among the workers. Continuous of Russian imperialism. Almost all important positions in the origin who can have no national feel­ reference is made in the satellite press Party, the entire Central Committee and The Stalinist attempt to destroy na­ ings toward the satellite countries, and to the "low morale" of the working heads of the Army, Police and Economy, tional institutions and thus prevent distrusts not only the rank and file class (read working class opposition), are in the hands of Bulgarian Commu­ nists who have been appointed by Mos­ them from becoming centers of inde­ but even the native leadership. The which has expressed itself in strikes cow or by Soviet agencies such as the pendence from Moscow, is directed constant purges of satellite leaders are and slowdowns. The strike of Polish MVD. General Ivan Michailov, Vice­ against all the subject nations. Thi~ accompanied by a playing down of longshoremen in ,the city of Sczcedin President of the Ministerial Council, policy has gained considerable impe­ the importance of those still in power, following the 1950 currency reforms General Peter Panchevski, Minister of War, and General Assen Grekov, for ex­ tus as a result of the emergence of who might find themselves in opposi­ is an example of such opposition. The ample, were transferred from the Soviet Titoism in Yugoslavia, a dynamic na­ tion to Moscow policy. The ousting Communist Party in Eastern Europe, Army only a few years ago. "Specialists" tionalism which hits at the heart. of of Kostov for instance followed a split particularly its lower levels, had from the Red Army control all sections Stalinist imperialism. The watchful in the Bulgarian party concerning the achieved considerable success in pos­ of the Ministry of War, i.e., military in­ eyes of Russa's secret police are for­ exploitation of Bulgaria by Russia. ing as highly sympathetic friends of telligence, political education, operations, etc. The transfer of men from the Soviet ever alert to the pO'Ssible development Moscow is aware that the pressures the poor peasantry. This is an impor­ Army to the Bulgarian was promulgated of Titoism in the other satellite na­ which existed in Yugoslavia and tant factor in Russia's anxiety over by decree Number 132 of July 28, 1950, tions. Stalinist exploitation of subject which eventually caused Tito to split, continued native CP loyalty at least providing for extra payment to officers countries is a relatively new phenome­ exist in all Cominform countries. Yet for the present. Yet every peasant in and generals who served in or were trained by the Soviet Army. Leadership non and gives rise to innumerable Titoism is a natural if not always an the satellite countries knows that he of the People's Militia is also in the conflicts between the Russian and na- inevitable outgrowth of Stalinist im- is being collectivized by a foreign pow- 160 THE NEW INTERNATIONAl. May...... 1952 161 er, with whom he cannot feel any na­ labor camps in 1950. A goodly paH of tional identity which would normally Russian slave labor is drawn from the The Precursors of Marx tend to minimize the feeling of out­ mass deportations in the Eastern rage brought about by the commission countries, and one exile reports that Discussion of a Vast Appendix to Capital of similar acts by a native regime. 1/5 of the entire population of Bu­ This expropriation of lands and stock charest has been deported, either To a Marxist, Marx's liberal translation from the German. becomes an act of foreign imperialist to small villages or to "work camps." economic theories are the cornerstone It also reveals that it is not good policy robbery. In order to reduce the native Another source indicates that 550,000 upon which the entire superstructure to abridge Marx; sometimes, to be peasant to the level of passivi,ty exist­ persons have been deported in Lithu­ of Marxism is erected. Those who sure, it is easier to grasp Marx's mean­ ing in Russia, Stalinism believes that ania, and that over 50,000 Lithuani­ have accepted certain tenets or con­ ing from a complete re-write, but it must wipe out the living memory ans have been killed by the Russian clusions of scientific socialism while rarely from excerpts. The McCarthy of an independent political state. To police during the past few years. Yugo­ ignoring or rejecting Marxian eco­ translation, moreover, is exceptionally achieve this aim will require a longer slavia's "Slovenski Porocevalec" re­ nomics nave generally ended up by smooth. Whether this happy result and more terrifying process than the ports that large scale deportations are foundering in the morass of revision­ was achieved because McCarthy work­ consolidation of Stalinism in Russia organized to provide settlement areas ism and social patriotism. Conse­ ed from Molitor's French translation itself. for Russian colonies. In this connec­ quently, any book that throws light or because he employs a freer trans­ tion 150,000 Turks were deported lation style while preserving the essen­ In their efforts to achieve control on some of Marx's fundamental eco­ from Bulgaria to Turkey and 100,000 nomic concepts provides a welcome tial meaning, we cannot say as the over their satellites and increase na­ Bulgarians were re-located in other French version was not available to tive production the Russians have ex­ addition to Marxian literature. parts of the country while Russian us. (McCarthy's translation, by the ported one of the most distinctive fea­ "colonies" are