REGULATORY MECHANISMS FOR TEXTBOOKS AND PARALLEL TEXTBOOKS TAUGHT IN SCHOOLS OUTSIDE THE GOVERNMENT SYSTEM

A REPORT

Committee of the Central Advisory Board of Education Ministry of Human Resource Development Government of India 2005

CABE COIVIMITTEE ON REGULATORY MECHANISMS FOR TEXTBOOKS AND PARALLEL TEXTBOOKS TAUGHT IN SCHOOLS OUTSIDE THE GOVERNMENT SYSTEM

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements Executive Summary 1. Introduction and Terms of Reference 1 2. Policies, Curricula, Syllabi and Textbooks 6 3. Institutional Mechanisms for Preparation of Textbooks in the States 11 4. Content Analysis of Textbooks and Parallel Textbooks 40 5. Recommendations 80

Annexures i. State Reports ii. Report on Regulatory Mechanisms in the States submitted by R. Covinda and Mona Sedwal, NIEPA iii. Note Submitted by Janaki Rajan, Director, SCERT iv. Opinion given by Rajeev Dhavan, Senior Advocate V. List of Experts vi. Schedule of Meetings

NX'EPA DC

D 3451 tJocumentatlon CABE Committee on Regulatoi*y Mechanisms for Textbooks and Parallel Textbooks taught in Schools outside the Government System

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This Committee set up under the Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE) by the Mmistry of Human Resources Development was asked to study and report on both textbooks used in government schools not following the CBSE syllabus, as well books used in non-government schools, including those run by religious and social organizations. Based on this survey, the Committee was asked to assess the need to strengthen mechanisms for monitoring textbook content, and to propose measures where appropriate.

This analysis is the first of its kind in terms of scale and range of reference. It provides both in-depth analysis of government and private publications used in different states and a detailed map of the institutional procedures followed by each state. Many experts from states all over India were brought into the process of survey, analysis and discussion on suitable recommendations. The Committee received suggestions and responses from governmental and non-governmei\tal orgamzations, educational institutions and concerned citizens which has helped us to do justice to this extremely important task

The early chapters locate a context for the study, the first discussing its guiding principles, the second spelling out the linkages between policy, curriculum and textbooks and the third outlining the institutional procedures for textbook approval followed at the state level. The fourth presents reports of content analysis of textbooks from different states to identify key areas of concern in textbook content. The report concludes with the Committee’s recommendations.

1. Introduction and Terms of Reference

The reconstitution of the CABE was one of the first interventions in Education by the UP A government. This Committee of the CABE was entrusted with the task of suggesting measures for the regulation of curricula and textbooks produced by State Governments and non-governmental sources (including pnvate publishers). The review of the NCFSE-2000 being undertaken by the NCERT at the request of the government will not cover textual materials used in schools outside the CBSE. It is therefore this Committee that is primarily responsible for. looking at books used in these schools, and the regulatory mechanisms for their preparation and approval

The revision of textbooks had generated unprecedented public debate, at whose centre was the distortion of historical fact by communal ideology. Similar tendencies had been identified earlier in some state textbooks and the publications of religious organizations, but the NCFSE-2000 gave the first clear sanction to these trends. It was also argued that the rewritten books naturalized inequalities of caste, class and gender. It was declared such trends compromised the enterprise of Education. An education seeking to develop critical faculties through the exercise of reason would have to be secular by virtue of its commitment to an open mind. And in a democratic society, one of the most worthwhile endeavors in the direction of equity is providing all citizens access to an education laying the foundations for critical thinking. Again, though our policy makers throughout have spoken of achieving equality through education, we have remained unequal to translating this vision in a curriculum truly representative of the diverse experience of citizens. The CABE’s review of textbook content identifies the areas that demand our attention

The present review was conducted within parameters spelled out in the National Policy on Education (hereafter NPE) of 1986 and the Constitution Particular reference was made to the core curricular areas listed in Section 3 .4 of the NPE and Sections 8 .1 to 8 6 on Cultural Perspective and Value Education. These concerns include the freedom movement, India’s common cultural heritage, egalitarianism, democracy, protection of the environment and the inculcation of scientific temper. These values are expected to promote the integration of our people and to counter fanaticism, violence and superstition.

Experts from states were asked to examine if these core concerns were taken into account by State bodies during the preparation and approval of textual materials. They examined Social Science and Language books, where the treatment of these issues would be most critical, and were invited to share their views as to whether the values had been appropriately interpreted. They were also to assess whether the mechanisms adopted by states to regulate textbook content were clearly formulated and effective, and to state if their jurisdiction extended to materials used in schools run by private organizations.

2. Policies, Curriculum Frameworks, Syllabi and Textbooks

As textbooks dominate the educational process in Indian schools, they become areas of substantial ideological and commercial investment. This is demonstrated by a quick review^ of the debates on policy and publishing procedures, and by an indication of the range of government and private publications Together these underscore the need for regulatory mechanisms.

Educational policies are prepared by Committees set up by the Ministry of Human Resource and Development, presented before the CABE and tabled in both houses of Parliament. Milestones in policy include “Education and National Developmenf’ (1964- 66) and the “National Policy on Education” (NPE-1986, reviewed in 1990). On the basis of these policies, the NCERT designs the National Curriculum Framework (NCF), which according to NPE-1986 should possess “a common core along with other components that are flexible” Syllabi, which prescribe topics for examination, are more familiar to the public than policy documents or the NCFs. The NCERT has produced three sets of syllabi (1975, 1988 and 2002), each following the NCF then current.

NCFs have been framed in 1968, 1986 and 2000, and only the last lacks a prior policy statement. There being no State level curricular statements, states are presumed to refer to Ill the current NCF, but prior to the present report there has been no serious assessment of how far their syllabi adhere to its core elements.

3. Institutional Mechanisms for Textbook Production

State governments started to assume charge of the production of textbooks after the Education Commission (1964-66) drew attention to the factors contributing to the neglect of this area - lack of interest by scholars, unscrupulous publishers and unaffordable prices, irregularities in the selection and prescription of books and the lack of supporting materials like teachers’ guides.

This Committee asked experts to investigate the relative proportions of government and private publications in use, government procedures for bringing out its own publications and for approving books produced by other organizations, and the existing regulations on the use of books in government and private schools (both aided and unaided).

Most states have created bodies through legislation for the preparation of syllabi and textbooks. All the states have established mechanisms for the preparation and approval of textual materials. These mechanisms and processes vary from state to state. The Suh- Committee 's investigations suggested, however, that procedures for textbook production tend to be followed mechanically without really addressing the core curricular concerns de fined in the NPE. What is of real concern is that there is no way of assessing whether the textbooks actually adhere to the aims of education policy. Also there appears to be very little application of mind with regard to the selection of material. This is partly because of the overwhelming emphasis on form with very little attention being devoted to content of textbooks and supplementary materials.

A sketch of procedures in different states illustrates how varied is the picture as regards dependence on the centre, delegation o f responsibilities and the systems devised for the preparation and approval of books;

In Punjab and Tamil Nadu, textbooks for all classes are prepared and published by one State-controlled body. In Sikkim and Haryana, the State Institution of Education/the SCERT prepares books only for primary classes, adopting the NCERT books for higher classes (or private publishers for middle school). Andhra Pradesh uses textbooks from the centrally funded and controlled DPEP/SSA till Class Eight, and its SCERT’s books for Classes Nine and Ten

In Mizoram, the Board conducting examinations prepares all the books it prescribes in Orissa, the autonomous Board of Secondary Education prepares books for Classes Eight to Ten. after which the State Bureau of Textbook Preparation and Publication takes over In both Karnataka and Gujarat. SCERTs are strongly staie-conirolled, but in the latter the School Textbook Development Board monopolizes publication and distribution, while in Karnataka 40 percent of the textbooks are given to private publishers to print IV

In Uttar Pradesh, the Panshads for Basic and Madhyamik Shiksha approve a panel of authors, and schools are,/r^e to choose books by any one, books being published privately. The Madhya Pradesh Textbook Act (1973, 1974) states that even private schools affiliated to the State Board should follow SCERT publications (the government seeks also to monitor library books), but in practice, only those taking public examinations follow this.

The public examination comprises the sole but significant link between private unaided schools and state government authorities. Only Delhi, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Nagaland and West Bengal accept the use of books not produced by the state government by candidates from pnvate unaided schools, and the state’s syllabus committee in consultation with experts should have approved such books.

Many states, like Delhi, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh and West Bengal get schoolteachers, subject experts, members from DDETs and voluntary organizations to collaborate on textbook preparation. Some states have elaborate procedures for approval - West Bengal and Gujarat undertake a phased trial of textbooks m schools before finalizing manuscripts. In Karnataka, manuscripts are submitted to a second group of experts and introduced in certain blocks of the state before final revisions. In Rajasthan, manuscripts are presented to the Education Secretary and Education Mmister In Madhya Pradesh, the government notifies the books for government primary and upper primar>^ schools after their approval by the (government convened) textbook standing committee. While mechanisms for regulation are in place in Bihar, there is insufficient co-ordination between the agencies responsible for preparing textbooks, and the government’s failure to produce books on time has left the field clear for private publishers.

Across states, there thrives on the prescribed material a private industry circulating shadows of government books, teachers’ handbooks, “question banks” and guides. The last are sometimes twice the pnce of government books (the majonty of children buy both, starting as early as Class Four). Guides comprise the main private publications mentioned in the report from Karnataka, where even pnvate schools adhere mainly to government books. Jammu and Kashmir has no major private publishers within the state and the private publications favored in Kerala’s English medium schools are those with a pan-Indian market. Except in Uttar Pradesh, where government-approved authors are published privately, there are no mechanisms to approve private publications, which many schools use to supplement or to substitute for government books, or to teach subjects for which there may not be government books available for all classes, like Moral Science.

Textbooks and curricula in schools run by religious and social organizations and schools not aided by the state are not regulated in any form by state agencies. Some of them use this route to promote ideologies that often contradict the basic pnnciples and vision of the Constitution and educational policies. One disturbing fact is that the free space permitted in the system is often abused for partisan purposes by sectarian organizations and schools affiliated to them. Such organizations exploit the fact of the palpable lack of critical scrutiny of the substance to introduce textual materials that dangerously undermine the aims of education and even vitiate the constitutional framework. Communal bias is imprinted on school textbooks by weaving in absurd and unsubstantiated narratives and facts in a way that undermines not only the scientific quality and academic standard of the education meted out in schools but could have seriously damaging consequences for the quality and integrity of educational standards m the country.

It would he advisable to isstie a set of national guidelines to ensure that curricular materials adhere to constitutional values and the aims of national pohcy. State governments would be responsible for ensuring that private bodies do not flout these.

We take stock below of how bodies representing different communities and religious denominations make use of their freedom from government regulations:

The Council of Anglo-Indian schools prescribe only the curriculum, leaving the choice of textbooks to schoolteachers.

The Christian schools covered by the survey have a limited inten^ention in curriculum. Of two schools visited in Chattisgarh, one uses government textbooks for all subjects except Moral Science, while Catholics have a special religious class. The other, a primary school, brings out its own textbooks, which differ only in terms of format and contain no religious message. The public exams instituted as early as Class Five encourage schools to confine themselves to government textbooks.

Muslim organizations may prescribe their own publications (Dar-ul-Ulum Deoband and Nadvat-ul-Ulema) or publish books only on religious education and refer to the State Board for other subjects (Deeni Taleemi Council). In states like West Bengal madarsas serve to fulfill a demand for education not met by the State. Yet the curriculum and textbooks of madarsas pose certain issues. Those following state government syllabi for all subjects except religious education may, as in Delhi, be working with poor translations of government publications, while those teaching manqulat (religious education) only qualify students for a religious profession. A recent study of Uttar Pradesh revealed that 96 percent of the madarsas wished to modernize their curriculum by the introduction of Science, Hindi and English, but were constrained by finances.

Over the last decade, in a move towards regulating quality, .^sam, Bihar, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal have established Boards that provide funding to the madarsas under their jurisdiction and administer their curriculum, e.g. in West Bengal there are plans to modernize teaching methods for Arabic and English in the 500 madarsas under the Board In Bihar the Board has yet to address the problem of textbooks not being printed regularly There is as yet no board functioning at the all-India level State policy is as significant as private initiatives, Muslim education levels being high in states like whose investment is more substantial (Kerala, where schools are well distributed), or whose vision more inclusive (Urdu being the second language in Andhra Pradesh). By contrast, Gujarat’s aid to Muslim educational institutions is minimal. Its VI recognition of few Urdu medium schools at the secondary level forces dropouts, given the difficulty of shifting languages,

Hindu establishments are often run by an umbrella organization producmg textbooks for schools across India (DAV College Management Committee, Vidya Bharati Sanskriti Shiksha Sansthan and Bhartiya Vidya Bhawan, Mumbai). Unlike state madarsa boards, their curriculum would not reflect regional demands or traditions, nor are they accountable in the way required of state madarsa boards. Schools run by the Vidya Bharati in Uttar Pradesh were reluctant to divulge details of syllabi and textbooks, claiming to use only government publications, which is not true for pnmary classes. Two different names feature as publishers, with the same address.

Vidya Bharati schools are affiliated to either the CBSE or the local State Board, and their intervention occurs by adding to the prescribed curriculum new areas - Naitik Shiksha, Sharirik Shiksha (martial arts). Yoga, Sangeet, Sanskrit (from kindergarten) and Vedic Mathematics - and supplementary textbooks, like Itihas Ga Raha Hai and Bodh Mala. The last is required reading for the “Sanskriti Gyan Pariksha” conducted at an all-India level Students come away with the qualification provided by a government exam, having been put through the paces of a parallel exam routine. Similarly, the “supplementary” subjects and textbooks add up to a more thoroughgoing intervention than possible through an official scripture lesson weekly.

A ftjrther case of parasitism upon the official system occurs in Kamataka Even government schools permit the Infosys library programme to distribute biographies of “great Indians” (mainly published by the Rashtrothana Publication linked to RSS), where mythical figures outnumber social reformers and RSS leaders replace Gandhi and Nehru. Vidya Bharati schools may not seek autonomy fi*om the State Board, but they do seek to extend their power over the family. Their Akhil Bharati Shiksha Sansthan publishes manuals for teachers, some of which are also intended for parents.

4. Content Analysis of Textbooks

The Committee asked experts in the states to examine a selected sample of textbooks in the social sciences and Hindi, regional languages and English in the States of Bihar, Chattisgarh, Delhi, Jammu and Kashmir, Kamataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal. Experts had been asked to examine whether the books used in their states contained matter contrary to (1) NPE- 1986, (2) curriculum framework approved by CABE, (3) the notion of a composite culture as evolved during the freedom struggle, (4) the multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-lingual basis of Indian nationhood, (5) the Fundamental Rights and Duties specified in our Constitution.

1 Textbooks now proliferate in which communal ideology shapes the contours of the understanding of Indian history, society and cuhure. These are essentially erosive of intellectual faculties. They teach a ‘history’ swamped by myths, felse scriptural attribution and concocted claims for India’s greatness. Narrow polemics Vll

leave unexplored whole areas of composite culture, syncretism and ideas. Most disturbmg is the propaganda against minority religions. Such passages violate historical fact, deny India’s composite culture, endorse caste hierarchies eschewed by our Constitution and mobilize a culture of violence that disregards the law. This is the area demanding the most sustained intervention, with implications also for value education and the representation ofhidian realities.

2. Value education should expand its vision to be more inclusive of India’s diverse cultures and traditions and to offer a practical understanding of human impact on the environment. It should be communicated through discussion instead of prescription, which risks reinforcing traditional power hierarchies. It should enable students both to recognize how inequalities o f caste and class persist in our society, and to challenge these.

3 The absence of reference to the child’s immediate environment makes curricular material appear alien. Even state textbooks contain little regional history. Projects for welfare, development and environmental protection are presented without showing the child how she participates and contributes

4 All reports point out how textbooks rein force inequalities by adopting the perspective of classes/groups possessing power and privilege. Rural realities and the experience of women and Dalits are seldom visible in illustrations or in the selections in language anthologies.

These issues of content also bear upon pedagogy. The concern with local environment is based on the recognition that a child’s intellectual development expands from what is familiar to abstractions. Educationists should also formulate creative ways of discussing a complex subject like cultural heritage. Government textbooks should appreciate that their role goes beyond listing State projects, and equip students to offer informed criticism of government policy.

The survey of textbooks followed in madarsas in Uttar Pradesh reveals certain limitations of sectarian education, without turning up overtly objectionable material (books were sampled from religious education, moral instruction. History, Hindi and Urdu). Some of these books glorify everything Islamic uncritically, to the extent of endorsing coercion on Muslims to follow Islamic rituals, and condemning heterodox movements like Akbar's Deen-e-llahi. This deprives the student of alternative viewpoints at an impressionable age and refuses them any non-theological interpretation of reality (historical events are ascribed to the will of God).

Yet at no point do the books endorse coercion on /70/?-Muslims to follow Islam. Books might purvey images based on value judgments (the Aryans are “great and gentle”, the Buddhist principle of ahimsa is thought extreme), yet never speak against another religion. The occasional instances of Hindu rulers being criticized in comparison to Muslim kings are minimal. VI11

Hindi language textbooks used in these schools focus on patriotism, and some of the other values emphasized are communal harmony, objectivity, mercy for animals, equality. There is a tendency for moral science books to confine examples of ideal persons to Muslims, yet Urdu and Hindi books contain many positive portrayals of non- Muslims.

Before turning to the publications of the other religious and social organizations, it is worth noting how even government publications are insensitive in their interpretation of our niany-strancied history. I he report from West Bengal notices a covert tendency to represent the history o f India and the history o f Hinduism as parallel developments. The report from Maharashtra observes that describing Islam’s contribution to Indian art would have enriched a token reference to India’s diversity. A Maharashtra history textbook contains the misleading statement that the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate made “no difference in the traditional lifestyle of the people”. Though it bears repeating that there was no discnmination against non-Muslims on an everyday basis, there were other dimensions of change in the lives of people, like the development of towns and the encounter with new languages and new forms of popular religion. Government textbooks in Maharashtra place young minds in a mono-cultural world. In primary level books, stereotyped markers in illustrations identify different religions, but the books contain no non-Hmdu names (something that recurs in Class Nine Hindi)

From here the easy slippage towards exclusivist thinking is demonstrated by the private publication, Kannada Parimala, where all festivals and gods mentioned are Hindu. The only place Hindus are significant by their absence is the statement, “Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Jains, Buddhists... who too are Indians, celebrate Republic Day” (italics added, to show how the normative Indian is implicitly Hindu). Such publications are at present outside the jurisdiction of the State, but it is worth recording that even government schools in Karnataka have been seen to display Hindu images or Islamic symbols.

COMMUNALISM: These trends become more insidious in schools run by Hindu religious organizations, which establish a closed environment through the selective use of imagery and allusions. Details like using the names of Hindu epic heroes to teach the English alphabet (Vidya Bharati) eventually add up to a deliberate effort to exclude non-Hindus from Indian culture as it is imagined in time and space. Place descriptions in Vidya Bharati publications focus on the local ''teerth"\ but there is no mention of Sanchi among Madhya Pradesh’s tourist sites. High Hinduism takes over the muhi-cuhural landscape of India, and goes on to appropriate the traditions that dissented from it. While in the Maharashtra government textbook. Buddhism is not clearly distinguished from Hinduism, Sanskar Saurahh (Vidya Bharati) declares that the Puranas taught us to understand Buddhism. Dharmashiksha Class Three (DAV College Prabandhakartri Samiti) gets away with the claim that Allah and God are linguistically derivative from OM! (in a book claiming the religion it represents is ideally not confined to one community). IX

Unable to identify non-Hindu dimensions of our cultural heritage, denied the intellectual tools to grasp the separate identity of other religions or the actual import of values that transcend community identity, and misled even as to the content of her own scriptures, the student would easily surrender to the exclusivist idea of India put forward by Vidya Bharati books, “Whose is this country?... Whose motherland, fatherland and holyland is it?” Yet if the wish to visit Mecca takes aw'ay from one’s Indian identity, is one less of a Gujarati after making a pilgrimage to Kashi?

The hate mobilized against other communities is the one clear directive in books characterized by intellectual conjitsion. Examples of the latter range from the blurred boundaries between history and mythology (Krishna and Gandhi are treated on the same plane as exemplary figures in the book on Dhannashiksha) to the way in which religious activity takes over areas of experience outside religion (kings and artists are invoked in the prayers in Vandana, Vidya Bharati).

Such lack of rigour enables conservative politics to obscure dissenting traditions within their version of Hinduism. But students who cannot afford publications other than textbooks must carry the burden of ideas never established by evidence — Christ roamed the Himalayas and drew his ideas from Hinduism (Vidya Bharati), chanting the Gayatri Mantra leads to intellectual growth, yagyas summon rain and the Vedas originated over one trillion years ago (DAY College Prabandhakartri Samiti).

Even supposedly neutral bodies foster hostility at an age when children lack the understanding of political formations to demand evidence or challenge misinformation. Maharashtra government books mention oppression and cheating by Muslim rulers (Class Four, History), Karnataka guides (Class Five, Social Studies) claim Hindus were kept under conditions oi slavery. This clears the ground for the cultivation of hate, as when the DAV textbook {Dharmashiksha, Class Ten) presents Muslims as looters while Hindus are pious and heroic patriots.

Hostility is mobilized into outright violence in the texts of religious organizations. This occurs through judgment (Ashoka is called a coward for adopting non-violence, Vidya Bharati), description (Muhammad bin Qasim died the death of a dog, Vidya Bharati), the interpretation of historical motive (Guru Gobind Singh used a pen and a sword, Vidya Bharati) and direct appeal (“We must make our enemies weep”, DAV). Students taking Vidya Bharati’s Sanskriti Gyan Pariksha are made to memorize that 350,000 “Rambhakts” sacrificed their lives to “liberate the temple”

Intellectual confusion also prevails in the treatment of Hindu institutions or practices disavowed by the modem state. It abounds after introducing revisions in the Karnataka history books. The growth of superstition is ascribed to contact with the Muslims without providing relevant examples Islamic superstition. The notion of Sati is related to the fear of Muslims. Jauhar was understood as the protection of honor against invaders, but how does one locate the fear of Muslims among the different explanations of Sari (a test of wifely devotion or the wish to appropriate the widow’s property)? The treatment of caste is quite different. Though the Arya Samaj is supposed to have opposed the caste system, a DAV textbook speaks of learned Brahmins and valorous Kshatnyas while Shudras are invisible. Although they habitually invoke Hindu identity as homogenous, DAV books advocate endogamy among Arya Samajis. Caste endogamy is endorsed in the textbooks of the Bhartiya Vidya Bhawan as maintaining blood purity and removing the danger of marriage with Muslims. Shivaji’s greatness is established by his protection of cows and of Brahmins (Vidya Bharati). Ritual sacrifices are also justified in the Vidya Bharati books.

Obversely, in the Vidya Bharati books, the nation is the modern notion that shackles the understanding of history. Bharat (including Sri Lanka and Burma) existed from ancient India, the “freedom struggle” was alive in the medieval period and the saffron flag was raised over the rebuilt Somanatha (such texts dare not quote medieval poems about Somanatha that describe the idol surviving by escape, not the drama of violence). The nationalism of revisionist history (Karnataka government books) has its own blind spots - the story of the “glorious rule” of the Rashtrakutas leaves out mention of peasant life

While Vidya Bharati publications may openly celebrate the RSS flag, in ideologically motivated revisions (Karnataka government) the treatment oisecularism leads to internal contradiction. Remnants of liberal rhetoric adhere to the “religious tolerance” of the Rashtrakutas being called progressive, in a historically unsound contrast to the Aiab oppression of citizens (sic^ In Civics the reference to secularism is in spite o f a. Hindu majority, and the fact that our neighbors are theocracies - suggesting it cannot be sustained.

Both specialists and the general public are concerned w’ith how competing theories of secularism imply different possibilities for India. A foreword to Dharmashiksha destroys all potential engagement with these by dishonest translation (“‘Dharmanirpekshata’ means ‘anti-religion’”). It treats as given highly contested arguments (minority nghts preclude equality of citizenship) and interpretations (seculansm separates private and social lives).

In the absence of any monitoring mechanism, such textbooks take it upon themselves to usurp the interpretation of content of important disciplines like history and geography and freely inject myth and fiction into them. Most books mention that the Muslim League is a communal organization and nghtly so but the communal orientation of the RSS as an organization openly committed to the launching of a Hindu Rashtra do not find mention in these books. In these narratives, Muslims are portrayed in a negative light thus providing space and legitimacy for the promotion of crude propaganda against Muslims and Christians. There is an exaggerated focus on a Hindu-Muslim division, drawing more from cultural imagination than on any actual historical record. Adding to this mythologisation of facts is the free categonsation of the significance of issues and factors, not at all in consonance with the prevailing realities requiring depiction. For instance, there is undue attention paid to the role of the Brahmin community, revealing an elite perspective rather than an accurate depiction of the prevailing social reality of different communities equally claiming public space. XI

VALUES: Most books focusing on value education draw overwhelmingly on Hindu traditions (Karnataka guides, Bhartiya Vidya Bhawan), this is too often jusr one dimension o f Hinduism, ignoring its rationalist, transcendental or activist traditions. Constitutional norms and the environment seldom feature, being seen as the department of Social Studies. In the languages and social sciences, the nature and the treatment of values differ from what is encountered in books devoted to value education (private publications). Reports from Madhya Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir observe that the abstract language of government social science textbooks do little to bring democratic and secular values to life, or challenge students to think about manifestations of inequity (judgments are flaccid, “in order to establish equality untouchability is also termed a crime”). Values need to be linked to real life possibilities - a region’s histor>' of communal harmony, or stories about mutuality between different communities (introduced sensitively in Madhya Pradesh language books).

The interpretation of value education in private publications leaves much to be desired. Passivity is encouraged through pedagogy (values taught through commandments, not reasoning) and content (prayers rather than treatment heal disease). UnequalpoM cr relations are assumed by pedagogy (authors affix morals to stories) and content - there are two cases of private publications moralizing Ekalavya’s story as a celebration of devotion to one’s teacher. The wholesale importation of the myths of the past leaves unquestioned its social structures (the most heinous murder being that of a Brahmin) and unexplained its philosophically loaded vocabulary. Endeavors to address the child’s lived experience lapse into unthinking ritual (touching the feet of elders daily) or relative tnviality (tidiness). Two reports comment on how men figure as the sole protectors of morality, and one notes the irony of the way the real world applying the most stringent nomis to women. There is no attempt to convey the dignity o f labor.

ENVIRONMENTAL protection is as yet not perceived holistically, leading to the inability to see how it bears upon the more central concern of current Geography books, industries. Geography tends to compartmentalize the two areas, owing to its virtual exclusion of human needs and culture. Even language books fail to suggest a sustained vision of reciprocal relations with the environment, confining references to nature to stories about animals or natural disasters and essays on sustainable development.

State boards do little to foster awareness of the environment and cultural context o f the region. The different areas within Jammu and Kashmir are never mentioned in Social Studies. Urdu has been imposed on students though it is not the mother tongue of anyone in the state. Yet the introduction of local history could well bring to life abstract concepts like secularism and environmental protection. One could describe how communal harmony was sustained in Kashmir during a period when the rest of India saw it crumbling or discuss local environmental degradation and the measures taken to check this.

Only by responding to the experience o f the child can the curriculum inspire her to respond to the invocation of environmental protection, help her see connections between Xll processed information and understanding accrued in other areas of life, between a problem as given and the possibilities of initiating change. Agricultural activity is described in primary level books as improved by the use of chemical fertilizers - an aspect unrelated to the village child’s participation in it and unlikely to enlarge the urban child’s conception of it (Maharashtra).

GENDER: The West Bengal report mentions the neglect of the representation of u onien The Kerala report criticizes the use oi'^Wfan^' to include women and the fact thai men far outnumber women in visuals. The social issues underlying M omen ’.v inecjua/ity are not adequately explained. The Maharashtra report comments on how Geography books contain nothing on women’s labor. JHIistor>^ does not go beyond mentioning the "pitiful state” of women to describing cases of patriarchy being challenged or personal fulfillment achieved in the face of oppression (women are left out of the account of the Bhakti movement).

The need to consciously engage students with women’s stmggles against patriarchy becomes necessary after encountering the messages purveyed by private publications. A Moral Science guide in Karnataka states that a woman should put up with her husband’s violence in the hope of happiness during her son’s time. The sex-segregated curricula in madarsas teach women their domestic roles, while there is no mention of men’s domestic responsibilities. Separate syllabi in value education have resulted in boys not being made to read about good women and vice versa.

CASTE; Women are at least visible in textbooks, and there is some acknowledgement of gender injustice. Lower castes and rrihals hardly appear in government books in West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh or in books by private publishers with a pan-lndia market. The Kerala report comments that while geographical diversity is emphasized, what remain invisible are the realities of tnbes and scheduled castes inhabiting these spaces. Statements like “tribal people still inhabit the Bastar region” undermine their claims in modem India. Again, comparison with the books of organizations linked to the RSS is salutary. There are no Dalits or contemporary women among the “great Indians” whose biographies are published by Rashtrothana Publications linked to the RSS.

Our inability to confront caste relates to historical processes which have assumed a new character in the present, which means the challenge cannot be thought a small matter of making good omissions. Caste mobilization should be presented more imaginatively than as narroM' identity politics, and should not be subsumed within the nationalist narrative. Students should be made aware of how power structures operate, not just learn to term caste a social problem. Language anthologies should acquaint students with the significance of Dalit and minority literatures.

ECONOMIC INEQUALITY; The Maharashtra report notes that while caste, religion and language are rehearsed as “impediments to national unity”, all disciplines have been less than equal to addressing socio-economic disparities Value education tends to come off worst (friendship should be between people of equal standing, according to the Kannada Parimala). Visuals are also primary agents of symbolic violence, particularly in primary school. Illustrations accompanying the description of a balanced diet show a child Xlll identifiable as urban middle class by details of dress and cutler>', excluding a large segment of potential readers from what the text prescribes as a healthy meal (often consisting of items hard for poor families to procure). The Madhya Pradesh report argues for establishing a connection between dropout rates among students of low economic backgrounds and there being little m textbooks for them to relate to or understand

The Maharashtra report remarks that the oppressed are hardly encountered m English texts. If the elite language tends to blank out from its field of vision those less likely to make use of the language, Hindi stories feel obliged to start from assumptions about ‘"the- poor-as victim” because the implicit power relations have remained uncontested too long and too widely. History textbooks address power relations o f class and caste not in their tang term processes but at the juncture when they are challenged (an ironic contrast to their describing women's oppression, not resistance).

RURAL-URBAN DIVIDE. We conclude by looking at representations of the rural India in relation to a concern underlying some observations in this report willingness of textbooks to pose hard questions. Language books have the potential to at least evoke areas of experience that school Social Studies is uncertain how to address, but in the government books of Maharashtra, village life is glimpsed in the language books only as natural beauty. In Civics books it is characterized by a lack of amenities that the State attempts to redress in the face of hindrance from the ignorance and superstition prevailing. There is no recognition of initiatives taken by villages or voluntary groups. The Kerala report comments on the way in which rural India is a convenient place to locate “National Issues” like dowry and caste, instead of examining how the dimensions of these change across class and location. The “small family norm” endorsed in the NPE is invoked in its contrast to what one encounters in villages, ignoring how large families are not seen only as increasing chances of a male heir, but as providing extra hands during cultivation and insurance against infant mortality.

5. Recommendations

Declaring education a fundamental right entails ensuring all citizens access to a meaningful quality education. The current diversity of available curricular material is potentially ennching, but risks compromising on the liberal, secular and democratic principles of Constitution. Educational materials must be produced within the framework of the Constitution according to processes transparent to the public. These premises form the basis of the Committee’s recommendations for regulating the approval of textbook manuscripts, investigating issues raised by the public, reviewing material in print and supporting research on developing curricular materials;

• Procedures for approving curricular matenals should include a senous appraisal by academic experts of their adherence to the core principles of egalitarianism, democracy and secularism.

• It is proposed that there be instituted a National Textbook Council to monitor textbooks. This must be indepeiident of any organization involved in textbook XIV preparation, and also be fully autonomous so as genuinely to represent civil society and academia. It would provide ordinary citizens a forum at which to register complaints regarding textbooks, which would be followed up by an investigation by the Council.

To keep itself updated, the CABE may set up a Standing Committee, which would be guided by the National Textbook Council. The Standing Committee should be empowered to prepare the guidelines and outline the parameters for periodic reviews of textbooks, to be completed within six months of the beginning of the academic session. Reviews would examine social content of books as well as assess their standards, relevance and suitability for the age group. These periodic reviews should be submitted to the government, and widely publicized through the media.

Though their role as producers of textbooks precludes their reviewing textbook content, the NCERT and all SCERTs can be asked to set up units dedicated to research on textbook preparation and evaluation, which would be assured academic autonomy. These should be staffed adequately for the task of working in conjunction with the CABE Standing Committee for curricular review. The MHRD, State Education Departments and State Directorates of Education should earmark funds for this purpose.

Along with the establishment of formal bodies to investigate specific complaints, there should be support for other civil society initiatives in this area. Adequate funding must be made available to concerned agencies to carry out research on textbook content. All institutions of higher learning should support research in school textbooks. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The CABE Committee on ‘"Regulatory Mechanisms for Textbooks and Parallel Textbooks Taught m Schools Outside the Government System” was entrusted with the task of examinmg textbooks and parallel textbooks in government and non­ government schools and to recommend regulatory mechanisms for textbooks used in these schools. We are grateful to a number of colleagues for sharing with us their perspective, knowledge and experience as concerned citizens and activists in the field of education, and for sustaining the work of this Committee

A report such as this could not have been written without the help and support of numerous individuals and institutions that have readily provided academic inputs and research support to the Committee. In the writing of this report, we have benefited greatly from the detailed comments and suggestions provided by Rajeev Dhavan, R Govinda, Geetha Nambeesan, Anil Sadgopal, Malini Parthasarathy, Prabhat Patnaik, Rajan Prasad, and Janaki Rajan. We are also grateful to Arjun Dev, Narayani Gupta, Mushirul Hasan, Indira Jaising, and A.G. Noorani for their valuable suggestions.

We owe a special debt of gratitude to experts in the States who responded to our invitation and prepared the State reports for the Committee. The content analysis represented in this report would not have been possible without the contributions of Ramaknshna Chatterjee, Simantini Dhuru, P.K Dutta, Niharika Gupta, Rajiv Gupta, Azizuddin Husain, Akshay Kumar, Ravisankar Nair, Anjali Noronha, Tanveerul Sadiqain, Padma Sarangapani, Sumit Sarkar, Tanika Sarkar, Nandini Sundar, Rooprekha Verma. We would like to thank the Public Study Group on CABE Committees for their inputs and support provided to the Committee

We would also like to thank Sushma Gulati and Anjum Sibia from the faculty' of the NCERT for overseeing the functioning of the Committee, the staff of the NCERT for administrative support, and finally the Research Associates of the CABE Committee, Sanjeevini Badigar, Santosh Malua and Sumeet Mhaskar for their research assistance

Professor Zoya Hasan Professor Gopal Guru Chairpersons

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

This report focuses on the critical issue of textbooks and the processes of selection and prescription of curriculum, textbooks, and supplementary textual materials in different types of schools. Two recent events had a significant impact on the issue and underlined the necessity of regulatory mechanisms for selection and prescription of textual materials. Also underscored was the need to improve the already existing mechanisms for the selection and prescription of textbooks in schools within and outside the government system. One was the controversy regarding the NCERT’s National Curriculum Framework (NCF) for school education in 2000 and the extensive shift in educational policy and the process of formulating the national programme of education that it occasioned. Second, the NCF was adopted without consulting the Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE), in effect disregarding the highest body in place to advise the Central and State governments in the matter of education. The NCF was implemented without its approval. As a federal forum, CABE represents the sole interface between the Central and State governments on this Concurrent List subject. CABE also includes educational officers, scholars, and citizens' representatives from different walks of life. From its inception, it has played an important role in shaping education and evolving a national consensus on education policy.

Curricula and textbooks had already been an issue of controversy in several States before the NCF 2000, but the NDA government’s attempt to introduce major curricular changes triggered fresh and intense public criticism of the perspective adopted in the NCF, especially the wholesale revamping of the curriculum and textbooks in the social sciences. Both academics and educationists have urged the restoration of the primacy of the progressive discourse in curricular policy. The United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Government’s response has focused on taking a series of corrective steps to rectify the problems in the curriculum One of the first actions of the UPA in the field of education was the reconstitution of the CABE, which in turn constituted several sub-Committees, of which this Sub-Committee has been entrusted with the task of suggesting measures in regard to the regulation of curricula and textbooks. The NCERT has been asked to review the NCF 2000 But the NCERT’s review will not address the larger issue of textbooks and supplementary material used in schools not affiliated to the CBSE, including the state go\ernnienl and non-government schools. The recommendation of regulatory mechanisms for these schools is the main task entrusted to this Committee.

Although the NCERT texts are used all over India, these are however limited to schools affiliated to the CBSE and the number of schools, v^hich accept this scheme, remains small. Out of a total number of around 1,25, 000 recognized secondary and higher secorxlary schools in the country, about 6200 are at present under the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE). Changing the NCERT books may be necessary, but this clearly will not be enough, as the bulk of schools do not use the CBSE syllabus. Even those that use the CBSE syllabus do so largely for the higher classes for the purpose of Board exams. The textbooks prepared and approved through well-established official mechanisms in the States have also been found to be not free of prejudice and pre-conceived notions In addition, there are a large number of schools run by social and religious organizations where, for quite some time now. studies and reports have shown that children are being socialised into a communal imagination orientation, not at all in consonance with the secular and democratic consensus.'

Education that inculcates a critical faculty and an emphasis on reasoning is by its ver>' nature secular education. Whether state supported, autonomous or privately financed, education should be committed to free enquiry and the inculcation of an open mind. This requires that textbooks that are open-ended and encourage among children creative processes of inquiry, dissent and debate. Textbooks can help the children to develop and absorb the ideals and values of equal citizenship, an appreciation of diversity, and imbibe the grammar of national identity, culture, and scientific temper. Indian school textbooks for quite some time had attempted to inculcate these principles in order to portray and uphold the values and traditions of a plural, equitable and democratic society. The recent attempt to rewrite textbooks sharply and disturbingly unsettled and eroded these values.

The rewriting of curricula and textbooks in the past few years has caused widespread concern. Never before had curricula and textbooks been subjected to such close scrutiny and public debate. The recent attempts to use education for narrow politically partisan purposes to reflect the ideologies propounded by certain organizations and political parties have met with disapproval on the part of concerned parents and caused dismay and consternation among educationists and academics. The major concern is the introduction of a non-secular tone in the curriculum and textbooks that reflect narrow and partisan points of view. The NCERT books prepared under NCF 2000 had been criticised widely for what they represent, with all their implications for the disadvantaged - the minorities, tribals, dalits and for women- especially the inherent consequences of perpetuating and reinforcing inequalities. As earlier reports have pointed out, even before the NCF, this trend of introducing sectarian thinking was found in state level textbooks, but the NCF gave a new impetus to these trends and legitimacy to their efforts. Quite apart from the obvious communalisation of history, issues of serious concern are those of gender and the status of women, class, caste-based discriminations, community driven stereotypes, environment etc

There is an urgent need to ensure that the education system reflect the secular- nationalistic discourse; it must remain free of communalism; it must reflect the cultural diversity of our nation and the multicultural nature of our society; and it must not exacerbate gender, caste and community inequalities. The very diversity and inequality of Indian society is a compelling reason to address with urgency the

' NCERT, Report ofthe National Steenng Committee on Textbook Evaluation, Volume 1, 1993, Volume 2, NCERT, New Delhi, 1994. questions of social equality, multiple identities and national identity and their presentation in educational materials. One of the most important means of promoting equity in a democratic society is to make good critical education available to all. This requires curricular frameworks that reflect these objectives. These then need to be translated into textbooks.

The commitment towards achieving equality through education - a central concern of the national endeavour underlying Indian education - has been unequivocally voiced in all the major policy documents of independent India. The task of translating this vision of equality into a curricular framework and into textbooks is challenging enough and remains not fiilly realized. In other words, we have not always been able to concretise the conceptions and policy statements and embody these into a democratic curriculum, which is reflected in textbooks. The concerted sectarianism and communalist politics of the recent past has made this task doubly difficult.

The Government of India reconstituted the CABE vide Resolution 6.7.2004. The first meeting was held on August 10-11, 2004. After extensive discussions on several critical issues connected with education in this meeting, the Minister of Human Resources Development has set up seven Committees to deal with important issues pertaining to different aspects of school, higher and technical education. It was decided to set up a Committee of the CABE on “Regulatory Mechanisms for Textbooks and Parallel Textbooks Taught in Schools Outside the Government System”.

The terms of reference of the Committee are; (a) To study and report on textbooks in government schools not using the CBSE syllabus. (b) To study the textbooks and curriculum of schools outside the Government system, including those run by the religious and social organizations. (c) To suggest an appropriate regulatory mechanism for institutionalizing the issue of preparation of textbooks and curricular material."

The Committee decided to review textbooks used in schools affiliated to State Boards, private schools as well as those managed by religious and social organizations, which may or may not be affiliated to these Boards. This is largely to

" ()nc issue pertains U) the TOR itsell'. The first meeting of the Committee noted the contradiction between the title of the Committee “Regulator) Mechanians for Textbooks and Parallel 1 exlbooks Taught in Schools Outside the Government System” and the terms of reference which asked the Committee to study and examine textbooks in schools not afliliated to the CBSli, which would include state government and non-government schools. The Joint Secretary, Shri Sudeep Baneijee, dealing with CABE in the MHRD, later clarified that TOR of the Committee includes an examination of both go\ emment and n<.)n-government textbooks. The seaind issue pertains to the second term of reference, i.e. religious and social organizations. Some members raised the issue as to which organizations fall under this category. While this issue is important, it falls outside the purview of the Committee. A view, nevertheless, was expressed that the government if it so wishes may apply its mind to the matter in the appropnale forum. bring within the scope of review textbooks other than those published by the NCERT. The review of the NCERT curriculum and textbooks is being done separately. The Committee is aware that private schools affiliated to the CBSE are using textbooks published by private publishers in addition to NCERT books. However, given its terms of reference, the Committee has hmited the scope of the review to textbooks used in schools not affiliated to CBSE, which will include textbooks produced by state governments and any textual material published by non­ governmental sources, including private publishers.

The review of textbooks has to be undertaken on the basis of certain identifiable parameters which are clearly speh out in the educational polices and the Constitution These are identified as core curricular areas listed in Section 3.4 of the NPE 1986/92 and Cultural Perspective and Value Education in Section 8.1 to 8.6. These are identified as: freedom movement, national identity, promotion of values such as India’s common cultural heritage, egalitarianism, democracy, secularism, equality of the sexes, protection of the environment, removal of social barriers, observance of small family norm and inculcation of scientific temper. These values are expected to promote unity and integration of our people, and also help eliminate obscurantism, religious fanaticism, violence, superstition and fatalism.

Do States take these into consideration as a criterion for the selection, preparation, prescription and approval of textual materials and how they are presented'^ What mechanisms do States use? Are they adequate? Do they apply to all types of schools including those run by social and religious organizations and textbooks in use? These are some of the major questions the Committee has endeavoured to address. As a first step we need to understand how textbooks and other materials are prescribed and approved for children in dilferent States and Union Territories.

The Committee decided to examine a selected sample of textbooks in the social sciences and Hindi, regional languages, English and a few moral education books. This choice was also determined by the importance given to social sciences in the educational policies. Almost all aims of education are embodied and are to be realized through the teaching of social sciences, and to a lesser extent in the teaching of languages. The states identified for this exercise are: Bihar, Chattisgarh, Delhi, Jammu and Kashmir, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal. In these states, textbooks used by state government run schools, as well as those produced by private publishers used by religious and social organizations have been taken up. A few cases of textbooks produced by private publishers have also been examined.

This report has been divided into five chapters starting with the introduction. The second chapter provides an overview of education policies and related issues of curriculum and textbooks. The third chapter documents the institutional arrangements for the preparation of textbooks through a mapping of the regulatory mechanisms established by state governments for approval and adoption of textbooks The fourth chapter presents a review and analysis of the contents of textbooks produced by state governments, private publishers and cultural and social organizations. The fifth and concluding chapter puts forward a series of recommendations for the consideration of CABE on regulatory mechanisms for textbooks and parallel textbooks.

We have tried to undertake this exercise with as wide a consultation as possible. We invited suggestions and responses from governmental and non-governmental organizations, educational institutions and concerned citizens to enable us to do justice to this extremely important task. We were fortunate in receiving inputs and support from various individuals, institutions and government bodies involved in the curricular issues, education and textbook preparation.

We are aware that justice may not have been done in representing and reflecting the great variety of textbooks and textual and supplementary materials and types and managements of schools in India and the range of governmental processes evolved through legislations and other means by different States for the approval of textual materials, and above all, to the variety of textual materials used in schools. Within the limited time available to the Committee we have tried to be as representative as possible of the range and diversity of structures and types of schools and of the textbooks and textual materials used in them.

Members of the Committee

Professor Zoya Hasan, Co-Chairperson Professor Gopal Guru, Co-Chairperson Professor G.P. Deshpande, Member Secretary School Education, Uttar Pradesh, Member Secretary School Education, Andhra Pradesh, Member Secretary School Education, West Bengal, Member Secretary School Education, Kerala, Member Secretary School Education, Rajasthan, Member Ms. Teesta Setalvad, Member Professor Krishna Kumar, Director, NCERT, Member Secretary CHAPTER II

POLICIES, CURRICULA, SYLLABI AND TEXTBOOKS

EDUCATIONAL POLICIES

Educational policies are prepared by Committees set up by the Ministry of Human Resources and Development (MHRD) These are approved by the CABE and also tabled for approval in both houses of Parliament Several major Committees have been set up since independence, the Secondar>^ Education Commission (1952-53), Education and National Development (1964-66) and National Policy on Education (NPE), 1986 and Programme of Action (POA), 1992. The Review Committee of the NPE 1986, known as the Acharya Ramamoorthy Committee (1990) reviewed the NPE. 1986, and the Yash Pal Committee’s 'Learning Without Burden’ (1994) suggests ways of reducing curricular load.

THE NATIONAL CURRICULUM FRAMEWORKS

Curriculum development, syllabus design and the preparation of instructional materials including textbooks and their evaluation began with the emergence of NCERT as a nodal agency at the national level in the area of school education. NCERT was involved directly in the process of curriculum development and preparation of textbooks. As the State Institutes of Education, State Textbook Boards, and the State Council of Educational Research and Training were established, these gradually followed the pattern of providing technical support to research and de\ elopment activities underlying the formulation and the preparation of textbooks at the state/union territory levels.

1 At the central level, based on Education Policy, a National Curriculum Framework (NCF) is brought out by the NCERT. Since independence, three National Curricular Frameworks (NCFs) have been framed on the basis of the recommendations of the two major Committees, 1968 and 1986 The NCF ft-amed in 2000 is the only NCF that was framed without a policy statement preceding it.

2 The NPE, 1986, defines the NCF as follows; “The national system of education will be based on a national curricular framework which contains a common core along with other components that are flexible.” Common core has been defined by NPE as follows; History of India’s freedom movement, constitutional obligations, promotion of values such as India’s common cultural heritage; egalitarianism; democracy and secularism; equality of the sexes; protection of the environment; removal of social barriers; observance of the small family norm; inculcation of the scientific temper. Textbooks, which seek to fulfill curriculum objectives, must reflect the above-mentioned aspects of the ‘core'.

3 The NCF 2000 makes fundamental departures from the earlier NCFs and policies m respect of the role of values, the place of religion, equality of educational opportunity etc. These departures generated wide controversy both with regard to (a) the process of preparation and (b) content of the NCF

4. The Executive Committee of the NCERT in its meeting of 19 July 2004 decided to initiate the review of the National Curriculum Framework for School Education (NCFSE) 2000. It decided to form five structures to undertake the NCF review. These structures are; National Steering Committee; National Focus Group; Committee for Consultation with States: Research Unit; Coordination Committee. The National Steering Committee chaired by Professor Yashpal has members including scholars from different disciplines, principals and teachers, representatives of NGOs and members of the NCERT faculty. The Committee is deliberating on all aspects of the school curriculum, taking into account the existing framework. The final review document will be presented to the Executive Committee of the NCERT and the Council of the General Body for discussion and approval, and ultimately to the CABE

Following the curriculum framework, syllabi for the primary, middle, secondary and senior secondary stages are also prepared. The syllabi assume great importance as it sets out both the content contours and topics on the basis of which the Examination Boards set questions for examinations. The syllabi are therefore more familiar documents among teachers, parents and students than the policy or the curriculum framework. There are many Boards in the country, but most States have their own Examination Boards, in addition to the CBSE and ICSE Boards. Each Board prescribes its own syllabi. It may or may not adhere to the NCERT syllabi.

Textbook is a major educational tool for the students. In India, textbooks occupy most of the educational space in schools. They are not just teaching manuals, they shape the minds of children in their formative years, and have a profound influence on how young minds interpret reality. For this reason the content of textbooks or instructional material is a deeply contentious issue in several countries around the world. Indeed, questions of curriculum and textbooks are so contested because they are at the heart of debates over national identity, and over who will define and control what is worth knowing This is probably why in a country as diverse as ours the issue of textbooks IS a site of much contestation and conflicting interpretations. In one sense, the content of our textbooks is a crucial disseminator of fundamental values of citizenship, values that we need to pass on to the next generation. Thus the content of textbooks is of vital importance and has a significant impact on the educational development of students

TYPES OF SCHOOLS

Schools and school systems in India are a bewildering array in structure and functioning. Kendriya Vidyalayas (KVs) are primarily meant for children of central government officers who are posted all over India. They are affiliated to the CBSE, which prescribes the Syllabus and the NCERT textbooks. They function from class 1 to Class XII. Navodaya Vidyalayas (NVs) are centrally managed and are meant for the talented children from the rural areas, and function from classes VI - XII. They are also affiliated to the CBSE and use NCERT textbooks

Private un-aided schools are also affiliated to the CBSE, and form a very influential group in the system. They use NCERT textbooks from, class IX onwards and function from pre-school to class XII. Private aided schools receiving aid from state governments are affiliated to CBSE or State Boards.

Christian missionary schools are affiliated to ICSE, CBSE and State Boards. In the past few years the International Baccalaureate has made significant inroads among elite private schools.

The majority of children study in schools run by the State government. These are affiliated to their own State Boards and use textbooks prescribed and prepared by their own state bodies, usually the State Institutes of Education or SCERTs.

Alternate Schools under many names are also run under the SSA. They have textbooks, workbooks, worksheets and TLMs, prepared by SSA/DPEP.

There are lakhs of private, unrecognized, primary schools in all over the countr>^, for pre-school to class VATII. The textbooks used in these schools are more often than not low priced, low quality kunjis or ‘guides’ Alternate schools under many names are also run under the SSA. They have textbooks, workbooks, worksheets and TLMs prepared by SSA/DPEP

There are also small primary schools run by several social and religious organizations are not affiliated to any agency.

Then there are National Institute of Open Schools, has its own Board of Examinations, and prepares and prescnbes its own books. State Open Schools are run along the same lines as the national open school lines.’

CURRICULUM FRAMEWORK, SYLLABI AND TEXTBOOKS

With the adoption of the 10+2 pattern as recommended by the Education Commission (1964-66), the NCERT developed supporting syllabi and textbooks to be used as models by the states and union territories Most states excepting the newly formed ones and the Union Territones have their own Examination Boards similar to the CBSE which are known as State Boards The respective State Directorates along with the SCERTs prepare textbooks, which are then printed by the Textbook Bureaus in States at a highly subsidized price.

' Inlbrmation irom Note submitted by Janaki Raj an. Director, SCERT, New Delhi to the CABH Committee, Annexure 3. The NCERT has brought out three sets of syllabi so far: in 1975,1988, 2002. Although NCERT frames the syllabi, it is the CBSE that prescribes syllabi, which are valid for purposes of examination and certification for schools affiliated to CBSE. State Boards, prescribe the syllabi and textbooks for schools affiliated to them. However, private schools do not necessarily follow the Board prescribed syllabi and textbooks till Class Vlll

Non-NCERT, non-CBSE prescribed textbooks constitute the majority of textbooks in use in the country A detailed account of institutional mechanisms in the States for textbook preparation is given in the next chapter.

There are large numbers of textbooks published by the private sector. Non­ government schools are free to choose publications, including those published by the private sector Some of the elite schools use books produced by private publishers such as Oxford University Press, Sagar Ratna, and Maktaba Jamia." Selection of textbooks from private publishers is dependent on the school, which generally invites publishers to bring the books before a Committee of teachers to decide. Many incentives are offered by publishers to schools, which could range from price cuts, to a percentage of total cost of books supplied being made over to the school. ' A measure of state patronage for them can be discerned from the fact that seminars and workshops for teachers, held by state bodies are ‘sponsored’ by these publishers.^ However, the point is that these private publishers cannot be wished away legally. Every publisher has a right to publish, and if parents choose to select their textbooks for their children to read, there is not much that can be done.^

The most important issue is with regard to textbooks and related literature used in schools run by religious and social organizations, which have a large outreach and impact. Some schools i e. Saraswati Shishu Mandirs,^ Ekal Vidyalays, Pathshalas, Madarsas^ etc run by respective religious and social organizations follow their ow^n curricula and books. Some of them use this route to promote ideologies that often contradict the basic principles and vision of the Constitution and educational policies.^ There is no mechanism to regulate the content of the textbooks used by

■ Founded by Jcimia Miliia blamia, the Jamia Maktaba is a pnvalc limited a>mpanv with the Jamia Millia Islamia having an 80 percent financial stake in the company. ' Ibid. ' Publishers also olTer to underw rite Seminar and other expenses of the schools. This is apart from the usual calendars, diiiries. pt>siers. stationery olTered I'ree to schools. Ibid. ' On legal issues with regard to textbooks, see Rajeev Dhavan's note. Annexure 4 ^ An umbrella organization. Vidya Bharati was founded in 1977, and at that time, it ran 700 schools. In 2003, It had 14,(X)0 schools, 73,0(X) teachers and 1.7 million pupils. "In 1991, Vidya Bharati claimed it w'as running the second largest chain of schools in the country, next only to the government schools’". Information given in Christophe JatYrelot, ed. Sangh PahvarA Reader, Oxford University Press, New Delhk 2005, p. 6 iind p. 199 respectively. ^ On the number of madarsas in different states see Table 6 in Chapter 3. ^ On schools and textbooks used in Saraswati Shishu Mandirs, Ekal Vidyalays etc, see Tanika Sarkar, "Educating the Children o f the Hindu Rashtra; Notes on RSS Schools’ in Christophe Jaflfrelot, ed Sangh PahvarA Reader, Teesta Setalvad, ‘How Tectbooks Teach Prejudice’, Communalism Combat, 15 June 2003; Teesta Setalvad, ‘Gujarat; Situating the Saffronisation of Education’ in The Safjron 10 these organizations or to prevent them from publishing and distributing them. They seek recognition neither by the state nor any Examining Board. The Policy of Non- Formal Education (1986) enables any organization to run non-formal centres. If they do not receive state funds, they are not governed by the state. They continue to run their ‘centres’ with books of their choice. When children are ready, they are registered with the Open School and obtain their certification.^

SOME IMPORTANT ISSUES

As there is no State level curriculum statement, it is presumed that the syllabi adhere to the core elements of the NCF (which is the expectation of the NCF). No serious scrutiny of the extent of adherence to the core curriculum of state syllabi has been conducted so far.

Textbooks and curricula m schools run by religious and social organizations and schools not aided by the state are not regulated in any form by state agencies. Their adherence to constitutional provisions and educational policies is an issue of major concern and this has been discussed in the Chapter 4 on social content of textbooks.

Agenda In Education, Sahmat, New Delhi, 2001; Nalini Taneja, ‘Communalization of Education: Taking Slock Again’, People's Democracy, N o 43, October 2003. ^ Janaki Rajan’s Note submitted to the CABE Sub-Committee. Annexure 3. 11

CHAPTER III

WSTITUTIONAL MECHANISMS FOR PREPARATION OF TEXTBOOKS IN THE STATES

Textbooks have always been an integral part of the Indian school education system. As the school education programme acquired a mass character in the post-independence period, the absence of good quality textbooks began to be acutely felt. Yet the period immediately after independence saw no major effort to mass-produce textbooks. As the system expanded, the textbook industry became one of the very profitable fields for investment which also led to a proliferation of low quality, sub-standard and badly produced textbooks. Thus the availability of textbooks at affordable prices for the poor also became an important issue. The Education Commission (1964-66) points out that textbook writing and production did not receive the attention they deserved The Commission also identified several factors contributing to the problem such as the lack of interest shown by top-ranking scholars, malpractices in the selection and prescription of textbooks, unscrupulous tactics adopted by several publishers, lack of research in the preparation and production of textbooks and the almost total disregard of the need for bringing out anciUaiy books, such as teachers’ guides and supplemental^' material It is m this context that many state governments took over the production of textbooks.’

The establishment of the Central Bureau of Textbook Research in 1954 and its subsequent merger in NCERT in 1961 gave a new direction to textbook development and production. The NCERT launched a comprehensive programme of textbook production from the late 1960s. The National Board of School Textbooks in its first meeting in 1969 suggested that the NCERT should work out a general framework in the form of principles and criteria for preparing textbooks for different school subjects, by actively involving State authorities, subject specialists, teachers and other educators.

EMERGENCE OF STATE AGENCIES NCERT, SCERTS AND TEXTBOOK BUREAUS

Efforts to institutionalise textbook preparation and production began with state production of textbooks in the post-independence period. Uttar Pradesh, for instance, was one of the first States to do so. The State Institutes of Education and State Institutes of Science Education in the mid-sixties took up this task. Both structures were mtegrally part of the State Directorates of Education. NCERT had also begun preparing textbooks at the national level. Particularly with respect to Social Sciences, the wnting of history became tied to the elaboration of the nationalist project to build a democratic, liberal, socialist, humanistic vision. Moved by the optimism of the age and the urge to provide the children of new India with a history of India’s past, many of the reputed academics were invited to write textbooks when the NCERT was set up in the mid-1960s.

' This section on institutional arrangements and regulatory mechanisms has gained much fi*om a Note prepared by R. Goviiida and Mona Sedwal, ‘Preparation, Production and Prescription o i Textbook for School Education in India’, NIEPA. See Annexure 2. 12

During this time. State governments, faced with the task of providing textbooks in schools, which then were predominantly government run, established Textbook Bureaus and State Boards of Examinations. While the Textbook Bureaus focused on the printing and distribution of textbooks, and the Boards had the task of prescribing syllabi, conducting examinations, the States used several methods for the actual preparation of textual materials.

A few State governments established Textbook Corporations for the production of textbooks. In most States the function of textbook preparation, particularly for primar>' and upper primary classes, was taken over by SCERTs, which subsumed the SIEs organisationally, as well as functionally. For instance, the Maharashtra Government combined the t^sk of textbook production and related research by the creation of Maharashtra State Board of Textbook Production and Curriculum Research. Based on the recommendations of the NPE 1986 to decentralise curricula and textbook writing. States began to establish SCERTS, either closing down the older SIEs, or amalgamating them with SCERTs. However, there existed a tension with regard to their functioning. While States were prepared to allow the SCERTs to prescribe the ftmction of textbook preparation for pnmary and upper primary classes, they were reluctant to hand over a smular role to the SCERTs in respect of secondary education.

Textbook preparation at secondary level was assigned either to the wholly State controlled Board of Education, or the State’s Directorate of Education. However, neither structure had the professional wherewithal to undertake the academic task of textbook writing, the former being an examining body, and the latter an administrative one. They relied upon ‘established’ academics chosen by a Committee constituted to choose writers. In effect, the textbook preparation was left to the discretion of handpicked academics. This is not to give the impression that in contrast to the situation as regards secondary' education, all was well with regard to primary and middle schools. This does not imply that the tasks, even for primary and middle sections were fully streamlined and that all the SCERTs carried them out systematically. For one, some of the SCERTs, as in case of Northeastern states, came into existence much later and the responsibility for textbook preparation and production in some of them is still quite fluid.

The textbooks for the secondary and higher secondary stages are generally adopted from the NCERT in most of the States. Textbooks at Secondary Stage are not prepared in Delhi as all schools are affiliated to CBSE CBSE prescnbed textbooks are used at Higher Secondar\'/PUC Stage in Delhi The Himachal Pradesh Board does not prepare textbooks for classes XI and Xll, instead books of NCERT are recommended m the schools. In Haryana also textbooks published by NCERT have been introduced in the state at secondary and Higher Secondary/PUC stage. In Orissa at the secondary stage; (For classes VITI, IX and X) Board of Secondary Education, Orissa - which is an Autonomous Organisation, prepares textbooks. At Higher Secondary Education (for classes XI and XB) State Bureau of Textbook Preparation and Publication, Bhubaneswar IS responsible for preparing textbooks. But as already mentioned, very few States directly intervene in private unaided schools with regard to the nature of teaching-learning 13 material and books being used. Once recognition is given to such private self-financing schools, public examinations are the only link between the schools and the State government authorities/"

The role of NCERT as a textbook producer at the central level has expanded enormously with the publication of NCFs and the collaborative arrangement between CBSE and NCERT

With the huge expansion of the private unaided sector at both elementary and secondary levels, divergence in the use of textbooks by government and private schools has acquired considerable importance as described in the ensuing sections. Given this diversity of textbooks in all types of schools, what goes into the textbooks is a matter of national importance and merits the highest attention.

TEXTBOOK PREPARATION MECHANISMS FOR SCHOOLS IN THE GOVERNMENT SYSTEM IN THE STATES

What processes do the SCERTs / other agencies adopt in preparing textbooks'^ If private publishers are involved, how are the books approved and prescribed by the State government bodies? .Are private schools free to use any textbook‘s The CABE Sub- Committee explored these questions with State agencies through quick questionnaire- based surveys. Eighteen states responded. In addition, the Sub-Committee studied the responses to questionnaires sent out by NIEPA.' The Committee has also looked into the state studies senes undertaken by NIEPA between 1994-2004 All this information is presented in Tables 1 and 2.

Based on these studies plus information available from State reports commissioned by the Committee, State mechanisms can be broadly categorised as:

1. States w'hich relied on the NCERT textbooks, and de facto accepted the presumed institutional mechanisms of the central agency to approve textbooks. Examples are Arunachal Pradesh and Union Territories.

2. States which permit textbook preparation up to class VIII by the centrally funded and controlled DPEP/SSA, and, for the secondary stage, use their own State Boards In Himachal Pradesh textbooks are prepared by DPEP/SSA and printed by Himachal Pradesh Board of School Education. In Orissa, the responsibility for preparing the textbooks for different streams of education rests w'lth the different organization/institution of the state. At elementary stage. Directorate of Teacher Education and SCERT and Orissa Primary Education Programme Authority (OPEPA) Bhubaneswar, prepare textbooks. In Orissa legislative measures have recently been taken for adoption of Language Textbook (Oriya) in English medium schools affiliated to ICSE and CBSE.

- Ibid. "Ibid. 14

3. States which took on the responsibility of preparing their own textbooks, but entrusted this task to their own, wholly controlled State agencies. States like Karnataka and Gujarat have the Directorate of Textbooks, which is a wing of SCERT. SCERT itself is very strongly State controlled. In Mizoram and West Bengal, the Board of School Education prepares the textbooks for the elementary stage. In Mizoram, the Mizoram Board of School Education Act, 1975 empowers the Board to prescribe, prepare, publish and select textbooks for the various examinations conducted by the Board. Under the Board, the Statutory Committee of Mizoram Board of School Education selects textbook writers and editors for Textbook and Syllabus preparation. In Gujarat, the Gujarat School Textbook Board is the regulatory authorit>'. The GCERT only provides technical support to the Textbook Development Board, which is fully responsible for the preparation, publication and distribution of textbooks. In Madhya Pradesh, for example, the SCERT prepares the textbooks, their printing, publication and distribution is done entirely by the Madhya Pradesh State Textbook Corporation.

4. Among the States which permit SCERTs to prepare textbooks up to class VIH, which rely on CBSE/NCERT for the secondary stage are Delhi, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh, Haryana and of course the Union Territories. In Haryana, the Board of School Education assigns the work of material development to SCERT, which in turn accomplishes the work by organizing workshops with school teachers and subject experts and subject specialists working in SCERT. While SCERT produces/develops textbooks for primary classes for (I-V), classes VI to VIII, textbooks published by NCERT have been adopted by the state. In Delhi, team comprising senior university teachers, professionals from NGO sector, college teachers, SCERT and DIET teacher educators and school teachers prepare the textbooks in a collaborative mode for classes I-Vm. In Rajasthan, textbooks for Class I to VIU are prepared by SCERT approved by State Govemment and published by the Textbook Board. Before publication, computerized manuscripts of all textbooks in the form of hard copy are presented to the Secretary (Education) and to the Education Minister for approval. Similarly, in the schools run by the State Govemment or recognized and aided by the State Govemment of Uttar Pradesh it is compulsory to use only those textbooks, which are approved by the Uttar Pradesh Basic Shiksha Parishad and Uttar Pradesh Madhyamik Shiksha Parishad. But the two Boards (Parishads) of the State Government sometimes only approve a panel of authors and not the precise books, and the schools are free to choose books written by any of the empanelled authors. From class IX to XII this practice is quite often followed.

Institutional stmctures and mechanisms including legislative measures exist in several States. (Table 3) In Orissa Legislative measures have recently been taken for adoption of Language Textbook (Oriya) in English medium schools affiliated to ICSE and CBSE. In Madhya Pradesh the state govemment has formed an act Madhya Pradesh Praathmik tatha Madhyamik Shiksha (Pathya Pustakd Sambandhi Vyavastha) Adhiniyam 1973 and 1974 which approve the textbooks of the state. These approved books are to be adopted essentially by Govemment Primary and upper primary schools.'* 15

While in most cases textbooks are printed in State Government establishments, some States use private facilities also for the purpose. In Karnataka, Directorate of Textbooks as a wing of DSERT prepares all the textbooks for standards 1 to X. After preparation, 60 percent of the textbooks are given for printing to the government press and 40 percent are printed by private printers/publishers. Textbooks from I to X standards are prepared by the Directorate of Textbooks, Karnataka. Management of printing and publication is an important issue as it involves large amounts of investment, and substantial profit making wherever private publishers are involved.

Gujarat follows a Three Tier try out system in three phases before introducing the textbooks. Try out: Phase I involves tryout in 400 randomly selected primary schools: Try out; Phase II involves try out in selected schools of low literacy rate districts; and Phase-in involves implementation of the modified Textbooks all over the state. In West Bengal also a Periodic Try out Process is adopted before fmalisation of the manuscripts In Mizoram, the Mizoram Board of School Education (MBSE) as a first step examines the cumculum and syllabi of other boards and NCERT and formulates a suitable curriculum and syllabi for the Mizoram State. Editors are also appointed to edit the textbooks written by the local experts. Mizoram Board of School Education regulates textbooks publication through private publishers. State Board prints all the textbooks as the Board is empowered by MBSE Act, 1975 which is passed by the Mizoram Legislative Assembly.

In Karnataka, textbook committees are formed for every subject/class consisting of subject experts and classroom teachers. The manuscripts prepared are scrutinised by another group of experts and introduced for one year in selected blocks of the state. The textbooks are again revised based on the feedback and introduced in the entire state

The Madhya Pradesh State Board affiliated schools, both government and private, are all supposed to use only the books produced by the State Government Education Department 1 e. developed by the Madhya Pradesh SCERT and printed by the Madhya Pradesh State Textbook Corporation. The Madhya Pradesh Textbook Act mandates this. Even the books or magazines provided to the libraries are supposed to be approved by the State Government. The mechanism of textbook writing is done in a workshop mode Resource persons for these workshops are identified from various fields of education - school teachers, subject experts, persons from RIE, DIETs, CTEs and lASE and retired persons A textbook standing committee approves the textbooks and the state government notifies the approved textbooks

In Bihar the institutional mechanisms for regulating school education are fully m place but there is a total lack of coordination between agencies entrusted with the preparation and publication of textbooks in Bihar. This is l^gely because of the failure of the SCERT to carry out its responsibility with regard to the production of textbooks owing to an absence of coordination between the different organizations involved in the supervision and preparation of books. They are neither well organized nor adequately prepared to carry out this work. The inefficiency of government departments has led directly to the emergence of parallel textbook centres in the state weakening the existing institutions, to a point where there is hardly any publication of textbooks by government institutions, and the textbooks, which are published, do not reach to the student. As a result, the responsibilit>' for production of books has gone out of the hands of the government. For all practical purposes the production and distribution of textbooks is happening outside the state structures. Even though they are supposed to use textbooks produced by the government, the private schools are not doing so because government agencies have been not been able to cater to the huge requirement of textbooks for schools in Bihar. Shortages and delays in production have thus legitimised the production of the textbooks by private organizations. There is very little attempt to remedy the complete mismanagement'in the preparation and production of textbooks in the political as well as administrative spheres.'

Very few States approve textbooks wntten and produced by other individuals or organizations. Even in the States where such a provision exists, it is done only after the books are examined first by a group of experts in a workshop and the opinion is taken to the State Level Textbook and Syllabus Committee for final perusal and approval. It is only in the States of Delhi, Haryana, West Bengal, Nagaland and Himachal Pradesh that private unaided schools are free to adopt textbooks of their choice though there is no particular procedure for regulating adoption of books In all other States the schools have to adopt the State approved textbooks. But, to some extent, this prescription is only notional as it is linked to the syllabus prescribed for the final board examination. Beyond the use of the State prescribed textbooks, private unaided schools are free to adopt additional or supplementary books.

MECHANISMS FOR TEXTBOOKS USED BY SCHOOLS OUTSIDE THE GOVERNMENT SYSTEM

The non-government schools are of wide variety. Some are run by private managements, which have a chain of schools. These chains are sometimes city-wide or state-wide and sometimes country-wide. Besides, there are schools run by various religious and social organizations. Some schools are run by Christian missionary groups of different denominations. Then there are madarsas run by different Muslim councils or groups and there are Saraswati Shishu Mandirs run by Vidya Bharati, the education wing of RSS. This variety is made even more complex by those chains of schools, which focus on a particular language or subject, like Sanskrit Pathshalas. The method of selecting textbooks in these schools is as varied as their management. Those schools, which fall under any council or board or trust, choose the books as per the directions of the latter. But these counciIs/boards/trusts do not have a uniform method. Some of them prescribe specific books for various subjects whereas some others just adopt the government- approved books and yet some others choose a combination of the two, that is, they adopt government approved books for some subjects but for other subjects they prescribe specific books of their choice. Some boards/council do not prescribe to schools any specific books but give them a syllabus or curriculum framework in the form of guidelines and the school principals, in consultation with teachers, decide upon the prescription of textbooks for their respective schools. There are several chains of schools

^ Bihar Report, Anncxure 1. 17 run by private trusts, which adopt government approved books. Vidya Bharati/ Saraswati Shishu Mandirs, Darul Ulum Deoband, Nadvatul Ulema, etc. not only prescribe specific books for their schools, they also publish them. Deem Taleemi Council prescribes and publishes some specific books, mainly for religious education, but for the other subjects it prescribes the books approved by Uttar Pradesh Basic Shiksha Parishad and Uttar Pradesh Madhymik Shiksha Parishad The Council of Anglo-Indian Schools provides a curriculum and leaves the choice of textbooks to the schools supported by it.

There is hardly any regulation or regulatory mechanism for the textbooks and textual materials used in schools outside the government system/*

In all the states, except Gujarat, non-government schools have private publishers providing teaching and learning aids for teachers and students. (Table 4) There is a flounshing pnvate industry^ that thnves on the prescribed textbooks of the Centre and state. Textbooks prepared by private publishers range all the way from being shadow books of the NCERT/States books, to knnjis, workbooks, and guidebooks. Private publishers visit the schools with their books, teachers judge the books and on the basis of consensus books are selected. Private publishers informally visit the faculty members and inform them about the books, place specimen copies before them and request them to suggest books to the students. Students generally for examination purposes purchase these books/

In actual practice, many private schools use books published by private agencies, either as supplementary materials or even as substitutes. These books have not gone through any process of government approval. Many schools use private books along with the state government textbooks, others use them as substitutes, while still others use pnvate publishers books only where government textbooks are not available for that particular subject at that level - for example environment studies for classes 1 and II or Moral Science, General Knowledge, drawing etc.

Supplementary' workbooks and knnjis are freely available as are dictionaries, question banks, answer banks, guess papers, printed by a host of publishers from Nai Sadak, which has emerged as a parallel textbook centre. (Table 5) These /rz//^7.s7supplementary workbooks are available on sale for each of these books, which may or may not be prescribed by the school, but publishers market these through the tuition routes.^ Teachers are also known to unofficially nudge children to a particular set ofkimjis Some of these books are at least tw'ice as expensive as the government textbooks. There is a flourishing market for knnjis in the States as well. These are generally of poor quality, unregulated and expensive. In Maharashtra, for instance, while the prescribed Social Sciences textbooks in History, Geography, and Civics separately, are priced between Rs. 10-12 each, the kunjis cost Rs. 30-40 each. The majority of children buy both. This publishing begins from class VI, but of late, there are kunjis from class IV.

^ Some of this inlbrmation is based on responses of SCERTs, SlEs, SIETs to the Questionnaire sent by the CABE Sub-Committee to elicit information cmi regulatory mechanisms in the States, 2005. Information from Janaki Rajan’s Note Submitted to the CABE Committee, Annexure 3. "^Ibid. 18

Some schools run by religious and social organizations such as Vidya Bharati schools are affiliated to the CBSE or their local State Boards. For instance, in Rajasthan, the school’s authorities say that they recommend NCERT or SCERT books to the students. Value education books are either written by some of the authors who have been identified by the parental organizations of the schools like DAV College management Committee, Delhi, Bharatiya Vidya Samiti, Rajasthan, Vidya Bharti Sanskriti Shiksha Sansthan, and Bhartiya Vidya Bhawan, Mumbai. School’s authorities also argue that books of private publishers, which they suggest or recommend to the students, are based upon decisions taken by faculty members.

There are a large numbers of madarsas all over India. (Table 6) At present there are official Boards of Madarsa Education in Assam, Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa and Uttar Pradesh. A large number of madarsas come within their jurisdiction and subsist on government fiinds. But in the rest of the country they are being run on private charity. The NCERT has no provision for a Board administering the curriculum of madarsas in India. State governments like Uttar Pradesh do appoint such boards, but Delhi, for instance, does not.^

Delhi contains around 40 madarsas, of which a handful, like Rabiya Madarsa, is open to girls.There are two types of madarsas, those that follow the NCERT syllabus (Urdu medium) and those teaching only manqulat (religious education).

Madarsas following the NCERT syllabus have to teach with translations of English textbooks.** Those teaching religious education follow a curriculum dating back to the eighteenth century. It includes the Quran, Fiqh (Jurisprudence), Sarf and Naheu (Arabic Literature and Grammar) and Tarikh (history from the Prophet to Khilafat-I-Rashida, 610-661 CE). As the qualifications provided by these madarsas are not recognized elsewhere, they prepare students only to become teachers themselves in these schools or 1 ^ to become Imams, Moazzins, Khatibs, Qazis and Muftis. "

SOME IMPORTANT ISSUES

It is important to recognise that the States have come a long way in improving the practices related to printing and production of textbooks. But there is no proper direction in the policies and practices related to preparation and use of textbooks in schools. All the states have established mechanisms for the selection, publication and approval of textual materials. But the mechanisms and processes vary from state to state. It’s a mixed picture with regard to which body will approve the textbooks. Almost every state has through legislation created state agencies/bodies for syllabus preparation and textbooks.

^ Report on Delhi Madarsas. Annexure 1, Ibid. p. 2. "Ibid. p. 6. '"Ibid. p. 19

What is important to note is that these processes and mechanisms are all rather mechanically followed by the State agencies without much regard for the substance and content of textbooks. What is of real concern is that there is no way of assessing whether the textbooks actually adhere to the aims of education policy. Also there appears to be very little application of mind w^ith regard to the selection of material. The State Boards or SCERTs appoint expert committees to prepare the curriculum. The processes are all in place but the content is not of good quality or even always agreeable. This is partly because of the overwhelming emphasis on form with very little attention being devoted to content of textbooks and supplementary materials

Another disturbing fact is that the free space permitted in the system is often abused for partisan purposes by sectarian organisations and schools affiliated to them. Such organisations exploit the fact of the palpable lack of critical scrutiny of the substance to smuggle in textual materials that dangerously undermine the aims of education and even vitiate the constitutional framewwk.

It appears necessary to issue a set of national guidelines to ensure that the core reading and learning material made available to children and teachers in schools scrupulously conform to constitutional values and educational policies and ideals. However it must continue to be the responsibility of State governments to ensure that they are not flouted by cultural and social organizations which have established their schools and use privately published books within the State or by private educational establishments 2 0

APPENDIX 1

Questionnaire sent by the CABE Committee on Textbook Preparation to SCERTs / SIEs/SlETs

DETAILS OF TEXTBOOK PREPARATIO N - GOVERNMENT STAGE Agency that prepares Body which Examination Board the books approves Primary Middle ------Secondary Sr. Secondary

PRP/ATE-UNAEDED SCHOOLS Stage Whether government has approved list of publishers in use by pvt. schools Primary Yes/No Middle Yes/No Secondary Yes/No Sr. Secondary Yes/No

If yes, give details of publishers whose books are in use Government Regulatory Mechanisms if any, to approve private publishers’ textbooks in private schools

Whether ‘kunjis’, ‘guides’, ‘question banks’ for teachers and students are prepared by state government or its agencies? If yes, please list them:

Primary level i. Middle level ii. Secondary level

Whether ^kunjis\ ‘guides’, ‘question banks’ for teachers and students available from private publishers?

List fn e most popular publications: 21

APPENDIX 2

Questionnaire for on Textbook Preparation and Regulation sent by NIEPA, 2005

Textbooks at Elementary Stage

1. What IS the mechanism for preparing the textbooks in your State at the following levels.

2. Does State Bodies like SCERT/Text Board/Corporation produce all the textbooks required for the schools or do they approve Textbooks written and produced by other mdividual or organization? If yes, what is the proportion of the books published by Government and Private publishers in such schools (approximately)'’

3. If the State approves Textbooks written and produced by other individual or organization what is the procedure adopted for its approval

4. How' are the Government prescribed Textbooks written? Describe the process adopted for it?

5. Are private unaided schools free to adopt Textbooks of their choice? Is there any procedure to regulate adoption of such Textbooks'^

6. What are the existing regulatory structures and mechanisms including legislative measures in your State/Union Territory regarding use of textbooks in Government, private aided and private unaided schools?

Textbooks at Secondary Stage

1 What is the mechanism for preparing the textbooks in your State at the following levels:

2. Does State Bodies like SCERT/Text Board/Corporation produce all the textbooks required for the schools or do they approve Textbooks written and produced by other individual or organization'j’ If yes, what is the proportion of the books published by Government and Private publishers in such schools (approximately)'^

3. If the State approves Textbooks written and produced by other individual or organization what is the procedure adopted for its approval?

4. How are the Government prescribed Textbooks written? Describe the process adopted for it? 97

5. Are private unaided schools free to adopt Textbooks of their choice? Is there any procedure to regulate adoption of such Textbooks?

6. What are the existing regulatory structures and mechanisms including legislative measures in your State/Union Territory regarding use of textbooks m Government, pnvate aided and private unaided schools'^

Textbooks at Higher Secondary/PUC Stage

1. What is the mechanism for preparing the textbooks in your State at the following levels;

2. Does State Bodies like SCERT/Text Board/Corporation produce all the textbooks required for the schools or do they approve Textbooks uTitten and produced by other individual or organization? If yes, what is the proportion of the books published by Government and Private publishers in such schools (approximately)*’

3. If the State approves Textbooks written and produced by other individual or organization what is the procedure adopted for its approval'^

4. How are the Govemment prescribed Textbooks written? Describe the process adopted for it?

5. Are private unaided schools free to adopt Textbooks of their choice? Is there any procedure to regulate adoption of such Textbooks?

6. What are the existing regulatory structures and mechanisms including legislative measures in your State/Union Territory regarding use of textbooks in Govemment, pnvate aided and private unaided schools'^ APPENDIX 3

List of State Responding to the NIEPA Questionnaire

Elementary Secondary Higher Secondary Andhra Pradesh Yes Yes Yes Arunachal Pradesh Yes Chandigarh Yes _Yes______Yes Chattisgarh Yes Delhi Yes Yes Yes Gujarat Yes Yes Haryana Yes Yes Yes Himachal Pradesh Yes Yes Yes Karnataka Yes Yes Madhya Pradesh Yes Maharashtra Yes Mizoram Yes Yes Yes ! Nagaland Yes 1 Onssa Yes i Rajasthan Yes Uttar Pradesh Yes Yes West Bengal Yes

Source: Responses to Questionnaire sent by NIEPA, 2005 24

TABLE 1

Textbook Preparation by Government Agencies

S. DEPART STAGl'S No. STATE Ml^NT MECHANISM 1 ANDHRA 1 1 PRADESH 1 SCERT Priman' Middle Seamdarx 1 Sr. Secondare' Agency that prepares SCERT, SCERT. SCERT NA the books DPEP DPEP iSoch \\ hich approves CDSE CDSE CDSE NA i the booLs I School DCEB DGI- NA 1

Exam inai ion Boiird Level i " r ...... '■ ......