in existence on the Terence McCarthy and The Lang­ way,' was checked with the original tures of life in Stalinist Russia today shores of the Danube Black Sea canal. land Press are to be contgratulated German text by competent friends.) -the slave labor camp. These camps for having made available for the first in addition to their punitive value, We have examined but a small por­ time in English the first part of Marx's Be that as it may, the present vol­ are centers of "cheap" labor for direct tion of the acts committed by Stalinist notes that Engels intended to publish ume, especially in its major portion exploitation by the Russian bureau­ imperialism in Europe. The full pic­ as Volume IV of CaPital~ but which dealing with Adam Smith's Theory of cracy itself, which dual function ture is even more nightmarish and if Kautsky properly published in 1904 Productive Labor, reads like Marx at causes them to be regarded with great the form of Russian imperialism is as a companion volume to Capital his best. For these 100-odd pages alone, favor by the Stalinist rulers. different from that of its capitalist under Marx's manuscript title, Theo­ the book is well worth reading by any prototypes, the effect upon the colo­ ries of Surplus Value." It is to be Marxist or by anyone interested in nial states is at least as repressive. hoped that the remaining two parts, understanding the essence of Marxian According to refugee reports, 60,000 dealing with Ricardo and with Mal­ economics. This does not mean that persons in Bulgaria were sent to slave Terror, robbery, appropriation of thus and the decay of the Ricardian Marx would have published this work goods, actual enslavement of portions school, will rapidly appear in English. in its present form. On the contrary, of the population, maintenance of oc­ as Kautsky states in his preface: cupying armies -(both native and for­ It is interesting to note that at the THE BEST WAY eign) and the conscription of local same time that McCarthy has pub­ I repeat that Marx, writing the manu­ men for service in the cause of future lished this volume, the Stalinists have script for his own use, had not intended come out with an abridged Theories it for publication as it stood. This is to assure regular receipt of imperialist activities have, in 'the proved above all by the form he gave it. past, been the tools of various exploit­ of Surplus Value~ translated from the It is true that the style is precise and German by G. A. Bonner and Emile The New International is to ing groups. The Stalinists have adopt­ terse, like all the works of Marx; Marx ed this complete arsenal and neither Burns, published by International could not write otherwise, even when not semantic use of "expansionist" cloaks Publishers. A fragmentary and ran­ addressing himself to others. But he let subscribe. $2.00 per year. himself go more than was usual with nor dissertations on the non-capitalist dom spot check indicates that the Stal­ him. Marx, who put the greatest possible nature of the Russian economy can inist version loses much from a too value on style, worked and reworked each Subscribe now. in time to re- hide the primitive and violent charac­ of his manuscripts before permitting ter of Russian imperialism. them to go to press. Far removed from • A HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THEORIES such polish, we find here whole proposi­ -li'rom the PhYllioeratll to Adam Smith, tions only hinted at and by no means ceive the next issue. A. KIMBAY and by Karl Marx. Translated from the French by Terence McCarthy. The Langland Press, worked out in full. The criticisms he G. BLACKWELL New York, 1952; 337 pp. $5.00. levels at certain authors are so sharp as 162 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May-J ••• 1952 163 to recall Aristophanes. Above all, the Austrian school would still have come pain which accompanies all child­ enquirers, there were hired prize-fight­ peculiar and higgledy-piggledy mixture into being and the various marginal birth, in nature as well as in indus­ ers; in place of genuine scientific re­ of German, French, and English in which utility theories would have been pro­ search, the bad conscience and the evil the text is written proves it to be unready try." intent of apologetic. for the printer. Marx was equally facile pounded." To go in the very next in all three languages. Any of the three sentence from this eminently correct The second is from Marx's famous might suggest itself to him. Therefore, statement to such a phrase as-HBut preface to the second edition of Capi­ HAD MCCARTHY'S INTRODUCTION he habitually availed himself of exactly to the extent that the schools of po­ tal (Kerr edition, pp. 17-19): that one which seemed best to express been confined to a technical explana­ the spirit of what he was trying to say, litical economy which succeded Marx Since 1848 capitalist production has de­ tion of his translation, it would have or which was suggested to him by what­ are based in part upon opposition to veloped rapidly in Germany, and at the been in better taste and have avoided ever quotation he was discussing.... " what people who have not read the present time (1873) it is in the full a number of errors. To refer to the whole of Marx believe he had to say, bloom of speculation and swindling. But "legendary" Volume IV of Capital) the earlier appearance of this work fate is still unpropitious to our profes­ WE CANNOT SHARE McCarthy's view sional economists. At