' 2 ^ ASSA\4 1 SCl-RT ( Prnnaiv ! Middle i Sca>iidiu-\ S) .Seamdan r ' ... Aaaic\ thal prepares 1 1 ' f the bcx>ks SCERT i SCERT | BSl-A AH SEC j I Body which approx es SEC.ED 1 U \ the books si’;c,EDU BSE A AHSEC | ----- ' » - ■ " -- ! Examination Board SCERT SCERT BSEA AHSEC ;

I

3 ASSAM (J t SIE Primarv Middle Sea')ndan. Sr.Secondan i Agency that prepares the books SCERT SCERT SEBA .AHSEC | 13ody which appro\ es IX*]-)! of Go\i of 1 the biK>ks E d n . Assam NA ^ NA i E\-a Board E\ a.lk»ard Disl Examination Board Dist.Lexel Level SEBA ! AHSEC i ! 4 Cm-NNAI ri^R&T Pnmar\’ Middle Secondarx Sr.Seumdan | d i;e &d s e DEE&D DSE&DMS DSE&DMS | Agencx that prepares &D'1ERT SE&D'l j the bi.H)ks ERT ’ i

DSE and DSE DSE and ' NA

( ioxemmen and Gox’cmment 1 1 !I IJt)d\ which approxcs t (io\em

^ h e b ^ H > k s nicnt I State Ik)ard Stale Stale Board ] Slate Board Examination Board Board

5 CHHATTISGARH SCERT Primaiy Middle Secondary Sr. Secondary Agenw that prepares SCERTSCERT Eioard of Sec. Board of Sec. the books Edu. Edu. Body which approves Govemmen Govern NA NA iI t ment the books - ■ District Division Board of Sec. ! Board of Sec Primary al Edu. Edu. Board Middle

Examination Board Ik>aird iI ■ - - - 6 DELHI SCBRT Piimary Middle SecoiKiary Sr.Seoondaiy Agcnc\’ that prepares ■- i - ks SCI^RT SCERT NCER'r ! NCERT Body which approves DEPT.OF DEPT.O the books EDU F EDU CBSE i CBSE lixamination iioaid NA NA CBSE CBSE 1 7 GUJARATSCFRT PrimaiA’ Middle SecondaiA Sr.Sea)ndaiT Agcncv that prepares GCERT & the bndan Sr Secondan 1 Ag,cncy Ihul pvc\Acvrcs 1 DlR l’Rl' UNI the btx)ks DSl-RT DSHRT DSERT V.EDU Body w hich appro\ es DIRPRE.UNI the books DSERT DSERl DS1:RT V.EDU SC HOG SCHOOl. 1. SSl.C DIRPRE.UNI } I'Xmnination Board i .e v i:l 1.1-VHl. BOARD V.EDU 1 10 KHRALA ! SCl'RT I’riniiuA Middle SecondaiA Sr. Sea'tndaiA' s c i:r t DNA NA s c i;r t & n c Agcncx that jircpares ERT the bo<.>ks Textbooks 1 Slate NA NA NA Body which appro\es Cunculum the books Committee 1 Kerala NA 1 NA NA i F:\imunation Bo;ird rknu'd i 1 1 MAHAIMSHTRA 1 SCl-l^r I’riman Middle i Secc'indaiA Sr.Sec(.)ndan I MSBTlM^'fc MSB TB : MSBS &HSE MSBS &1 ISE CR AND P&CR Agency that prepares IBB AND the books TB15 j MSBTBP& 1 xMSBTB j MSBS&llSE MSBS&HSE CR AND 1 P&CR I Bod> which approves TBB i AND i the books TBB I MS1V1'BP& MSBTl^ 1 MSBS&HSE MSBS &HSE CR AND P&CR i Hxamination J3oaid TBB AND 26

TBB I i i 1 ^ i 12 RA.lASTl iAN SIKRT ______iMiddle i------SecondiUA Sr.Secondan------j--- Agonc\ that prepares 1 the books SI1:RI SlliRT BS1:R BSHR ( iO\ t Ot 1 Bod\ which appR>\es (io\t of Rajastha the hooks Rajasthan n b s i ;r b.s i ;r F.Namination Board NA NA \m -R BSl'R

i 13 W l'S r BHNCiy\L NA Prim an Middle SecondaiA Sr.SecX)ndan Agaic\ that prepares W.B.BP.K NA NA NA the bcH>ks Bod\ w hich approx es w.B.B.p.r-; NA NA NA the bix)ks ITxiuninalion 13oard CCH _N_A___ NA_ ^ NA

Source: Responses to Questionnaire sent by the CABE Committee, 2005 27

TABLE 2

Preparation, Publication and Printing of Textbooks for School Education in India

Slate i extbooks Textbooks Details Year of Prepiuation Publishmg Agency Inlbnna- tion i- Andiiia Cumeulum and Andhra Pradesh Classes I-X 1998 Pradesh Svllabus prescnbed Textbook Press Distribution also b\ }3oard of done by Texlbook Secondiirx Education Press Aruiiachul CBSE svllabus is N C E R l has T extbooks are 1994 Pradesh followed, lextbooks prepared lextbooks pnx;ured bv published by NCHRT for classes l-Ill. Directorate of Public and CBSE for classes Insti'uction. I-Xll and recommended by CBSE are followed. Assam I'exibook Different Pn\ate Primaiy and 1999 Corjioration PublishcTs Sea>ndar\' Distnbution is done by Central Store and Zonal Sale depots Andaman & Textbooks for classes So far 'fextbtx)k 1995 i Ni cobar I-XIl in Finglish Cell is responsible j Islands Hindi are procured for pnxiurement i 1 from NCER'l CBSE and distribution of i i and in Telgu. Tamil textbooks. I and Bengali from Textbook Bureau is B<,)ards of Andhra responsible has Pradesh, l amil Nadu beai set up for and West [Bengal. pi\)curcment and 1 d.islnbulion. St.>me pnman lextbooks arc kx:ally de\ eloped by SIl v. 5. Bihar State Textbcx^k The Bihar State For classes 1-Xll 1999 1 Committee with tlie 1 exibt.H^k 1 Adopts help of SCl-.RT. Publishing nationalized Coiporatum tcxlb«.)oks frt)m established in NCERT 1966. 2. Receives manuscnpt from individual wTiters Also 6. Chandigaih Not Available 7. Delhi Delhi Bureau of Some books of 2000 Textbodcs elemenlarv and - seccMidary 8. Dadar Nagar Department of 1995 28

Sliile Textbooks iexibooks Details Year of Preparation Publishing Agency Informa- lion Haveli Education procures books for all classes from Gujai at 9. Daman & Diu Textbooks for all 2000 classes are procured from Gujiirat Secondar\- Jind Higher Secondan Education Board. Cjoa 1. Till 1990s the Printing and 994 state adopted distiibuUon of syllabus and textbooks by textbooks from Maharashtra Mahiirashtra T extbook Bureau Board of on behall' ol' Secondary and SlE.Goa. Hr. Second ar}' Education. 2. Textbooks lue de\eloped b> State Institute of Pnnting and Education for distribution for classes 1-VI Secondary 3. Goa Board of Education bv Secondan' and Board itself Higher Second an for classes VII-XH. 11 Gujarat The School TextbcK>k Ihe School For pnmaiT and 2001 l3oiird Textbook I3oard secondar\ education Material is prepared by subject experts. Distribution through authonzed dealers. I Ian iina 1. Department of Textbook Printing Writers are als<.) 1994 Education (1- Press under identified and asked V]]]) Controller of to prepare textbooks 2. Board of Schtx)l Printing and on payment basis. Education (IX- Stationen'. Board also prescribes XII) books pubhshed b\ 3. SCERT IS also CBSE and NCERT. ' invohed.

13. Himachal State adopted CBSE Outnght purchase 1997 Pradesh syllabus and NCER'F form SCER T fexibooks for Classes I-XII 14. Jammu & Information not Kashmir Available 15. Karnataka Textbook Wing of Publication - and The Karnataka 1994 DSERT decides pnnting of Cooperative ^llabi fca- classes-X. t^tbot^s is dcaie Consumer Federation 29

Slate Textbooks Texlbooks Details Year ol' Prcptuation Publishing Agency Infonna- tioii Texlbooks aie by the Goveniment is responsible tor prepared bv 'rexibook Press, distribution. Faluk Textbook M\sore, These me Agricultural Producer Committees supplied to the and Marketing distnct textbook Societies receive depots at the textbooks from store district le\cl that and distribute to are under Dejiutw sch(.K>ls. Director of Education at the dislnct level.

16. Kerala Slate Institute of Textbook wing of Textbooks aie 1994 Hducation (Jeneral Education prepared b\ selected Department experts foiTn Department ol" Education, universities, afllliated C(.^lleges and ,schcx)ls. 17 Lakshadweep fextbooks for classes 995 1-1V are prq>ared and printed at the territory level. Textbooks for other higher classes are purchased from kerala. 18. Madh\ a State Institute of Textbook f or SchcK)l Education 1994 Pradesh Education through Corporation classes I-XT! Textbook Standing Committee Maharashtra Mahiirashtra State Maharashtra State Preparation, editing, 2002 Bureau of l exlbtx)k fiureau of printing and Production and Textbook publication of books CuiTiculum Research Prtxluction cind from pnm an to established in 1967. Cuiriculum Secondai'x. Research Distributed ihonmgh C(.x)pei ati\ e stores. 20 . Metihalava Textbooks me w ntten Private publishers 1-or classesT-XIl 2000 and prepaied by are responsible I'or prnate publishers printing iind and approN'ed b\ distribution of i t Meghala\a Board of lexlbtHiks. NCl-R l Sea)ndm-\ l:ducation. textb(x)ks are alsi> prescnbed. Pnvate pubhshei's obtain the copywTite for publishing NCERT books. 21 Manipur SCERT prepiire and 2000 pubhsh textbooks for primary education and______arranges 30

State Textbooks Textbooks Details Yeaj- o f Prepaiation Publishing Agency Intonna- tion textbooks for upper pnmaiy classes with the help ol' Directorate of Education Mizoram Mizoram Bojird of Textbooks are i 994 School Education printed in the local prepiires and printing press and publishes the distributed to the textbooks. booksellers- Nagaland Textbooks upto class Pnnting and 994 VIII is prepared bv production by SCERT private publishers with the approval of Directorate of Education. 24. Orissa Directorate of Printing by 2000 Teacher Education lextbook and SCERT for Production and books at elementarv Marketing Press of lev el and Board of the Depaitment of Sea>ndarv Education. School and Mass O nssa Education. 2S PondichenT T extbooks for all 2000 classes are procured from neighbounng states particularly from Tamil Nadu. 26. Punjab 1 extbooks for classes Unit of Pnnting Bi.)oks prt>duced b\ 1994 I-XII are the sole and Distribution of private publishers responsibility of tlie the Board. and approved bv a Branch for Academic Committee of Subject Planning md I'xperts. Evaluation oi' the Punjab School F'ducation Boiud. 27. Rajastlian Planning luid Management of 996 preparation of production, textbcx>ks bv State printing and Institute of distribution of I'ducational Research textbooks by and 1 raining lor Ra]aslhan State classes l-Vlll. lor Textbook Board sec. classes. Board of for classes I-VIII. Sec. Education Rajasthan take the responsibility of preparation and distributiMi of textbookis.

28. Sikkim T extbooks for Textbook unit is 1995 31

Slalc Textbooks Textbooks Dct;.ils Year t>i' Prcpaialioii Publishing Agency Intbnna- tion pnmaiA education by responsible lor State Institute of selecting, liducation. For procuring and classes VI, VI1 m d distributing VI]J are prescnbed textbooks. from the wide range of publicati«,>ns a\ailabie from difl’erent publishers. For classes IX to XII the btx>ks are suggested by CBSE. 29. Tamil Nadu Tamil Nadu Supph of 2001 fextbook Societx is textbooks foj responsible for classes I-VIIl is planning iind done by fextbook preparation of Society. te.xtbtK>ks for classes 1-Xll. .30. npura State Institute of ! 996 Hducation prepares and publishes the books for }->rmiiuy classes. For classes VI-VIII preparation iind publication of books are managed bv State A d\isor\ Bi)ard. 31 Uttar Pradesh Office of the Pathya Boai'd of v\nters, 1999 Pustak Adhikari for educationists, books at elenientiiry subject specialist le\el and at and teachers jue second ar> le\el by in \o l\ed in the the 1 extbiK^k process ot Nationalization Unit preparation of of the lk>ard of 1 ligh iTiiinuscnpt. Final School and manuscnpt is gi\en Intermediate to a pnnter of I'ducation, repute for nuxlel c(>p\ and nKxlcl coyiv is gueii ti.> other printers and publishers for publication

West Bengal West Bengal Board 2001 of Primary HducatK>n with the, help of State Councii o f Educational Research 32

Slate 1 e\lb(.)oks i'exlbooks Details Ye^u' ol' Prepaiation Publishing Agency Inlbrma- Uon and Training lor primaiy classes. For sec(.)ndar\ mkI higher secondary Boaid of Second ar\' Education and Council of Higher 1 SecA>ndar\ Education. 1 ...... J i i !

\ arious Slates published bv NIliPA. New Delhi. These suneys were undertaken by NILPA between 1994 to 2004. 33

TABLE 3

Legal Bases for the School Education in the States

Sr.N STATES LEGAL BASES 0. • Assam Secondarv'Education Act, 1961 • Assam FTcmenlJin’ l^ducafion Provincial Act 1974 1 ASSAM • Assam Secondaiy Education. Provincial Act 1977 • Assam Higher Secondarx' Education Act, 1984 • Middle English iind High School Rules.79 l-...... -

2 .AJ^UNANCHAL • GIA Rules and Notifications only PR^XDESII

• Bihar Education Code, 1961 -> BIHAR • Bihar Non-Govemmental Elementarx' Schools Taking 0 \ er Act. 1976 • Convei sion of Pnmaiy Schcx)ls to Government schools-GO, 1976

• Punjab Education Code. 1955 4 i OIANDIGARH • Punjab P\t Registered Aided School Act. 1969 i 1 - GOA • Grant in Aid Code

• Bombay Priman^ Education Act, 1949 6 GUJARAT • Conversion of Primar}^ Schools to Government Grant in Aid Code, 1964 • Gujarat Secondarv Education Act 1972 1 1 • Punjab Primly Education Act, 1960 • Boiird of School Education Act, 1969 / HARYANA • Han-ana Aided Schools Act, 1971, 1974 • 11 an ana Ed ucation Code, 197 8

• ] IP Compulsoiy Pnmaiy Education Act. ! 95.1 H iM A tH A L i s • HP Bi>ard of School E:ducation Act. 1968 i PRADHSH • HlM'ducation Code. 1985

• Kerala Education Act. 1958,1987 9 1 KERAI.A ! • Rules for Anglo Indian Schools, 1974 • Kerala Education Rules for Aided Schools. 1959 j

10 LAKHSMDEEP • Education Code, 1979

• Maharashtra ZP and Panchayat Samithis Act, 1961 1 i MAHARASHTRA • MahcH ashtra Secondjay Education Code 1960 • Maharashtra SeccHidary Education Board Act, 1965

• Meghalaya Board of school Education Act, 1973 12 . ' MEGHALAYA • Meghalaya School Education, Act 1981 • Meghalaya Board of Primary Educatim Act, 1988 34

• Onssa Education Code • Onssa Fiducalion Act, 1969 • Orissa Municipal Act, 1950 13 ORISSA • Orissa Rules for P\l. Education, 1988

I • Orissa SecondarA' Education Act. 1979 • Orissa Higher Secondan' Education Act, 1982

• Punjab Education Code, 1955

14 PUNJAB • Punjab PnmaiT Education Act, I960

• Punjab School Education Board Act, 1969

• Education Code oi'Rajasthan, 1957

• Rajasthan Sc'condar\- Education Act, 1957 15 RAJASTHAN • Rajasthan non-government institutions Act, 1994 • Rajasthan GIA Rules

16 SIKKIM • Sikkim Education Bill

• I N Elementar>^ Education Act 1920 • Municipal &Panchayat Act, GIA Code, 1956 17 TAMIL NADU • 'I N Recognize Private Schools Act, 74,75

• I N P\i. Education Instilutionai Ac\, rcgublion. 1966 • TN Compulson- Elementary Education Act, 1994

• Tnipura Education Institution Act, 1973

18 TRIPURA • Tnpura Board of Secondary- Education Act, 1973

• Tnpura Board of St'condarv Education Rules, 1982

• UP Intermediate Education Act, 1923

• UP Basic Education Act, 1972 19 UTTAR PRADESH • UP Course Books Act, 1979

• Education Ccxie of U P

• WF3 Board of Secondar\ Education Act. 1963 20 WEST BENGAL • W]^ Council of Higher Secondar\ Education Act. 1975 • WB Madrasa 1 education Act, 1994

SOURCR: Educational Administration in States, NIEPA, New Delhi, 1994-2004 Date:

documentation 35

TABLE 4

Supplementary Materials Provided by Government to Students and Teachers

DETAH -S BOOK ]’UB. AIDS DE l AILS 01 AIDS AIDS o r AIDS S.N) SIATI-:STAGES (Govt, approved) ((iOVT.) (GOVT.) (NGO) (NGO) ANDHRA YES 1 PRADESH Priniarx NA NA Kunjis, guides (VII to X YES Sid.) by Dislriei Com»m)n Middle NADCEB Examination Board Kunjis. guides (VH to X YES Std.) by Dislriei Common SecondaiA NA IX EB E.vamination Board Sr. secoiidarv NANA

t i :a c h e r s h a n d b (x >k . ASSAM PrimaiA NASCERT MODEL QUE. YES NA Middle NA SCERT liVALUATlON TOOLS YES NA Sccondarv' . NA BSEA HANDBOOK Q.BANK Y i-:s NA Sr. scaindarv NA YES NA 1t

ASSAM TEACHERS' HB -> (Jorhat) (SIE) Primary NASCERT LIST (SCERT) NA Middle NANA NA QB«&Gudi es. SEC.& SR. Secondary NA NAYES SEC. Sr. sccondarv NA NA YES

4 CHHNNAl Priniar\ NANA YES Middle NA NA YES NANA MQ YES i! Sr. sccondarv NANA

5 CHHATISGARH iVimars NANA Y i.;s Middle NANA YES Secondarx i^ s): BSE YES Sr seeondarx NANA Yi;s ( 1 MHIX A B D M D ll ABIXM Dil 6 DHLHl Primaf>' GOLDEN SERIES PUB. YES PUI3. ABD M DIl ABD.MDH Middle JPM, CP DIGEST, PUB. YES PUB. DIAMOND. A BD MDU ABIXMDH Sccondarv NEELAM PUB. PUB. CBSEANDDoE YES PUB. KUNJIS, Sr. secondary NANDLAL PUB. -

7 GUJARAT Primary NANA NA 36

Middle NA NA NA Secondarv NA NA NA Sr. sccondarv NA NA NA

HIMACHAL m ^D . i 8 PRADESH Priniars DHLUXL.Ni-HJ.AM NA 1i YES MHD. Middle d e l u x e ; n e e l a m NA YES MBD. Sccondarv DELLTXE.Nl-ELAM NA Y i;s Sr. secondary NA YES !

9 KARANATAKA Primarv NA NA YES GUIDES Middle NA NA YES SSLC Secondarv NA BOARD Q.B. BY SSLC BOARD YES ------Sr. secondar\ NA YES

'I'eacher 1 landbooks are 10 Kl'RALA Primarv’ developed Middle

Teacher llai'^dbooks <\k developed and source books j arc also prepared. QB prcpiired for students of Secondary Standard X Sr. secondary'

Onl\ IIB (primar\ &. middle ^T S 11 MAHARASHTRy\ Primarv NA IBB level) b\ Text Book Bureau Only I IB (primarv & middle YES Middle NATBB level) b\ Text Fiook Bureau yt:s Secondan NA BOARD Q.B. (Sec. Level) b\ Board

Sr. secondarx NA NA i

12 RAJASTHAN Primarv NANA YES Middle NANA Y i;s Secondarx NA NA YES ■ r ' ...... 1 Sr. sccondarv NA NA ; YES 1 I i 1

i:> WF.Sr BENGAL IVimarv NA Stale Board NO NA Middle NA NA NO NA Sccondarv NA NA NO NA Sr. sccondarv' NA NA NONA

Source; Responses to CABE Committee Questionnaire, 2005 37

TABLE 5

Preparation of Textbooks: Private Unaided Schools

I S.No. STATH STAGESMECHANISM NA 1 A N D l IRA PRADESH Primar\- NA Middle Sc(X)ndiin NA NA 1 Sr. secondan

2 ASSA>^ Primar>' NA Middle NA Secondar\ NA Sr. secondan NA

3 ASSAM (Jorhai) PnmmT NA Middle NA Secondar\ NA Sr. secondaiT NA

4 Cl IHNNAl Pnmarx NA NA Middle Secondai-\ NA r j NA 1 Sr. secondan 1 i 5 (CHllAllSCiARH PninmT NA Middle NA NA Sea>ndtin N.A Sr. seu)iidan

6 1)1:1.111 Prim an NA Middle NA Secondan’ NA Sr. secondary' NA

*

7 GUJARAT Primary NA !—------1 Middle NA j Secondan NA Sr. sca>ndarv NA

s llIMAaiAl. PRADHSn Prim an- NA Middle NA ------. ------Sccondan NA Sr. sca>iidan NA

9 KARANA'l'AKA Pnniarx NA Middle NA Sccondiin NA Sr. secondary NA ------

10 KERvVI.A PrimaiA NA NA 1 Middle NA Secoi’idcViA Sr. secondan NA

NA 11 MAHARASHTRA Prim an NA Middle NA Secondan Yi;s Sr. sec<.>ndan

12 IM.lASTl iAN Pnnian NA Middle NA

I1 Secondan N./\ Sr. sccondaiA NA

j NA 1 n WHST Hl-NdAI. IVinian NA ! Middle NA Secondan !1 Sr. sccondan, i| n a

Source: Responses to Cabe Committee Questionnaire, 2005 39

TABLE 6

Madarsas m India

S.No. State Number of Number of Madarsa Number of Madarsa / recognized / Maktab supported Maktab (which may not be Madarsa / Maktab under SSA registered / recogntsed) supported under SSA as EGS / AIE mter\entions.

1 Andaman 0 0 0 &Nicobar Island 2 Andhra Pradesh 103 0 0 3 Assam 384 395 588

4 Bihar 3577 882 0 5 Delhi 0 0 40 6 Guiarat 1050 0 0 7 Haryana 0 0 30 8 Jharkhand 173 9 Karnataka 323 0 0 10 Kerala 42 0 0 11 Madhya Pradesh 4472 3280 0 12 Maharashtra 0 0 0 13 Pondicherry 0 0 0 14 Rajasthan 1570 747+256 261 15 Tamilnadu 2 0 0 16 Uttar Pradesh 997 291 706 17 Uttaranchal 92 0 23 18 West Bengal 508 508 19 Arunachal Pradesh 0 0 0 20 Himachal Pradesh 8 8 67 21 Orissa 887 500 123 o o Punjab 0 0 14 23 Sikkim 0 0 i 24 Tripura 41 0 0 Grand Total 14229 6867 2588

Source: Information provided by MHRD, 2005 40

CHAPTER IV

CONTENT ANALYSIS OF TEXTBOOKS AND PARALLEL TEXTBOOKS

It IS axiomatic that all school curriculum frameworks and thereby textbooks must draw solely from a framework of which the pillars are the Indian Constitution and the national policy on education. Schools, institutions and individuals involved in the preparation of textual material must have as a strong reference point this postulate -installing an awareness of Constitutional rights and values. Ensuring an emphasis on the egalitarian content of citizenship and inculcating a consciousness of the cultural diversit>^ underpinning national identity is therefore a useful template on which to assess textbooks. For example, if textbooks which should have as their primary aim the building of harmony and unity between people are found instead to have the impact of insidiously polarising young people, creating antagonism and friction among them, based on unsubstantiated and politically motivated arguments, designed to perpetuate social, economic and gender oppression, or to enhance the hegemony of a particular identity whether relating to region, caste, religion or language, these must be unhesitatingly weeded out of the reckoning Such books, which are not based on rigorous research and are in efl'ect part of an ideologically-motivated political or cultural project must be rejected as being violative of the basic tenets of the Constitution and educational policies There is a need to identify the sources of these distortions.

Though not always easy to locate the sources in some cases, deviations occur because of the ideological predilections of the ruling establishment. More often distortions arise from the failure to ensure a rigorous and scientific scrutiny of the process of the gathering and assembling of facts that are set down in curricula and textbooks. Given that this textual material is intended for use in schools that are obliged to function in the secular and culturally pluralist environment mandated by the Indian Constitution, there is a need to make sure that all the textual material is as factually verifiable as possible and that it reflects the range of cultural and social identities that underlie citizenship of this republic. In this context, it is important and necessary that the template, which should be used to judge the utility of curricula and textbooks, is of how much the spirit of inclusiveness and the truth of Indian cultural heterogeneity permeate their content. There can be no escaping of the fact that Indian education would have to meticulously and visibly shake off any tendency to allow the dominance of any communal impulse. It should not allow the overwhelming presence of the majority cultures and their own group preferences to submerge and further marginalise the disadvantaged and marginal communities This would result in a dangerous erosion of pluralism, diversity and syncretism -principles critical for egalitarian citizenship and common nationhood embedded in our Constitution. Few would quarrel with the notion that there are many ways of presenting the facts and that It is legitimate to contest them, and in fact necessary to do so in order to sharpen minds, but it must be recognised that at the school level, where the building of a civic consciousness and a sense of egalitarian patriotism are essential ingredients of education, the emphasis should be on transacting facts to these young minds in as broad-based, 41

forward-looking and progressive a manner as possible. Certainly emphasizing an exclusivist and communal point of view, or one that justifies the domination of one social group over others or of one gender over the other would only be counter-productive in the attempt to develop the intellectual faculties of the next generation of citizens of a democracy that has high hopes of taking its place as a front-ranking country in the world

Constitutional tenets are realized inter alia through educational policies, NCFs, and syllabi. Therefore, the content analyses vv^iH also be with respect to: whether the textual materials adhere to the aims/purposes/objectives of education as stated in the policy (in this case the NPE-1986). This survey and content analysis is prepared to identify texts that are not in consonance with the principles enshrined in the Constitution and which promote values and socio-cultural and historical perceptions contrary' to (a) national policy, (b) curricular framework approved by CABE, (c) the notion of composite cuhure as evolved during the freedom struggle, (d) the multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi­ lingual basis of Indian nationhood; and (e) the Fundamental Rights and Fundamental Duties specified in the Constitution

FRAMEWORK FOR CONTENT ANALYSIS

Reading of textbooks requires the pedagogic as well as the subject/discipline frames The pedagogic frame is devised with the help of the theory of knowledge about children's intellectual development. It is also intended to provide innovative kinds of presentation and representation of information, facts, analysis and arguments meant to help in the cultivation of an open mind and rational thinking. The other frame derives from the survey of the subject area; the development of the disciplines, the major findings, and frame of analyses, arguments and interpretation not only in history but also in other social sciences. Both are equally important and the choice of selection of textual materials and their treatment needs to be looked at from both frames of reference While acknowledging that process and content are interconnected, this report is however, located in the frame of content analysis and places greater emphasis on the latter in view of the Committee’s TOR

Within this broad framework the surv ey and analysis of textbooks in schools within and outside the government system has been done with respect to its adherence to the basic tenets of the Constitution and the aims and purposes of education outlined in the NPE- 1986. The reports summarised below address an enduring concern - the extent to which It is possible to foster egalitarian citizenship within a framework provided by the Constitution The analysts is broad-based and includes discussion of class and caste in India, issues of communalism in historical knowledge, the role of women in society and the impact of environmental factors

WHY MAINLY SOCIAL SCIENCE BOOKS?

Of all the textbooks used in schools, notwithstaridiDg the policy directive that these principles should cut across all subjects, it is oiiiy the content social science textbooks 42 that clearly address the core curricular issues of paramount social significance, such as the inculcation of secular values, and the equality of sexes. An effective programme of teaching social sciences in schools should help the pupils to take a keen interest in the ways people live and function through various socio-economic and political institutions. It should also help children to develop insights into human relationships, social values and attitudes. These are essential to enable the growing citizen of tomorrow to participate effectively in the affairs of the community, the state, the country and the world at large. This is reiterated by NCF 1988 which says that the teaching of social sciences should enable children to appreciate India’s rich cultural heritage as also recognize and get rid of what IS undesirable and antiquated, especially in the context of social change. The schools should see that narrow parochial, chauvinistic and obscurantist tendencies are not allowed to grow in our pupils. Thus instruction in social sciences should promote the values and ideals of humanism, secularism, socialism, and democracy. Further, in our culturally plural societ>', education should foster values oriented towards the unity and integration of our people. Such education should help eliminate obscurantism, religious fanaticism, violence, superstition and fatalism. To promote equality, it will be necessary to provide for equal opportunity to all not only in terms of access to opportunities, but also in the conditions of success. The purpose is to remove prejudices and complexes transmitted through the social environment and the accident of birth.

AVAILABLE STUDIES OF CONTENT ANALYSES OF SOCIAL SCIENCE TEXTBOOKS

The earliest analyses of social science textbooks were located within the government organizations. In the 1980s, the Steering Committee on Textbooks studied textbooks published by a few states and religious organisations. The National Steenng Committee once again evaluated textbooks in 1992. Several social organizations, academic institutions, and many individual historians and concerned citizens have been very active in analysing textbooks especially of those prepared by state governments and religious organizations as well as the new NCERT textbooks These analyses heralded a new era of critical thinking and public scrutiny of school textbooks ’ These analyses have stemmed from several frameworks and have been studied along several lines. These studies have examined school textbooks from different angles including communalism, secularism, gender, caste, and regional chauvinism. Their impact has been enormous in terms of raising awareness and turning the spotlight on to a hitherto neglected issue—the purpose of education. They have also looked at the role of textbooks, the rationale for content selection, the implications of the texts, etc.

‘ A select list is giving betow. T anika Sarkar, ‘Educating the Children o f the Hindu Rashtra; Notes on RSS Schools’ in Christophe Jaffrelot, ed Sangh ParivarA Reader, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2005; Teesta Setalvad, ‘How Textbooks Teach Prejudice’, Communalism Combat, 15 June 2003; Teesta Setalvad, ‘Gujarat: Situating the Saffronisation o f Education’ in ‘The Saffron Agenda In Education’, Sahmat, New Delhi, 2001; Nalini Tancja, ‘Communalization of Education: Taking Stock Again’, People's Democracy, No 43, October 2003; ‘Review of Social Studies Textbooks’ Asha-research, Gujarat Textbook Review, http:/Avww.ashanet.org4>rojects/project-view.php? 43

These studies have not only made a signal contribution to textbook analyses, but also performed the useful function of bringing into the pubhc eye the crucial importance of the whole issue of textbook preparation in the country. Since these reports were written at different points in time by diverse groups of individuals and organisations following diverse frames of analyses, it is diflficult to incorporate these in the framework of analysis arrived at by this Committee.

REVIEW OF VARIOUS TYPES OF TEXTBOOKS IN USE IN THE STATES

The report and analysis presented in this chapter bases itself entirely upon the content analysis of textbooks of eleven States prepared by experts invited by our Committee to undertake this task. These experts submitted reports of a sample of textbooks examined by them and these reports have been extensively used in this chapter. The sample for content analysis by these experts was drawn mainly to cover three types of schools identified in the Committee’s TOR;

(1) Textbooks prescribed by State Boards and used in State government schools, which cover the majority of school going children in the State. (2) Textbooks prescribed by pnvate schools from private publishers (3) Textbooks prescribed by schools run by religious and social organizations and textbooks prescnbed by schools run by social organizations.

SAMPLE FOR CONTENT ANALYSIS

The textbooks available in the States are of three types: those prepared by State government agencies for government schools; textbooks produced by private publishers frequently used in private schools; textbooks prepared by cultural and social organizations. From the studies commissioned by this Committee accounts and analyses of all three types of textbooks are presented below. The reports contained accounts of textbooks prepared by State governments, private publishers, religious and social organizations. Taken together the states covered in the mterim report are: Bihar, Chattisgarh, Delhi, Jammu and Kashmir, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Kerala, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal. The difference between these the three types of schools - public, pnvate, and schools run by social and religious organizations and many of the are afTiliated to communal and fundamentalist ideologies is fairly wide and it is expected that it would be sufficient to represent the range of regional variations in textbook content and textbook production in the countr>.^ The content analysis covers classes from primary to higher secondary levels, although many of the books deal with texts used from Class VI onwards

■ Vidya Bharali, Sarasvvali Shishu Mandir etc and mcidarsas have been covered in this anaK sis, but Fskal Vidvfdays have not been adequately covered in this analy sis. However, a recent report has brought out the communalization that is going on in these schools and erf their cuniculum and textual n>ateriats. See Avdhash Kaushal, Final Report on the Field Visit and Observations fo r the Singhhhum District in Jharkhand, Tinshukia and Dibrugarh district in Assam. This report was prepared by a COTimittee set up by IVIIIRD headed by Avdhash Kaushal. it submitted its report to M llR D in 2005. 44

TEXTBOOKS IN GOVERNMENT SCHOOLS NOT VSING THE CBSE SYLLABUS '

The importance of government textbooks cannot be overemphasized. This has to do not only with the extent of their reach (as emerges from the State reports, private schools avail of them as well, particularly for public examinations), but also with the parameters that they set for curriculum frameworks of other bodies. As pointed out in the Kerala report, this is the most important source that can have an impact on the approaches, content and quality of the textbooks of private publishers, which rely in fact, upon the textbooks of the NCERT and SCERTs.”^ We, therefore, begin the content analysis with State government books.

The importance of government textbooks in setting the parameters of school education among institutions run by religious and social organizations is outlined below. CHATIISGARH is a case in point. The Loyola Boys School in Kunkuri follows government textbooks for all subjects except Moral Science and a religious class for Catholics. In the Gyanodaya School, Jagdalpur, which is an English Medium primary school, run by the Catholic diocese, for Classes I and II, they teach their own textbooks, but these do not appear to have any religious message, and are just chosen for their large format and illustration. In classes, ID and V they have to follow government textbooks because Chhattisgarh and Madhya Prades have board exams in the Classes V, VIII, X, XII. In the Ramakrishna Sharada Sevashram, Jagdalpur (Bastar), the Swami pointed out that there is no question of using material supplementary to the government textbooks because students are unwilling to learn more than the bare minimum. Similarly, at the Mata Rukmini Devi Sansthan (run by Sarvodaya followers of Vinoba Bhave), in Dimrapal near Jagdalpur (Bastar), they follow only government textbooks in the classroom.

In JAMMU AND KASHMIR the textbooks brought out by the Jammu and Kashmir Board of School Education are made mandatory for both government and private schools, a state of affairs endorsed by the report as “a step towards the common school system’' Although the Board is autonomous, its material is a “replica” of NCERT books. The report observ es that Jammu and Kashmir’s position as “a very sensitive state” has led to schools and publishers being cautious lest the content of the curriculum offend constitutional values through material “supporting communalism, regionalism . . terrorism, or any sentence against National Integration.”^' It claims that a majorit>’ of the books were published in 2000, totally in accordance with NCERT books and that the texts have no unw'anted or objectionable material. In 2002, protests against the revised NCERT textbooks were mobilised around the belief that these did introduce “objectionable material”, among other things because of the communal interpretation of history underlying the textbook on medieval India.^

^ The full texts of the State Reports summarized and footnoted below are given in Annexure Kerala Report, p. 29. ^ Jammu and Kashmir,Report, p. 1. ^ ibid. p. 2. ’ See the chapter, in India and the World, Class 8, 2002, pp. 244-250. 45

Also, although the line quoted above interprets “regionalism"’ as a divisive ideology, a recurring concern in this critique of Urdu and Social Science textbooks is that they convey nothing of the environment and history of the state, in which he mcludes its “contribution in national development”.^ In duplicating material from the NCERT, the State Board has lost out on the density of local experience. While Urdu does discuss “state personalities” along with “national personalities”,'^ its very centrality in the State's curriculum is questionable given that “it is not the mother tongue of any region of the state”. Urdu has superseded Kashmiri in the Valley just as Hindi has superseded Dogri in Jammu. The writer envisages representation of the state as including, but going beyond, familiarity with its Constitution. Neither Urdu nor Social Studies books are able to deal with diversity within the state, whose different regions are unequally represented in Urdu and not discussed at all in Social Studies.

The report observes that Urdu lessons, though at no point opposing democratic and secular values, have done little to bring these to life. It provides insights into a more creative approach both to the social sciences and to fostering respect for diversity and the environment. It is consistently critical of the absence of local history and geography in the books produced by the State Board. In staying so close to the NCERT they contain no local maps. The report points out that such an approach loses out on the opportunity for productive classroom discussions, as for instance, on how Kashmir had been able to sustain communal harmony during a period when many parts of India were in the throes of communal conflict.”

Just as the child’s immediate environment is seldom registered in the Urdu textbooks. Social Science project work related to the local environment “is not taken seriously and not evaluated.” " Yet the Environment would no longer present a problem of impossible magnitude if, through the teaching of local geography, students have become aware both of local environmental degradation and the measures that have been undertaken to check this The report recommends that the immediate environment should be the main focus at the elementary stage, with “a gradual and systematic movement from known to unknown”.*’

To elaborate on this, only textbooks that are more responsive to the actual ground experience of the reader would encourage her to feel an immediate relevance in the global invocation of Environmental Protection. This would allow her to become more responsive to areas of experiences outside her own A student from Leh cannot easily conceive of the impact of a mining industry opened in Maharashtra on the lives of tnbals. She can only begin to do so if the teaching of local history and geography has already equipped her to work out the inter-connections between processed information and understanding accrued in other areas of life, and between a problem as given and the

^ Ibid. p. 4. "Ibid. p. 3. Ibid. p. 3 and p. 4 " Ibid. p. 2 and p. 6. Ibid. p. 5r '-'ibid, pp. 7-8. 46 possibilities of initiating change. In this way. Social Studies might encourage “self reliance”, the ability to confront new “demands and eventualities”’'* in a way it has not attempted so far.

The report recommends that textual content should throughout be related to activities, and that the scope of Social Studies should extend to Work, Art, Health and Physical Education. Bringing these areas under Social Studies would also lead to their being evaluated seriously. Work Education has hitherto been marginal in the curriculum, and even the chapters in Urdu books seldom recognize the value of manual work.’^ Yet work education is crucial to the holistic development of the child’s potential, including her capacity for manual labour, and her understanding of the world of work.*' The practical use of what is studied would also be increased if language teaching laid greater emphasis on expression, written or oral.’*^ There is an unnecessary overlap between the topics addressed in Social Studies and the themes encountered in Urdu books. If these were left only to the language books, it would simultaneously lighten the load of Social Studies and expand the scope of language teaching.’^ With regard to the inclusion of a component on “value education”, the report recommends teaching core directives “common to all religions”, as critical to the child’s emotional development and sense of involvement in her society.^'^

The report concludes by suggesting that if some of the changes it proposes are incorporated in a revised curriculum, a program of teacher training should be conducted to share with schooheachers the ideas behind the revisions of the curriculum and to work out new teaching methods."'

In KARNATAKA virtually all schools, both government and private, use only DSERT textbooks. Few opt for Delhi based private publishers. As part of their survey, the resource persons mention that the Government Urdu medium school “had Islamic symbols on display”, just as in one government school children were encouraged to worship everyday, and in several government schools, Hindu religious images are displayed in the principal’s rooms etc.

The report refers to the public furore over the ideological biases of the books revised in 2002 on the lines of NCF-2000. The DSERT refused to respond to public queries concerning the books Only after the arrival of B. K Chandrashekhar as Education Minister, were moves made to institute a Textbook Committee to rewrite the books.

" Ibid. p. 5. Ibid. p. 8 and p. 7 Ibid. p. 3. Ibid. p. 10. Ibid. p. 9. "'Ibid. p. 8, Ibid. p. 8. With regard to the question o f regulatory mechanisms, this report declares that states framing their own ciunculum should strictly follow the National Curriculum Framework, and that CABE should appoint Jin agcncy "'to monitor and evaluate tlie cun iculuin of respective states. Ibid. p. 10. 47 which were prepared by July 2 0 0 4 On examinatjon, these were found to have improved markedly m terms of quality, language, pictures and the presentation of ideas, though the syllabus is almost unchanged. But fortunately there are no instances of the ideological bias evident earlier. As part of the Forum for Humanism in Education, Jane Sahi and Indira Vijaysimha presented a report on October 19, 2002 on the DSERT books, “Communal Biases in Karnataka’s School Textbooks”. In this they drew attention to “significant changes, which clearly indicate a reversal of the inclusive perspective of the earlier textbooks”."'

Their findings are outlined below, with a view to identifying the areas in the imagining of History beyond the emergence of faultlines, not just betw'een the Right wing and others, but also between intelligent and opaque understandings of empire, secularism, and civilization.

In the original books, the Rashtrakutas figure during discussion of the tri-partite struggle for Kanauj, “These chieftains... fought M ith one another to show their power. The life of the peasant who worked on the lands of these chieftains was very difficult They had to pay revenue and also do free labour for the chieftains” (italics added).""*

This narrative of peasant exploitation by warring feudal chiefs is lost in the depiction of the grandeur of the Rashtrakuta Empire; ‘Tt was indeed a glorious rule. Rashtrakutas emerged as the supreme power in the whole of India Some of the Rashtrakuta emperors were great conquerors'^ (italics added).Om itted is a section that narrated the alliance between a (Hindu) ruler of the subcontinent and the Central Asian (Muslim) army which attacked the Delhi Sultanate, “Together with the Afghan nobles, the Rajput pnnce Rana Sangha of Mewar also agreed to help Babar against the sultan of Delhi .

The blame for the existence of retrograde and disavowed traditions, like Sati and child marriage, is laid at the door of Islam (1).“^ Its most likely explanation is sub-textual - a slippage from the tendency for some years now to argue a similar genesis for other acts of violence towards women — Jauhar as the defense of honour against invaders (usually imagined as Muslim), and purdah originating from a fear of Muslims." Superstition is ascribed to the same fear - the same apology suffices for any aspect of the past that needs shrugging off An aspect of modernity like secularism is given historical precedence, but with muddled approval. The “terrible atrocities” of the Arab invaders of the eighth centur\' (sic) are claim.ed to include “oppressing the citizens’^ (italics added) “Keeping this in view, the religious tolerance of the Rashtrakutas seems quite amazing and worthy of emulation”

^ Ibid. pp. 4-5. Ibid. p. 6. Social Stiulies, Class 6 (2(X) I), p. 5. Cileti on p. 7 of the report Social Studies, Class 6 (2003X p. 3 1. Cited ihid. Social Studies, Class 6 (2000), p. 29. Social Studies, C\ass 6 (2001), p. 54. High School hi has Bhag, 1, p. 284. "'Ibid p. 33. 48

The Civics section refers to India’s being a secular state “despite having such a large Hindu majority and this fact is unnecessanly contrasted with the theocracies of surrounding countries.” In reference to this kind of argument, the report notes that until books equip students to think through the meanings of secularism with rigour, its parallel lives in textbooks will be characterised/caricatured by a Janus-face. In its historical manifestation, it appeared far ahead of other demonstrations of political power and religious identity. Its present manifestation marks us as superior to our neighbors, but its very exceptionality suggests that such forbearance on the part of the majority must some time be left behind.

Warps enter the narration of the power of religion and the fruition o f‘civilization’ “Islam united the several Arab tribes” becomes an occasion to describe how the Arab tribes before Islam had for centuries “remained disunited, uncivilized and culturally backward.”^’ After describing the birth of the “great civilization” of the Arabs, the original book mentions that it was “enriched” by knowledge of various sciences from Greece, China and India. The revised book describes how the Arabs were greatly influenced by Greek and other cultures, and “freely borrowed from them. In course of time they evolved a civilization of their own”.'"

The report notes that the Hindi textbooks for Classes VI and VII (revised in the year 2000) contain “some interesting and sensitive pieces, which are a small step towards equity and representation”. Two of those referring to religion are sketched here “Lahore mem Tiranga Phairaya”, a story for Class VI describes an aam sahha after namaaz, where Muslims and Hindus together vowed to fi-ee the country. The fact that the Maulvi endorses the vow but it is a Nawab who leads the British forces indicates that divisions are not based on religious lines. However, the martyrdom of a Hindu, Khushiram, contains lines that unnecessarily focus on religious identity “apne hindu sanskaron ko saakshi kar ke” and “us sankalp ko poora karunga jo ek hindu ne masjid mem baithkar liya tha” (italics added). Then there is Subhadra Kumari Chauhan’s “Heengwala”, a strong intervention that questions stereotypical assumptions about communities, and which shows a Muslim saving the lives of Hindu children during a riot. '

It is in relation to the way national identity is imagined, and in terms of the social groups represented, that the report finds things lacking or disquieting in the books. In the Class Vll book the chapter “Missile” implicitly condones violent retaliation as a means of resolving border disputes. It also idealises a living person. Dr Kalam (contrary to an earlier tacit policy not to refer to living persons). Figures held up for idealisation invariably belong to the ruling class, like Shivaji or Ashoka. A chapter like “Shishtachar” promotes middle class manners as ideal. Women and girls are represented but no Dalits, tribals or Christians appear. Overall, the selection is confined to “an upper caste and class Hindu male perspective”, but contains nothing manifestly objectionable.^^

Ibid. p. 101. Social Studies, Class 6 (2000) and Social Studies, Class 6 (200 i), p. 18. Social Studies, Class.6 (2000) and Social Studies, Class 6 (2001), p. 20. Ibid.Ibid nnpp. 2-3.2-3 •'•’ Ibid. p. 3. 49

The report comments that the General English books show improvement in both the selection of texts and the exercises designed, but here too the texts remain limited to an urban, upper caste and class perspective. The chapter on conquering Everest would have been more valuable if Tenzing had been made prominent for a change, or Bachendn Pal’s ascent had been described.'’ The Class Vlll textbook for Special English presents excerpts from such western ‘classics’ as The Tempest, Gulliver’s 1 ravels. The Adventures oj Tom Sawyer and the stories of H.G Wells. Even assuming that urban children study Special English, these contexts would be alien to them. Also, no social issues have been raised - not even the issue of race, which became an important concern of Gandhi in South Africa

The MADHYA PRADESH report points out that children from poor economic backgrounds, including Dalit or tnbal groups, read State Government publications “There is very little that these children can relate to or understand. . This alienation causes many of them to drop out ” Thus even if they do not contain discriminatory representations, the language textbooks, remain “quite strongly discriminatory in their omission of .. deprived social groups and major social issues. We know that the constitution guarantees equality... while social reality is highly inequitable. Education can be a way of bringing this reality into discussion and reflection and through it move towards the constitutional goals of a just and equitable society. Unfortunately, government education has shied away from this reality and in so doing perpetuated inequity.’” ^

Finally, we summarise the Madhya Pradesh report’s comments on the social science books and their representations of national history as well as divisions of religion and caste. While there does not appear to be anything objectionable in government social science books, they are as a rule cast in an abstract, generalised language, which would in itself alienate children. In the History books, Dalits or tnbals are invisible, as, by and large, are women. There is nothing of Madhya Pradesh’s history or on people from the region. The focus is on mlers and their policies and male upper caste freedom fighters, and the representation of girls rather stereotypical

The report comments that there is “no clear stance on equity and democracy”, or a vision of secularism. Though the Muslim League and the Hindu Mahasabha are referred to as communal parties, there is no mention of the RSS. Civics does make reference to the fact that India and Pakistan are culturally ver\' similar and to the need for greater people-to- people contact. When discussing caste and communalism as social evils in Class Vlll, they acknowledge histories of nots, and that the “weaker sections are still made victims of cruel and inhuman treatment”. But in other areas “the fundamental right to equality is

Madhya Pradesh Report, p 3. 50 very weakly dealt with. ‘Samaj mein samaanta rakhne ke l»ye chhuachhoot ko bhi apraadh bataya gaya h a i (italics added).

MAHARASHTRA: In the Marathi language textbooks for Classes 1 to V, and also of the Class IV Histor>' textbook,'^^ in each year there is a concern to foster nationalist sentiment through references to the National Anthem etc. However, in the first two years this is significantly outnumbered by examples of bias towards urban experience and also of gender bias. In the Marathi language textbook for Class Three (also the class in which history teaching is introduced), there occur the first two instances of communal bias, and there are three cases of communal bias in the History textbook for Class Four.^”

It IS quite understandable that textbooks make the nation a reference point but significantly, more often communal politics appears to be a stronger reference point. We see this in the History textbooks of several States. Maharashtra’s protracted history of communal politics has left its mark on its textbooks. But urban and gender bias are just as dangerous, particularly if from an early age they influence ways of seeing the world. This is not just because these are more pervasive in the textbooks examined in this report, but also because they are harder to recognise. By taking the form of absences or roles assumed as given, they make habitual a perception of society in which certain groups are denied or disempowered. Below is sketched how this denial happens (based on the report’s discussion of the visuals) and the form this disempowerment takes (citing contradictions in the text).

Even when the content of primary school language textbooks is meant to be “applicable to all sections of society”, their visuals “display urban middle class living”, registered in terms of “appliances (lampshades, refrigerator, washbasins....) and clothes worn”. References to the “harmfur’ effects of urbanization convey little when urban lifestyles appear glamorous by contrast to rural. Rural life enters Language books only through descriptions of natural beauty, but Civics textbooks project another version of rural life, suggesting that it is severely limited by its lack of amenities and by illiteracy. The State’s efforts with regard to rural development are st\^mied by the widespread presence of Ignorance and superstition, and there is no recognition of initiatives taken within villages or by voluntary groups in the areas of science and technology. Were it acknowledged that state resources have concentrated on developing cities rather than villages, one might have addressed these contradictions between text and visual and between subject areas by comparing, for example, the lives of the underprivileged in cities (often migrants from villages) with those in villages.

Hiving off Environmental Studies as a separate subject has also made for contradictions in the way in which different subjects treat the issue.'*' Language books represent a range

Ibid. p. 4 quoting Class 7 Civics, “In order establish equalit>^ in society even untouchabilit\^ is said to be a crime”! See the analysis in the Maharashtra report on pp. 2-4. Class 111 Marathi, p. 42 and 76. Maharashtra Report, p. 11. Ibki. p .7. Ibid. 51 of aspects of “Nature” from stories about animals to precautions to be taken against natural disasters. Yet, despite the insertion of chapters on sustainable development, there is “no conscious attempt” to develop a sustained vision of reciprocal relations with one’s environment, through the selection of texts treating this theme

The first lesson of a language textbook for Class VIll “establishes linkages between patriotism and cleanliness, and afforestation.’”*^ Ironically, had the relationship between lifestyle and state policy been elaborated, one would have had to confront how the amenities of middle class living are not only limited to the middle classes but often made possible through environmental exploitation by industries that the state supports. Elementary level science textbooks in fact perpetuate this tendency towards an instrumentalist approach to nature, which divides into two the section on trees, “About Trees” and their “benefits”.

Benefits being limited to their rmmediate resource value, the relationship between trees and ram is not recognized. This artificially erases the connection between different aspects of the environment,^^ just as subject compartmentalization prevents the child from testing information from Science against the values of Environmental Studies. Covers of geography textbooks display self-contained visuals - dams, industries, beaches, and deserts - that convey no impression of natural and human environments interpenetrating each another. Again, no links are made between the issues raised in the chapters on environment with the content of the chapter on industry, and there is no mention o f non-conventional sources of energy.^^

We return to the relationship between an understanding of local environment and skills of critical thinking (argued in the section above on Jammu and Kashmir). Science textbooks for Classes I and II limit themselves to inculcating habits of personal hygiene and register no awareness of illnesses actually faced by children (lice, worms etc.)."**^ Agricultural activity is discussed in the Class IV book, which recommends chemical fertilizers and good quality grain — aspects unrelated to the village child’s participation in it and unlikely to enlarge the urban child’s conception of it.**^ Matters are complicated when in a higher class “the indiscriminate use of chemical fertilizers” is identified as a cause of pollution, with nothing enabling one to decide what becomes “indiscriminate.” This is typical of the way content in Science is factual rather than an expansion of enquiry', with inadequate critique of the implications of scientific development.^*' Industrialization is equated only with progress, so “[several] times... pollution is solely attributed to population explosion”. There is also no reference to technology benefiting some sections of society while many others are displaced or unemployed

^ ‘ Ibid. p. 8. 'Mbid. Ibid. p. 9. Ibid. p. n Ibid. Science, Class 4, cited on p. 9 o f the^report. Ibid. pp. 9-10. Ibid. p. 10. 52

The report is critical of the fact that the curriculum never engages with the manifest economic disparities in society, though differences of caste, religion and language find mention as “impediments in national unity”.S cien ce textbooks, for instance, prescribe as healthy a diet that for a large section of their readers may be hard to procure or to afford In Classes I and II the visuals relating to energy focus on “vehicles and industnes”. '

The report observes that in Hindi lessons, characters from socio-economically deprived backgrounds appear seldom, and usually as helpless victims, rather than as central figures on whom the narrative plot hinges. Stories of perseverance and success could have been included, the report argues.^'^ This calls fora qualification - ‘success stories’ imply that character is more crucial than socio-economic location. If one wishes to present sysiemic inequality as unacceptable, it is more enabling to use irony, within the text or in the discussion questions based on it.

Language books have the potential to hone sensitivity as much as skills of articulation. One can draw conclusions on the politics of language from the fact (noted in the report) that the oppressed are hardly encountered in English lessons, and there is no representation of cross-class friendships.^^ Compilers of anthologies should guard against a tendency for texts in the elite language to blank out from their field of vision those less likely to make use of the language. It is equally important that those writing in languages whose history in the subcontinent is longer and whose prevalence across different classes IS wider, should not feel obliged to start from assumptions about “the-poor-as victim” merely because the implicit power relations have remained uncontested too long and too widely.

Chapters in History seldom touch upon economic conditions and clas and regional disparities. Inequalities are registered in the text only at the pivotal point when these are challenged (Shivaji’s revenue reforms, Buddha’s rejection of caste divisions)^^’ Yet one would have expected textbooks to provide a perspective on the actuality of economic relations, which extends beyond that articulated by individual reformers isolated in time When History is introduced as a separate subject in Class VI, the first chapter, an apology for the study of history, claims that knowing the past helps us to understand the present Yet in no lesson is it demonstrated how one may make these “linkages” with the world around one.^^ Information or statistics are not provided, for instance, on inequalities and income levels prior to and after our independence, so that the student can measure for himself independent India’s success in equitable distribution and employment opportunities In this context, information could have been given that compare India’s national income with those of other nations. The new economic policy has no mention, symptomatic of a tendency to adhere to the vision of the fifties and sixties (Class VI

Civics, Class 9. ‘"National Unit\'”, quoted on p. 14 ” Ibid. p. 16. '"Ibid. p. 12.

Textbooks for Classes Four and Five, discussed on p. 12. ’"Ibid. p. 13. 53

Civics refers to five-year plans, and backward areas are identified by their containing few factories/industries). Government textbooks obviously evade difficult questions. Descriptions of the city make no mention of Dharavi as the biggest slum in Asia. No information is provided on how citizens may call government institutions to account'

In Classes 1 and II, one can identify different religions through the stereotyped markers employed by visuals (turbans and caps) yet the text contains no character or name that is not Hindu, something that the report also notices in the Marathi textbook for Class VIll and the Hindi textbook for Class Civics textbooks contain “repeated references to religion”, but these do not seem to be m the nature of analytical enquiry - given that the majority of references cited advocate religious tolerance as necessary to national unit\ /’’ However, the report draws most of its material from history textbooks, and its findings are outlined below

In Class V, India’s religions are mentioned as one manifestation of its diversity, but this fact could have been given a more tangible dimension by showing Islam’s contribution to Indian art. Buddhism is not clearly indicated as a separate religion, and similarly the Class VI book is cursory in its details of the birth of Jainism No picture is provided of the religious dissent and dialogue in the period of the Mauryas. And appropriations are not addressed - when refernng to the beginning of idol worship among Hindus, the book does not mention that Jain temples were taken over/’^ It is clear that social inequalities are not seen as essential to the structure of religion, when in Class IV a history lesson on saints who challenge religious hierarchies concludes with the line: “The respect for religion increased due to the work of the saints.”^ ’ The same book develops prejudices at an early age by referring to oppression and cheating by Mughal rulers. It also contains the illogical statement, “Shivaji had many Muslims working for him but they were all loyal to Swaraj”, which betrays an assumption that religious identities override political allegiances, and also that Shivaji’s Raj was synonymous with people’s independence.^’^ One can note here the observation that these assumptions make for a particularly twisted logic in RSS books: “Numberless Hindus were forcibly converted to Islam on the point of the sword. This struggle for freedom became a religious war”^^ To break this down, conflict already located around religion is elided into a “struggle ^ox freedom'" (italics added, as the indicators of non-freedom are not clarified), which become a religious war

However egregious, these examples suggest that it is a challenge for a secular democracy that has consciously separated private and public spheres to understand how shifting feudal empires negotiated religious and cultural identity To return to Maharashtra, the Class VI Histor\- book suggest (apparently in the context of the establishment of the

^Ibid. p. 14. "^Ibid.p. 15. “ Ibid. pp. 17-18. Ibid. p. 20: The pages cited are Class 8, p. 27 and p. 48, Class 9, p. 25 and pp. 30-31 cind Class 10, p. 59. Ibid. p. 18 and p. 19. Ibid. p. 18. 19. Frcwn the section on medieval histwy in Jtihas Ga RahaHai, quoted on p. 14 o f Nalini Taneja, “B-iP’s Assault on Education and Educational Institutions''. 54

Sultanate) “there was no difference in the traditional lifestyle of the people.W e ignore for now the fact that the culture of Central Asia would have influenced some sections in terms of cuisine and clothes. It is more important to know whether the remark that tradition and lifestyle did not change has proved the resilience of these traditions, or the generous non-interference of the new rulers. In any case, the statement surely loses some force when the subsequent lesson (summarised in the report) demonstrates Central Asian influence on architecture, music etc. The idea is again undermined, by what seems however a baseless claim regarding “the influence of superstition on Indian society during the Mughal period”

The report mentions how the Class VII textbook claims in Lesson 11 that the “aggressive communal feelings created by the Muslim League led to Partition”, a statement encountered in textbooks elsewhere

The report assesses the treatment of caste in different subjects. History textbooks provide accounts of the origins of caste, and Civics discusses the problems of scheduled castes and tribes and the concessions given to them. The history of caste as an institution fails to bring out the link between discrimination, unequal opportunities and economic disparities, so that it seems a neutral marker of occupation. The tendency in modem India to use a joint word, “caste-tribe” falsely subsumes adivasis under Hinduism Textbooks miss out on opening up a productive discussion of the differences in perspective between Gandhi and Ambedkar on the issue of caste.^^

Caste is not addressed in language textbooks, and even when some of the richness of Dalit literature is included, the introductions do not bring out the significance of the Dalit background of the authors.

The report raises a range of issues related to gender. One concern is the fair representation of women. Women authors contribute only 1 5 percent of the material in Marathi textbooks for Classes I to II, and hardly 7 percent for HindiVisuals misleadingly show pre-teen boys as taller and sturdier than girls of the same age. No women saints of the medieval period are discussed in History.^’ Even the token inclusions of women in language books are unimaginative, there being repeated references to Kiran Bedi and Lata Mangeshkar.^" And too often history books present the “pitiful state” of women rather than “their courage, accomplishments and social participation”.^’

p. 19. Ibid., citing p. 66 of the Class VI Hislon-book. Ibid. p. 20. See also Teesla Selalvad, "‘How Textb(x)ks leach Prejudice", m Communalism Combat, June 15, 2003, accessed at http://vvu^'.countercurrents.org/a)mm-setalvadl 50603.htm on March 19, 2005. Ibid. p. 21. '"Ibid, p. 23 '‘ ibid. p. 25. - . ’"Ibid. p. 24. ' Ibid. p. 26. The report also directs attention to questions not addressed by different subjects, which would have sharpened our understanding of power relations under patriarchy, such as how the institution of the family changed with changing economic needs and the development of slaveryInstead of limiting themselves to noting differences in attire between men and women of different regional cultures. Geography books could surely discuss differences in occupation'^^^ When the Class X Science textbook discusses anemia, it would be worth going into the fact that 80 percent of Indian women experience this for reasons of which it is also important to be aware. Finally, one discerns no endeavor in the visuals, texts or exercises to introduce the possibility that in future it might be the norm for men and women to share responsibilities both inside and outside the home.

WEST BENGAL The West Bengal survey has examined books of English, Bangla and Historv' in 16 schools (four each of government, government aided, private and those run by religious or social organizations), all affiliated to the West Bengal Board of Secondary Education (WBBSE). The report notes that in the history textbooks, “there is a covert tendency to represent the history of India and the history of Hinduism as parallel developments. Chapters on caste are discussed without reference to the oppression of Dalits ” The Congress is shown as a Hindu organisation and the League as the sole representative of Muslims.^^ In both the languages and the social sciences, “representations of minority communities. . and women are neglected.

TEXTBOOKS IN USE IN SCHOOLS RUN BY SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS

BIHAR; Most of the Bihar books analysed in this study perpetuate prejudices and biases. They portray ancient India as synonymous with Hindus. Achieving worthy “sanskar” people began to be called Aryans - traveled east and south to spread Vedic culture. Vedic vision, Upanishads taught us to understand Buddhism etc. all form part of our great faith No distinctions anywhere between the two religions. 7S' Magadha ruler possessed Mahapadyam - if distributed, each person would possess 50 lakhs - he ruled over such a prosperous kingdom7‘^

The books emphasize the forced conversion of Hindus, and assert that many of the converted have never been able to find religious freedom.'^*’ It is hardly surprising that there is no mention of the reasons and motivations for such widespread conversion. Further it is claimed that the rulers and their collaborators were prepared to sink to the lowest depths to convert people to Islam Destruction of Somanatha crushed the Hindu courage. But in just a few years a new temple erected at Somanatha - saffron flag again

'' Ibid. p. 25. ' " Ibid. p. 26. . Ibid Ibid. p. 2 Ibid. p. 7. Ibid. p. 28. ^ Bibar Repeat. Ibid. p. 8. 56 unfurled^*" Somanatha as wealth and jewels - understood as his dut\' destroying the idols of other faiths - pride.

The allusions to Muslims are invariably crude. Muslims destroyed libraries, books, raped our mothers and sisters - reduced to ashes their bodies of sandal, the blood of Rajputs in their bodies. Muhammad bin Qasim died the death of a dog. On one side an invading army, on the consolidated might (samuha) of devotees.W hen sacred texts are being burned, women raped - what is the use of prayer? The task of the sadhu is to awaken the country. 85

Guru Govind Singh used the pen and sword, bhakti and shakti.^^ The grow'ing Hindu strength of Guru Tegh Bahadur crushed by a vast army.^' Shivaji eulogized as a great man in time of crisis (declining Mughal empire, British encroaching).^^ Prithviraj was too trusting of Ghori.^^ Shivaji protected the cow, dharma, sanskriti, he is known as the protector of cow and Brahmins

Defaced image of India, snatched from us the Sindhu - where Vedas composed, Nanak bom, Selucus defeated - an injury that still rankles.^’ Sindhu waves still rehearse story of Selucus’ defeat.^^ Outline of India like an arrow on the string.^’ Dhruva and Prahlad, Chanakya and Chandragupta, and Gita^^

The violent pressure of the Muslim League forced our leaders to accept Partition.^' But there is no attempt to explain the role of the Muslim League or the fact that it had only limited support among Muslims.

The Report observes that there is a deliberate non-recognition of human values, while narrow religious identities receive greater prominence and approbation. Thus all social reform in India is supposed to have been directed by a religious vision. ’

CHATTISGARH; Most Vidya Bharati schools are affiliated to the CBSE or their local State Boards. By and large they follow State textbooks.In addition, they emphasize five

Ibid. p. 14. 8."' Ibid. p. 24. SI Ibid. p. S. Ibid p. 9. Ibid. p. 1 5 ^ Ibid. p. 14. Ibid. p. 20, Ibid. p. 24. Ibid. p. 15. ‘"ibid. p. 22. Ibid. p. 23. Ibid. p. 25. Ibid. p; 22. ^' ibid. p. 17. ^Bihar Report, pp. 2-3, p. 14, pp. 28-9. ' Nandini Sundar, “Teaching to hate:'RSS’s Pedagogical Program”, Economic and Political Weekly 39 (16). The two major private networks in Chhattisgarh appear to be schcx>ls run by the RSS and those nin by 57 subjects that are supposed to contribute to the development of sanskar or character formation. These are Moral Education (naitik shiksha/saciachar), which includes stories about great men, songs, instruction on honesty, personal hygiene etc.; Physical Education {shahhk shiksha) which includes learning to wield a stick and martial arts; Yoga, Singing {sangeet), and Sanskrit (from as early as kindergarten). “Vedic Mathematics” is mtroduced in Class 111

Ideology is reinforced through such aspects as the schools being predominantly Hindu, daily prayers (especially in schools with hostels attached) and the general atmosphere sustained by the presence or absence of pictures on the wall. The writer fears that government regulation of textbooks might well be used against progressive textbooks created by institutions like Eklav^a, and concludes “there seems to be no alternative to the hard process of improving the teaching and resources in government schools, since most children still come out of the government school QO system.

Earlier, contradictions with official texts would emerge when the R.S.S denigrated Gandhi as a "'Dushtatma' (bad soul) for “appeasing” Muslims. Individual teachers may have perfected sophisticated pedagogical techniques for getting around this, but perhaps what enabled the two belief systems to co-exist is the emphasis on ... exams. While the report notes that the revised NCERT textbooks do “ broadly reflect R.S.S. ideology”, she adds that “they are still inadequate in that they cannot openly talk about the Sangh ” Therefore the need for Vidya Bharati to bnng out textbooks that “‘supplement’ and ‘correct’ the history that is taught in the official books, working as much by selective emphasis ... as by crude propaganda against Muslims and Christians”.

Itihas ga Raha Hain for Class V blames “internal disunity” for the invasions by the Turks, Mongols and Mughals, but notes that even in the medieval period the “freedom struggle” was kept alive. While professional historians point to the presence of Hindu generals in Mughal armies and the fact that Shivaji, the archetypal Hindu king had a Muslim general, as evidence of the fact that medieval power struggles can not be understood in religious terms, the R S S sees this as a betrayal of Hindus and reserves its greatest criticism for such “collaborators”

“One of the central planks of the RSS is the equation of“holyland” with ‘‘motherland”- and the claim that because Muslims and Christians have their Meccas elsewhere, they are not fullv loyal to the country The text exhorts children to remember who they are so as not to become slaves again and asks rhetorically, “Whose is this country‘s Whose motherland, fatherland and holyland is it'^ .Whose customs and festivals are celebrated according to the agricultural rhythms and climate of this land? Which people is it who

Catholic orders. In Baslar, the Mata Rukmini l)evi Sanslhan has been given some 32 hostels and schools to run. The Vanvasi Kaly. 9. ’^Sundar 2002: 117. 58 call Sivaji, Ranapratap, Chandragupta, Bhagwan Ram, Krishna, Dayanand their great leaders/' (The implication clearly is that festivals like id and Christmas are not locally rooted.) It then goes on to a fervent description of the greatness of the RSS founders, Hegdewar and Golwalkar, and the need for an organization like the RSS to build Hindu unity'^^^ The book also refers constantly to “Mother India” from whose womb many brave sons were bom, who worshipped her and died for her, with the Gita in their hands and Vande Maiarani on their lips.*'^^

A similar process of elision and abuse is evident in the Sanskriti Gyan Pariksha, a cultural general knowledge test that all students from the grade upwards take annually, and for which they get certificates. ... The primer is in question-answer format, and the version of Indian cuhure that is produced is thus an exclusively Hindu - upper caste (mostly northern) - culture. Homer’s llliad was an adaptation of the Ramayana and that Christ roamed the Himalyas and drew his ideas from Hinduism.One of the most egregious examples, however, is the list of questions on Ramjanmabhoomi, the birthplace of Ram.*To quote an extract:

Q: From 1582 till 1992, how many Rambhakts sacrificed their lives to liberate the temple? A. 350,000. Q: When did the program of collecting bricks for the Ram Mandir begin"^ A; 30 September 1989.

While Gandhi and Nehru are perforce mentioned as leaders of the freedom movement, equal pride of place is given to the Hindu nationalist stream consisting of communal ideologies and religious men {sadhus and sanyasis)

DELHI; Dharmashiksha, Parts 3,4,5,10,11,12. These are DAV College Prabandhakartri Samiti publications, each part meant for a corresponding class. Since the DAV publishes them, no doubt they are used for teaching regular courses on religious instruction at DAV schools. According to the report it is not clear whether these texts are meant for compulsory courses or for Arya Samaj students alone. The courses, however, refer to Hindu values m general and the Arya Samajist component is not overly marked So this well may be a compulsor>^ additional course, as with the RSS schools which have compulsory courses on Bharatiya Sanskriti

In these books, on the one hand, histor>^ and nnlhology are made to coexist on the same plane, and, on the other, religious instruction is expanded to encompass histor> and politics, as lives of Gandhi or Bhagat Singh are subsumed within religious teaching.”*^^ At the same time, the Arya -Hindu complex claims to represent eternal and universal religious principles, thus negating truth claims of other religions. Caste injustice does

Ibid. pp. 77-81. Ibid. pp. 27-28. See Sahmat 2001; 14-18. Ibid. p. 13-14 Delhi Report, p. 1. 59

come in, exceptionally, in the essay on blind faith (Andha Viswasa), which mentions the sulferings of lower castes and Dalits — as benefiting Christian and Muslim conversion efforts, and leading to “din-pratidm hinduo ki sankhya kam hoti gai”; the hoary theme of the “dying Hindu” as against the prolific Muslims and Christians.

But what is of deep concern is the extent of consensus and acceptance of flawed intellectual premises and highly questionable, politically loaded assumptions, that appears across schools of different denominations and categories, amounting to a shared endorsement of a narrative and a discourse that is sharply at odds with the social and economic realities in India today. This disquieting endorsement of a flawed and non- factual discourse is more than just a matter of putting forward blatantly communal texts This becomes even more clear from our next example, a book of Hindi Grammar written by two teachers of Modem School, New Delhi, quite possibly in use in that prestigious institution and in many other places ; Sachitra Hindi Vyakarana Tatha Rachana — evidently very popular.This is for Middle School, particularly Class Vlll Sankritisation of Hindi has gone, with its earher close affinity with Hindustani / Urdu is totally suppressed. Nizamuddin AuHa spells the first name as Nijamuddin’, in obvious transliteration of the Hindi, as the old system of dot-indication seems to have disappeared.

What is really cause for alarm is that not only does a particular kind of religious teaching take upon itself the mantle of representing nationalism, it excludes, by doing so, the other vanants of nationalism that even personalities and leading figures mentioned by such books stood for. A strong objection can be raised on the basis of these contradictory claims; what are pohtical ideas about nationalism doing within a book on religious instruction? If the book claims to teach about universal religious principles, why are other religions excluded? If the idea is to offer teachings on nationalism, why are certain categories of nationalist ideas and figures excluded*^ In Part 3, Allah and God are made linguistically derivative from OM and are denied the status of being autonomous names of God (Paramatma Ke Naam ). While trying to show that the terms are secondary to OM, the essay does not anywhere clarify that Islam and Christianity may have different notions about Divinit>'.

For more senior students, the tone becomes very explicitly communal. In a politically loaded lesson on Mahashay Rajpal in Part 10, an occasion of communal rioting and the murder of an Arya Samajist publisher, Rajpal, in the 1920s because of his publication of a derogatory tract about the Prophet’s life (the Rangila Rasul case) is deliberately projected as exemplif>'ing Muslim fanaticism. Gandhi’s criticism of the book is explained as appeasement of Muslims. What is conveniently omitted is the fact that the book portrayed him as a lascivious person. In another lesson Muslims loot, plunder while all Hindu characters are heroic patriots and pious people. There is no mention of Hindu- Muslim unity or of Muslim patriotism, or of Muslim devotional figures.

The Foreword to Part 10, ‘Dharmashiksha ki Abashyakata ‘ (Necessity of Religious Teaching), is nearly exclusively dedicated to a diatribe against secularism, revealing a

Pitambar Publishing House, New Delhi, 1996, '97/98 , revised ed. 1999,2000, 2001. 60 deep hostility towards the idea as represented in the Constitution. It wrongly translates dharmanirapekshata as anti-religion. It says that secularism encourages groupism and prevents equality of citizenship by upholding minority rights, it also criticizes secularism for maintaining a distinction between individual and private lives on the one hand and social public lives on the other. The essay distorts the idea of secularism by saying that it raises a wall between religion and politics. It also tries to make it monolithic, whereas there are many varied definitions To allow such unwarranted and disconnected political ideology generated by communal organizations to infiltrate school textbooks amounts to an assault on the Constitution and its principles, let alone the fact that it is a serious violation of education policy guidelines.

Religion teaches familiarity with the traditions and civilization of the country and since all the parts deal with Hindu traditions as interpreted by the Arya Samaj, this is highly tendentious. It also says that familiarity is not enough, we must be proud of the traditions - an aspiration that promotes an uncritical acceptance of tradition. But pride involves a commitment; “We must make our enemies weep.” To place such anti-social and criminal tendencies in young minds is a breach of national trust. Religion and nationalism are made synonymous,with both being based on the primary principle of vengeance. It has been made abundantly clear in these texts that the enemies are Christians and Western peopk and the Muslims. In a lesson m the book, Pnthviraj is warned m the name of faith never to forgive his Muslim enemies, nor trust them. There are other examples of “jewels from the low castes” that fought against Muslim dynasties like Malik Kafur. It is evident that such lowbrow and divisive propaganda being allowed into what are meant to be education pnmers in an avowedly secular country will destroy the national effort to build harmony and unity among citizens having different social and religious identities.

Even though the Samaj is supposed to have opposed the caste system, the first lesson in this volume (called Vaidic Rashtriya Prarthana) talks of conventional caste-based occupations. The land of ours, it says, is filled with milch cows, chaste women, learned Brahmans who know the Vedas, valorous Kshatriya warriors, Vaishyas who produce wealth. There is no mention of Shudra producers, or of outcastes. In effect, what is being legitimised is a hegemonic version of a hierarchy that has no place in independent India There is a lot of emphasis on the ritualistic parts of the Vedas

In fact, hierarchies and lack of civil rights are naturalized through pictures of a policeman beating up an ordinary person with the caption saying “ Sipahi dande se pitte hai”, with absolutely no word on how this is a terribly illegitimate act The books do not give the students w'ith any notion of rights, liberties and equal citizenship capabilities of Indians, nor does it even try to highlight what are the threats to these values.

The verbal examples given in exercises have a recurrent tendency to refer only to activities being conducted in Shishu Mandir or related institutions. For example, a chapter on business arithmetic begins with the shopkeeper putting prints of Ganesh and Lakshmi on his account book. Drawing exclusively from imagery belonging to the Hindu cultural pantheon, remaining inexplicably silent on other cultural frames of reference, the impressior> conveyed to the impressionable young mind not even very subtly is that the 61

Hindu cultural universe is the only legitimate frame of reference worth relating to when growmg up in India. There is also an inescapable suggestion that the Hindu cultural context is a self-suificient and total world comprising everything worth mentioning or valuable.

In KARNATAKA, RSS-leaning organizations distnbute books in slum literacy centers, but the source of these books is yet to be traced (they are not easily available, being distributed directly). For example, the Infosys library programme distributes supplementary material among government and non-government schools biographies of “great Indians”, mainly published by the Rashtrothana Publication, which is linked to the RSS. Exclusively upper caste Hindu, these icons include religious and mythical figures, rulers, and a handful of reformers, mostly from the Kamataka region. The RSS ideologues are prominent among nationalist leaders, and significantly Gandhi and Nehru are absent. It includes one Muslim; and no Dalits or contemporary women. The report refers to how the government does not appear to have in place official procedures for endorsing the pnvate initiatives whom it has permitted access to its schools (the Tnfosys’ Library Programme and the Ramakrishna Ashrama programme).

MADHYA PRADESH missionary schools, particularly those affiliated to the CBSE, use material from private publishers like Macmillan, in common with secular private schools. There are over 3000 Saraswati Shishu Mandirs in the state, and their books, as in Uttar Pradesh, are not available in the open market. The ‘Akhil Bharati Sanskrit] Gyan Pariksha’ run by the Vidya Bharati Sansthan, the coordinating institution of the Saraswati Shishu Mandirs, produces them.

In these books, descnptions of Hinduism concentrate on Brahmmical ritual, while place descriptions concentrate on the “teerth” (pilgrimage site) in the area. A shrine like Sanchi IS not mentioned among the tourist sites of Madhya Pradesh. The history of “Ram Janmabhoomi” is internalized through a species of catechism, as discussed in the report on Jharkhand — “Who made the Mandir'^ /Ram’s son Kush”, “Who was the Muslim lutera who first attacked it'^” — up to the kar-sevaks raising the saffron flag on October 30, 1990. The report comments. “Obviously there is no mention of the Babri Masjid and therefore neither of its destruction”.'*’*^ Even before narratives reach its physical destruction, locating the actions of the kar-sevaks in Ram Janmabhoomi, the legend, not the material referent that anchored the conception of it, erases the mosque. If on such a politically contentious issue such as the controversy over the Babri Masjid/Ramianmabhoomi issue, the textbooks are to be allowed to blatantly promote Hindu sectarian arguments, how would it be possible not to alienate pupils of the minority communities and prevent the buijding of a shared national identity? It is very critical that school curricula scrupulously stay away from political controversies and ensure that no bias of any kind, political or cultural, be allowed to vitiate their education processes, in order for Indian schools to retain credibility as effective transmitters of a

1 he report notes that there is “a definite need for a regulatory board that can review and approve govemipent textbooks. The board rnust include people known to have a fair and balanced ideological^ position, and with a good understanding o f quality writing for children/learners”. Ibid. p. 5. Ibid. pp. 4-5. 62 wholesome national education. We need to reiterate categorically the urgency of putting in place a rigorous scheme of scrutiny and evaluation of textual material, giving primacy to verifiable and empirically proven facts alone.

The Vidya Bharati Akhil Bharati Shiksha Sansthan publishes manuals for teachers, some of which are also meant for parents. Titles include Shiksha Bharatiya Drishii, Ekatma Parivar: Ekatnia Rash fra, Hindu Jeevan Shaih. Manishi Kehie Hain is a collection of quotations on education. Unexceptionable statements by Gijubhai and Ravindranath Thakur sit alongside Kaka Kalelkar speaking for “shiksha”, “main satta ki dasi nahin hoon... main arth shastra ki baandi nahin hoon - mam to dharm ka punaragman hoon.'’

The RAJASTHAN report discussed the textbooks produced for D.A.V Schools and those used in a school governed and operated by the Bharatiya Vidya Samiti, Rajasthan. As in other Vidya Bharati schools, students up to Class 8 have to appear for a public examination, Akhil Bharatiya Sanskriti Gyan Pariksha, conducted by Vidya Bharati Sanskriti Shiksha Sansthana. Classes 10 and 12 also sit for the Sansthana’s examinations.

Value education is taught from textbooks titled Sanskara Saurahh. The report states that “both the Sanskara Saurahh and the BoJh Mala (required reading for an examination conducted at an all India level) contribute significantly to the internalisation . . . of the norms and values of Hindutva.' "** The deaths of Guru Tegh Bahadur, Moti Das, Bhai Dayal Das and Sati Das are narrated as sacrifices in the battle against religious conversion, through language vituperative against Aurangzeb in particular and Islam m general.'”

The report discusses the material in the Dharam Shiksha textbooks published by D.A.V College Management Committee. Delhi, and used in their schools across the country. The book’s preface questions secularism as a value, stating that religion alone can provide vision and direction to science. The books seek to persuade their readers of this principle through propaganda pretending to be fiction and fiction pretending to be histor\', examples of which are quoted in the report.

One lesson presents a debate on the existence of God through the exchange between tu o friends - one studying in a government school influenced by communist beliefs, and the other the product of a D.A.V. School - by the close of which the friend leaning towards communism concedes the defeat of atheism.

Repeated chanting of the Gayatri Mantra is said to lead to intellectual growth."' Yet the education purveyed by these books functions not on any principle of great concepts gradually internalized through repetition. It relies on the evidentiary character of examples and figures, but assumes in the face of these that further questions are silenced.

Ibid. ' Rajasthan Report, p. ? Sanskara Sourohh, Class 2, pp. 49-50. ‘ Chapter 7, Textbook for Class 4, p. 26. Ibid. pp. 17-8. 63

Chapter IV of the Class IX textbook brings together stones about the power oiyag}>as to summon rain and cure disease.Dharnia Shiksha for Class X states that the Vedas originate one trillion, ninety-four billion, 29 million, 49 thousand and ninety-four years ago,^*^

The extended reaches of the genealogies of Hinduism contrasts, as always, to the density of detail for which the last two hundred years are mined in order to stockpile charges against false ‘secularists’ and proselytizing faiths. The accusation of Savarkar in Gandhi’s murder is seen as part of an endeavor to appease Muslims.'’^’

Inwardness on the part of the Samaj as sect moves in step with hostility’ to those defined against Hindus as part of a performance on the national and global stage. Endogamy between AryasamajIS is advocated.’'^ A discussion of religious conversion is in another IIS lesson used to stimulate hate for Muslims and Christians. ' “Militarization of the nation”, “Hindusation of politics” and “religious conversion as national change” are the counters with which the argument of another lesson moves.

The chapter on Sanskrit betrays a sense of threatened identity (Sanskrit is necessary to our own survival.global ambition (it is the language of mankind) and an internal ‘Othering” within Hindu self-perception (the use of Sanskrit by “Aryans” establishes it a Hindu language.Would this disable the RSS project to claim Vanvasis within the Hindu fold? Though the school is English medium. Chapter 7, on the theme of Hindi, opposes the use of English as a betrayal o f‘Indianness’.