the time when they and to Adam Smith as "the over­ that his choice of title, "A History of would have dispelled much misunder­ were able to deal with Political Economy whelming influence upon the mature Economic Theories," is superior to standing and disputation." (Our ital­ in a straightforward fashion, modern Marx," smacks of sensationalism. The the Marx-Engels-Kautsky title, "Theo­ ics)-reveals a rather dubious compre­ economic conditions di.d not actually ex­ book, however, will be read primarily hension of the dependence of eco­ ist in Germany. And as soon as these ries of Surplus Value." It is rather conditions did come into existence, they by serious students of Marx and Marx­ pretentious. Had Marx been interest­ nomic theory on the state of the class did so under circumstances that no longer ism. For these will readily understand ed in writing a history of economic struggle and the general economic en­ allowed of their being really and impar­ that the work essentially represents doctrines or theories, it would have vironment. The implication .is that tially investigated within the bounds of some of Marx's notes on surplus value bourgeois economists following Marx the bourgeois horizon. In so far as Politi­ been far more comprehensive and il­ cal Economy remains within that hori­ and on the theory of productive labor. luminating than the present work. abandoned the doctrines of the Eng­ zon, in so far, i.e., as the capitalist re­ Some of the passages, particularly the Naturally, since the theory of profit lish classical school of Smith and gime is looked upon as the absolutely concluding chapter on "Notes on the and surplus value is the kernel of any Ricardo not because Marx had suc­ final form of social production, instead Theory of Productive Labor," are history of bourgeois economic theo­ ceeded in developing the labor theory of as a passing historical phase of its brilliant examples of Marx's best of value and surplus value into an in­ evolution, Political Economy can remain ries, from the Marxist point of view, a science only so long as the class-strug­ thought and style. some of the present material would strument that laid bare the inner gle is latent or manifests itself only in have been contained in any such proj­ workings of capitalism, but because isolated and sporadic phenomena. It is therefore a pity that McCarthy, they did not fully understand Marx. to whom all of us owe such thanks, ect, but it would have been entirely Let us take England. Its politi.cal different in character, emphasizing the economy belongs to the period in which is guilty of some loose formulations, particular relationship between a the class-struggle was as yet undevel­ especially in relation to productive la­ given author and the state of capital­ LET US RECALL merely two state­ oped. Its last great representative, bor. On the one hand, he states: Ricardo, in the end, consciously makes ist development that prevailed, as well ments from Marx to explain his un­ "Thus, labor was productive under derstanding of the relationship of eco­ the antagonism of class-interests, of as -the role of the individual author wages and profits, of profits and rent. capitalism, regardless of its content, and his theory in advancing and jus­ nomic theory to the state of the class the starting-point of his investigations, or the form or nature of its product tifying the extension of bourgeois struggle. The first is from Poverty of naively taking this antagonism for a so­ or the service it rendered, if it pro­ power. Philosophy (pp. 134-135» and reveals cial law of nature. But by this start the chJced a profit." A few sentences later his appreciation of the role of the science of bourgeois economy had reached the limits beyond which it could not pass. he states: "Productive labor under Nor does there appear to be any English classicists: "Economists like ... With the year 1830 came the decisive capitalism, according to Marx, was justification for McCarthy's conten­ Adam Smith and Ricardo, who are crisis. that labor which not merely repro­ tion that the present work should have the historians of this epoch, have no In France and in England the bour­ duced its own means of subsistence been the first volume of Capital. That other mission than to demonstrate geoisie had conquered political power. but produced an excess." The two any such arrangement would have how wealth is acquired in the rela­ Thenceforth, the class-struggle, practi­ statements are not quite the same prevented the "interpreters" of Marx tions of bourgeois production, to for­ cally as well as theoretically, took on thing, nor is either fully reflective of more and more outspoken and threaten­ from muddying the waters with their mulate these relations in categories, Marx's basic thought-although ad­ various explanations of what Marx ing forms. It sounded the knell of scien­ in laws, and to demonstrate how far tj fic bourgeois economy. It was thence­ mittedly it is difficult to summarize really meant is far-fetched, far-fickled. these laws, these categories, are, for forth no longer a question, whether this Marx's views on productive labor As McCarthy says in his introduction: the production of wealth, superior to theorem or that was true, but whether both because they are complex and it was useful to capital or harmful, ex­ "There would still have been dis­ the laws and categories of feudal so­ the subject itself presents several am­ agreement with Marx's views. The ciety. Poverty in