The UTTAR PRADESH report mentions that schools run by Vidya Bharati were very reluctant to divulge details of their syllabi, textbooks or even methods of selecting textbooks, and claimed to be using the books approved by the government (which is tme only after Class V^l. The elementary level textbooks (entirely different from government publications) mention two different publishers — Saraswati Shishu Mandir Prakashan and Shiksha Mandir Prakashan — who have the same address, and the logos bear different names - Saraswati Shishu Mandir, Uttar Pradesh and Vidya Bharati

1 he History textbook of Class IV (Jfihas (ki rah Hai) published by Shishu Mandir, Patna, excessively focus on the Mughal invasion of India. The textbook says that Indian Muslims are not related to Mughals from outside, they are the sons of this country At another place, the textbook highlights the role of Hindus kings in saving the honour of Hindu women from attack by the Mughals thus making the point that as to how the Yavanas are a real danger to the purity and chastity of Hindu women. The textbook high lights the role of the Mughals in the destruction of the Hindu temples and the valiant

""Ibid. pp. 23-4. Dhcuina Shiksha, Class X, p. 21. ""Ibid.lUlU. p. UVJ60. 1 1 7 - . . . "' Ibid. p. 19. "" Ibid. p. 15. Ibid. pp 61-2 Ibid. p. 19. Ibid. p. 21. 64 role of the Sikhs in the fight against them. (Banda Bairagi)

Books studied are Rashinya Naitik Shiksha and Samanya Gyan for Classes II to V. Caste identities and caste hierarchies are strengthened by approvingly mentioning caste-based identities and ethics. Power-based hierarchies also justified, e g., kingly violence. There IS an obsession with authoritarian and ritualistic moral consciousness, like touching teet and blindly obeying parents and teachers. Superstitions are strengthened, with reference to otherworldly benefits or God curing someone without treatment. Moral behaviour is often mixed up with many a-moral (morallv neutral) acts, like, cleanliness Consequently, confusing the child about norms of morality. Moral teachings are often by way of commandments, which is bad pedagogy Most of the lessons are fiill of prejudices and unscientific beliefs, e.g., left-handers are called uncultured. The books are also extremely gender-biased and the most of the moral discourse is around males only.

The books that have been examined are taught in Saraswati Shishu Mandirs:Vandana (Prayer Book). Sanskrit language books (4 volumes). English Primers (4 volumes), stories of Ramayan, stones of Mahabharat, Geography books (2 volumes for Class IV and V, History books (2 volumes for Class IV and V). All these books are for primary classes. All the books are uniformly Hindu-centnc and do not show any regard for pluraluy of the cov\ntr>' even as they claim to talk about the entire nation

These books communaiise the psyche of children and sliarpen theii Hindu identity by a two-fold process; (a) through repeated glorification of Hindu icons, practices, kings and other persons in history' and (b) by presenting non-Hindus mostly in highly negative manner and belittling their characters and contnbutions. Buddhism, Jainism and Sikkhism are mentioned as within Hinduism. The RSS figures like Hedgewar and Sa\ arkar get prominence and are repeatedly glorified The exercises moreover have many questions on the role and personalities of the RSS

The exercises in even science and maths are constructed with frequeni mention of temples, offerings, rituals and Hindu-centric notions. In the exercises all the Hindu names are prefixed with 'brother' or 'sister' but the Muslim names (\er>' few) are not so prefixed. Hindu-centric and militant nationalism is projected throughout. Both the language and style and content are oriented to this. Ritualism and superstitions are glorified repeatedly What IS disturbing is that the books are full of unscientific contents Moreover, the contents actually stifle the critical capacity of children. The existence of Bharat as one nation in the modem sense of'nation' is projected into the ancient past repeatedK to fil! the child's consciousness with racial national pride.

The report observes that it is very important that this distorted and false presentation of national consciousness is weeded out of school curricula. Schoolchildren should not be fed with factually incorrect and distorted political imaginations that have no correlation with the actual ground realities. It is important to emphasise repeatedly in the curricula and to remind the young citizens constantly that the Indian nation, which emerged from the freedom struggle in 1947, is the equal inheritance of several religious, social, ethnic and linguistic groups that are represented in the Indian nation. No one group can claim a 65 superior right over the Indian national identity by any stretch of imagination especially in the context of the circumsiances leading to India’s emergence as an independent nation- state with an expressed commitment to pursue culturally pluralist, secular, democratic and republican values. To hark back to an imagined past, the interpretation of which depends wholly on the subjective preferences and cultural biases of the interpreter is to deprive the schoolgoing pupil of a sound and factually-based, scientifically-driven education, and more dangerous, deprive the pupil of his or her Constitutional rights. Mythology is constantly mixed up with history and Hindu mythology (alone) is presented as historical fact. Some progressive and secular personalities of histor\' are appropriated but their forw'ard-Iooking and critical thoughts are suppressed. For example Kabir is mentioned but his critique of ritualistic religions practices is not well emphasized; Vivekanand is presented mainly as Hindu preacher.

War and violence are glorified in the name of bravery and 'nationalism'. Ritual sacrifices are also justified. Non-violence is maligned as cause of cowardice (for example in section on Ashoka). Even comparatively good non-Hindu rulers are presented as only aggressors and cruel. Incongruously, the saffron flag of RSS is celebrated in the textbook. These are indeed odd examples to hold up and subtly glorify in a republic that affirms its commitment to universal and secular values. Prayers eulogize kings, artists, and scientists besides religious figures Myth mixed with history.No opportunity lost to mention heroic wars of kings against Muslims. Buddha, Nanak and Kabir incorporated within Hindu fold without a wwd about departures from tradition (one verse mentions even their scriptures are sources of knowledge for Hindus).*^'

MADARSAS: There are a large number of madarsas in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. Particularly since 9/11, 2001, madarsas have found themselves the focus of hostile attention They are accused of obscurantism, criticized for teaching mainly religious texts and of failing to equip Muslim children with credentials and skills necessary in today's labour market. Apart from imparting religious knowledge a large number of madarsas are teaching Arabic, Persian and Urdu.

There are three main division of madarsa education in the state of Bihar: (a) Bihar State Madarsa Board; Tahtania- Primary level, W'astania- Middle level, Foukania- Secondar\ level, (b) Imarat-i-Sharia Madarsa Education; Imarat-i- Sharia approved by the Bihar Rajaya Madarsa Board, Imarat-i- Sharia (not recognized), (c) Regional Madarsa Education; Madarsas run by volunteer organizations and regional leather business guilds.

Bihar State Madarsa Education Board recognizes both the government and private publications Socio-religious organizations and private organizations alsa publish textbooks on their own initiative. Even after the establishment of Bihar State Madarsa Education Board textbooks have not been printed for many years. Only private publishers publ ish some guess papers and additional matenals for the purpose of getting through the exams.

Ekatmata Stotram, pp. 11-20. Uttar Pradesh Rep(M\pp. 7-8. 66

The report from Bihar gives a brief history of madarsas in India, from their establishment in mosques set up in the eighth century. It refers to the egalitarian principles of the Sufis, similar to those from which our Constitution takes inspiration, according to which people from different cultural contexts and of different religions would sit and dine together. Coming to the contemporary context, after alluding to the fact that free and compulsory primary education was the price we paid for investment in higher education in the years after Independence, it argues that the free education provided by madarsas gives them a significant role in India today. Madarsas have stnictures in place for the transmission of knowledge, and they have institutional credibility in the community. Teaching is carried out with commitment. Although the vision behind this commitment is religious, it should not preclude the possibility of madarsas rising to the challenge of meeting the new expectations of them from society. All that is necessary is that this vision be renewed, which would provide them fresh impetus to carry on their work.

For example, Delhi has around 40 madarsas.Some of these madarsas follow the NCERT syllabus (Urdu medium), while others teach only manqulat (religious education). But the madarsas following the NCERT syllabus are handicapped by having to deal with poor translations of English textbooks.’^^ Those teaching religious education follow a curriculum dating back to the eighteenth century It includes the Quran, Fiqh Uvirisprudence), Saif and Naheu (Arabic Literature and Grammar) and Tarikh (histor> from the Prophet to Khilafat-l-Rashida, 610-661 CE). The Delhi and Uttar Pradesh reports note that madarsas are using NCERT texts but most of them are still using medieval texts, which make no contribution to the education of children, in fact these can only help in the self-perpetuation of madarsas as they can only produce for madarsa teachers. As the qualifications provided by these madarsas are not recognized elsewhere, they prepare students only to become teachers themselves in these schools or to become 1 ”^8 Imams, Moazzins, Imams, Khatibs, Qazis and Muftis. ^

Like Vidya Bharati, the Darul Ulum Devband and Nadvatul Ulema produce their own textbooks. Deeni Taleemi Council publishes for certain subjects (mainly religious education) but follows the recommendations of the State Board regarding others The Council of Anglo-Indian Schools provides a curriculum and leaves the choice of books to school principals in consultation with teachers.

For Uttar Pradesh, the following Madarsa books were examined; Kissalatninihia for children, Islam Ki Ta/eem, Khilafai-e-Raashida, Misaali Hiikmaran, Ashrafii/ Noori, Husn-e- iVJuashara/ and Uski Takmee!Me Khw aieen Kaa Hissa, llmmai-e-Miisallima Ki Maen, Akhlaaqi Kahaaniya, Urdu language books (from Class I to V), Hindi language books (from Class I to rV),

Bihar Report, p. 45. Ibid. pp. 46-7. Ibid. p.-2. Ibid. p. 6. Ibid. p. 3 67

The books do not say anything negative against any other religion and do not slander non-lslamic religions or people. But the books related to Islam glorify everything Islamic to a point of sharpening the religious identity of students. Blind faith, rather than critical and scientific thinking, dominates these books. The most troubling aspect is that children are deprived of alternative viewpoints. In some books, while talking of ideal persons, mostly Muslim characters are included and there are very references to non-Muslims Thus, the discourse in these books is heavily Muslim-centric and worse still it becomes isolationist.’^^

But in some books (like Hindi language books and Urdu language books) large number of non-Muslim personalities are presented in an affirmative manner making these books impartial and open-minded.''*’ Some of the books emphasize the positive values of communal harmony, objectivity, simplicity, honesty, and mercy for animals, equality, sacrifice and integrity. The Hindi language books, for example, focus on the importance of patriotism.

On gender issues the books are totally uncritical and status-quoist While the domestic roles of women are highlighted their social roles are by and large given no space in these texts Men's domestic responsibilities are almost absent. Promoting such retrograde impulses do not bode well for efforts to enhance consciousness of gender equalit>'. The books Husn-e-Muashrat and Ummat-e-Musallima Ki Mae are only for girl's madarsas. The madrassas do not feel the need to tell girls about other good women or about good men or fathers or to tell boys about good women These books mention only Muslim women, which narrows the students' ethos and horizon, and would undoubtedly hinder a sense of being part of the mainstream.

These books are confessedly written from an Islamic vievs^point and not from a scientific viewpoint. Even historical events are treated as God-created thus making an understanding of histor>^ totally theistic and irrational. Some of these positions are shared with the RSS viewpoint. For example the reference to pre-Aryan cultures as extremely degenerate and describing the Aryans as great and gentle Thus Ary'ans are praised in highest terms

On Buddhism also there is some similarity between .lamaat's and Vidya Bharti’s (RSS) perspectives Both are uncomfortable with the Buddhist principle of non-violence and regard it as an impediment in putting curbs on wrongdoers. On the whole the books are replete with religious and theistic prejudices and superstitions.

Occasionally Hmdu kmgs are maligned aad Muslim kings are praised. The Bhakti period is presented within a very narrow and communal framework. The report noted that the communal bias o f these books is obvious, but the tone is not aggressi^ve and number of such references is small compared to the Saraswati Shishu Mandirs books

Uttar Pradesh Rqiort. ^^ibid: Ibid. 68

But the Islamic viewpoint is so dominant that even the coercion on Mushms to follow Islamic rituals is mentioned with praise. But the coercion of non-Muslims is not praised Overall the framework of these books is communal and extremely narrow and this can be seen in the criticism of Akbar's Deen-e-llahi

Certainly, madarsas provide very limited education, and they are not an alternative to formal schooling. However, recent studies have pointed out that the choice of madarsas is a matter of inadequate alternative educational provision and it is a feasible recourse for those whose lack of resources leaves them little room for manoeuvre.' In rural areas and poor urban areas, madarsas are much more significant in Muslim formal education. They are meeting the unmet demand for schooling in Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal

Nevertheless, madarsa education does have problematic implications. The special curriculum for girls exemplifies the problems of madarsa education. For example, madarsa students in Bijnor town in Uttar Pradesh are initially taught to read Urdu primers and simple extracts from the Quran.’ ' The most commonly used Urdu textbooks include Dini Talim (Religious Education), Talim-ul- Islam (Islamic Education), Fazail-e a mal (Virtuous Actions). Larkiyon ka Islami Course books “contain 20-25 on topics ranging from recipes to dowry, and from embroidery to poems, questions and riddles with a theological bent,'’’ Most of them detail religious practices or stones criticizing harmful un-lslamic practices or deal with a woman’s domestic competence. It's often in the torm of advice literature for w'omen and girls: Muslim women are to follow adah (etiquette) and akhlaq (moral virtues).

Contrary to stereotypes, one recent study found that of the 576 madarsas 553 i.e. 96.01 percent favour introduction of modem subjects to make the madarsa education more purposeful in ensuring a better future for the students.’ '' The ability of madarsas to modernize by introducing subjects such as science, Hindi and English is constrained by finances. Arabic, Persian and Urdu and Islamic subjects occupy prominent positions m most madarsa curricula

Several kinds of state mten ention have been proposed: to regulate and inspect madarsas. to oversee their curricula and insist that they are registered with the government. Establishing Madarsa Boards is one form of regulation that some slates have followed. This has also helped the process of modernization of curriculum. While modernization and regulation of madarsa curriculum is needed, it is ultimately a defensive strategy that poses no challenge to the structures that perpetuate Muslims’ educational backwardness. The danger of educating significant numbers of Muslim children separately from those of other communities provides few opportunities for interaction and dialogue and minimizes social contact between them and others. It creates the space for the escalation of prejudices and stereotypes and the reinforcement of particularistic and distinctive

Palncia .Jeffery, Roger .lefl'erv' and Craig Jeffrey, islarnization, Gentnfication and Domestication: A Girls Islamic Course and Rural Muslims in Uttar Pradesh’, Modem Asian Studies, 38, 1 (2004), pp. 1 -53 Ibui 134 Ibid. p.4. Qamaruddin, Hindutan Ki Deeni Darsgahen Kul Hind 5wrveKHarndard Society, New Delhi, 1992 69 identities on both sides of the Hind-Mushm divide.

TEXTBOOKS PREPARED BY PRIVATE PUBLISHERS IN THE STATES

JAMMU AND KASHMIR In Jammu and Kashmir as explained in the previous section, both private and public schools are made to follow the curriculum prepared by the State Board. Non-government schools do use support material published oufside the state, as the state “has no reputed publisher for publishing the textbooks or reference books However, these private publications do not figure in the teaching of senior classes, as Classes Vlll to XII have to appear for public examinations * '

KARNATAKA: Although Karnataka State publications are what are used predominantly in both government and private schools, the State report brings out the issues of representation in the books published by private agencies within Karnataka. Subhash Book Agency publishes material for Classes I to IV Its textbooks for Moral Science, Baki Neelhi, are criticised for simplistic formulations (good vs. bad) and the fact that most diagrams depict men as the protectors of morality. Some of the statements quoted ‘‘We must respect poor and rich people”* '*^, amount to a very thin protest against the social manifestation of economic inequalities and in fact appear to reinforce them

The ethics pur\ eyed are essentially Hindu (good practices include devotion towards God, and Hindu myths offer exemples) and authoritarian (bad practices include being demanding of one’s parents, and more outrageously, Ekalavya’s story demonstrates that “Devotion towards Guru is equal to devotion towards god"’).’'*^ There is nothing on protecting the environment.

The Kannada and Social Studies guides published by Gadag in Mangalore (Mohan Guides and Ananda Guide) carry considerable gender bias’^’, an excess of Hindu references and also denigrate Muslims (supposed to have kept Hindus in conditions of 14^ slavery). These guides have a much larger circulation through the open market as they are directly linked to examinations

The Kannuaa J\inmaia (published from Bangalore) offers lessons on Moral Science/Culture for Classes II to V Hindu mythology and religion comprise the source of values, India is collapsed into Hindu (and all fesuvals and gods mentioned are Hindu) and the construction of sentences divides Indians into Hindus (the nonn) and Others.'^’

Jammu and Kashmir Report, p. 3 '"'Ibid. p. 6. 138Karnataka Report, p. 3. Bala Meethi. Class One, cited on p. 15 o f the report Bala Neelhi, Class Three, ibid. * Stree Neeihi Sudhakara^ Letter no. 4, a woman should put up with a husband’s violence, m the hope of happiness “dunng her son ’s time”. Discussed on p. 13 o f the report. Mohan Guide, Class 5, p. 26. Cited on p. 14. of the report. The Class 3 textbook says cm p. 27, “Mushras, Sikhs, Christians, Jains, Buddhists and people from all caste-religions, who too are Indians, celebrate Republic Day” (Karnataka p. 18). 70

The first chapter of the textbook for Class IV concludes, “It is good if friendship and relationship are made between two people of equal standing (equal people)”.

145

KERALA: The content analysis from Kerala is based on a survey of eight Social Science books (only one of which is published in Kerala) and three Malayalam textbooks. All of these are produced by private publishers and are used in private schools in Kerala There are no state mechanisms for regulating the content of textbooks used by private schools not recognized by the state

The Kerala group chose to extend the implications of its brief to see if the core curricular components of NPE and the values implied were adequately addressed, and whether the values presented, suggested or implied were in consonance with the prescriptions m NPE and the spirit of the Constitution. It also opened up the question as to whether textual content, learning activities and evaluation activities allowed scope for transacting the values by linking different situations/topics/activities with real life possibilities. It concluded that what is lacking is a coherent theory of values as the foundation of one’s understanding of ideas and issues encountered in literature and the social sciences.

Hitherto, “value education” has been reduced to information about religions in History, inserted as topics on citizenship in Civics and as moral tales and hagiographies in the languages. Unimaginative evaluation exercises do little to sharpen the student’s ability to make values her own through reflection and testing. The report points out that the prevailing tendency is to make one’s starting point a list of topics to be covered and to try tacking on values and cultural perspectives at the end. Instead, the selection of topics should be based on a vision of the ideas and principles it is thought important that the student reflect on. Just as one’s interpretation of a topic indicates a cultural perspective, the exploration of a value opens up new areas within a subject. For instance, though the NPE identifies “international understanding” as a value, this is something rarely touched on by textbooks. Yet it has the potential to open up new dimensions of Indian histor>, like our relations with Myanmar, with South Africa.

The report iirgues iJial it is tiil'licuh to visuali/c 'how publicalKms in the private sector me to be regulated Certainly il'pnN ale publications are to be gn en in go\ emment schools (as in the case ot the Inl'osv s Librarv programme), they u)uld als<.> be r e v i e w and appn)vecl by jthe regulatorv' board the\ propose setting up for Slate publications. Such boards could function in a more decentralized m<'inner, at the district level.” The report suggests that it might be better to have an ombudsman type o f office at the stale or district level. At this office “people can bring to notice material that may be particularly offensive from the ccMistitulionaf point

Similarly social refonn needs to be understood more imaginatively. The report argues that when social reform movements aimed at obtaining justice for oppressed castes are dealt with in one book^^*\ the presentation leaves an impression of narrow identity^ politics, as the concerns of each caste are not shown as having a bearing upon one another. Mention of social refomiers is limited to the nineteenth centurv' - Ram Mohan Roy, Syed Ahmed Khan - as those of the twentieth century tend to be subsumed under the narrative of the nationalist movement. This means that Ambedkar figures only as a “constitutional expert” the architect of the Constitution, and, as the report puts it, his work for social justice and development of oppressed people remauis untouchedIt is difficuh to accommodate Ambedkar's conflicts with Gandhi over the mobilisation of the Dalits within the account of a unified nationalist movement

The “exclusion of regional history” is seen as a “grave drawback. . . All the textbooks are prepared from an exclusively national perspective”. Even in lower primary classes in Kerala, “w'hat is presented under topics in civics, social environment and culture is far away from the experience domain of the student”. I n Geography, it is the virtual exclusion of “the human angle . values, culture and [the child’s] real life experiences and needs" that appears to underlie the failure to integrate “themes like protection of the environment... with the main concepts in Geography”.'"^ The same cluster of criticisms is called forth by the government publications of Jammu and Kashmir, In this case it may be explained by the fact that seven out of eight of the Social Science books surveyed are produced by private publishers outside Kerala, and are marketed in many other states But then the exercises if not the content should take into account the local experience

A more serious implication of such a perspective is the issue of non-recognition. The repon obser\'es that “groups such as tribes and scheduled castes are margmalised nuo virtual non-existence by most of the textbooks”, and the understanding of diversity remam confined to “geographical and linguistic diversity... write-ups on different

Ibid. pp. 6-7, and p. 25. Social Studies (H. & C. Publishing House), Thrissur. ' Ibid. p. 25. "MbKl.p.22. Ibid. p. 8. Ibid. 72 religions and regions.’’’ This distorts the understanding of conieniporar\ India, as shown below.

Commenting on how Vedic culture is presented as spreading uniformly all over India, the report notes that when referring to the epics, the “references to other peoples and cultures are not touched upon”.’^^’ Such omissions do the kind of harm one anticipates from the distortions of books propagating the ideology of the Hindu Right. Elsewhere, the only allusion to tnbals is in a single sentence, “A number of tribal people still inhabit the Bastar region”''^, where the word “still” betrays the assumption that they are an anachronism in contemporary India

The report observes that it is facile to use religious and regional diversity to project the country’s dense history and extensive territones. It is still simpler to reduce the meaning of diversity to the insertion of lists. It is a challenge of another order for lessons to engage critically with the power equations implicit in the historical relations between (or ver> definition of) marginalized and mainstream groups It is also a challenge to extend the urban, upper middle class reader’s imagination to natural and cultural landscapes sc unlike her own.

Visuah as weU as the text help to sediment ux\ages of gender roles and rural and urbai life that are marked by both exclusion and misrepresentation.’'^ The report notes tha writers appear oblivious of the importance of “non-sexist language " The generic ‘Man IS always the agent of historical change, m unsophisticated narratives that explau scientific process hachvards from the ends at which it arrives (“He has developed fa himself the telephone, the radio , to get information from any part of the world”) Na are stereotypes challenged, women being shown in traditional or subordinate roles, likj teachers and road cleaners.The ratio of male to female figures in visuals is supplied fa three publications and ranges from nearly 2:1 to nearly 6:1.’*^’ Most importantly, there b no engagement with the social issues that underlie women’s inequality

Experience limited to a very small percentage of society (urban middle class) is oftei presented as generic If there is acknowledgement of rural societv and economy, this is h the shape of a formulaic binary;” A school in a town ' and “A village school" lronicail% fixed in these images, town and village present educational opportunities ard environments so unlike as to undermine the assumption implicit in prescriptive passages of urban middle class experience being the norm. '^” We examine some examples of sudi privileging of urban experience.

’^^IbkJ.pp. 21-2. ’ Ibid. p. 24. Ibid. pp. 21-2. The bode referred to is N.K Chowdhury, Discovering our Country (S. Chand and Co.). Ibid. pp. 18-20, Maharashtra Report, p. 11 Ibid. p. 9. '^Ibid.p. 7,p.9andp. 12. Ibid. p. 10. The books are Time, Space and People, Class 6 (Oxford India), Gems History and Civics, Class 6 (Ratna Sagar) and ABC of Social Studies, C lass 5 (Holv F aith International). ’“ Ibid. p. 7. Ibid, p 19, Figs. 15 and 16. The report picks out visuals from primarv- school social studies, where the child is the focus in what appears to be a discussion of a balanced diet (as the captions of the visuals are breakfast, snacks etc). He (never she in the examples given) is identifiable as urban upper middle class by details of dress and cutler>' At once all that the accompanying text prescribes as a healthy breakfast/lunch excludes a large segment of its readers (not counting the still larger section of children outside the formal school system).

An illustration of ^‘private property” offers an assortment including a television set. large trunks, a tea service and an armchair This ignores both economic disparit> and cultural practice While a TV is arguably desired by a large proportion of those who can see themselves acquiring the means to buy it, armchairs or cups with saucers remain irrelevant to many domestic arrangements and dining rituals, howe\er significant they may be to a certain class of consumers.

The report comments on the way in which illustrations of villagers present them as poorly dressed and in submissive stances, “with hands folded in respect while the Gram Sevak is holding up his hand in an aggressive gesture of authority’' ‘National Issues', like dowry and caste, are located in rural India rather than examined in their different cUmensiorvs across class and locat\on.'^’' the problems of rural Ufe are vmpUed as being self-inflicted (poor hygiene, large families) rather than as structured by unequal relations w'lth urban areas. It is worth quoting one such paragraph in full

Because of ignorance, villagers do not understand the importance of having a small family and continue to have many children. As a result, they find it difficult to properly feed, clothe and educate their children Ignorance prevents them from getting their children vaccinated and these children fall prey to diseases. Many villages are still ignorant of the fact that using good quality seeds, fertilizers and pesticides can increase agricultural production".''’^'

All three references to the ignorance of villagers mark the disjuncture between the perspective of the individual nira! familv and the inevitable “national perspective” A child may have to be fed and clothed, but she is also made to assist agricultural acti\ ity (possibly at the cost of her education) If \accinations are not easily affordable or accessible, parents may anticipate the loss of some children through disease, and it therefore does not make sense to restrict the number of their children Increased agricultural production is desirable from the national point of view, whore there are economies of scale not experienced by a poor family. For the latter, the cost of “good- quality seeds” may not be compensated for J>y the returns in terms of crop yields that they cannot usually sell directly in the market.

We have already noted how textbooks relegate environmentaJ consciousness to the private sphere and to the public sector and the state. They do not enter sites of social

Ibid. p. 18, Figs. n and 12. . Gems School History and Civics, Class 6, pp. 93-4, cited on p. 17 of the report. ffisuny and Civics, Class 6, Bharali Bhawari Publishers, p. 98, cited on p. 16 of the report. 74 interaction and conflict, like the ecological footprint of an urban village or unregulated use of air-conditioning. In related fashion, books mention the problems of population in the situation of a rural family, but the materiality of this situation is misread. This is because their primary concern is less the rural family than population as a problem for the State, which is responsible and accountable for employment schemes and the public distribution system.

The report concludes by suggesting that the core components, values and cultural perspectives in the NPE remain “very general, broad and often fuzzy concepts”, in need of clearer elaboration, h proposes the publication of a document on core values, “for the benefit of teachers, curriculum developers and textbook writers”, which would contain “practicable, precise and elaborate suggestions with examples” on “how the core components, values and cultural perspectives are to be translated into text content and activities”.

It proposes further pedagogic interventions. Students should be enabled to understand “how data are interpreted” in a subject like history “where multiple interpretations are possible” depending upon the framework one brings. This would allow the student “to link data and knowledge to a number of situations in real life”.'^’^ It also argues that even after the formulation of “an effective pedagogic approach” to the soc\al sciences, in such complex areas as the “struggle for freedom, religion, cultural heritage and social reform... there is a need for formulating policies/approaches to transact these” Regarding content, it suggests that the “guidelines for textbook preparation. .. include topics suggested for inclusion in the social science textbooks of different states”, so that there is “adequate representation of regional history, society and culture” .

In RAJASTHAN Value Education books are written by authors identified by the parent organizations of schools like the DAV College Management Committee, Delhi or the Bharatiya V idya Samiti, Rajasthan. They recommend private publications on the basis of a consensus of faculty members, who are approached infonnally by private publishers. “Interestingly each school identified a book shop from which students buy the books.”

The president of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhawan states in the preface that “grandmother tales contribute to the internalisation of ‘fundamental values of life." Since technology and materialism give rise to erosion, the task of these books is to prepare students for gradual learning of tradition, history and culture.These eight books comprise nearly 153 chapters. Out of 153 chapters only three and two chapters provide information about Christianity and Islam respectively. These books are imbalanced. Secondly no stress is 17*^ given on Indian constitutional norms and rules of civility.”

Ibid. p. 28. Ibid. p. 25 and p. 28. Ibid. p. 28: ™ Ibid. p., 29. Rajasthan Report, p. 4 Rajasthan Rqjort, p. 2. 75

According to these authors Muslims (who were aggressors) started marriages with Hindu girls. As a result for protecting culture and religion, Hindus started following rules of endogamy. Authors opine that endogamy leads to purity of blood of a caste.^^'

The UTTAR PRADESH report in defining its perspective on Education, the report imagines it as something that enables the child to “preserv'e and enhance [her], . courage to challenge an unjust social order”. It should also “widen the child’s sense of identity by transcending the narrow identities of caste, religion and class, and by ... enhancing his/her sensitivity for plurality of viewpoints and of forms of life.. . [and] empathy for people different from him/her.” Caste and class should be simultaneously recognized as implicated in an “unjust social order” and transcended through questioning and empathetic awareness

This perspective is able to unpack many things that are disquieting in an elementary-level Moral Science textbook, Rashtriya Naitik Shiksha Evam Samanya Gyan^^ (used by most schools, though neither on the government approved lists nor on the lists of non­ government councils), and the observ ations of the report are outlined below

The terms of reference of epic literature are adopted uncritically in adaptations for ch\\dreYii \n descnbmg the accidenta\ ki\Ung of Sbravan Kumai, the reader’s sense of human suffering becomes secondary to caste identity, when Shravan, described as a Vaishya, reassures Dashratha that he will not incur the sin of killing a Brahmin.'^' The story of King Shivi maiming himself to feed a hawk (so that its prey is spared) belongs to a past whose experience of violence and norms of justice are alien to those of the modern world^^^ They ought not be imported into the world of a child of Class 111 without more sensitive mediation than is provided The problem arises not only when having to work with the reference points and events of classical literature. In a set of ethical injunctions, the reference to domestic help as “servants” carries the feudal relations of the past into a society that makes claims to greater egalitarianism

The moral principles the textbooks seek to instill are insufficiently developed, and the report cites several lessons in Classes II and V where a good act sets up the expectation of a reward, and ill deeds call forth the wrath of God

They are confined to a Hindu ethos, and only one species of Hinduism, which is never brought into dialogue with its spiritual, rationalist or actively ethical traditions. In Lesson 27 of Class II, idol worship is made a command. In Class 111, Lesson 14, a woman lost in her devotions forgets to give her son his medicine. When admonished, her defense is that God’s intervention is more .effective than human efforts, and this is borne out by the son recovering without the help of medicine.

Textbook on Sociology fw Class X ll, written by M.L.Gupla and I>.D. Sharma. Rashtriya Naitik Shiksha Evam Samanya Gyan^^^ eds. K.N. Joshi, G. Ram & B. V. Chaturvedi (Ashok Prakashan, Deputy Ganj, Bulandshabar), Classes 2 to 5. Cited on p. 3 of the Uttar Pradesh Report. A'a/7/A^ Class H, Lesson 2, q u ot^ CMi p. 3 o f the report. Ibid. Class III, Lesson 4, cited on p, 4 o f the rep«t. For instance. Class V, p. 29 (Lesson 13), cited on p. 4 of the repOTt; see also j>. 5. 76

The moral teaching frequently takes the form of commandments, which is the least effective of pedagogic methods. The texts contain heavily loaded terms, whose complex meanings a child cannot understand, or correlate to his or her own life experience or imagined life situations At the other extreme they deal with relatively trivial concerns, such as tidiness, whose breach could scarcely be called immoral. The instructions to the teacher seem to betray the writer’s own lack of confidence in the material resonating with the reader “The child must have inspiration from this story.”

Seven year olds are encouraged to pray so that they may have the self-control to remain celibate The uncritical worship of parents and elders is encouraged, of which the most egregious example is the moral affixed to the story of Ekalavya (reverence alone makes possible learning). Rituals with umpteen instructions, narrow identities/eating with left hand Visuals/verbs are all masculine; a woman has no place in the w'orld of morality while in the real world the most stringent norms are applied to women alone and emphasis given to stereotypes of dependent identity - such as the widow.

Indira Gandhi’s famous last words “every drop of my blood will strengthen Bharat” has been highlighted while there is nothing on her pluralistic and secular ideology.

STUDIES COMMISSIONED BY THE COMMITTEE HIGHLIGHT THE FOLLOWING ISSUES

Content analysis of textbooks of State Boards and private publishers highlight two very- different kinds of problems that need to be distinguished and addressed. One is the rank communal propaganda of textbooks used in schools run by religious and social organizations, especially schools affiliated to the RSS, and the other is the more subtle set of issues, for example, the homogenization of middle class life as the norm, which reports such as from Kerala and Karnataka highlight.

Communal bias is imprinted on school textbooks by weaving in absurd and unsubstantiated narratives and facts in a way that undermines not only the scientific quality and academic standard of the education meted out in schools but could have seriously damaging consequences for the quality and integrit>’ of educational standards in the country Such textbooks can contribute to the growth of a communal consciousness and must not be used in schools of any type.

This report provides numerous examples to substantiate how textbooks produced by social and religious organizations are written to ‘supplement’ and ‘correct’ the history that is taught in the government textbooks. These textbooks exaggerate and valorise the role of certain figures and personalities as against others. When Gandhi and Nehru are perforce mentioned as national leaders, Hindutva leaders are given equal importance. The danger in allowing such distortions of the Indian historical record is that it does not convey the actual context of the events as they unfolded and led up to the birth of independent India It is a well known fact that as equally isolated were the Muslim communal leaders from the rnainstream of public opinion, so too were the Hindutva 77 leaders of pre-Independence India and therefore to suggest that these leaders had the same stature as Gandhi or Nehru would be a gross travesty of historical truth. Besides their objectives use different methods, to divide not unify the people. They should not figure in the textbooks of a secular republic as heroes.

There is no distinction between fact, fiction and mythology. The entire aim of the histor\' written in these textbooks appears to be the projection of the Hindu communal imagination that the Indian nation has always been primarily and essentially a Hindu one, with its most glorious moments and highest achievements unfolding under Hindu kings

The textual materials greatly exaggerate ancient India’s achievements without any of the factual and empirical substantiation required to make that case. They also echo the Hindutva chauvinist narratives that present the country as a victim of repeated foreign aggressions and invasions, especially by Muslim rulers.

All past achievements are referred back to the ancient pre-Islamic era The landscape is bereft of ail Muslim or Christian cultural or religious presence. History is shown to develop around a single axis, which bifurcates Indian people into true Indians and aliens, as Hindus and others, as victims and tyrants, as invaders and vanquished The fact that India has since ancient times been a multi-cultural, muhi-religious, syncretic society has not been emphasized sufficiently thus manipulating the future generation into a pattern of narrow-minded and intolerant thinking

Textbooks produced by the private publishers show a blithe disregard of the constitutional framework. In the absence of any regulatory mechanism, textbooks in an extremely unrestrained fashion take it upon themselves to usurp the interpretation of content of important disciplines like history and geography and freely inject myth and fiction into them. Adding to this mythologisation of facts is the free categorisation of the significance of issues and factors, not at all in consonance with the prevailing realities requiring depiction. For instance, there is undue attention paid to the role of the Brahmin community, revealing an elite perspective rather than an accurate depiction of the prevailing social reality of different communities equally claiming public space There is also a subtle and even exaggerated focus on a Hindu-Muslim division, drawing more from cultural imagination than on any actual historical record

Most books mention that the Muslim League is a communal organization and rightly so but strangely enough, the communal and chauvinist orientation of the RSS as an organization openly committed to the launching of a Hindu Rashtra do not find mention in these books. In the narratives of history,- mythology and Hindi literature, Muslims are portrayed in a negative light thus providing space and legitimacy for the promotion of crude propaganda against Muslims and Christians.

This IS a direct reflection of the communal bias of the syllabus. This is a real cause for concern because the goal of education policy is to promote the values enshrined in the Constitution and to allow school curricula to deviate from the constitutionally-mandated adherence to the ideal of building a secular nation would be to violate the Constitution. 78

This IS a dangerous trend which has to be urgently arrested if textbooks are to reflect the goals of our national education policy and the values emphasized in our secular Constitution which seeks to build a united India, fully conscious of the cultural, social, religious, linguistic diversities that are at work within the country but are sought to be wielded together to produce citizens owing allegiance to the republic of India committed to pluralism, democracy and development.

The second sets of issues highlighted in the content analysis are concerned with the improper and inappropriate and at times offensive handling of caste-based discrimination, communitv' and gender issues in all textbooks including State government books Most textbooks are marked by little or no regional history' /geography / culture, indicating a lack of sense of the immediate environment of the child

There is little account of the reality of rural India. What is presented highlights the extremely limited scope of elite imagination of rural India. Equally significantly, women, labouring classes, dalits and tnbals are inadequately represented in the textbooks

This comes as no surprise given that the books have no qualms about presenting the upper caste, upper class urban north Indian/regionally dominant male as the paradigmatic representative of Indian experience

The fact that there have been many dissenting voices and opposition through the years to the homogenising and centralising tendencies in trying to build a national identity is curiously not reflected in either books sponsored by the right wing or government books.

Even State textbooks indulge in a great deal of homogenisation; there is almost no mention of class or social differences: the stereotyping of girls and women is all too common

State government textbooks appear to implant these religious, regional and gender biases in a subtle manner through the over-representation of and over-emphasis on certain religious and cultural symbols and values in the textbooks, which by implication would devalue symbols and values of a different religious or cultural persuasion.

Such textual materials will submerge all secular interpretations in school level teaching and cause a serious deterioration in the quality of education, especially because of the failure to demand the minimum criteria of ensuring that textual content is strictly based on empirical data and scientific scrutiny. Our children will be little suited to face the real world or the rigorous standards of the world of scholarship.

It is imperative that textbooks strongly emphasize the plurality and syncretic nature of Indian society, the rich interactions within it of different cultures and traditions, its multi­ ethnic, multi-religious character^ its non-religious, as well as religious fault-lines, and its scientific-rational as well as spiritual and religious traditions. We must be conscious of our historic responsibility in producing textbooks for our children 79

We must ensure that these young minds recognise that as citizens of the Indian republic their future is best preserved in a commitment to a national identity based on respect for cultural diversity and that all the diverse social, economic and linguistic groups that live in this country are equal inheritors of the national legacy. Our textbooks must emphatically reaflfirm this important point or else our attempt to have a nationally relevant education policy would have little impact 80

CHAPTER V

RECOMMENDATIONS ON REGULATORY MECHANISMS FOR TEXTBOOKS AND PARALLEL TEXTBOOKS

1.1 The state has a duty to provide a meaningful quality education for all as part of its dutv' to provide school education for all, as part of the latter s fundamental right. It is obvious that textbooks are a fulcrum of any system which seeks to provide qiality education. We have now an enoimous variety of textbooks in the countr\' and the coitent analysis undertaken for this report shows that there many problems with textbooks n use in different types of schools. The provision of textbooks in our country is lageiy governed by a laissez faire approach prevails. While the plurality in the textbook> and textual materials so produced is and can be fruitful, it is important that these textbooks have to be informed by the philosophy of liberal, secular and democratic education. They need to keep the Constitution and its provisions in view It is important that textbooks and textual materials are written and produced within this framework and the country mist be satisfied that these processes are transparent.

\ 2 There is an urgent need to set up an institutional facilit>' to keep an eye on textbooks Research on textbooks is an essential feature of a healthy education system, but n the context of the challenges we face, research must take the fonr! of inquir\- mto sj'ecific problems relating to the quality of textbooks and the values they convey. An instituional structure to perform this task needs to be independent of any organization, wHch is involved, in textbook preparation This would imply that the institutional facility ve are recommendmg for exercising vigilance on textbooks cannot be associated wih the NCERT at. the national level and SCERTs at the state level The NCERT is a major player in the textbook industry and is likely to remain involved m it in the foreseeable future. Therefore, w^hile NCERT’s and the SCERT s role as a research organization must extend to research on textbooks, independent institutional structures need to be se up to exercise vigilance on textbooks published by both government organizations as veil as bv others. The structure can be called National Textbook Council The State govenments ma\' be encouraged to set up their own State I extbook ouncii Both the Nuionai Textbook Council and State Textbook Council should be fully autonomois and representing genuine voices in civil society and the academia so that the monitoing of textbooks can be performed with intellectual rigour, sensitivity and commitnent to constitutional values The pnmar\' role of these Councils would be to review the c«nten?s of textbooks to ensure compliance with the constitutional values and national polcies of education. The National Textbook Council may devise its own procedures for eview. Given the fact that ordinary citizens do not have a forum where they can complaii about content and quality of textbooks, even though their own children are involves these Councils may especially respond to complaints received from the public about thequality and value perspective of school textbooks by conducting specific inquiries. 81

21 CABE may set up a Standing Committee. The Standing Committee will inform CABE from time to time about textbook-related, matters and seek guidance from the Nitionai Textbook Council, The Committee will from time to time review and examine stindards and relevance of textual materials for the educational enterprise and assess the stcial content of textbooks and textual materials and examine whether they are consistent wjth the vision of the constitution and the values of the national policy of education and 11 terms appropriate for children at different stages of development It will submit its report to the government and this should be made public.