their eyes is only the pedient or inexpedient, politically dan­ gerous .or not. In place of disinterested biguities. Nevertheless, productive la- 164 THE NEW INTER.NATIONAL May-June 1952 165 bor must produce surplus value, not which is equivalent to the functional re­ changed for capital), surplus values In exammmg the essential character merely profit which is one form of lationship actually existing in the real arise only in production. From the of capitalist production, one may also process of production, transforms money point of view of society as a whole, the suppose (because, as happens more and surplus value. Moreover, unpaid sur­ or commodities into capital, that is to say more, it becomes the principal aim, and plus labor existed under feudalism conserves and augments the value of distinction is important. The aggre­ because only under these circumstances and exists under Stalinism. Its exist­ materialized labor through this relation gate capital of the bourgeoisie cannot can the productive powers of labor be ence is merely one aspect of produc­ to labor power. The expression 'produc­ be produced and accumulated with­ developed to their highest pont) that, in tive labor' is merely an abbreviation tive labor under capitalism. By itself out the transformation of labor pow­ theory or in fact, all the world of com­ which indicates the relationship and the modities, all spheres of material produc­ it does not sufficiently delineate capi­ manner in which labor power figures in er into surplus value. Nor can the tion, of the production of material talism from other modes of produc­ the process of capitalist production. This profits of any given section of the wealth, are subjected to the capitalist tion. distinction between types of labor is ex­ capitalist class exist without the prior mode of production. This hypothesis ex­ tremely important because it gives us production of surplus values. Unpaid presses the ultimate ai.m or limit and the piece form of that labor upon which consequently approaches closer and closer A fuller explanation of productive labor must result in the expansion of labor is required, for it lays bare the rests the whole of capitalist production to absolute correctness. All workers en­ and capital itself. (Our italics.) the entire capital in order for the la­ gaged in the production of commodities essence of capitalism. To obtain bor involved to be judged as truly are wage workers, and the means of pro­ :Marx's true views on the question, it Therefore, in the capitalist system of productive. duction are capital for everybody alike. is necessary to turn to the last chapter production, productive labor is that labor Therefore, it cam be said, the character­ in the present volume. States Marx: which produces surplus value for its em­ istic of productive laborers, of laborers ployer, whi.ch transforms the objective producing capital, is that their labor THIS LEADS MARX to a subsidiary, That labor alone is productive which conditions of labor into capital and their realizes itself in commodities, in material produces surplus value, or which serves proprietor into a capitalist, which pro­ but important characteristic of pro­ wealth. We have thus found a second sub­ capital as a means whereby to produce duces its own product as capital. ductive labor: sidiary characteristic of productive labor surplus value and, consequently, sets it­ self up as capital, as capital which em­ I t is therefore crystal clear that for ploys itself in the production of surplus labor under capitalism to be produc­ value." tive, labor power must be employed Further: (consumed) to produce surplus value. While profit can be produced in un­ Only this fix-ed relationship with labor productive spheres of the economy THE DEW [OIRSE transforms money and commodities into (the labor expended in which may be capital; and we designate productive that labor which, because of this rela­ productive of profit or unpaid labot by LEON TROTSKY tionship to the means of production, for the individual capitalist if ex-

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166 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May-June 1952 167 distinct from its determining character­ capitalism than did the Physiocrats or istic and absolutely independent of the the early exponents of a primitive la­ content of the labor (Our italics). bor theory of value, such as Petty and BOOKS IN REVIEW Marx thus endorses one of Adam Locke, but they were immeasurably Smith's more important contribu­ handicapped by their lack of the con­ then what he says is quite true. But then tions: from the point of view of capi­ cept of labor power. Despite his tre­ A Poor Try he should have used a library just a talist society as a whole, productive mendous superiority over his con­ shade larger. labor must not only produce surplus tempories, Adam Smith was further THE ANATOMY OF COMMUNISM, values in exchange for capital (as confused by the contradiction between The techni.que of the book is quite sim­ against labor power exchanged for his labor-cost and labor-command by Andrew Scott MacKay. Philo­ ple. For example, Chapter I is entitled revenue), but must also be engaged in "The Marxian Psychology; Its Nature theories of value, the former leading sophical Library, 190 pp. the production of commodities-a in a direct line to Ricardo and Marx, and Implications." This subject is dis­ posed of in nine brief pages as follows: a point which Adam Smith stressed in with the