22 It IS extremely important that the principle of periodic review of textual materials be a(cepted and review undertaken on a regular basis. The CABE Standing Com.mittee can decide the periodicity of such review

23 Guidelines should be laid down for the periodic review of textual materials of all knds so that Textbooks are consistent with the secular fabric of Indian governance Sanding Committee would be empowered to prepare the guidelines and outline the parameters for review. It is important that the criteria for approval of textual materials mist include a proper analysis of content to assess its adherence to the core principles before the textbooks are approved and prescribed. These wall need to be conducted by academic experts who can judge departures from core principles of egalitarianism, democracy, secularism and removal of social barriers, which define the national eideavour of education for all and nation building Tiese guidelines must be strictly adhered to.

2 4 The Standing Committee should make these periodic reviews and reports public. It slould be widely publicized through the media and other means to increase public avareness of the social content of textbooks and the importance of using textual materials that are in keeping with the values and spirit of egalitarianism, secularism and democracy.

2.5 The review process must be initiated without inconveniencing parents and children ard completed withm six months of the beginnmg of the new academic session.

3 1 It IS a matter of concern that NCERT and SCERT have so far not taken up research oi textbooks as a major area of research and this needs to be strengthened. The NCERT ard SCERTs can be asked to set up units dedicated to research on textbook preparation ard evaluation Academic autonomy required for undertaking this function in an objective manner should be provided to the NCERT and SCERTs

3.1 Adequate funding must be made available to concerned agencies for engaging in rejearch on social content of textbooks. Adequate staff must be provided so that it could flnction in conjunctionwith and provide support to the CABE Standing Committee for Cirricular Review. The MHRD, State Education Departments and State Directorates of Education should earmark funds for this purpose and all institutions of higher learning should support research in school textbooks.

ANNEXURES

Annexures

1. State Reports Bihar Reports Chattisgarh Report -78 Delhi Report Karnataka Report Kashmir Report Kerala Report Madhya Pradesh Report -*45 Maharashtra Report -170 Rajasthan Report ..174 Uttar Pradesh Report ..192 West Bengal Report

2. Report on Regulatory Mechanisms in the States submitted by R. Govinda

3. Note submitted by Janaki Rajan

4. Opinion given by Rajeev Dhawan

5. List of Experts

6. Schedule of Meetings sbH 1. 4

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74

CHHATTISGARH REPORT

In addition to government schools, the two major private networks appear to be schools run by the RSS and those run by various Catholic orders. As of March 2002, Vidya Bharati had 17, 3% schools across the country (both rural and urban), 2.2 million students, over 93,000 teachers, !5 teacher-training colleges, 12-degree colleges and 7 vocational and training institutions (Vidya Bharati w^ebsite) hi Bastar, the Mata Rukmini Devi Sansthan has been given some 32 hostels (incl. Schools) to run. Apart from the RSS schools run by Vidya Bharati, another front, the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram runs hostels.

On visits to Jashpur and Bastar districts in Chhatisgarh, I visited the following schools: Kunkuri, Jashpur

Loyola boys school in Kunkuri

Nirmala Kanya Unch Madhyamik Shala, Navatoli, Kunkuri Bastar

Mata Rukmini Devi Sansthan, Dimrapal and Chhindgarh

Ramaknshna Sharada Sevashram, Jagdalpur

Gyanodaya school, Jagadalpur

I found only the RSS school using additional/alternative textbooks for any subject for the purpose of classroom teaching. In all schools, however, textbooks are only one instrument for transmitting cultural messages - most of this takes place through the composition of students and teachers (in the RSS schools they are predominantly Hindu), extra curricular activities like morning and evening prayers, especially in those schools which have hostels attached, and the general atmosphere of the schools (the presence or absence of pictures on tlie wall), etc. While the RSS textbooks are clearly dangerous, I feel It would be equally dangerous for govemments to regulate textbooks as the same principle could also be used against progressive textbooks created by institutions like Eklavya In the end, there seems to be no alternative to the hard process of improving the teaching and resources in government schools, since most children still come out of the government school system,

RSS textbooks (extract from versions of “Teaching to hate; RSS’s Pedagogical Program.” In Economic and Political Weekly 39 (16), 2004, 1605-1612)

Most of the Vidya Bharati schools are affiliated to the CBSE (Central Board for Secondary Education) or their local State Boards. In general, these schools follow tlie syllabi (and the textbooks) published by the NCERT. Earlier, there were obvious contradictions between official texts which said that the Aryans came from central Asia and the R S S. assertion that they are indigenous to India, or those which give Gandhi pride of place in the freedom struggle and the R.S.S. denigration of Gandhi as a 75

^"Dushialmd^ (bad soul) for “appeasing” Muslims. Individual teachers may have perfected sophisticated pedagogical techniques for getting around this (Mody 2002), but perhaps what enabled the two belief systems to co-exist is the emphasis on teaching in order to get marks and pass exams. The revised NCERT textbooks do much to alleviate this problem, in that they broadly reflect R.S.S. ideology, yet they are still inadequate in that they cannot openly talk about the Sangh.

Vidya Bharati therefore brings out its own textbooks, which “supplemenf’ and “correct” the history that is taught in the official books, working as much by selective emphasis on certain figures as against otliers, as by crude propaganda against Muslims and Christians. Itiha.s ga Raha hain (history is singing) for class V blames “internal disunity” for the invasions by the Turks, Mongols and Mughals, but notes that even in the medieval period the “freedom struggle” was kept alive (Singh 1997; 9). While professional historians point to the presence of Hindu generals in Mughal armies and the fact that Shivaji, the archetypal Hindu king had a Muslim general, as evidence of the fact that medieval power struggles can not be understood in religious terms, the R.S.S. sees this as a betrayal of Hindus and reser\ es its greatest criticism for such “collaborators” (Singh 1997. 78). The connection between these views and the violence enacted by the R.S.S. against Hindus who helped Muslims during the 2002 pogrom in Gujarat is clear (Sundar 2002; 117). Christian pastors are described as one of the mam instruments of colonialism (Smgh 1997: 27), thus strengthening the association in children’s mmds between Indian Christians and anti-national activities. While Gandhi and Nehru are perforce mentioned as leaders of the freedom movement, equal pride of place is given to the Hindu nationalist stream consisting of Tilak, Malviya, and religious men {sadhus and sanyasis). One of the central planks of the R.S.S. is the equation of “holyland” with “motherland”- and the claim that because Muslims and Christians have their Meccas elsewhere, they are not fully loyal to the country. The text exhorts children to remember who they are so as not to become slaves again and asks rhetorically, “Whose is this country? Whose motherland, fatherland and holyland is it? Whose customs and festivals are celebrated according to the agricultural rhythms and climate of this land ? Which people is it who call Sivaji, Ranapratap, Chandragupta, Bhagwan Ram, Krishna, Dayanand their great leaders.” (The implication clearly is that festivals like Id and Christmas are not locally rooted.) It then goes on to a fervent description of the greatness of the R.S.S. founders, Hegdewar and Golwalkar, and the need for an organization like the R.S.S. to build Hindu unity (Singh 1997; 77-81). The book also refers constantly to “Mother India” from whose womb many brave sons w'ere bom, who worshipped her and died for her, with the Gita m their hands and Vande Matram on their lips (p. 27-28).

A similar process of elision and abuse is evident in the Sanskriti Gyan Pariksha, a cultural general knowledge test which all students from the grade upwards take once a year, and for which they get certificates. The exam is, on the face of it, a disinterested test of knowledge about the country’s geography, history and culture based on the Sanskriti Gyan primers published by Vidya Bharati at Kurukshetra. The primer is in question- answer format, and has sections on pilgrimage sites, actual and mythical Hindu figures, events from the Mahabharat, Ramayana etc. Needless to say there are no references to anything Christian or Muslim and the version of Indian culture that is produced is thus an 76 exclusively Hindu - upper caste (mostly Northern) - culture. This both reflects and reinforces a phenomenon in wider cultural practice and media representations as well, where a Muslim or Christian presence in films or elsewhere is much more rare than it used to be. But the Sanskriti Gyan textbooks go further in introducing RSS ideology as acceptable historical facts, including the notion that Homer’s Illiad was an adaptation of the Ramayana and that Christ roamed the Himalyas and drew his ideas from Hinduism (see Sahmat 2001: 14-18). One of the most egregious examples, however, is the list of questions on Ramjanmabhoomi, the birthplace of Ram (p. 13-14), To quote an extract from the Sanskriti Gyan Pariksha primer:

Q; Which Mughal invader destroyed the Ram temple in 1 582“^ A: Babur Q: From 1582 till 1992, how many Rambhakts sacrificed their lives to liberate the temple? A: 350,000. Q: When did the program of collecting bricks for the Ram Mandir begin*^ A: 30 September 1989. Q: When did the Karsevaks fly the saffron flag on Ramjanmabhoomi"^ A: 30 October 1990.

A divisive, painful and bloody campaign is thus reduced to bite sized ‘facts’ and inscnbed as knowledge, assisted by the banality of exams.

In addition to the prescribed curriculum, Vidya Bharati schools teach five extra subjects all of which are thought to contribute to the development of sanskar or character formation: “moral education” {naitik shiksha sadachar) which includes stories about great men, songs, instruction on honesty, personal hygiene etc.; physical education (sharink shiksha) which includes learning to wield a stick, dumbbells, and martial arts; Yoga, music/singing (sangeet), and Sanskrit (from kindergarten onwards and not just from the 3'^‘^ as in govemment schools). “Vedic Mathematics,” is introduced m the 3"^^^ standard.*

Loyola school, Kunkuri

The Catholics have a religious class 3 days a week where they learn the Bible, church dogma etc. During this period, the non-Catholics study in a separate room. Everyone has moral science twice a week, for one period.

As for the other subjects, they follow the government textbooks.

' Rana Pratap Singh, Itihas Ga Raha Hain, Part II, Textbook for Class V, Patna: Shishu mandir. Sanskriti Gyan Prakash Primer. 77

Schools in Bastar

Ramakrishna Sharada Sevashram, Jagdalpur The Svvami said there is no question of teaching outside textbooks because the students are unwilling to leam more than the bare minimum and even colleges use kunjis. G>'anodaya school, Jagdalpur This is an English Medium primary school run by the Catholic diocese. For classes 1 and 2, they teach their own textbooks, but these do not appear to have any religious message, and are just chosen for their large format and illustration. {These hooks are with Gopal Gun^). In classes, 3-5 they have to follow government textbooks because Chhattisgarh and MP have board exams m the 8'^, 10^' and 12*'’.

Mata Rukmini Devi Sansthan (run by Sarvodaya followers of Vmoba Bhave), Dimrapal (near Jagdalpur) These schools which have hostels attached are quite Hindu in their general conduct - but most of the Hindu-ising takes place through extra curricular activities like morning assembly, evening prayers and readings of the Ramcharitmanas etc. In terms of textbooks used in class, they follow only government textbooks

-Naiidini Sundar 78

DELHI REPORT

1. Dharniashiksha, Parts 3,4,5,10,11,12. These are DAV College Prabandhakartn Samiti publications, each part meant for a corresponding class. Since they are published by the DAV, no doubt they are used for teachmg regular courses on religious instruction at DAV schools. We do not know if they are compulsory courses or meant for Arya Samaj students alone. The courses, however, refer to Hindu values in general and the Arya Samajist component is not overly marked. So this well may be a compulsory additional course, as with the RSS schools which have compulsory courses on Bharatiya Sanskriti. The explicit purpose is religious instruction and no denominational specifications are given For the junior classes, this is done through prayers, bhajans and lives of exemplarv' religious and political figures, as well as of educationists But in the biographical section, there is no distinction that is made between historical and mythological lives, no way of pointing out that people like Buddha and Mahavira were men on this earth and Krishna and Ram are epic figures. Achievements of epic and m^i^hological figures are merged with those of actual historical personages like that of Gandhi or Bhagat Singh. So, on the one hand, history and mythology are made to coexist on the same plane, and, on the other, religious instruction is expanded to encompass history and politics, as lives of Gandhi or Bhagat Singh are subsumed within religious teaching. The lives purport to embody and exemplify universal moral principles. But it is made ver\' clear that the Arya Samaj is the authentic carrier of such values, even though the Samaj is not seen as standing apart from Hindu society m general. Certain specifically Samajist convictions - especially its anti-idolatry - is communicated through episodes in Dayanand’s life where as a child he saw a mouse climbing on top of the Shivalingam and thus lost his faith in the idol At the same time, there is no attempt to point out that this revulsion to idolatr>' is antithetical to mainstream Hinduism. So, the Samaj stands in for Hindu society at large, since such hagiographical accounts of Arya leaders are combined with celebrations of other Hindu lives. At the same time, the Aiya -Hindu complex claims to represent eternal and universal religious pnnciples, thus negating truth claims of other religions. The claims go beyond religion, for very soon, the exemplary biographies and tales make it very clear that the combine also represents authentic nationalism. Arya religious principles are continuous with patriotic values, as stories about Lajpat Rai’s defiance in the face of severe thrashing at the hands of the colonial police exemplifies. Nationalism is brought within the orbit of religion, very exclusively of an Arya- Hindu variety. In fact, the larger numbers of stories are about the patnotism of Hindu and Aiya figures which have no place in a book of this sort. Not only does a particular kind of religious teaching now take upon itself to represent nationalism, it excludes, by doing so, the other variants of nationalism that even figures mentioned by such books stood for. Bhagat Singh’s socialism and atheism are not mentioned at all, nor is Gandhi’s total rejection of communalism. Students are left with the impression that they all subscribed to the religious values that these books impart and that patnotism can only be built on these religious values. Also, the nch variety of nationalist positions is not mentioned at all. 79

The space of the nation is exclusively Hindu. In Part 3, a single story mentions Akbar and Tansen - again, a strange misfit in a book of this kind - but the others do not mention any one who is not a Hindu or an Arya Samajist or a Sikh. Stories about the 1857 uprising exclude mention of Muslims altogether. They talk about Lakshmibai and the heroism of Hindu sepoys (Part 4). So certain communities and ideas are entirely excluded from the naiionaiisi movement. In the overt moral strictures, the books say that they stand for religion which ideally is universal and not confined to any community or nation in particular The student then is taught that such universal ideas are only embodied by particular religious communities, and in Indian nationalism in a particular variant. A strong objection can be raised on the basis of these contradictory claims; what are political ideas about nationalism doing within a book on religious instruction‘s If the book claims to teach about universal religious principles, why are other religions excluded'^ If it wants to teach about nationalism, why are certain categories of nationalist ideas and figures excluded'^ What IS more serious, on the very rare occasion when mention is made of alternative beliefs, they are subordinated as well as annexed to, or seen to be derived from, Ar\^a Samaj - Hindu terms. In Part 3, Allah and God are made linguistically derivative from OM and are denied the status of being autonomous names of God (Paramatma Ke Naam ) While trying to show that the terms are secondary to OM, the essay does not anywhere clarify that Islam and Chnstianity may have different notions about Divinit>' When Muslims are mentioned at all, they are uniformly antagonistic to Hindus. In Part 3, Babur, described as an oppressive ruler, is the only Muslim who figures For more senior students, the tone becomes very explicitly communal. In a lesson on Mahashay Rajpal in Part 10, an occasion of communal noting and the murder of an Arya Samajist publisher, Rajpal, in the 1920s because of his publication of a derogatory tract about the Prophet’s life (the Rangila Rasul case ) is described, to exemplify Muslim fanaticism. Gandhi’s criticism of the book is explained as appeasement of Muslims. The book is described as an account of Mohammad’s life and it is not mentioned that it portrayed him as a lascivious person. In another lesson in the same book on Mahatma Anand Swamy, Muslims from various parts of India are shown to engage in loot, plunder and forced conversions: m Rawalpindi, in Malabar, in East Bengal. Such violence did happen, and the murder of Rajpal was an act of fanaticism. The point is that this is the only representation of Muslims which tells students that Muslims as a community are entirely violent and fanatical. On the other hand, all Hindu characters are extremely positive as heroic patriots and as pious people. There is no mention of Hindu- Muslim unity or of Muslim patriotism, or of Muslim devotional figures. The Foreword to Part 10, Dharmashiksha ki Abashyakata ‘ ( Necessity of Religious Teaching), is nearly exclusively dedicated to a diatribe against secularism , revealing a deep hostility towards the idea as represented in the Constitution. It wrongly translates dharmanirapekshata as anti religion. It says that secularism encourages giGiipisr;: and prevent*; equality of citizenship by upholding minority rights. It also criticizes secularism for maintaining a distinction between individual and private lives on the one hand and social public lives on the other. The essay distorts the idea of secularism by saying that it raises a wall between religion and politics. It also tries to make it monolithic, whereas there are many varied definitions of the concept even m India. So the student is deluded and kept in ignorance. It also distorts the nature of the Constitution and 80 of democratic principles by saying that secularism inevitably encourages group-based factionalism by encouraging separate group identities and interests. In any case, once again, what is a politically motivated essay on secularism doing in a book called Dharmashiksha What is the scope of religious instruction? In Part 11, the introduction states that religion teaches familiarity with the traditions and civilization of the country and since all the parts deal with Hindu traditions as interpreted by the Arya Samaj, this is highly tendentious. It also says that familianty is not enough, we must be proud of the traditions - an aspiration that promotes an uncritical acceptance of tradition. But pride involves a commitment - “We must make our enemies weep”. So religion and nationalism are made synonymous and both are based on the primary principle of vengeance. It has been made abundantly clear in these texts that the enemies are Christians and Western people and the Muslims. In a lesson in the book, Pnthviraj is warned in the name of faith never to forgive his Muslim enemies, nor trust them. There are other examples of “jewels from the low castes” who fought against Muslim dynasties like Malik Kafur, who not only tried to establish a Hindu empire but also would throw' the Koran on the ground and then erect images of Hindu deities on top. Similarly, a man from a Vaishya caste tried to defeat the Adilshahi dynasty. The reference to their low caste origins makes it clear that the lowly status can be overcome through acts of hostility against Muslims. Also, all Muslims are either dangerously violent or oppressive rulers and Hindu greatness as defined as combating Muslims. This is both an act of piety and of patriotism. In an essay on Shraddhanand, it is said that he “ stopped the mouths of his enemies with the mantra of Shuddhi (conversion to Hinduism)”. Even though the Samaj is supposed to have opposed the caste system, the first lesson in this volume (called Vaidic Rashtriya Prarthana ) talks of conventional caste- based occupations. The land of ours, it says, is filled with milch cows, chaste women, learned brahmans who know the Vedas, valorous Kshatriya warriors, Vaishyas who produce wealth. There is no mention of Shudra producers, nor of outcastes. There is a lot of emphasis on the ritualistic parts of the Vedas. In Part 12, there are wamings about the possible threats to religion from outside and the need to fight enemies. Religion increasingly gets defined as a source of violence. A poem { Phoonk Se Panne ) says that the only legitimate history is that of our victories which will fill us with pride. All histones that mention defeat or failure should be totally excluded. “So do not smg praises of Babur. Honour Rana Pratap and do not pay obeisance to Akbar “. Nor should we read histories of western countries that conquered us. Certain Indian historical figures then become “our enemies’ and certain others are “ us”. History is not a branch of knowledge but only a source of pride. DAV schools are extremely extensive, they have a long history and they have enormous influence on North Indian education and culture. The explicitly communal, violent, exclusivist, anti-secular and conservative tone of these books thus is a matter of concern.

II. Saraswati Shishu IMandir And Vidya Bharati Publications:

These cater to exclusively RSS schools under the Vidya Bharati scheme. It can be assumed that the schools would be using these publications as text books. 81

The schools, as we know, teach a separate compulsory course on Bharatiya Sansknti. This is where the RSS pushes in its own views about Indian past and-about Hindu nationalism. Apart from that, it seems, they circulate texts containing mantras and songs for daily collective prayers. One such book is Vandana. The first song, after Saraswati- vandana , and a couple of Sanskrit mantras including Gayatri , is “ Pratahsmaranam”, on Ishwar, Matribhoomi and Rashtra Ke Prati Bhakti. Even the Nation is made into a divine figure and is worshipped - a dangerous conflation of the religious and the national, especially so, when the nation is a Hindu divinity. In other songs dedicated to great figures, once again, the distinction between Indian history and Hindu mythology is obliterated. All figures of worship are inevitably Hindu, including Golwalkar and Savarkar. Almost all the older historical figures are Hindu warriors who fought against Muslims. Vidya Bharati Trust also publishes textbooks that teach Sanskrit which is a language and a literature. However, it is called Devavani Sansknt, making it entirely a sacred language, meant for Hindus alone, since anyone else interested in that language cannot see it as the language of Hindu gods. Having claimed it as religion and not as language or literature, there is a strange absence of excerpts from Sanskrit religious texts, even as literary texts are entirely eliminated. The preface ( which offers important pedagogical instruction for teachers, suggesting that grammar based teaching should be replaced by short sentences constructed by students who would deduce grammatical rules from them ) says that students should see it as a functional, everyday language, which contradicts its sacred purpose. However, while students must learn it as everyday speech and not as a classical literature, certain purely ritual aspects of Sanskrit remain; the inculcation of sanskaras, to be taught through tales and songs. There are various hymns to gods and goddesses which slide into historical and lay figures: Ganesh and Saraswati share space with Buddha and Mahavira, Nanak, Guru Govinda (unlike others, not the founder of a faith but still included since he was mart>'red by Muslims ) and Hedgewar and Golwalkar. Interestingly, Kabir is not mentioned There are hymns to Nature whose elements are described as deities. The geography of the country is redescnbed as mountain and river gods, as pilgrimage centres, as battlegrounds of Hindu heroes against Muslim kings. In exercises, students are asked to construct sentences on Ram, Krishna as well as on Hedgewar and Golwalkar. Hindi is always referred to as Matribhasha. There is a constant emphasis on silence, obedience and non­ questioning acceptance of teachers’ words by students, on regular pranams or touching feet of elders on a daily basis, on virtues of deference and hierarchy. Lessons include essays on Tilak whose Hindu commitments are underlined, on Malaviya whose crusades for Hindi and Sanskrit are celebrated, and on Keshav Sanghanirmata who made the RSS “ the greatest organization in the world “ He is configured as a great nationalist because he organized Hindus. Again, the nation is made Hindu. In an article on the epic figure Kama, there is a story about how Indra came to him disguised as a brahmana asking for alms. Kama is prepared to give him his kingdom, his wealth, his arms and his life, all for the asking. Though it is not openly stated as such anywhere, the moral can only be a celebration of devotion to brahmans, as Indra is neither poor nor helpless nor needy. Since very little else from ancient literature is included, the selection of this particular story IS significant. 82

The story from the epic is paraphrased in a Sanskrit which is so Hke Hindi that one forgets that one is reading Sanskrit. In all these texts, all Hindi is simultaneously Sanskritised so much that one could have been reading a Sanskrit text. The effort goes beyond RSS _ DAV publications. In New Style Sachitra Hindi Vyakaran Tatha Rachana Paddhati, vocabulary, syntax, and construction rules are entirely Sanskritised. This is a textbook that has gone through 8 editions between 1997 and 2000 and it must be used extensively in Delhi schools. As rules of Hindi grammar are explained through examples, one looks in vain for a single name that is not Hindu. Most of the examples are not only Hindu in name, context, but are also sacred m nature. Some of the model sentences are deeply objectionable on gender and class grounds. One says “ Bharat ke ghar ghar Savitri ho” Another says “ Shyam garib hai, parantu sach boita hai “ as if the poor are genetically liars. Unselfcritical nation worship is inculcated through sentence like “ Desh ke burai sunne wal vyakti sachha desh premi nahi hai “. Other sentences inculcate Hindu greatness; “ Ramayan shresthatama grantha hai”. In model essays, “ Meri priya pustak” is the Ramcharimanas. There is a model essay on patriotism which defines the country as a goddess according to the epics. Patriotism is nothing but acts of war against invaders who include Mughals and Turks, and, now, terrorists. Love of the country is translated as hatred against Muslims. All patriots are figures who went to war - against the Muslims and the British. In model letters, some of the addresses are Saraswati Shishu Mandirs. In none of the essays are any internal problems or failures mentioned like poverty, caste, gender oppression. In fact, hierarchies and lack of civil rights are naturalized through pictures of a policeman beating up an ordinary person with the caption saying “ Sipahi dande se pitte hai without any mention of how this is an illegitimate act. The books leave the students without any notion of rights, liberties and equal citizenship capabilities of Indians, nor about what threatens these values. On the other hand, values based on hatred, violence, revenge, closed boundaries and identities, hierarchy and discipline are constantly reiterated. There are two books on mathematics among the sample of Saraswati Sishu Mandir texts, Ganit-Gna« for Class III and Class V, both from Saraswati Shishu Mandir Mrakashan ( Lucknow / Mathura ) . There is obviously less scope for communal indoctrination in such books, but Class HI begins with a page on Bhaskaracharya , described as the great religious mathematician “ , In the absence of any reference whatsoever to any mathematician from other cultures , the child might be left with the impression that the subject has originated and developed in ancient India alone . The verbal examples given in exercises have a recurrent tendency to refer only to activities being conducted in Shishu Mandir or related institutions. Thus, HI has a comparison of walks undertaken by children of Meerut and Gorakhpur Shishu Mandirs , a man giving donations to Shishu mandirs, Dharamsala, and Anathalay , students of Muzaffarpur Shishu Mandir doing adult education work in villages , the calculation of the number of camps required for a sadhu dharma mahasammilan . The Class V text wants the quantity of prasad distributed at a Brindavan temple and at Kashi Viswanath to be compared, and a chapter on business arithmetic begins with the shopkeeper putting prints of Ganesh and Lakshmi on his account book. The impression being conveyed is of a self-sufficient and total world comprising everything worth mentioning or valuable. But what is really worrying is the extent of consensus in values and assumptions across schools of different denominations and categories, amounting to a shared common 85 sense that extends far beyond blatantly communal texts . This becomes even more clear from our next example , a book of Hindi Grammar written by two teachers of Modem School, New D elhi, quite possibly in use in that prestigious institution [ NB ; could be checked up } and in many other places : Sachitra Hindi Vyakarana Tatha Rachana ( Pitambar Publishing House,'New Delhi , 1996, 97, 98 , revised ed. 99, 2000,2001 — evidently very popular . This is for Middle School, particularly Class VllI , and is in tw3 parts, Vyakarana and Rachana . As in the Sanskrit grammars , but now from the other end, it is remarkable how far the process of Sankritization of Hindi has gone, with its earlier close affinity with Hindustani / Urdu totally suppressed . Thus , in Chapter 3 , Shabdarup Vichar (Morphology)’, there is the hierarchical classification into Tatsama, Tatbhaba, Deshi, Videshi, with its explicit attribution of supremacy to Sanskrit, while a reference to Nizamuddin Aulia spells the first name as Nijamuddin’ , in obvious transliteration of the Hindi , as the old system of dot-indication seems to have disappeared . The section on Sarvanama ( Pronoun) gives as an example a sentence about the duty of honounng the guru ( ' vah guruo ka samman karta hai ‘) . There is a long list of Hindi equivalents for commonly used English terms , stated to be necessary ia the interests of sudh Hindi’ . Surely it is high time that this notion of punty’ is opened up for some discussion; languages that develop fastest usually do so by considerable borrowing ( English would be the obvious example ). The really troubling part , however, is Part II., with its sample translations and exercises. No 1 of the English to Hindi translations ( Chapter 27) states that the “ average Indian “ is knowledgeable about Lord Knshna , Gita, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana “ ( though not perhaps about Vedas and Upanishads ) , and that these are “ great books ... have inspired not only those who live in India or those who profess Hinduism but many others “ ; the usual equation of Hindu with Indian. This is immediately followed by No 2 : “ We love and honour our flag.” The set of Translation exercises begins with “ Religion or no religion, what shall it be for me ? That is the question every full grown, intelligent person must decide “ . No.5 is a passage about Rammohan, confined to his advocacy of “ western education, at a time when a number of his countrymen ... wished that schools and colleges should give instruction in Sansknt, Arabic or Persian rather than in English.” This is followed immediately by No 6 on the British treating Indians as second-class citizens. Both unobjectionable statements by themselves, but their placing in close juxtaposition might well convey a negative impression of Rammohan to children knowing little genuine history . No 9 is about the “ very high position , both at home and in society’ of women in Vedic times “ — nothing about numerous problematic aspects . Chapter 32, Essay-Writing begins with a sample essay , 'Mera Desh’ , which has problems identical with what we have seen in the DAV Dharma Shiksha texts . It begins with “ Bharat sansar ka shiromani desh hai’ and goes on to list its “ mahapurusha” ; Ram, Krishna, Gautam, Yuddhisthira , Kama , Aijun, Mahavira — the distinction between historical and epic-literary figures is once again totally effaced . It goes on to claim that Vedas, Upanishads, and Gita are “ sansar ki prachinatama pustak “ [ even the Gita !! ] , and that ancient Indian scientific discoveries included “ pushpak vimana , agnibana, durdardhan , anushakti “ [ so we had television and atomic energy too !!! ]. India we are further told, has taught “ udarata and sarba-dharma-samannaya “ to the world ; caste and gender oppression is not mentioned, though there is a reference to poverty today . Caste 84 injustice does come in , exceptionally , in the essay on blind faith ( Andha Viswasa ), which mentions the sufferings of lower castes and Dalits — as benefiting Christian and Muslim conversion efforts , and leading to “ din-pratidin hmduo ki sankhya kam hoti gai “ : the hoary theme of the “ dying Hindu “ as against the prolific Muslims and Christians. The essay on Bharatiya Sanskrit! mentions among its cardinal features “karmavada” as its third, and “ vichara ka swatantrata” as its fourth feature. Finally , Mera Priya Pustaka is about, once again, the Ramcaritmanas , declared to be much superior to books today , full of “kalpanik baat” ( whereas is presumably authentic historical truth ) and obscene passages . All this in a textbook supposedly about Hindi Grammar and Essays, from which imaginative literature of kinds other than religious has been totally displaced by history’ of a most dangerous kind.

-Pradip Datta, Tanika Sarkar and Sumit Sarkar 85

Report on Madrasas of Delhi

The Nduslim educational system in India too was influenced by orthodox, conseivative and liberal trends. The conquest of India by Turks called for the necessity of imparting education through madrasas. During 13‘*’ century Madrasa-i-Moizi was established m Delhi but they taught only manqulat (religious subjects) till the second half of 16“* century. The brief liberal era in the history of madrasa education in India began with the arrival of Mir Fathullah Shirazi from Iran in 1589, during the reign of Mughal emperor Akbar (1556-1605). Shirazi revised the syllabus of madrasa education with the inclusion of uloom-i-maqulat (rational sciences) like Mathematics, Accountancy, Agriculture, Geometry, Physiognomy, Household Economics, Natural Sciences and histor>^ The curriculum was designed not to ignore theology, but to widen the mental horizon and outlook of the students of madrasas. On these educational reforms Akbar was declared as Kafir (pagan) by those ulema who opposed rational sciences to be the part of madrasa curriculum. As a result of this syllabus one product of madrasa of Abdus Salam Lahori, Ahmed-l-Maimar, designed Taj Mahal, during 17*^ century, which is declared as world’s heritage monument. Ahmed-i-Maimar was the product of the madrasa of Lahore and not the product of any Institute of Technology of India, UK or \JSA. But in due course of time madrasas had gone to old cumculum based on manqulat (religious subjects) and lost their relevance in the society. Aurangzeb expressed his resentment to his te4acher Mulla Saleh on his method of teaching, “But you would teach me to read and write Arabic, doubtless conceiving that you placed me under an ever lasting obligation for sacrificing so large a portion of time to the study of a language wherein no one can hope to become proficient without ten or twelve years of close application. And thus did you waste the precious hours of my youth in the dry, unprofitable, and never - ending task of learning words. What was the knowledge derived under your tuition?” With the establishment of Nadvatul Ulema of Lucknow in 1894, the need to reform and modernize the madrasa cumculum is being continuously felt but no radical change has been effected in spite of a spate of conventions and seminar relating to improvement of various aspects of madrasa education in India. There are around 40 madrasas in Delhi in which few are open for female students like Madrasatul Banat, Khadijatul Kubra and Rabiya Madrasa. It is quite surprising that Uttar Pradesh Government and some other provincial governments are having Boards for madrasa education, in their respective states but Delhi government has no Board for madrasa education in Delhi and even NCERT is also not having any provision Board for the development of cumculum and literature for madrasa education in India. In Delhi, there are two types of madrasas teaching both boys and the girls (a) Madrasas teaching only manqulat (religious subjects) and their syllabi was framed during 18^ century. They teach Quran, Hadis, Figh (Jurisprudence) Tafseer (Explanation of Quran), Ilm-i-Kalam, Sarf and Naheu (Arabic literature and grammar), Tarikh (History) Beginning from Prophet Muhammed to Khilafat-i-Rashida (610-661 AD). They are having the reading list of those books which were written during 10^^ century AD to 18*'’ century. They do not teach any course relating to modem times. Even they do not teach them history of India. Their degrees are not recognized by any educational 86 institution. With the result that after completing their education they serve as the teachers in these madrasas only or the Imams ofa the mosques of Delhi or other adjoining states. Second category of madrasas are those who fellow the NCERT syllabus but they do not have trained teachers so lots of problems are faced by both teachers and the students of these madrasas. All the books prescribed for the students of these Madrasas are of NCERT (Urdu medium) text books- For example;

(a) Class VI - Qadeem Hindustan - by Romila Thapar. - Mumalik aur unke bashmdey - by Savita Sinha Hamari Shehri zindagi - by D.S. Manley

(b) Class VII - Ahd-i-Wusta ka Hindustan - by Romila Thapar, Mumalik aur unke bashmdey - by Savita Sinha Ham Sarkar kaise chalatey ham - by D.S. Manley.

(c) Class VIII - Jadeed Hindustan - by Arjun Dev. Mumalik aur unke bashmdey - by Savita Sinha Aj ka Hindustan - by D.S. Manley and Sapta Das.

Madrasa Teachers fece problems in following these books in these classes. Some of the problems are as follows:

• Each lesson is followed by innumerable questions which is very difficult to cope with by the students as well as by Teachers, specially in History text books. • History text books, specially that of class VII are quite detailed one. Same is the case with geography. Students are put in a difficult situation when asked to choose answers from these texts. In such a process weak students are left behind. • Some technical words are difficult to comprehend. Such technical terms and proper nouns can be mentioned in English too, specially those which are uncommon and are required to be pronounced appropriately. • The content of the text books is too much and the questions at the end of each lesson go beyond a limit (as some of lessons have 15-16 questions related to it). Questions should be specified for the purpose of exams. • Students are not being given a chance to do more exercises than answering questions. • The language of these text books which are generally translated from English is literal. At times it becomes difficult to understand the sense of the statement. Translation should be done by scholars of the subject concemed, especially those who have good knowledge of Urdu (i.e. subject and Urdu). • Translation should be a bit easier than what it is now • Last, but not the least, the NCERT books are a late arrival in the market. 87

At the one hand these are quite detailed one, and on the other hand these are released in the market very late. Ultimately it becomes rather impossible to finish the course within specific time. There is a need of the establishment of Madrasa Education Boards including a Central Madrasa Education Board which should look after various aspects of these madrasas There is a need of in — service training of madrasa teachers, identification and nurturing of talent among madrasa students. In the professional updating of teachers, improvement in educational structure, curriculum framework, transactional strategies, evaluation techniques and management processes play a crucial role. New advances in methodology of teaching and instructional techniques ought therefore be taken to madrasa education The focus should be on curriculum development, text book preparation on modern lines, mteractive and participatory teaching, preparation and use of audio - visual aids motivation and stimulation and introduction of games and sports, so that teaching becomes lively, interesting and joyful for teachers and the students of these madrasas. Teachers must be well versed in child psychology and principles of education. The objectives of madrasas should be to identify and nurture talents and provide them with opportunities beneficial to society, economy and the country.

-S.M. Azizuddin Husain 88

KARANATAKA REPORT

Introduction Textbook publishing m Karnataka is mainly restricted to the textbook bureau under the DSERT (known as SCERT in other states). The state of present textbooks is summarized below in Section Task A (a). In section Task B we present a summary of situation which obtained m the state in 2002, and the activities we undertook in 2002 to mobilize public opinion and have action taken against the textbooks published that year, under the influence of the NCF 2002. Although current textbooks are revised, we present this section to draw attention to the status of the regulatory mechanisms, to highlight the lack of adequate regulation within the state apparatus. Reports pertaining to the same, which were prepared at that time, are included in Annexure A and Annexure B. We found that there is a very small private publisher market that is restricted to Bangalore, Mangalore and Gadag that are involved with textbooks/materials related to school and children We visited some schools in Bangalore (Private and Government) and m Chamarajangar District, and examined them for the textual materials being provided there by government and other publishers/NGOs. We made enquines with school principals regarding books and materials that are being used by their teachers as supplementary materials or for moral education. We sourced materials from some of the private publishers in Bangalore (moral science/value education) and from publishers in Gadag (guide books) and Mangalore (moral science publications). Some publishers in Bangalore told us that most schools use private publications from Delhi for supplementary English. A few also told us that this v^^s not a good time to look for books as they do not have them in stock and that we should return in May, just before schools reopen. The findings are included in Section Task A(b) In the section title Task B(a) we have included our findings from schools, on library books being provided by Infosys Foundation distributed widely through the State, and activities in slum literacy centres of Bangalore.

Task A (a): Textual materials in schools (a) Identification and assessment of textual materials that violate the Constitution and with particular reference to core curricular areas listed in Section 3 .4 of the NPE 1986/92 and Cultural Perspective and Value Education in Section 8.1 to 8.6

Government Sources

Virtually all schools both government and private use only DSERT textbooks. In 2002 these textbooks were found to have a significant ideological bias (see section B(b), this report). There was much public concern and furore over this, (see enclosed annexures A and B). Following several meeting, under the initiative of the then education minister BK Chandrashekhar, a textbook committee was instituted to rewrite the textbooks. Their books were prepared by July 2004 and were to be used for the current academic year, 2004-2005. But on surveying the market we found that newly revised textbooks of DSERT are not available and the old 1999-2000 revised textbooks are still given by the distributors. 89

Social Science Books: A comparative study was done for the old and newly revised textbooks. There is a lot of improvement in the 2004 revised text books in terms of quality, language, pictures and ideas are presented in a much simple manner, though the syllabus is almost the same as previous. The strong ideological biases that were evident earlier are no longer to be found. Language (Kannada and Urduh We have acquired the books and requested an analysis of the same by proficient persons, however, we regret that we have not received their report yet, inspite of our best efforts.

Other publishers/Non Governmental Publications Several bookshops at Avenue Road, Bangalore were visited and many other bookshops were contacted to get the details of the private publishers. But all gave the same information that most of the schools and students buy government textbooks and few opt for textbooks of Delhi based private publishers. Most of the publishers are interested in getting quotation from government to print and distribute the DSRET textbooks which gives them a large profit, rather than publishing their own. We looked for books that go under the label of value education/moral education and supplementary readers. We were informed by publishers that the books are currently out of stock, and we could see the new books only during April-May, before the commencement of the new year in June. Below we summarise our limited findings of textbooks from Private Publishers:

1.Subash Book agency; Publishes books for 1®‘ to 4^ std. * Social Science Textbooks (English); contents were found to be general e.g. about public places, transportation, places of worship etc. But few errors were found in the way ideas are presented and with the language. * Bala neeti (moral science) (Kannada); was found to present morality in terms of good and bad, and also gender biased, with most of the diagrams depicts men are the protectors of morality. Good practices are depicted in terms of showing devotion towards god, depicting stories of Hindu mythology, respecting elders, parents and teachers. Very few reference to personal hygiene, protecting environment etc. Bad practices are shown in terms of not keeping ones house clean, not to demand from parents, never to tell a lie, danger of keeping bad company etc. (see Annexure E) 2.Chethana book house; Chethana is a Mysore based publisher and publishes guides and storybooks. The details of their books are not available since the books are out of stock. 3. Prism Book house also has a small amount of publishing in supplementary readers and moral/value education books. But here again, books are out of stock. 4. We learnt that books have been distributed in slum literacy centers by RSS-leaning organisations. The source of these books is yet to be traced. The books are supplied by R.S.S to slums and are not easily available, since it got an attention fi-om media and certain issues related to this text books are reported by Star News, Tehelka and Lankesh Pathrika (see annexure C). 90

5. Private publishers-Mangalore: We have received some guides from Mangalore but have not been able to undertake an assessment of the same as yet, as they were received very recently. 6. Private publishers-Gadag: We received sets of guides pubhshed by few private publishers (Mohan Guides and Ananda Guide) for Kannada and Social Studies, published in Gadag. These were read and found to carry many gender biased sentiments and also excessive references to hindu gods and epics and also denigration of muslims (see Annexure C. 7. Kannada Parimala 2.3.4.5 published from Bangalore: moral science/culture for children in primary school, focuses on Hindu mythology and religion as a source of values, collapses India into Hindu, and suggests a division of Indians into Hindu and non Hindu. In references to festivals, etc., only Hindu festivals are discussed. All gods, etc. are only Hindu. 8. "Infosvs library programme’ which is aimed at both govemment and non-govemment schools consists of a set of 150 books and is distributed to schools by the Infosys foundation. A majority of these books are published by the RAshtrothana Publication, which is directly linked to the RSS. The titles of the books were all examined. It was found that the collection reveals some biases of the following nature. Predominantly biographies of ‘great Indians’—which includes Hindu religious characters, and mythological characters, Hindu Kings only, a small handful of religious (Hindu) reformers (but mainly restricted to Karnataka region, and a few women included here),freedom fighters, RSS ideologues including Golwalkar, Deen Dayal Upadhyay and Veer Savarkar, no inclusion of Gandhi, Nehru or other ‘secular’ nationalists. The only muslim in the collection is Shishunal Sharief (important in Karnataka) and no Dalits, or contemporary women. (Full list is available if required) 9. Value Education module prepared by Ramakrishna Ashrama is currently being implemented as a part of the State’s teacher training modules.