latter being developed by quotation from Marx and/or Engels on the characterizing the labor of domestic Malthus and resulting in the ultimate AT OTHER TIMES and under other cir­ subject; then a general remark designed servants, government employees, etc., disintegration of the classical school, cumstances, this extraordinary pitiful 190 to anihilate them. One example will suf­ as unproductive. Some of Marx's com­ thereby paving the way for a variety page volume might just have squirmed fice. Marx is quoted: "But the human ments on unproductive labor and the of bourgeois apologetics based on nu­ i.ts way past the technical requirements essence is no abstraction inherent in each attempts of the apologists of the bour­ merous subjective theories of value. of a Ph.D. thesis; perhaps published pri­ single individual. In its reality it is the geoisie to refute Smith are priceless. vately by the author (if at all) and dis­ "Vhile Marx clearly planned the ensemble of the social relations." Thus tributed proudly to friends and relatives. Illumination is thrown on many history of the theory of surplus value Marx. Now Scott's translation: "The in­ other complicated questions of eco­ as the last volume of Capital, the en­ But these are not other times and cir­ dividual is not the master of his social cumstances, for tdoay there is an open nomic theory, notably the reproduc­ tire work is more illuminating as an Hfe, but its creature. He is dissolved into market for any and every assault on tion of constant capital and the man­ example of Marx's method, of how he his conditions of production." Obviously, "communism," however puerile and clum­ ner in which constant capital is trans­ drew upon the work of his precursors this is ridiculous since people are not sy. This little intellectual atrocity sym­ formed into value, as well as the ori­ and turned their fundamental dissolved, they exist, they function, etc. bolizes the degree to which scientific gin of surplus value and its division thoughts to exposing the laws of mo­ Thus Marx is all wet. It doesn't matter standards have been degraded. among profit, interest, rent and taxes. tion of capitalism. As such, it consti­ that even in some of the other Scott The English classicists, the immediate tutes a vast appendix to Capital, one The book presumes to be an analysis quotations that Marx says that people's precursors of Marx's economic theo­ which every genuine Marxist will wish of the relation of Marxist doctrine to natures depend on material conditions ries, came closer to a correct explana­ to read and to study. "contemporary communism." It is imme­ and that in fact the Marxist theory of tion of these basic phenomena of ANALYTIKOS diately apparent, however, that despite human nature is not so simple and crude some energetic quotation-gathering and and insists upon man's role as a changer heavy cramming in the works of Marx of this environment. Scott literally dis­ In English-At Last and Engels, the author's ignorance is so poses of the subject by a few words, by pure and unqualified as to make i.t easy giving it a name "The reflection theory Part One 01 the Famed Vol. IV 01 "Capital" for him to reach the longest conclusions of psychology" and concludes that since 'by the shortest route possible. In light Marx can only show that the 'super­ of the state of literature on precisely structure' is influenced by the economic KARL MARX'S the same theme, it is amusing to see the 'substructure' rather than determined by author write that "an examination of a it, his entire one-sided theory of social "A History of Economic Theories" sizeable part of the secondary literature change must be rejected" (p. 7). And if on Marxism and Communism revealed that is not enough "since Marx and - From the Physiocrats to Adam Smith no discussion of these ideas. . . ." To be Engels cannot show that men as indi­ The Langland Press 337 pages $5.00 sure, if all the secondary sources are viduals are compelled to 'reflect' objec­ tive economic conditions, they are further order fro. those he has listed in his bibliography under "secondary sources" (Eastman's, unable to show that 'classes' are a re­ LABOR ACTION BOOK SERVICE Marx and Lenin; Finer's MU8solini's flection of these same economic condi­ 114 w. 14th Street Italy; J. J. Rousseau's Confessions and tions. Thus, the Marxian conception of New York II, N. Y. the Social Contract and Discourses) 'class' must also be rejected." And, I 168 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May-June 1952 169 suppose, if there is anything else the has its quota of comments about Lenin reader might like rejected at the same as a man who dissembled belief in de­ published but is that worth the degrada­ a whole are not tolerated in a Commu­ time, he can throw it into the basket of mocracy in order to subvert it, of Com­ tion of serious scientific thought? nist party." This description, it must be remembered, refers not to Stalinism the "reflection theory of psychology." munism being evil, etc. As for any com­ B. MOTT This is the stuff the book is made of. prehension of Stalinism and "contempo­ where it would be correct, but to its rary Communism" the author cannot in ideological counterpart, Leninism, which In this manner the book begins and it all fairness be accused of having a trace supposedly unlike non-Bolshevik move­ must be said that there is no let down. Old Fables ments, rejects the perspective of gaining of any such thing. And in a way it can't There are, of course, some sections which power "by propaganda alone." Lenin, the be expected of him, for judging from his scintillate more than others. One such fountain of totalitarian ideas "urged bibliography, he had not read anything In New Jargon nugget on page 84 says: "The workings the need to forge a group which, begin­ on the subject except the works of of 'class consciousness' are never illus­ ning with an ideological commitment, Stalin. THE ORGANIZATIONAL WEAPON, trated or explained by Marx and Engels A Study of Bolshevik Strategy and would use whatever means were avail­ because they cannot be illustrated or ex­ able to influence decision in society. For From a scientific point of view, the Tactics, by Philip Selznick. The plained. Psychologically and physiologi­ him, the task was not so much to spread book borders on the hilarious. What is Rand Corporation. Published by Mc- cally speaking 'class consciousness' is a the 'truth' as to raise to power a select not so funny is that it gets published. If ';raw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1952. fiction. There is no sixth sense repre­ a book like this were written by, let us group of communicants," and so forth sented by an awareness of class. There say, an Eastman or a Burnham (al­ OF THE RAPIDLY expanding list of books and so on for dozens of pages. is no instinct revealing the mystical im­ though it could not be so crude in their by non-Marxists purporting to analyze portance of class." The brilliance of that It is important to recognize, however, hands) it would have had its "justifica­ the nature of Stalinism, few can be cred­ stroke requires no comment. Or on page that fundamental to Selznick's theory is tion" as written by "experts" and would ited with a serious attempt at a theo­ 118: "On close examination (perhaps a rejection not only of Leninism, but also have had the special virtue of measuring retical explanation. To the list of works that means some deep digging into Rous­ of all fundamental principles of Marx­ the metamorphosis of these erstwhile by would-be scholars and quotation-col­ seau's Confessions among his secondary ism, a further factor which will tend to socialists. But from someone whose name lectors there has recently been added an­ sources) the mighty 'proletarian revolu­ make this book "popular" particularly means nothing and whose book merits other which deserves some attention, not tion' appears to have been nothing more with the ex-Marxists whom Selz,nick rep­ even less, the publication confirms what because of its intrinsic merit but merely than a coup d'etat ... almost deserving resents. In opposition to Marxism which seems to be so evident, that the main for the fact that its stock anti-Bolshevik to be described as a palace revolution... " holds that class divisions in capitalist requirement today is to sledgehammer cliches, innuendos and prejudices which society are irreconcilable to the extent Marxism with a bagful of quotations in­ have "been woven together into a sup­ There is lots more of the same for that they can only be suppressed through those who make a morbid hobby of col­ terlarded with commentary to hit the posedly scientific theory may because of !heir political popularity achieve a de­ the efforts of the state, Selznick presents lecting specimens of political mutilation starved market. This may be good fer gree of academic respectability. Philip the state as a "voluntary association" and ignorance. Needless to add, the book aspiring young writers who can't get Selznick, the author of The Organiza­ while classes are replaced by masses and tional Weapon, attempts to develop a "elites" who manipulate them, or at least theory of Stalinism as the extention and attempt to do so. application of "Leninist principles of The basic distinction made between Subscribe now to THE nEW InTERnATionAl organization." 114 West 14th St.. New York 11. N. Y. political tendencies is their recognition Naturally, in such an attempt he draws or rejection of the "commonly accepted not only upon the stock stories about rules of' behavior which control legiti­ Rates: $2.00 per year. $1.00 for six months Kronstadt, which circulate so freely in mate controversy." Democratic move­ certain circles, but where his theory ments (as opposed to "subversive" ones) needs amplification he does not hesitate have aims which are "limited," which Name...... to give birth to new inventions. Thus he can be absorbed into the established can write that "elections in the Commu­ framework of the going political system, nist parties do not involve the normal which have "a stake in the status quo" Address ...... processes of faction and debate: a funda­ and aims which are consistent with its mental Leninist principle states that 'no preservation, or at least its modification movement can be durable without a stable by methods acceptable to all elements of CIty...... Zone ...... State...... organization of leaders to maintain con­ the political community, i.e., to all social tinuity.' Challenges to the leadership as classes. 