Task A (b) Processes and mechanisms for inclusion to school, and their usage: (b) the process and mechanism through which they got introduced in schools and the role o f govemment mechanisms in this measure. Usage in schools: the selected sample o f schools may include two schools from each o f the following categories (i) private unaided schools: high fee charging and low fee charging schools (ii) schools run by religious and social organizations (Hi) government schools that recommend text materials not approved through official mechanisms as supplementary texts. The govemment materials of course are mandatorily used in schools. Private publishers bringing our supplementary textbooks, and moral science textbooks, are used only in a small number of private schools, where they are used in addition to the govemment textbooks. The guides have a much larger circulation through the open market, as they are directly linked to examinations, etc. The Tnfosys’ library programme and the Ramakrishna Ashram programme were both endorsed by government and permitted to access formal govemment systems for the distribution, and for the deputation of teachers, etc. In both cases access to decision makers within bureaucracy has been key. As both are couched in well meaning intentions, they were able to directly gain access. To the 91 best of our knowledge neither was ‘review’ or ‘approved’ through any official mechanisms, set up for this purpose. We are not able to comment on the extent of usage of these materials. We do not have access to figure of sales of books, or of number of library sets distributed, or teachers who have attended the value education training course. During a few random visits made to schools in Bangalore and in Chamarajanagar (both government and private) we did not come across any additional materials in the school. However we did notice that m several government schools there were hindu religious photographs displayed in the principals room etc. In one school the children were also encouraged to worship everyday. In Chamarajanagar VHP school children were explicitly required to go to the temple in the school prior to play time. We also saw a large map which portrayed Pakistan as a part of India. The Government Urdu medium school also had Islamic symbols on display.

Task B: Regulatory mechanisms

Study of existing regulatory structures and mechanisms including legislative measures in your state/ Union Territory with regard to textbooks and other materials.) To the best of our knowledge in Karnataka, there are no regulatory mechanisms with regard textbooks Government textbooks are produced by the State Textbook bureau which is a part of the DSERT (also known as SCERT in other states). Typically the Textbook Bureau constitutes committees of experts and school teachers to write textbooks based on a syllabus. These committees are not announced in the papers, nor is there any need to seek legislative approval for the same. There is also a scrutinizing committee set up to review the books produced. Frequently we have heard that inconvenient comments from members of scrutiny committees are not heeded, and such persons are then not included in subsequent committees. We have also found that the textbooks are produced in a great hurry, without sufficient whetting of the themes or writing, or time for adequate review and revision where found necessary. In 2002, related to the ideological climate of the BJP at the Centre, inspite of having a Congress government at the State, which officially stated that it opposed the NCF-2000, the DSERT commissioned a revision of its textbooks in the light of the NCF-2000, and also proudly communicated this to the then Minister at MHRD, through the offices of the then education minister in Kamataka. It was in the forefront of such textbook revision. The textbooks produced at that time, for social sciences and even for mathematics showed evidence of a strong prejudice against muslims and a chauvinism towards Indian (Hindu) heritage. This was soon noticed by local groups who protested the ideological colouring of the books through analysis, and reporting. Several public meetings were also held, and public opinion was mobilized against these books (see annexures A and B for an documentation of the features of these books m the areas of history and mathematics). The DSERT reftised to respond to public queries regarding these books. It was only after the change of Education Minister (for other reasons), when BK Chandrashekhar became Minister, that he called for a review and revision of the textbooks. Under this committees were constituted. During this reconstitution, only ii the case of the social studies was it possible to have a committee that took stock of th< prejudices and inaccuracies, and made a concerted effort to change the same. The othe 92 committees underwent many alterations between the ministers dictat and the final list that emerged fi-om the DSERT. The current textbooks, being used this year, are not the ones produced by the appointed committees, but, as was observed in section A(a), these books have been cleansed of the ideological biases that were evident in their earlier avatar in 2002. It IS still to be seen if in the forthcoming year, the alternative textbooks are used in schools or not.

Task C: assessment and suggestions regarding regulatory mechanisms

This experiences of 2002 made it abundantly clear that there were no mechanisms in place to regulate what is included and said even government textbooks, nor is there any mechanism of redressal when such patently unconstitutional sentiments are found in the books. Even during the process of textbook revision, in which some of us participated, it became apparent that committees are manipulated even as they are constituted. We also find that letters reach too late, thereby making it impossible to attend meeting or go to meetings with sufficient preparation There is definite need for a regulatory board that can review and approve government textbooks. This board must include people known to have a fair and balanced ideological position, and with a good understanding of quality writing for children/learners. Thereby ensuring not only the values reflected in the book are in consonance with the constitution, but also that the quality of the books is worthy of our children. Above all these must be people with enough commitment to the process so that they make time to go through books completely and then approve them. While this can be done in the government sector, it is more difficult to visualize how publications in the private sector can be so regulated. Certainly if private publications are to be given in government schools (as in the case of the Infosys library programme), they could also be reviewed and approved by this board. Such boards could function in a more decentralized manner, at the district level. Perhaps what may be better is to have an ‘ombudsman’ type of office at the state or district level, which is connected to which people can bring to notice material that may be particularly offensive from the constitutional point of view (not necessarily promoting one religion or deriving values form only one religion, etc. but more when there is a denigration of other creeds, etc.), or matenals that are of an offensive character. This could be an office that is linked directly to the Lokayuta office, or the legislature or to the office of the Commissioner of Public Instruction, who is then empowered to investigate and act in the matter. 93

Annexures

Annexure A:

Communal Biases in Karnataka’s School Text Books

Fonim for Humanism in Education, 19‘^ October 2002 (prepared by Jane Sahi and Indira Vijaysimha based on a study of the Social Studies Textbooks printed by DSERT in Kamataka 2002). Although the Kamataka State Government in theory has opposed the religious and ideological slant of the NCERT's new Curriculum Framework ,in practice a communal bias has become apparent in some of the recently published text books There have been significant changes which clearly indicate a reversal of the inclusive perspective of the earlier text books. Parvathi Menon, in her recent article in Frontline dated August 30th 2002, draws on the study done by the Karnataka branch of the All India Save Education Committee to show in different areas including history, civics, science and Maths the extent to which this has happened In the 5th and 8th Standard history sections, which deal with India's early history the Harappan or Indus Civilization is re-named as "The Sindhu Civilization" or as "The Smdhu-Saraswathi civilization. " Such terms seem to be attempts to associate the Indus Civilization with the Rig Veda and thereby suggest a much greater antiquity to the Aryan presence in India and a direct connection with Vedic Culture than is warranted by any evidence available.. Certain information which is still very much under debate is presented to children as well-established facts. For example the Aryans are described as indigenous people, the mythical Saraswati River is actually drawn on a map( efforts to establish the physical existence of the river have been going on for some time. In 2000 the ISRO were commissioned to trace the paleo channels of the Saraswathi) but there is still no conclusive evidence as to its and it is suggested that the majority of the excavated sites of the Indus Civilization are within present-day India’s boundaries. The recent 6th Standard Social Studies text book which focuses on Medieval India reveals a number of important shifts of viewpoint and raises concern how distortions, provocative linkages and biases have been introduced. The following excerpts compare the earlier text book "based on the National Policy of Education 1986" which was used with some changes up to the year 2000 and the latest text book prepared in 2001.

I) Tendency to equate a religious identity with a political one

There are frequent references to the Muslim identity with the foreign invaders, with no clear recognition that the majority of Muslims in India are of Indian origin and cannot be termed as foreigners. Further that they may have became Muslim not by force but because they thought it would be to their own cultural and social advancement. Also there is no reference to the impact of the Sufis' non-political spreading of the teachings of Islam. Muslims are represented as a homogenuous entity with negative characteristics For example the Mongols described as "ferocious and barbanc people”, Mahmud Ghazni 's invasions led to "slaughter, destruction and misery beyond imagination Genghis Khan caused thousands of Delhi's citizens" to be butchered in cold blood". In the recent edition 94 no reference is made to the earlier period of peaceful trading between Arabs who often permanently settled in the coastal regions of western India from the 8th century. In contrast Hindu rulers and their military exploits and expansionist policies are only written about in terms of "glorious" and "noble".

II) Reasons for success of Invasions not linked with internal weakness and the struggles for power.

In the earlier text these struggles for example the Tripartite struggle between the Rastrkutas, the Pratiharas and the Palas are mentioned and the negative impact of the warring petty chieftains on the lives of the peasants is clearly stated. "These chieftains ...fought with one another to show their power. The life of the peasants who worked on the lands of these chieftains was very difficult. They had to pay revenue and also do free labour for the chieftains." (p.5 - 2001 ed .) There is a significant absence of criticism in the new edition where any negative or critical stance is avoided and there is a tendency to stress a glorious though lost past of Hindu Empires. Tlie conquest of the Rashtrakutas is described as follows; "It was indeed a glorious rule Rashtrakutas emerged as a supreme power in the whole of India. Some of the Rashtrakuta emperors were great conquerors." (p.31 2002 ed) Further mformat\on included \i\ the earlier text book about Hmdu Rulers' support on ocasions of outside support eg "Together with the Afghan nobles the Rajput pnnce Rana Sangha of Mewar also agreed to help Babar against the sultan of Delhi" (2000ed. p.29)

III) in the present text book there is a tendency to create a false sense of nationhood in the past that was not in feet existent and to depict India as a victim with a uniform Vedic culture under threat by Muslim invaders from outside.. The present day need to protect "our" culture is put in juxtaposition with Invasions of Arabs and Turks between 1200 and 500 years ago. These comments are not to be found in the earlier text However , in the present text it is written. Within the chapter on "The Sultans of Delhi" "History relates us how difficuh it is to protect one's culture and civilization. It emphasizes the need for eternal vigilance, national unity, and developing one's strength." (p.5l).

IV) Instances of Muslim tolerance towards Hindus and social reforms minimized.

"Akbar introduced many reforms in the religious policy. He abolished all the taxes that the Hindus alone were required to pay. He prevented forcible conversion to Islam. He gave equal footing to all the religions of the state. He participated in some of the Hindu festivals and he inaugurated an era of religious toleration."(2000 ed. p.32) In contrast in the recent text book Akbar's religious tolerance and reforms are described as only opportunist and politically motivated - "He realized that in order to preserve his vast empire, it was necessary to win over the confidence and co-operation of the Hindus who formed a majority in the country. "( 2001 ed.p. 72) It maybe noted that Akbar's 95 policy may both be motivated by his own religious sentiments and more pragmatic political reasons. The reference to Sher Shah as an efficient administrator and reformer is omitted in the newer text.

V) Mis-inforniation

Its about existing social evils such as sati and child marriage within the Rajput tradition and suggesting these practices are linked to the influence of Islam. (2001 ed.p.54)

VI) The religious tolerance of Hindu Rulers is expressed in terms of surprise and the present need for Secularism is qualified.

These attitudes are not to be found in the earlier texts. "The Arab invaders had in the early part of the 8th century committed ternble atrocities by razing Hindu temples and oppressing the citizens. Keeping this in view, the religious tolerance of the Rashtrakutas seems quite amazing and worthy of emulation. "(2001 ed. p.33) It should be added that the suggestion that Arab invaders committee" atrocities " in the 8th century is wrong information and the peaceful, trading role of the Arabs who came to lnd\a \n the 8th century has been deliberately omitted

VII The definition of ’’Hindu” is unclear and it has been suggested that the British largely used the term for administrative purposes.

In the Civics Section of the new textbook Hindus are stated to form 82 .41 percent, of the population. The term "Hindu" is controversial and earlier in the history section there is the suggestion that Jains, Buddhists and Veerasaivites are "sects" of Hinduism. In the Civics section " it is specifically mentioned that India is a secular state despite having such a large Hindu majority and this feet is unnecessarily contrasted with the theocracies of surrounding countries. (2001 ed.p.lOl)

VIII) Negative slant about the beginnings of Islam and Arabic Civilization.

1)"Islam united the several Arab tribes" (2000ed.) compared to: "Before the rise of Islam there were several small nomadic tribal groups in Arabia. For centuries, these groups remained disunited, uncivilized and culturally backward ..Murder, robbery, stealing, gambling and drinking were common among them.” (p. 18 2001 ed.) 2)Trade made the Arabs wealthy and they were able to build a great civilization. Knowledge of various sciences from Greece, China and India enriched the Arab civilization. Compared to; “The Arabs were greatly influenced by the arts and sciences of the Greek, Roman, Jewish, Persian and Indian civilizations and freely borrowed from them. In course of time, they evolved a civilization of their own.”( p. 20) 96

While these changes may seem to be dealing with mmor details,they are nevertheless significant in indicating an unreflective and uncritical nationalism which has been a growing phenomena even within the educational system for some years and threatens to deteriorate still further unless challenged. 97

Annexure B

Analysis of Karnataka State textbooks for Mathematics and Science Prajwal Shastri (II Astro physics), Gopal Krisha Kamath (NAL), K.R.Harinarayan (i2 Technologies), Vishwambar Pathi (II Statistics), Prepared in 2002.

We did an analysis of the Karnataka Science and Mathematics text books from Classes I to X to examine them for any communal and chauvinistic biases. (We have not commented on the overall quality or style of the books.) We found that there are a few biases, but with the exception of the cases we have mentioned below, most of these are minor. We suggest that the cases that we have mentioned below may be looked into by the appropriate textbook committees and attended to.

Science All the text books from Class-I to Class-X were studied (both English and Kannada). While the quality of the textbooks left much to be desired, there were no communal or chauvinistic biases m any of these textbooks.

Mathematics All the text books from Class-1 to Class-X were studied (both English and Kannada) Only Class-8 had some chauvinistic biases with factual errors which need to be rectified These points are noted below.

Class (page numbers as in the English)

Pg- Extract from the book Comment 2,3 [In the box text of Number sv'rabols] The phrase “Hindu numerals'' should be replaced by 'Tndian Early Hindu Numerals and Numerals”. Much of the histor>^ of ancient Indian lore has beai translated and transcribed by the British, who used the Ingenious Hindu Inventions word “Hindu” in a rather loose sense. Incidentally, it is not page 3, Jewel from Hindu Mind”. trve that these are Hindu-Arabic numerals. Apparently, all th Arabs did was to transport the Indian numerals to Europe. 22 [In the box text: Do you know this ? ] At the end of the 10th centurv' AD, Pingala WTOte a book on This pattern of numbers is popularly known as meters in poetry’ entitled “Chchandasutra”, where he used Pascal’s triangle named after the great permutations and combinations, and binomial coefficients. Mathematician Pascal of 17* century. An But he makes no mention of Pascal’s triangle. In the 11 th ancient Indian Mathematician Pingala who century, Hala5aidha, wrote a commentary on Pingala, and li\ ed earlier than Pascal has invented this mentioned Pascal’s triangle. Almost simultaneous^ as the pattern, naming it Pingala Mem Prashara. Indian discovery^ of Pascal’s triangle (in the 1 st half of the 11 th century), the Pascal triangle for n=0,l ,2,..,8 appears in Chu Shih Chieh’s book “The Precious Mirror of the Four Elements”. Thus, in this boxed item, both the Indians and Chinese should be credited with the discovery of Pascal’s triangle ( pre-dating Pascal’s discover^' by at least sLx centuries) 41 [In the box text: Do you know this ? ] The first calculation of “pi” to 4-decimal accuracy is not due It is remarkable to know that Arvabhata 1 to Ary-abhatta. However Aryabhatta is probably the first to 98

(476 AD) has given a fairly accurate value of realise that “pi” is not rational (i.e “asanna’- inexpressible as pi, ocrrect to 4 decimal places...... (etc) a ratio of two integers). The authors should emphasise this I’his achievement of Ary abhata as early as 5*^ point, and remove the claim that he was the first to calculate it centurv' is truly remarkable in the light of the accurately upto four decimal places (see my comment below'). fact that it was onh thirteen centuries later in Around AD 260, at leasl 2 centuries before Aryabhatta, Liu 1761, that Lambert prox cd that pi is in ational Hui in China calculated it to fourth place acuracy by using an approximating polygon of 96 sides. So the pnonty m tliis is not Indian. In this context, mention might also be made of Madhavacharya and Nilakantha Somayajiwho derived an infinite .series expansion of'"pi”, and also of the Persian A1 Kashi (c. 1429 AD) who calculated it accurately upto 16 decimal places. 145 [In the box text] The last sentence about "parmanuraja’ is questionable. Either Numeral denominations in powers of tens It should be removed, or some source should be cited for its know to ancient Indians: A list of numeral occurrence m Buddhist literature. Also, is the number the - denominations in powers of ten upto 1()'“ is 10th powder of 7 or the -7th power of 10 found in our ancient text (\'ajun eda samhitha). W^iile the highest power of ten known to the Greeks w as 10^, it is recorded that pnnceGautama (Bhodhisatt\'a) was acquainted with the names of the dillerent powers often up to 10^’ which he called tal laksana. On the microscopic side also, a ver\ fine unit called paramanuraja faiomic particle’ ) which is equal to 7 ’” of an inch w as also used by Bhuddists. 201 [Table. Some renowned ancient Indian Some factual errors; Mathematicians] (i) Aryabhatta was bom in 476 AD (not 479 A D ). Also the Bhaskara, 8* Centun AD, Geometric proof item 3 should read Bhaskara 1, instead of just Bhaskara, and for algebraic formula. Proof of Boudhyana the era is 7th (not 8th) centur\' AD. theorem which is know n to us a Phthagoras (ii) Brahmagupta date should be 628 AD (not 828 AD). theorem. (iii) items 6 and 7 should be combined, because Mahaveera is Sridharacharv'a, 8* century' A.D; Gave special the same as Mahaveeracharya. It maybe mentioned that in status to mathematics by separating it from Mala Gunakara, he has given palmdromic numbers. Astronomv.

Suggestion: Inclusion of other historical developments in Mathematics In general it would be good to also include more historical references to other historical developments in mathematics. For example, many empirical geometrical formulas for areas and volumes were found by the Egyptians, starting 3000 BC. They had the first formulae for the volume of a truncated pyramid, and areas and volumes of circularly curved regions. Some of these area/volume calculations, dating back to at least Rameses U (1200 BC), contain implicit formulas for “pi”. The Babylonian sexagesimal number system dates back to 3000 BC. The Persian poet Omar Khayyam (11 th century AD) was the first to give a beautiful geometric algorithm for solving a cubic equation. The word “Algebra” comes from A1 Jibr, an Arabic word, since algebra was invented in the early 9th century AD by one of the most talented scientists of the Arab world, Muhammad Ibn- Musa Al-Khwarizmi (incidentally, the word “Algonthm” derives from his name “A1 Khwarizmi”). In conclusion, most non-European mathematicians predating the Greeks rarely bothered to “prove” their assertions, their knowledge being considered complete if 99 they could develop algorithms to compute, and execute these computational formulae or algorithms. The Cheeks were the first to emphasis the abstract and axiomatic logic of mathematics, as opposed to the earlier emphasis on computation. This had its strengths, as well as weaknesses. For example, their abstract theological obsession with circles retarded their astronomy ver>’ severely, whereas the Indians, because they computed and observed, had far superior astronomical models, and could predict celestial and astral events udth great accuracy.

Summary of 8^** class mathematics text book findings Other than the initial reference in pages 2 and 3 of the “Hindu” number system, there aren’t any communal references. Some poorly presented historical references to Indian mathematicians and achievements which should be corrected have been presented. 100

Aniiexure C

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Aiiiiexure D Culture and religious biases as seen in a few guides of social science and kannada and composition books of classes 5,6,7,8,9and 10, received from Gadag. Reviewed bv K. l.atha

Sl.no Reference Topic Page Comments with example of no books 1 Sthree neethi Letter no 4 13 Clear reveal of male dominance. Father consoles his sudhakara daughter saying tiiat ev en if her husband physically “tande\'u magalige assaults( in another case verbal insults too) her, she has bareda ippattaidu to l5car it with patience and that during her son’s time she olegalu’' can be happy E\ en the three stages of her life she is expected -a collection of toanticipate happy life ether through her letters to a daughter father/husband/sons'^'^;” ' " " from her father j Uses tlie quote ■'mounain san atra sadhanam" a.sking the daughter to keep quiet at all times without getting into any kind of arguments Same as above Letter no 7 42 Father advices his daughter to withstand the tortures of and no 8 her mother -m-lav\- and si.ster -in- law s and adx ices her not to re\ eal her problems to her husband as it may lead to breakage of the family Same as above ! Letter no 15( many Basavanna” vachana carefully selected to substantiate others too) that ladies need to silently bear the tortures. All the gunu referred are males!! At the most examples of sati Savithri, Ahalya, Chandramathi etc are give who with stood all difficulties caused by their husbands.

2 Historv' Quiz ------

KANNADA BOOKS ANANDA GUIDE Lesson 11 64 Here in the first paragraph several examples are given t< A guide of kannada Prani Rak^ane substantiate that in Indian culture diere is ^ecial regard; CLASS VT Meaning protection for animals and birds. All examples from Hindu 1 of animals mytholog\^ Like the vehicles of Hindu Gods and Godesses. Other wise Hindu kings, religious leaders lik: basavanna. An example of a Rishis’s abode which w'as like a protected sanctuary for animals. 3 ANANDA GUIDE Lesson 15 Excerpt from RAMA YAN A guide of kannada SHABARI CLASS V I 4 ANANDA GUIDE Lesson 2 Excerpt from Hindu devi bhagavatha , Ramayan and A guide of kannada DASARA and lesson 6 from MAHABHARAT CLASS VI Lesson 6 HIDIMBA 5 ANANDA GUIDE LessOT 2 Exceipt from RAMAYAN 106

A guide ol' kaiinada SODARA CLASS VII VATHSALYA ANANDA GUIDE Lesson/poem 9 From MAHABHARAT A guide of kannada VEERARAIVARA Cl.ASS vn NOYISENU ANANDA GUIDE Lesson 4 Ison Bharat sevadal, NSS. NCC. SCOUTS and GUIDES A guide of kannada ♦ CLASS VII Sl.No Reference Topic Page Comments with example no 6 ANANDA GUIDE Lesson 13 From MAHABHARAT A guide of kannada VIRATANA CLASS vin POURUSHA ANANDA GUIDE Lesson 14 Exceipt from RAMA Y AN- in which Seetha console A guide of kannada Poem lakeiiman to return deserting her in the tbrest and makes CL^SS VIII KARUNALU a point it say that lord Rama is not the faulterer. R.4GHAVANALLI TAPPILLA In all the abov e cases there seems to be a delibei ate i choice of lessons fron the hindu epic. ANANDA GU'IDE Lesson 2 1 More than the nature , there is more description of A guide of kannada GANGEYALLl temples and the rituals there. CLASS VIII DEEPAMALE’ Is a ti a\ eUogue ANANDA GUIDE Lesson 24 A guide of kannada Is a poem by CLASS VIII 1 Kanakadasa

SOCIAL SCIENCES 1 MOHAN GUIDE 1 Lesson 3 Draws attention to idol worship. Sw astik and charaka A guide of social ! Sindhu nagarikathe being used as logos. sciences Lessons I to 11 Ito H is all about the Vedic period Hinduism, Buddhism CLASS V and Jainism.

MOHAN GUIDE 1 Lesson 4 26 Statem«it like “ maioritv of Hindus lived like slaves A guide of social under muslims” - Such statements may lead to some sort sciences 1 of distuibance in the minds of Hindus against the CLASS V 1 Muslims MOHAN GUIDE Lesson 8 44 and Every statement gives a picture of negative remarks A guide of social line no about the ‘anti Hinduian” attitude of Aurangzd). sciences 21 CLASS V 2 MOHAN GUIDE Found no siKih instances of any cultural /religious biases A guide of social at the first glance. sciences CLASS VI, VII,VIII and IX

107

Annexure E Sri Ravi “Bala Neeti” (volumes 1,23,4,5), Bangalore: Subhash Publishing House (no date, Kannada) Reviewed by N. Ramkumar

Balaneethi— ONE Child needs to develop devotion towards god and develop interest towards studies Child need to be intelligent at school and at home Parents are equal to god. We must respect poor and rich people Like parents Teachers are god We must protect our health like our own life Children need not learn to demand since it is not a good practice. We must not waste time. We must fulfill our work all time. Impressions: Stories related Prescription of Ideal Values like parents and teachers are like god .Gender bias girls are shown to be involved in gardening and boys are involved in playing foot hall Balaneethi— Two If we need to be good then we need to be fearful to god We need to make friends with good people Dog barks louder when thieves enter our house. Nandini is good at her studies as well at house hold Work God is there in universe and in universe god is there. We need not search god anywhere, he is there where ever we are Impressions: Devotion towards god is expressed through diagrams of Hindu temples and Brahmins serx’ing prasad (lesson one) Hindu mythological story depicting Ganapathis intelligence Balaneethi Three Story of Ekalavya-— Devotion towards GURU is equal to devotion towards god If people laughs at our mistakes we must rectify them at once. We must keep our selves, our house and our belongings very neatly. These are the characteristics of a civilized person. We rnust use good words, It has a wonderful power. If we practice stealing it is not good. Nobody believes and loves a thief We loose our character through stealing. We must always keep the company of good people. We must work hke domestic animals and like them we must help others. Impressions: Devotion towards god is expressed through diagrams o f Hindu temples and Brhamins serving prasad (lesson one) Hindu mythological story depicting Ganapathis intelligence Lesson 13 depicts about utilities of domestic animals and in that a diagram depicts monkey dancing to the tune o f a villager. We must respect elders, teachers and parents (diagram depicts by folding hands and bending ones head. 108

Stories from Mahahharath- story of ekalaxya for guru Bhakfi Balaneethi -Four Parents needs to rectify children mistakes Friends are the one who help us during god and bad times we must not leave their company. It is our responsibility to follow traffic rules We must have patience. Once becomes wiser by practicing patience. We must not believe strangers at once. We must not forget people those who have helped us. Impressions: Diagram on page 5 depicts Hindu god being worshiped in a house. Lesson number 7 depicts patience through hindu mythological story o/Maharshi brugu. Balaneethi Five We must be like Dhruvakumar and have purpose and sincerity in life We can get gods blessing through pure devotion. For education sincerity is veiy important We must not feel that I know everything in this world. Impressions: Stories from Hindu mythology-Lesson 7 story’ of indradumya, Lesson , I'ena/i ramkrishna, Lesson 10 the hunters hick, Lesson JI kirshna and Kahnga snake. Lesson 12 story of ran thi deva, Lesson 3 which depicts lord Krishna having a lunch' Compare to other hooks this series contains lots of stories from hnidu mythology and mahahharth 109

Annexure F

Kaiiiiada Parimala — 2,3»4,5 (private publication from Bangalore) Reviewed by Sahana Udupa

No non-H>ndu character in the entire textbook. There is a chapter on followed by a chapter on ‘our school’. The name of the school is Vani. Even under false-true statement exercise (p-12), the wrong name is given as ‘Rani’. Names of the characters are Chandru and Sadananda (chapter 8), Gopi-Gowri (chapter 9), Shuddodhana-Siddhartha- Devadatta (Chapter 11), Jlam (Chapter 13), Rashmi (chapter 14). Chapter 9 is on Deepavali. Idioms too are drawn from Hindu vocabulary - panganama (page 20). No where do we see a non-Hindu character or situation. Chapter 10 has a poem that starts with Kurubanahalli. This could have been avoided. The poem is about 5 blind children touching an elephant and visualizing the animal in terms of the specific organ they have managed to touch. The after-note doesn’t orient teachers to see the moral behind the story. Instead, it is categorized as a poem for entertainment. The poem is quite insensitive towards visually challenged people. Page 22 - Fill up the blanks exercise has the following statement -One day two cats went to ______(options - home. Math, Mandir). The fable is about two cats and a monkey. Was there a need to give Math and Mandir as options? Couldn’t neutral choices be used? Say, forest, tree etc. In chapter 2, ‘Banta’ is translated as ‘sevaka’ which means servant. Banta can best be translated as ‘aide’, not ‘servant’. Fanner continues to be characterized as a male. No mention of women’s role in agriculture. (Chapter 5) Chapter 19 has a poem on birds and animals. While cow is characterized as ‘very timid’, crow is dismissed as ‘black crow’. There is also a mention o f‘Kurubana kuri’ (Kuruba’s sheep). Kannada Parimala - 3 Though the very first poem invokes the ideal of communal harmony, the imposing illustration that accompanies the poem shows India as ‘Bharat Mata’ with traditional embellishments and decorations. The image is t)q3ically Hindu. This amounts to saying that India is essentially Hindu, but religious tolerance is something that everybody should aspire for. It is the grace of Bharatmata that all communities are tolerated. So, it is more of a grace than right to live. Again, there is no single non-Hindu character in the entire text book. There are chapters on young Ganapati, Diwali, Uddalaka etc. Lessons on timely wisdom are taught through mythological stories on Ganapati. P-27. Para 1. Chapter 7. After noting historical significance of Republic day, the chapter says- “Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Jains, Buddhists and people from all caste-religions, who too are Indians, celebrate Republic Day .” There is no mention of Hindus. The sentence tends to divide Indians into Hindus and non-Hindus. While Hindus are to be considered as natural Indians, other communities are explicitly mentioned as Indians, as though making a clarification. Explicit mention of ‘Madivala’ in Chapter 10 (on Tenali Ramakrishna), Brahmana in Chapter 16, Chapters only on Hindu festivals - Naga Panchami, Diwali Chapter 18 depicts snake as a natural enemy to man. Descriptions of Gopala beating the snake with a sharp stone and killing it- lack taste and sensitivity to wild life. 110

Kannada Parimala — 4 Moral of chapter 1 reads - “It is good if friendship and relationship are made between people of equal standing (equal people)”. A feble of marriage between two rats is given to drive home this message. The message is clearly misleading and gives an idea that there is mequaiity m the society. There is a danger of leav^ing this impression to be interpreted at the discretion of teachers. Chapters are on Indradeva-Kamadhenu (chap 4), Kanakadasa-Vyasaraya {chapter 2), Srirama-Seetha (Chapter 7), Shivaji and Yugadi. There is also a poem on communal harmony. Images of Gurukul, Rishi are repeatedly presented. Human virtues are dissimenated through o»nly Hindu characters and mythology. At the end of diapter 7, the author advises teacJKers to introduce children to holy epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata. “It is desirable to instill love for these holy scripts that embody our dharma and culture”. There is no mention of any non-Hindu holy epics. At the end of Poem -6, a note to teacher says, “Teachers should impress upon the children as to why and how lliey should respect Indian culture and tradition, which is ideal to the entire world.” There is a chapter on Akbar-Birbal. But this talks about idiocy of a half-wit. A chapter on national anthem starts with history of Vande Mataram and claims that the Indian government accords equal status to Jana Gana Mana and Vande Mataram. Chapter 6, page 30, last but one para. After descnbing the significance Rajendra Vilas palace on the tip of Chamundi hills, the chapter goes on to say that this has now become a hotel. Adding a regretful note, the chapter exclaims, “Everything is fate’s play”. Instead of sparking scientific spirit and enquiry, the text takes rescue in a defeatist assumption like fate’s play. The opinionated statement is itself unwarranted. Only temples, Purana, Veda are mentioned in ‘change the number’ exercise. (P-57)

-Anu Joy, N. Ramkumar, Hameed Manjeshwar, Chegu Reddy, Sahana Udupa, K. Latha, Padma M. Sarangapani Ill

KASHMIR REPORT

The curriculum from class I to class XH in the state is prescribed, printed and published by J & K Board of school education an autonomous body. The textual material prescribed by the BOSE is the replica of the books published by NCERT. The Govt, school and private schools have to adopt the curriculum prescribed by the BOSE in the books published being mandatory. No school is allowed to fiinctioii without Govt, recognition and one of the criterion for recognition being the adoption of curriculum prescribed by the BOSE. Also^ from class 8**^ to class 12**^ external examinations are conducted unifortnally by the BOSE for all the schools. Govt as well as private, so schools have no alternative than to adopt the prescribed curriculum. That way, state of J & K has equitable quality of cuniculum for all types of schools - a step toward common school system However, the schools outside the Govt, ambit have further over loaded their students by prescribing some support material printed and published by the publishers from outside the state The support material is in the form of books. J & K BOSE has also prescribed some reference books, supporting the prescribed curriculum, publish by authors from outside the state. Generally the state has no reputed publisher for publishing the textbooks, or reference books. It is also pertinent to intimitate that the state being a very sensitive state. So the Govt, schools, private schools and even the publishers are cautious and conscious not to volute the constitution with reference to core curriculum. I could not find any textual material in the books violating the constitution with reference to core curricular areas, cultural perspective and value education. As the majority of the books transacted from class I to XH were published in 2000, totally in accordance with NCERT books, so the texts have no unwanted or objectionable material Our state is one of states which have lived with communal harmony as stated by Mahatma Gandhi who could see a light of hope from Kashmir when the entire country was witnessing fierce communal clashes. Never has the state allowed objectionable or unwanted material to creep into the curriculum. On going through the curriculum prescribed by the BOSE or support material introduced by concerned private schools you will not find any material which is supporting communalism, regionalism, anarchism, terrorism or any sentence against The National Integration.

Analysis of the Books prescribed bv J & K

URDU: 1. The content is overiaden. 2. The content pays less attention towards the immediate environment of the children. 3. The topics in the S. Studies are repeated in Urdu. 4. Less attention is paid towards regional balance of the state. 5. The content is not sufficiendy strong the mind the democratic and secular fabric however there is no attempt to weaken this fabric. 6. Both state and national persondities are discussed. 7. There is no lesson about the work education to inculcate the spirit of manual work. 8. Urdu is not the mother tongue of any region of the state. But the language has taken the status of mother tongue almost in Kashmir valley. Kashmiri being the mother 112

tongue of Kashmir, Dagri being the mother tongue.of Jammu and Bodhi being mother tongue if Ladakh is loosing ground. However, Hindi has taken the status of mother tongue in Jammu

SOCIAL STUDIES:

1. The content is overladen. 2. The topics in Urdu are repeated. 3. Upto class 3^*^ there are only two books language and Math. In classes 4*^ and 5*^ S.Studies includes History, Geography and Civics. 4. State history and geography has noplace in the books. 5. Struggle of Independence (prior to 1947) is not taken core of 6. Information regarding topography, climate, flora a fauna, resources, history about the three regions of J & K i.e., Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh not provided. 7. State constitution, state symbols, govt and .state. Administration and state, developments, governance not touched in the text. 8 Local maps not in the book 9. Early life in the state, early record of development of state, track record of topographical changes of the state have no mention. 10. States contribution in national development not discussed 11. Social, cultural and economical aspects of the state neglected. 12. The lessons are completely in accordance with the policies recommended in the National curriculum framework. 13. The national resources of the state not highlighted in detail. 14. The local environmental degradation and its checking not incoqjorated. 15. The contributions of the state in maintaining in communal harmony in its historical perspective not detailed out. 16. The project work in view of immediate environment not seriously taken and not evaluated. 17. Economy generating issues not addressed. 18. Spirit of self-reliance not infused in order to manage the things in case of increasing demand & eventualities.

Analysis of the support material introduced in the private schools (Urdu & S. Studies)

1. The content is supporting the material prescribed by the J & K BOSE. 2. This additional content is making the curricular load unbearable for the students. 3. Generally, it has been observed that the material not conducive to the National curriculum is introduced in the curriculum of those schools which are working outside the Govt, ambit. But, no private school in the state has introduced such material which could be injurious for the country in general and for the state in particular. 4. However, in class 8*^ and beyond no supplementary book is introduced by the private schools. Probably due to the external examination conducted by the J & K BOSE uniformly. 5. The supplementary material also talks about national personalities, national integration, personalities of different religions, national resources, climate, topography, history, independence etc. giving or negligible place to the state related aspects. 11

Suggestions:

I Language and S. Studies are the core subjects to be utilized for the holistic development of the child with major focus on physical, emotional, aesthetic, spiritual and even religious. 2. Entire activity related areas such as work education. Art Education and Health and Physical Education can be integrated with the language and S. Studies. This will result in their transaction with textual material and can also be evaluated accordingly. As such the subject will be taken seriously by the teacher as well as students. 3. To address the student’s developing behaviour at elementary level through the well structured curriculum will definitely lay a strong foundation for a good citizen, acceptable professional and a gentleman with secular and democratic bent of mind 4. At elementary stage the language an d S. Studies curriculum should mainly concentrate on the objects in the immediate environment which he conies across on his way to school, at home, at school and in the society. 5 There should be graduate and systematic upward movement from known to unknown, simple to complex and concrete to abstract. 6 There is lot of scope in reducing the curricular load. Number of topics in the S. Studies can be put in the languages which will serve two purposes, firstly develop the language and secondly learning about the environmental aspects 7. The curriculum to be framed in such a way as to make every content activity based 8. The content for value education, emotional development and spiritual purity to be incorporated along with the core religious directrim common with all the religions This content should necessarily involve the children within the society he lives in. 9. Cultural perseverance should receive proper attention in the curriculum. Those aspects of culture should be preferred which inculcate the morals, values, tolerance, humility, human feelings, social work, self esteem, etc. 10. The states framing their own curriculum should strictly follow the national curriculum fiame work and CABE should appoint on agency which will act as watch dog to monitor and evaluate the curriculum o f respective st^es. The main focus o f the vigil to be on language and S. Studies curriculum as it is only in these subjects where in unwanted and objectionable material gets intentionally or unintentionally incorporated. II Language curriculum should lay more emphasis on written/oral expression. As the nature of a person is immediately evaluated one expresses himselfi'herself orally or through writing. 12. Language and S.Studies curriculum should be uniform in ail Govt, and private schools in order to bridge the wide gap between the two. This will also prove to be of fundamental importance in the efforts towards the system of common schooling. This will also be of significance in providing the equal opportunity of universal quality education envisaged in the education policy documents. 13. Work education should find a proper place in the language and S. Studies curriculum, in order to make the children to understand themselves, to realize their personal potentials, for their holistic development, to incline them towards manual 14

work at home, in the school and within the community, to understand the worldof work, and prepare students for their career. The work education at elementary level shall prepare the children for vocationalised education at secondary level. 14. Prior to the implementation of the curriculum a massive programme for teacFer .trainings be conducted in order to apprice the teachers of the change and the methodologies adopted for trans acting the modified curriculum

-Dr. Tanveerul Sadiqain 115

KERALA REPORT

AN ANALYSIS OF THE TREATMENT OF CORE CURRICULUM COMPONENTS AND VALUES IN TEXTBOOKS OF PRIVATE PUBLISHERS USED IN SCHOOLS OF KERALA

INTRODUCITON This report is the outcome of a study of the social science and regional language textbooks of private publishers used in the state of Kerala. U was taken up at the behest of the Centi'al Advisoiy Board of Education for its Committee on “Regulatory Mechanisms for Textbooks and Parallel Textbooks taught in schools outside the Government System”. The major aim of the committee is to examine textbooks and learning materials not approved or prescribed through govemment mechanisms, viz NCERT, SCERTs and CBSE/ State Boards of Education. In connection with this endeavour, the present study was carried out to exam.ine die textbooks of private publishers used in Kerala. As suggested by the committtee, social science and regional language textbooks were studied with the following specific objectives ♦ Identification and assessment of textual materials that violate the constitution and with particular reference to core curricular areas in Section 3.4 of the NTPE 1986/92 and Cultural Pei'S|»ective and Value Education in Section 8.1 to 8.6. ♦ Study of existing regulatory structures and mechanisms in the state with regard to textbooks. The following series of textbooks used in different private schools of Kerala were analysed in the study. A Social Science 1 Time, Space & People by Chitra Srinivas & Rajni Bhandari, Oxford India. 2 Composite Course in History & Civics by RL.Kharabanda, S.L.Dhawan & Chayya Mitra, Frank Bros & Co. 3 Discovering our country by N.K.Chowdhary, S.Ch^d & Co. 4 Social Studies for Primary Schools, Good Luck Publishers Ltd. 5 History & Civics by S.Mukherji, Bharathi Bhawan Publishers & Distributors 6 Gems School History & Civics by Vinita Kumar & Dr.R E.Singh, Ratna Sagar 7 abc of Social Studies by D.P.Bhanot & Shelly Sangar, Holy Faith International (P) Ltd 8 Social Science By P.K.Thankappan, H & C Publishing House, Thrissur 116

B IVIalayalam 1 Punchiri by T. Aryan Kannannoor, Malayalam Reader, Pooma Publications 2 Kairali Padavali by Dr.Thikkurussi Gangadharan, Academic Publishing House 3 Malayala Padavali by P.P.Devassia, Smile Books Except the one published by H & C Publishing House all the other Social Science textbooks used in Kerala are from publishers outside Kerala. They are being used in many schools in other states as well. The general observations are presented in Part I of the report The examination of some specific areas in Part 11 has been done mainly based on Social Science materials as examples from Malayalam textbooks would involve translations and explanations. Part III presents a brief account of the regulatory mechanisms for textbooks in the state. Part IV contains suggestions that ensue from the study.