170 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May.J.ne 1952 171 Beginning with these premises, Selz­ group of evil, power-hungry men with tices; (2) quotations from Lenin, Stalin, has no basis either in his writings or in nick proceeds to define Leninism as that no social interests or motivations deeper Dimitrov, a whole series of lesser figures, the rich history of the pre-Stalin Com­ "modification of Marxism" which con­ than their insatiable appetites for power. as well as Trotsky and James P. Cannon munist movements. (The providential sists of the "subordination of all doctri­ How can one explain the growth of Stal­ (whose remarks are considered as being quotations from Cannon's "organiza­ nal precepts to the needs of the strug­ inism in Europe and Asia and its un­ "especially significant") and (3) Selz­ tional document" certainly do no credit gle for power." Its aim is "the concentra­ swerving fealty to Russia. And within nick's own fanciful ideas or logical de­ to "Trotskyism"; they serve less, how­ tion of total social power in the hands Russia how is Stalinism perpetuated if ductions from his own theory. Thus it ever, as evidence against Lenin's concep­ of a ruling group." it is not a class societ~? Is the group of is easy to demonstrate that, up to the tions than as testimony to the peculiar Selznick continues: insofar as Stalin­ power-hungry men in the Kremlin whose time of Stalin's "Bolshevization" of the misinterpretation to which these are sub­ ism can be distinguished from Leninism, modus vivendi is More Power going to parties of the Third International, no jected in the Socialist Workers Party.) it is only to the extent that the former sustain itself by recruiting men who are such creature as Selznick describes ever Selznick, however, who certainly knows ha-s "matured" or "developed" Leninist equally unpleasantly motivated by a pow­ existed. For example, the idea that fac­ or should know what the real practices ideas by freeing them from "sectarian" er drive? How does Selznick explain the tions, factional organs and the unre­ of Lenin's party were, stresses the im­ doctrinal orientation. For those who will differences between, let us say, Bukharin stricted right of criticism are inimical portance of his conceptions, and their not accept this too readily Selznick points and Stalin on the agricultural ques­ to Lenin's ideas on organization simply out that Stalinism does not represent the tion? Were these conflicts merely be­ genuine interests of the working class. tween power-hungry men? There are Somehow or other this is intended to thousands of such questions which can­ prove that Stalinism has no class content not find a rational answer from any­ liThe Case of Comrade Tulayev" but represents the efforts of a group of one holding to the devil theory of history. obviously evil men who have at least par­ It is a poor substitute for a more pain­ tially succeeded in the Leninist objective staking analysis of Stalinism. To attempt by VICTOR SERGE of gaining "a total monopoly of social to search for an explanation of Russian power." Staliinsm outside of the social develop­ A brilliant novel ... a penetrating analysis of the inner workings of the ment and political events surrounding bureaucratic machine.... We must interject a comment about the degeneration of the Russian revolu­ Selznick's style at this point. The stale tion, to fail to recognize that Stalinism The NEW INTERNATIONAL recommends this book without qualification. It dish he has been serving us is made on a world scale today has its roots with­ is a book you will want to own, $3.00 positively inedible by the pretentiousness in the decay of capitalist society itself, and fuzziness of its "sociological" jargon. not to acknowledge Stalinism as a power­ Order from Avoiding "Marxist jargon" is indispen­ ful social movement, means that we can LABOR ACTION 800K SERVICE sable in most sociology circles today. But develop no program or movement capable we suggest that these "sociologists" of combatting Stalinism on a healthy, might write books with greater literary democratic basis. To attempt to explain COMBINATION OFPER and scientific merit if they developed a Stalinism in personal and psychological jargon used with tasteful economy which terms· alone is to perform an unwitting "The Case of Comrade Tulayev" $3.00 might more precisely sum up intelligible service to Stalinism. I year Bubscription to Labor Action 2.00 ideas. or the New International The j argon freely used by Selznick Together $4.50 cannot hide the inadequacy of his devil IF SELZNICK'S BOOK provides no an­ 01' theory of history explanation of Stalin­ swer to the problem of the nature of "The Case of Comrade Tulayev" $3.00 ism. The harm in this theory is that in­ Stalinism, what is the significance of his 1 year subscription to Labor Action herent in it is a confession of an inabil­ discussion of the "combat party?" It is and the New International 4.00 ity to intelligently cope with the origin common adherence to this conception, and nature of Stalinism; and not to be presumably, which make Leninism, Stal­ All three $6.00 able to understand the nature of Stalin­ inism and Trotskyism basically similar Order from ism is to facilitate its victory. How can if not identical. The "theoretical model" LABOR ACTION BOOK SERVICE Selznick explain the loyalty of French of what is suppqsed to be the key to Bol­ 114 West 14th St•• New York 11. N. Y. Stalinist leaders today to the Kremlin shevism is constructed on the basis of if Stalinism in Russia is merely a (1) descriptions of actual Stalinist prac- 172 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May-June 1952 173 significance with regard to two aspects who disagree have the right to criticize, ganization subject to sociology and poli­ There can be no rules for creating a of Party functioning. These are (1) the to form factions to fight for their view­ tics. Different conditions and different socialist party, much less for "guarantee- attempt to gain the "total involvement" point, or to leave the party if they· feel classes call forth parties of different ing" it from degeneration. Those who 'of the individual in the party and (2) their differences sufficiently important. types and organized according to differ­ search for guarantees, in organizational the attempt to create a "managerial or­ Lenin's own political history shows he ent "principles." The opulent capital­ principles independent from political ~ganization" out of a voluntary associa­ never considered "party loyalty" to be ism of America has produced the cor­ practice are bound to be di.sappointed. tion. Bascially, Selznick's thesis can be more than subordinate to political ideas. rupt machines which exist on the basis While bad organizational practices may reduced to this: that the evils of Bol­ of patronage and social demagogy. Stal­ contribute to, or even generate the de­ Revolutionary Marxists are not com­ shevism flow from the attempt to build inism creates bureaucratized and mono­ velopment of political differences, to at­ mitted to any total, much less uncritical a party whi.ch demands responsibility lithic parties to serve as instruments for tribute any independent significance, acceptance of Lenin's ideas on organiza­ and activity from its membership. It is international bureaucratic collectivist and more than that, a predominantly tion, any more than to any other aspect these principles which make Lenin's aims. The working class needs parties of influential role to them, is to turn mat- of his thought. Insofar as they were writings on organization the "bible" of a different kind. ters upside down. D. HARRIS originally developed and intended to ap­ Stalinism, and which, in practice, have ply a movement which was necessarily lead to the totalitarian development of to Stalinism. conspiratorial (and certainly subversive) the same emphasis need not be placed Because Selznick is not writing from on the need for secrecy and a highly the standpoint of socialism, it is not nec­ limited membership (as Lenin pointed essary for him to question the relation­ out would be the case in democratic coun­ MURDER ship of Lenin's "organizational prin­ tries). And where a Bolshevik action was ciples" to his political, i.e., his socialist undemocratic (such as in the case of ideas. Selznick can dismiss the latter as temporarily abolishing factions in 1921) mere rationalizaiton by showing that it is possible (and necessary) to criticize IN MEXICO Stalinists consistently violate Marxist such practices even while showing that political principles. Yet for Lenin, the they do not follow from any real or significance of organization, of building alleged "Leninist principles of organiza­ a socialist party, followed from the idea tion." The Assassination that "the proletariat can become and in­ But before we accept what would auto­ evitably will become a dominant force ma tically follow from Selznic~'s thesis only because its intellectual unity cre­ that the attempt to create a socialist of Leon Trotsky ated by the principles of Marxism is for­ party on the basis of "democratic cen­ tified by the material unity of organiza­ tralism" is the road to totalitarianism tion which welds millions of toilers into we must examine the alternatives. Selz­ by General Sanchez Salazar an army of the working class." nick's alternatives, insofar as they serve as non-totalitarian "models" are the in collaboration with Julian Garkin Contrary to popular opinion, Lenin did British Labor Party and . . . Norman not believe that he was introducing any Thomas, neither of which are known to The story of the assassination of Trotsky written by the "new" ideas about organization into the be free from bureaucratic traits. His, ex-Chief of the Secret Service 01 the Mexican police who was in socialist movement. Time and again he however, is a political judgment as well charge of the investigation. pointed to the example of German Social as an organizational one: what is impor­ Democracy as hi.s "model" party, subject tant about Norman Thomas is that when to modifications because of the special the alternatives are "harshly posed" 235 pates $2.50 conditions of Czarist illegality. And, capitalism is supported over communism much as it may surprise some, even in his (and over the Third Camp as well). Order from: LABOR ACTION lOOK SERVICE emphasis on centralism he always 114 W. 14th St. New ~G:"k 11. N. Y. stressed the democratic nature of such As opposed to the theories of all those (Orders must be CIIccompaaled by pay..... ' principles: that the majority of the who are preoccupied with the "impor­ party has the right to decide policy, and tance" of the organizational question, as the duty to see that it is practiced. Those the key to politics, Marxists make or- 174 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL May-June 1952 175 BounD UOlumES: nEW IITERnATlonAL An invaluable reference 80urce. A must for your library. 1943 ...... __ ...... $ 9.00 1945 ...... 7.50 1946 ...... 6.00 1947 ...... 5.00 1948 ...... 4.00 1949 ...... 4.00 1950 ...... 4.00 Combination Offer for Above Years ...... $30.00 A limited number of complete sets for 1944 are available unbound for $10.00 (With above combination $34.50) LABOR A[TIOn Unrivaled 80urce of neW8 and view8 of the labor movement through the war and post-war years. 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