I GENERAL OBSERV ATIONS 1.0 The subjects of social sciences and regional languages have a special significance m transacting the core curncular components and cultural and value perspectives. These subjects provide the perfect content and learning experiences through which values can be studied, experienced and examined in relation to real life settings Aims in the domain of values and culture are as important to these subjects as much as subject specific aims. The textual material in these subjects are expected to contain content specifically targeted at values as well as possibilities for elaboration of other content matter to highlight difiierent values. The textual materials were analysed to find out; ♦ whether core curricular components of NPE and the values implied ai?e adequately addressed. ♦ whether textual content, learning activities and evaluation activities provitie scope for transacting the values, link different situations/ topics/ activities with real life situations. ♦ whether values presented, suggested or implied are in consonance with the prescriptions in NPE and spirit of the constitution. 1.1 Even a preliminary analysis of the textual materials highlight the fact that there is no specific underlying plan and framework to provide a strong foundation of values to the content or to elaborate the topics, themes and concepts m such a way to transact important values. The textbooks, especially in social sciences have been apparently planned in terms of content areas rather than starting from specific objectives arid deciding content and activities to realize the objectives. This could be the major reason for the scant importance given to values and cultural perspectives in these textbooks.- A subtle and at the same time complex concept like value cannot be introduced into the textual content as an add on. Unless the value orientation is-taken up at the level-of objectives, and the content and activities are decided accordingly the key themes in the core curriculum and the major strands in values and cultural perspectives fail to link up 117 with the learning materials Textual content, activities and evaluation material designed to realize some other primary aim cannot be made to accommodate values at a later stage The textbooks under analysis are not equipped to provide value education because of this basic problem in approach to curriculum 1.2 The traditional concept of values and conventional idea of value education predominate in the textbooks The social science textbooks focus on values mainly through topics under civics Another implicit assumption is that textual material on various religions and teachings of religious leaders will serv e the aim of value education Values are defined along these lines by the content selection followed In language textbooks, value education is attempted through wTite-ups or stories on great men and women from diflferent fields like science, literature, arts, politics, social work or freedom struggle There are also stones which proclaim a clearly stated moral value. This approach to value education has survived for long, in spite of having been shown as inefficient in a pedagogic sense All the textbooks analysed are firmly set in this tradition and consequently values get an inadequate, restrictive, and distorted treatment. 1.3 Even the conventional content outlined above could have been made a better vehicle for transacting appropriate values if clearly stated overall aims and subject specific objectives were used. The learning activities and evaluation exercises given, if planned accordingly might have been linked to important values. But the textbook v/riters apparently believe that the textual content would transact the values directly without further activities, and concentrate on typical subject specific activities and exercises. The exercises and activities in both social science and language textbooks, in units with apparent aims of value education, however deal only with the historical or literary content of the unit Thus the limited opportunity for value education presented by the verv' few units in the textbooks is also not efficiently utilized. 1.4 The textbook writers are more or less oblivious to the prescriptions of the National Policy of Education regarding values and cultural perspectives. Though they refer to NPE and also to the guidelines of NCERT, the core components are not addressed accordingly. Other than historical accounts of religions and certain social reform movements, and incidental references to values relating to these themes, other values and cultural perspectives intended by the NPE are not taken up by the textbooks. Values like egalitarianism, international understanding, small family norm, removal of social barriers, inculcation of scientific temper and protection of environment do not find a prominent place in the textbooks. The material presented, especially in social science, provides numerous opportunities for elaborating these values, but no attempt has been made to utilize these situations to help the student examine the values involved. 1.5 The common cultural heritage of India is examined in all the textbooks through content in the following areas ♦ Vedic culture ♦ Religions of India 118

♦ Freedom Struggle ♦ Social reform movements of national significance However, the organisation of themes and topics and presentation of matter in the textbooks is not conducive to the transaction of the concept of common heritage The topics are presented as fragmented themes which fail to build up the concept of our common cuUural legacy. Historical aspects of religions like Buddhism and Jainism are given prominence over the essentially Indianness of these ideologies and their long term impact on Indian thought. The exploration and Gandhian concept of Ahimsa and its relation to religious concepts and how these approaches continue to influence our policies could have provided a perfect foundation to study the contemporary relevance of many values suggested in the NPE. No textbook analysed has even made an attempt along these lines.

1.6 The concept of small family norm is touched upon only rarely in the textbooks. In a few instances where it is taken up, it is depicted as a rural phenomenon. The fact that this concept is now widely known and accepted could be the reason for assigning a low priority to it However, importance of this concept to the development of India, how population size is our greatest problem mspite of outstanding success in population control and the developmental issues related to this need to be examined. Demographic issues and their impact on development can be linked to a number of areas in social sciences and can be expected to provide a perfect setting for the student to examine a wide spectrum of values. The textbooks analysed do not explore this aspect. 1.7 Gender equality is an area where the textbook content and presentation is extremely problematic. The language used and the visuals given are loaded with gender biased messages. In general, the textbook writers are not femiliar with the concept of gender justice, importance of using non-sexist language and the impact of stereotyped gender roles. The textbooks make no serious attempt to take up gender equality as a value, nor do they present the social issues involved. In an indirect and often explicit way the textbooks are reinforcing the social attitudes that create an imbalance in social status, gender justice and progress of women. This is one area where immediate intervention in the form of guidelines or strict prescriptions is required. 1.8 The textbooks violate many of the expected values through elitist, urban and mainstream orientation. The textbooks discuss many social problems like illiteracy, slow educational progress, rural underdevelopment and economic backwardness of women as rural phenomena. Tribals and oppressed communities do not figure in the descriptions. 1.9 The general approach followed in dealing with many themes is not condusive to the development of the idea of a common culture. The textbook writers concentrate on providing representation to various regions, different cultures and religions. The actual impact of this representational approach is to de-emphasise the idea of common cultural heritage. The textbook writers fail to treat the different religions, regions and cultures as 119 different strands m a common culture While the historical aspects are emphasised, sociological aspects that focus on interactions between the different streams in culture are Ignored in the textbooks. 1.10 The language textbooks do not have many examples of specific material that violate or distort the prescriptions of NPE on values and culture. But the general approach followed in language textbooks make them comparatively more unsuitable for value education. Typically linguistic and literary objectives predominate and social aspects of these objectives are not considered at all Biographies of famous people are included in the language textbooks but the value related aims are not specifically stated, the effect of which is that these pieces would be transacted purely from literarv^ or linguistic view point. 1.11 A grave drawback of the textbooks.under study is the exclusion of regional history. All the textbooks are prepared from an exclusively national perspective. Regional history, society and cultures are virtually excluded or merely given a passing reference. This deprives the student to examine many value related themes from what is near to him/ her and through real life experiences. Even at lower primary classes what is presented under topics in civics, social environment and culture are far away from the experience domain of the student The contemporary approach in social science to help the student examine the social institutions near to him/ her at first and elaborate them to include more complex and broader concepts and institutions is not followed in the textbooks. 1.12 ♦ As m social science textbooks, a very restricted image of common cultural heritage is presented in language textbooks Majority of biographies included focus on the interpretation of culture in terms of certain mainstream groups Marginalized communities and their role in Indian culture are totally ignored in most textbooks Some textbooks provide representation to one social reformer from the opposed sections In general, the treatment of biographies do not provide scope for examining values. Predominating linguistic and histoncal accounts are given and the social angle to the incidents narrated is totally left out. 1.13 The general approach to Geography in all books virtually excludes the human angle The concepts are presented in a narrative way and the students especially in lower classes, would find no link whatsoever with human values, culture and to his/ her real life experiences and needs. The content presented has ample scope for exploring themes like protection of environment, impact of human intervention on nature, scientific temper, egalitarianism and small family norm. However except in rare instances where environment and pollution come in as part of the content directly, no attempt is made to integrate these themes wath the mam concepts in Geography, 20

II TREATMENT OF VALUES AND CULTLRE - ILUSTRATIVE EXAMPLES

2.1 The textbooks under study in general show a total lack of awareness about the issues of gender equality and how text books should tackle the issue. The text book content, language and visuals transmit male dominated gender roles, insensitive and inappropriate messages about the social position of women and convey stereotyped images about social, professional and intellectual status of the two genders. The following three forms of inappropriate characterization of gender roles is widespread i p the books analysed a Sexist bias in language The text book writers are not sensitive to this aspect(except for the one publishec by Oxford India). Gender biased language is used througout the books in ar indiscriminate way. Some examples are given below

Men, birds and animals cannot live without water. Man has sung the priase of earth from very ancient times. Man first made tools of stone Early man had no means of transport. He had to carry all his loads him self Man IS continuing with his efforts to shrink the world still further Man is the most intelligent animal on the earth. He has developed for himself the telephone, the radio and the television to get information from any part of the world Man IS the only animal on this earth who cares about his health and wants to remain healthv.

Even lesson/ chapter headings blatantly use sexist language.

Man takes to City life Early Man Man conquers time & space Man - A social being

b More frequent depiction of male persons and characters The number of mae figures and female figures in line drawings in 3 randomly selected units each from thrte 121 textbooks analysed are tabulated below. This includes pictures made to illustrate or highlight different themes, excluding historical figures.

Total Numer Male Female of Pictures Figures Figures ABC of Social Studies 33 28 5 Holy Faith International (Std.V) Gems History and Civics 11 2 Ratna Sagar (Std. VI) Time, Space and People (Std. VI) 21 33 19 Oxford India The same pattern of dominance of male characters and figures can be found in all textbook in all units. The hidden message that this sends to the student can have a highly undesirable impact on the student (See the dominance of male images in figures 1 to 3) ! s \ '.i M. ilUJiN \ii H('Ni 1; \i A ! ( til i.:\ 122

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Fig. .? c The male charccters are shown in socially prestigious economically superior roles. Their roles signify power, decision making status and general dominance. The female roles shown are socially less significant, subordinative or supporting dependant and under 124 the dominance of male roles Doctors, engmeers, scientist, village head persons, headmasters and administrators are invariably men. School teachers , nurses, servants, road cleaners and various supporting staff are depicted as female. In some books even for stylistic representations. President, Primeminster and Governor are shown as males. (Figures 4 to 6)

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Fig. 4 Fig. 5

Fig. 6

The menial worker/ servant image of woman is projected prominently in the textbooks. (See figures 7 and 8) The visuals in the textbooks directly contnbute to the creation of an inappropriate and unjust image of women totally out of tune with contemporarv' realities and social progress. The visuals directly and indirectly create of reinforce the stereotyped concepts of gender roles. The textbooks in the lower classes have more visuals and consequently it is at this stage that the problem is more intense. 125

WATER SVPPLY IN RURAL AREAS

Hand pump VUiage well

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Fig. 7

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There are other visuals which highlight typical male- female boundaries and consequently traditional gender roles. The two visuals and corresponding textual materials illustrate this bias. (Figures 9 & 10) 126

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Fig. 9

F i^ .

The textual matenals and visuals here are quite explicit about roles expected for each gender. The female is expected to do economically productive work and the female is to support him through house keeping. 127

Another image projected through visuals in the text book (through fortunately very rare) IS the commercial film image of woman. This is displayed very prominently in one text book for primary classes. (Figure 11)

2.2 The textbooks in general focus on mainstream cultures, urban societies and financially affluent and numerically stronger sections. Society and social problems are viewed through this elitist angle in the all major areas. A typical example is given below.

Illiteracy and Ignorance Illiteracy and ignorance are slowing down progress in rural areas. For example. Ignorant villagers believe that diseases are a curse of the gods. They thus prefer to go to quacks and ojhas for treatment rather than to health centres. They are not aware that clean personal habits, clean surroundings and purified water are all essential for health They have to be educated about health care. For example, they have to be taught that water can be purified by filtration and by adding potassium permanganate and chlorine. Because of ignorance, villagers do not understand the importance of having a small family and continue to have many children. As a result, they find it difficult to properly feed, clothe and educate their children Ignorance prevents them from getting their children vaccmated and these children fall prey to diseases. Many villages are still ignorant of the fact that agricultural production can be mcreased by using good - quality seeds, fertilizers and pesticides. They do not understand the benefits of crop rotation, that is, it is possible to have a number of crops in a year by planting different crops at proper times Thus, education of villagers is essential for progress. p.98 History and Civics, Class 6 S.Mukherji, Bharati Bhaw^n Publishers 128

The shockingly elitist attitude towards niral societies, literacy and education, so explicitly stated here conveys to the student the ideas that “ illiteracy and ignorance” are self inflicted handicaps from which rural people can escape only through the grace of deliberate action by the educated urban people. The content and language of the above textual material downplays the economic and infrastructural aspects involved in rural - urban differences but virtually defines it on the basis of the difference between people who chose ignorance and people who chose enlightenment. A school textbook should be the last place where such an extremely distorted, partisan and irrationally elitist attitude finds a place. The above cited example is not an isolated one. In another textbook even caste system is explained as a feature of village life.

♦ “There is another kind of inequality existing in our villages. This is on the basis of caste. The society is divided into upper and lower castes. The lower castes are suppressed and denied many opportunities. Due to caste system people are not able to work together. Thus, a large portion of our population remains backward. This hinders the progress of our countrv .” ♦ “Banks are opening rural branches and giving loans to farmers as well as others. However, social evils like dowry still continue to create problems.” ♦ “Illiteracy results in ignorance and in turn leads to superstition. Villagers often oppose programmes that are meant to help them because of superstitious beliefs”. They do not even make use of medical facilities available at Pnmar>’ Health Centres. It is true that medical facilities available at village level are not adequate. However, even those that exist are not properly utilized.” Gems School History and Civics Std. 6 p 93 -94.

The tone and tenor of these textual materials violate the essence of a range of values that the social science texts are expected to teach.

2.3 While such explicit messages find a prominent place in certain topics, the same message is indirectly conveyed through visuals in all the textbooks in many topics Rural people are depicted as poorly dressed, undernounshed, doing manual work, and as those who need to be given information of education. The urban man and woman are depicted as well dressed, good looking, healthy persons with prominent symbols of education like pen or book. The Gram Sewak image used in textbooks is a typical case point. (Figures 11 to 13). A stylish and good-looking man or woman dressed in distinctly contemporary and urban clothes is shown as lectunng authoritatively to a group of men or women who wear old, dirty, out fashioned clothes and in general looking as if from a distant historical era. They are shown as passively (often disinterestedly) listening to the words of wisdom In one picture the villager is shown as receiving the Gram Sewak with hands folded in respect while the Gram Sevak is holding up his hand in an aggressive gesture of authority. It almost looks as if the villager is worshipping the Grama Sewak and he is 29 blessing the villager. In all such illustrations, the villagers have a very submissive look, sometimes with down cast eyes, as if they are ashamed of their ignorance.

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Fig. 13 Fig. 14 The rural - urban difference is highlighted in terms of the above characteristics m many visuals and written materials used for topics unrelated to this aspect. The following examples illustrate this. (Figures 14 to 17) 130

A small hut in a village A big house in a city

Fig. 15

Fig. 18 131

Urban, upper middle class images frequent the visuals in the textbooks. Some examples are given below

i i i r 7

Fig. 20

Fig. 21 132

2.4 Marginalized groups such as tribals and scheduled castes are marginalized into virtual non-existence by most of the textbooks. The textbook writevs seem oblivious to their existence and make no attempt to explain their position, role and problems in historical or contemporary- sense. Diversity is always explained in terms of geographical and linguistic diversity. Vedic religion and culture are given high prominence and explained as the core culture. The composite character of Indian culture is not explained by reference to these great streams in it. The rare instance of reference to them show them in unrealistic, museum piece images. The chapter on southern plateus in the textbook Discovering Our Country (N.K.Chowdhry) has the following picture in it, depicting dancing tribals.

Fig. 23

The author refers to tribals in a single sentence in the chapter. ‘‘A number of tribal people still inhabit the Bastar region”. 133

The message conveyed is unmistakable. Other than as museum pieces, the tnbal people do not deserve a place in textbooks. The presentation of the concept of common cultural heritage of India is attempted in all the textbooks through write-ups on different religions and regions. But by excluding the historical, anthropological and cultural aspects of tribals and other marginalised people, the textbooks fail to project the bionic composite character of Indian culture. An ehtist, biased, traditional and mainstream concept of Indian culture is presented through the textual material 2.5 In tune with the attitude and restrictive concepts of culture reflected through similar content selection, is the treatment of Dr Ambedkar. hi all the textbooks studied, Dr.B.R Ambedkar figures only as the chainnan of the drafting committee for the new constitution. His life’s work for social justice and development of oppressed people remains untouched. The social reform movements are not part of the content under social development of India and consequently Ambedkar has to be accommodated as a constitutional expert alone. Under social reform movements, Swami Vivekananda, Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Dayananda Saraswathi and Sir Sayyed Ahammed Khan figure prominently but not Dr.B.R. Ambedkar. This also reflects the distorted attitudes to the study of Indian culture and the influence of mainstream priorities in histonography 2.6 ♦ There are a number of instances of fects presented in a way that undermines the very concept of our historical hentage and distorts history “You will be surprised to know that our past was revealed to us by the efforts of a few Europeans in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries” (p.22 History and Civics for Class 6 S.Mukherji) The projection of western images as superior to our culture is not continued to text material. In some textbooks images drawn from westem culture are used as part of decorative lay-out. (See figures 23 to 27)

Fiff. 24 25 134

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Fig. 26 Fig. 27 Fig. 28

2.7 ♦ The projection of vedic culture as synonymous with Indian culture and history of a penod IS a general approach followed in all the textbooks studied. Vedic culture is presented as a uniform culture that spread all over India. Though Ramayana and Mahabharata are referred to in the sections on vedic age, the references made in these works about other people and cultures are not touched upon. The authors also make a very conscious effort to project the caste based social divisions originating from justifiable motives but degenerating into a social evil later. “In Vedic times, people were divided into four categones (vamas). The Brahmins taught and performed religious ceremonies. The Kshatriyas were the warriors. The projected the king and the kingdom from outside attacks. The Vaishyas were the traders. The artisans were the Shudras. One could move from one occupation to another. Centuries later many evils crept into the Hindu society. Some castes came to be regarded higher”. (Discovering our country, N.K.Chowdhry p. 122)

2.8 The treatment of different religions show a perceptible aim of transacting secular values. But other than bringing together an explanation of the basic principles of different religions and a bnef idea of ongin and spread of each, elaboration of the tenets in the background of the common culture, how their ideas have influenced Indian society, and how the religions have influenced one another are not examined. Other than outlining historical information, the authors of the textbooks have not explored the possibility for discussing the values that underlie the teachings of the religions and their contemporary relevance. Asoka’s conversion to Buddhism is also treated purely as historical fact. How the incidence is reflective of the power of the Buddhist teaching to overcome violence and war has been overlooked. Only when such ideas are explored and linked to contemporary situations can the message of secularism be transacted through the study of religions. The conventional format of combining descriptions of various religions into one unit cannot serve the aim of introducing the student to secular values. In 35

fact such type of organisation tend to take away the focus from the common legacy to the boundaries of mdividual religions. The same problem in a more intensified way when social reform movements aimed at obtaining justice for oppressed castes are dealt with in one book. (Social Studies H & C Publishing House). Truly great social reformers are presented merely as persons who worked for the progress of individual castes. The format adopted for the treatment of this topic actually highlights the differences and focuses on each caste as if a separate human species. The ultimate aim of studying caste based social reform movements in history is defeated by this approach. It is essential that similar topics should focus on sociological aspects more than on purely historical aspects 2.9 ♦ An out-moded and ineffective method of value education is followed in many textbooks through sections/ units on ‘great people of all time’. Short biographial sketches of great persons from different fields are included in these units. These selections show no underlying theme m most instances. The presentation of material actually takes aw'ay the persons from historical and social contexts, and downplays the concepts in social science they are supposed exemplify. The focus IS on personalities and not on social or histoncal processes. The a\m of value education underlying similar content material is thus not realized. 2.10 ♦ The general descriptive approach followed in presenting topics in histor>', civics and sociology leaves no room for transacting the value of scientific temper The students are given no opportunity to see how historical data is interpreted. For example all the textbooks describe the sources of historical information on the vedic period but no attempt is made to examine at least some examples of specific data in the sources and interpret them The sources are merely listed and a cursory’ description is given How the data has been used to generate the descnption remains out of the purv iew' of history learning, in a subject like history, where multiple interpretations are possible and data has to be linked to a interpretative framework to make it coherent, familiarising the student with this process is extremely important The scientific approach to history involving gathering and verifying data, logical interpretation, generating and evaluating explanations is to be familiarised and reinforced to realise the objective of cultivating scientific temper But this aspect has been totally ignored in the textbooks 2.U The language textbooks use biographical sketches of great people to serv e with language objectives and value education objectives. Except the direct teaching of values attempted in such pieces, the handling of values is quite problematic in the textbooks. A typical example can be seen in the translation of part of a story given m a 8th standard textbook

‘‘The young man said ‘Once I was a king. My wife was a very beautiful woman We lived with all royal pleasures, but my wife fell in love with my 136

gardener. I became extremely saddned by this, i beat him up and his limbs were paralyzed. He is lying immbobile in the garden house even now. Enraged by my action, my wife cursed me and my limbs were turned into iron limbs. My palace and capital were consumed by the sea and my subjects were turned into fishes. On hearing the story of the young man, the king went to the garden house and killed the gardener. He dressed himself in the gardener’s clothes and laid down on the cot. The queen mistook him for her lover and queried about his health. The King told her that the cries of the man with iron limbs troubles him so much that he cannot sleep. The queen poured magic potion on the young man and his limbs became normal. Then the king told her that the fishes of the sea do not give him peace of mind. The queen then turned them back to humans. Immediately the king killed her. The king then gave his daughter in marriage to the young man.”

(Lesson 8, Malayala Pathavaii, V.P.Devasia, Smile Books, Thrissur) This story not only violates all human values that is aimed through education but projects a host of inhuman values. The wrong concept of values and value education that lead many textbook writers is seen in an explicit way vn this example.

Ill Regulatory' mechanisms for textbooks

(a) The state has no direct mechanism for regulating the content or quality of textbooks used in schools not following the state curriculum (le. private schools not recognised by the state) (b) For the textbooks used under the state curriculum two regulatory mechanisms now function. The Kerala Education Act of 1958 provides for the constitution of the State Education Advisory Board. It is chaired by an eminent educationalist and includes 14 other members. The advisory board is reconstituted every three years. It is prescribed that the board meets atleast once in six months. The Education advisory board is expected to help the government formulate educational policies The board can, in effect, function as regulatory mechanism for textbooks. As the board is primarily an advisory body without mandatory powers, the Education Advisory Board has come to assume a position of less importance. The Curriculum Committee with Minister for Education as the Chairperson is the second regulatory mechanism that the state has. This body is not only the mandatory' authority to grant final approval for the books but is an effective regulatory' authority that involves in the process of textbook preparation through sub-committees. The sub­ committees include one or two curriculum committee members and subject experts and educational experts. Subcommittees are constituted for each subject. The sub­ committees examine each textbook with the help of SCERT faculty and teachers who took part in the textbook preparation process. The sub-committtees prepare a detailed guideline for changing the content and presentation of the textbooks The curriculum committee approves the textbook after the changes suggested are incorporated. 137

IV SUGGESTION

♦ The core components, values and cultural perspectives suggested in the NPE now remain as very general, broad and often fuzzy concepts. There is a need for defining, elaborating, describing and explaining these concepts for the benefit of teachers, curriculum developers and textbook writers. It is suggested that a document on core components and values may be brought out ♦ The analysis of how values and cultural perspectives are dealt with in social science and language textbooks of private publishers highlight the need for providing elaborate guidelines for textbook waters. It is important that the guidelines are not in the form of broad general suggestions. Practicable, precise and elaborate suggestions with examples are required. How the core components, values and cultural perspectives are to be translated into text content and activities is to be explained in detail Exemplar materials may also be prepared based on this ♦ A major reason for the scant attention paid to the concept and values and value education in social science is that the approach to teaching of social sciences itself IS flawed. The facts and chronology based approach to history, de-emphasising the social and human aspects cannot do justice to values. It is essential that a scientitvc and modem approach to teaching social sciences be developed and made popular. An approach where the student is able to examine how data is interpreted and where it is possible for the student to link data and knowledge to a number of situations in real life, to other subjects and the world around him/ her, is to be formulated for effectively transacting values through social science education ♦ Even when an effective pedagogic approach to teaching of Social Science has been formulated, some areas need further special attention. Areas like struggle for freedom, religions, cultural heritage and social reforms are at the same time themes of great importance and complexity as well. There is a need for formulating policies/ approaches to transact these areas. It is suggested that a policy framework for these areas, outlining the content that should go into the area, presentation formats, integration with other areas and subjects, and transaction strategies be developed. In the absence of such an approach framework, the treatment of these crucial areas may continue to follow the conventional models which diffuse the real spirit and values contained in them. ♦ It is to be ensured that textbooks followed in each state have adequate representation of regional history, society and culture. The guidelines for textbook preparation may include topics suggested for inclusion in social science textbooks of different states Post-script The most important source that can have an impact on the approaches, content and quality’ of the textbooks of private publishers are, in fact the textbooks of NCERT and SCERTs. It must be pointed out that textbooks of NCERT have serv ed as a poor role- model at least in this instance. The approach to gender equalit>' can be taken up as an illustrative example. As pointed out earlier in this report, most of the textbooks of private publishers abounds in images projecting the male as superior. But the worst example of 138 this approach can be seen in the textbook ‘Let’s Look Around and Learn’ (Environmental Studies, Class V) published by NCERT (authorised by Daljit Gupta, Manju Jain, V P.Srivastava and Dinesh Kumar). In this textbook, in the chapter on healthy living, the image of doctor to mean exclusively a male profession is conveyed through 8 illustrations within a space of 4 pages- see figures 28 to 35). It is important that NCERT should exemplify the core components and values through its own textbooks.

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• Dr.R avisankar S. N air 141

MADHYA PRADESH REPORT

Background and legal framework for determining the teaching learning content in Government and private schools in iVfadhya Pradesh:

Madhya Pradesh has over 90,000 Primary schools over 30,000 middle schools but just around 5000 high & higher secondary schools. The percentage of private schools is small though not negligible & growing at the Primary school level, but is nearly 30% at the middle school level and becomes over 50% at the high & higher secondary school level The private sector in school education includes both state board & CBSE schools affiliated schools (a fairly substantial number), ICSE affiliated schools are negligible while international boards like the International Baccalaureate are just making an entr>' into Madhya Pradesh, with a couple of schools in Indore & Bhopal trving to affiliate with It. In such a differentiated situation, different types of schools use different kinds of textbooks and learning materials and have different kinds of regulations and examination systems associated with them. Since the CBSE affiliated schools do not have any board exams before class 10, many of the private CBSE schools use different sets of books pubUshed by prwate publishers \\ke Onent Longman, Oxtord, MacmiWan, Frank Brothers etc. in the lower classes (up to class 5 or class 8) The government central schools use the NCERT books throughout classes 1 to 12 The Madhya Pradesh State Board affiliated schools, both government and private, are all supposed to use only the books produced by the State Government Education Department I e developed by the iMPSCERT & printed by the MP State Textbook Corporation This IS mandated by the MP Textbook Act. Even the books or magazines provided to the libraries are supposed to be approved by the State Government. But in actual practice, many private schools use books published by private agencies, either as supplementary materials or even as substitutes. These books have not gone through any process of government approval Many schools use private books along with the state government textbooks, others use them as substitutes, while still others use private publishers books only where government textbooks are not available for that particular subject at that level - for example environment studies for classes 1 & 2 or Moral Science, General Knowledge, drawing etc. The government schools use only government textbooks and no prescribed supplementary' materials. They, however, have libraries and the government has been enhancing library books through a process of selection The Madhya Pradesh Rajya Shiksha Kendra has been given the responsibilitv' through legislation to prepare the curriculum & textbooks for Primary & Middle schools. The Board of Secondary Education prepares the Secondary & Higher Secondary textbooks. While both are Government institutions of the State Education Department they have ver\ little coordination between them All Government textbooks are published by the M P State Textbook Corporation. The process of prescription is governed by an M P Textbook Act Under this Act there is a Textbook Standing Committee that whets the textbooks, recommends necessar>' changes & approves them for printing & publishing There is a clause for experimentation & 142 innovation - 7 (a) whereby the government if it so desires, can exempt certain schools from some or all provisions of this Act for the purposes of experimentation & innovation. It IS under this provision that Ekiavya’s Primary & middle a\school textbooks, including the Social Science textbooks, were developed & tried out. But the private publishers do not use this provision and operate only through the heads of the private schools Therefore, it is very difficult to ascertain a representative idea in such a widely differing situation. There is now a new Jan Shiksha Adhiniyam which has taken into its own ambit only the govemment run schools. However, it is said by the Jan Shiksha Kendra that the provisions of the Textbook Act still apply to all MP Board affiliated schools including private schools. The Government textbooks are the most widely used m the IVfP State Board affiliated schools Hence we have mainly reviewed the State Textbooks for the purposes of this exercise. It has been very difficult to get hold of supplementary books used by the Saraswati Shishu Mandirs - but we will comment on the few that we have. We have not been able to get our hands on the Madarsa books as yet. The Christian Missionarv Schools - particularly those affiliated to the CBSE, use either Oxford, Orient Longman, Macmillan, Frank Brothers or Ratna Sagar Publications. The Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan Public School network has a few schools in Madhya Pradesh. They have centralised their book prescription from the next session - they will be using Bhavan Prism books for the Primary classes, with Frank Brothers for Hmdi and NCERT books from class 6 onwards But we will not be looking at the CBSE affiliated schools in this note.

Outline of note: For the purposes of this brief note, we have looked at the MP Government textbooks in Hindi & English for classes 6'*’ to & Social Sciences for classes 6 to 8. We have also looked at some of the supplementary^ materials that some pnvate schools are using. W e were unable to analyse any private series that are being used in pnvate schools, as it was difficult to select such a sample because of the wide differences. Most pnvate schools affiliated to the M.P. Board do not use private publishers’ matenals at the middle school level We will also comment on some supplementary^ courses run by the Saraswati Shishu Mandirs & their materials and also some matenals that are distributed among the teachers of these schools. But the main focus of the note is the MP TBC books.

MPTBC books:

Hindi:

The class 6, 7 Hindi books have some interesting & sensitive pieces which are a small step towards equity & representation. These books were revised in the year 2000. For example, a fi-eedom struggle story - ‘Lahore mein Tiranga Phairaya’ - class 6 - talks of an aam sabha after namaaz where muslims & Hindus together take a vow to free the country. It shows the Maulvi also as part of the sabha, endorsing the vow' of freedom. The armed forces on the British are shown to be led by a Muslim Nawaab, so that it is not a communal divide that is shown. However, it is a Hindu Khushiram who is shown to be matyred. I'his by itself may not have been any cause for concern but for the two places where Khushiram is mentioned as saying ‘apne hindu sanskaron ko saakshi karke . . . ' & 143

‘us sankalp ko poora karunga jo ek hindu ne masjid mein baithkar liya tha.’ Both these are unnecessary & try to focus on a religious factor - which may or may not be actually taie. In another chapter, Shivaji is shown to be chivalrous to a muslim woman who has been brought as a prize of war by one of his soldiers. In so doing one Hindu is shown to be looking at a woman as a product - while the other shows respect to her There is some representation of women & girls but the dalits, tribals and Christians are not represented There are some stories where the poor are represented in some way. hi the story - “haar ki ieet’ a dacoit dressed as a poor man robs a sadhu of his horse - the sadhu is sad because if this incident becomes public no one would tnist the poor. In a sense this can be seen as an attempt to think about a stereo- t>'pe about the poor Another stor>' ‘apna sthan swayam banayiye’ a poor man is shown to come up through hard work & honesty. This can be seen as an idealisation of a stereoty'pe There is no questioning of the values of the rich or middle class. In tact whether it is Shivaji or Ashok rulmg class men are shown as ideals. Maharani Lakshmibai is the only woman who is shown as an ideal. There are women & girls in stories - but not set up as ideals equal to men. Also in a chapter like ‘Shishtachar’ middle class manners are promoted as ideal There are two problems with the chapter ‘Missile” in the class 7 Hindi book. One it legitimises violence as a form of solving border disputes - through the idea of readiness to retaliate The other is that it vdealvses a Uving human bemg - Dr. Ka\am There was earlier a tacit policy that living persons in whatever positions would not find a place in textbooks. ‘Heengwala’ a story by Subhadra Kumari Chauhan clearly & strongly questions the stereotype about Muslims - & shows a Muslim heengwala saving Hindu children in a not. Looking at the whole selection - it clearly represents an upper caste & class Hindu male perspective, but does not overtly have anything objectionable

English: There are two kinds of English textbooks - one for general English m Hindi medium schools & the other for special English in English medium schools. Though the stories poems & write ups in the general English books included in the lessons have improved along with the pedagogy, but these selections also represent upper caste & class urban perspective. One story based in a village shows the main character as lazy, thus reinforcing existing stereotypes of the village idiot. Some western stories like King Bruce & the Spider & After Twenty years (O.Henry) are included in the general English books There is a story on the conquest of Everest, Tenzing is as usual not highlighted, which could have been done, or better still there could have been a story on Bacchendn Pal instead. The Special English Books have most of the stories drawn from Western contexts - the Class 8 book has - Gulliver in Liliput, The Tempest, a story by HG Wells, an excerpt from Tom Sawyer, a story based in Holland, in fact even the story on Gandhi is based in South Africa. Most of these are from Classical literature and even assuming that the Special English series is read by urban children, the context is totally alien Also no social issues have been raised at all - not even the issue of race, which Gandhiji was enlmhtened about in South Africa. 144

Considering that the state government books are read by rural & urban poor children across the state, many of whom are from the dalit or tribal groups and poor girls and boys, there is very little that these children can relate to, understand or empathise with. This alienation causes many of them to drop out. Thus the language textbooks, while not being explicitly discriminatory, are quite strongly discriminatory in their omission ot major deprived social groups and major social issues We know that the constitution attempts to guarantee equality & equity', while social reality' is highly inequitable. Education can be a way of bringing this reality into discussion & reflection and through it move towards constitutional goals of a just & equitable society. Unfortunately, government education has shied away from this reality and in so doing perpetuated inequity. Social Science There does not seem to be anything objectionable m the Govemment Social Science books, but pedagogically they leave a lot to be desired as they are too full of information. The selection and treatment of information of course again reflects upper caste male biases - there are hardly any women in the subjects or pictures. Where there are pictures of girls, diey are stereotypical - there is a girl & boy shovvT! in school in the class 6 book - page 45 - in v^'hich the girl is sweeping while the girl sweeps the Hoor. There are no Dalits or tnbals, hardly any women, no element of Madhya Pradesh history or local characters Mostly Kings and their policies m the class 6“^ & 7“' books and male upper caste freedom fighters m class S the exception of Ambedkar, Jagjeevan Ram, Saifuddin Kitchlew & Barkatullah Bhopali, Madam Bhikaji Cama, Aruna Asaf All & Sarojim Naidu). While the Muslim League & the Hindu Mahasabha are mentioned as communal parties - there is no mention of the RSS In the Civics section, the fundamental right to equality is very weakly dealt with " Samaj mein samaanta rakhne ke liye chhuachhoot ko bhi apraadh hataya gaya hai\ (Italics mine) (In order establish equalitv' in society even untouchability^ is said to he a crime.)! Class 7. Caste and communalism have been dealt with as social evils m Class 8. It is at least acknowledged that ‘The weaker sections are still made victims of cruel and inhuman treatment' Similarly events of riots have been acknowledged. There is some mention of the fact that India & Pakistan are culturally very similar & there is a need for more people to people contact. Apart from these instances, no clear stance on equity and democracy comes through.

Thus in Social Sciences too the rural or urban poor child has very little to identify with This IS compounded by the tact that the language m Social Sciences is more abstract & generalised already alienating children.

-Anjali .Noronha 145

MAHARASHTRA REPORT

Note on procedures of approval of supplementary curriculum bemg implemented m BMC schools of Mumbai.

Various NGOs have been implementing sup piemen tai*y curriculum developed by them in BMC schools. These include the following:

• Vacha- workmg on gender issues with adolescent girls. • Pratham- project for literacy inputs for primary schools, • AvehiAbacus- Life skill enhancement programme. • Homi Bhabha Science Centre- Science and environment.

The procedure for approving the curriculum involves the organisations approaching the Education Department of Bombay Municipal Corporation The Research department or the Community Development Department then study the proposal and provide their consent. Most often the consent is provided considering the credentials of the organisations These departments are more concerned about the strategies ot implementation and inter personal relationships with the organisation than the finer po\nts or deta\\s of the project. 146

STDSUBJECT CHAPTER NO. PAGE NO. VIOLATION

I Marathi 1 1 Urban Bias (Language) Marathi 2 18 Urban Bias (Language) 3 21 Urban Bias 7 33 Urban Bias 2 18 Gender Bias 3 21 Gender Bias 7 33 Gender Bias 11 45 Gender Bias 14 53 4 24 19 63 29 94 Colour Bias

24 78 Pro rich bias

6 31 Communal bias 26 84 4 24 19 63 16 57 Nationalism bias National anthem 100 Nationalism bias

Source; Text Book Anaysis - Mr Prakash Burte 147

STD SUBJECTCHAPTER PAGE NO. VIOLATION NO.

I 11 Marathi Last Page Intelligence (Language) Reading bias (Picture)

Game Pledge Nationalism | bias i 1 7 21 Nationalism | bias 1 1 1 3 5 Colour bias | 8 26 Colour bias (Self study/activity)

1

5 11 Urban bias 11 35 Urban bias 19 (Self study / 75 Urban bias j activity) 5 11 Pro rich bias i

5 11 Gender bias 6 15 Gender bias Test Paper I 18 Gender bias 12 40 Gender bias i

Source : Text Book Anaysis - Mr. Prakash Burte 148

STD SUBJECT CHAPTER PAGE NO. VIOLATION NO.

III Marathi 2 9 Nationalism (Language) bias 5 19 Nationalism 1 1 bias 19 76 1 Ij

11 42 Intelligence j bias

11 42 Communal bias 19 76 Communal bias

Source ; Text Book Anaysis - Mr. Prakash Burte 149

STD SUBJECT CHAPTER PAGE NO. VIOLATION NO.

rv Marathi 4 All these (Language) chapters convey Nationalism | bias 1 i 5 ! ! ■ ...... 1! 1 10 ! 18 6 3 9 Anti Poor / Pro rich bias i (Dignity' of i Labour i.e. 'low quality' of work) 2 8 Gender Bias (Self Study) 4 15 Gender Bias History 1 Communal Bias 3 Communal Bias 3 & 7 9 Communal Bias

Source : Text Book Anaysis - Mr. Prakash Burte 150

STD SUBJECT CHAPTER PAGE NO. VIOLATION NO. 1

i V Marathi 3 High moralistic (Language) grounds or Nationalism Bias 6 10 16 17 1 8 1...... 1 ...... ■■ - 1 14 15 18 20 21

! ......

Source ; Text Book Anaysis - Mr. Prakash Burte

Ail the above mentioned biases violate the section 3.4 of NPE/1986/92 and section 8.5 (Cultural perspective and Value education) especially with regards to religious fanaticism 151

TEXTBOOK ANALYSIS

Urban Rural DifTerences:

Though majonty of Indian masses live in rural areas there is a large-scale migration to cities. The entire development in our country is centered on 'cities’ In showing the difference in urban and rural life style, the urban life is glamorized. In comparison there is very little mention about villages either through a small poem or a pr^is that talks about the 'harmftil effects of urbanisation'. The visuals/pictures displayed in the textbooks are mostly urban in nature. The rural context is brought out through nature and description of natural beauty. There is no comparative picture of tlie underprivileged class in urban and rural areas. The entire environment, life style and living conditions mentioned in the textbook reflect urban middle class living/lifestyle. There are hardly any references to the rural context in the History and Geography textbooks.

In CIVICS textbooks while making comparison between cities and villages solution to problems do not get a clear mention. 'Decentralization' as an issue does not receive any attention. Lack of amenities for leading a good life style (OaiCEa Oaan^/iaae), illiteracy, and blind faith are shown as the shortcomings of the villages. There is no mention of the problems faced by rural areas as a result of providing facilities to urban areas. The efforts undertaken by vanous people to create awareness with regards to science and technology, also does not receive any mention. Villages are mentioned as 'backward areas' in the Geography textbooks, without providing any reasons/clarifications. A picture is being portrayed that the Government is working towards/for rural development and lack of knowledge, illiteracy and poverty are listed as the hindrances/obstacles. This is to show as if these obstacles/hindrances have been created by the masses and government policies have not contributed to creating them anyway.

Environment:

Presently 'environment' is being taught as a separate subject. However separate textbooks for this subject are not available to provide instructions to the teachers. There is a lot of confusion in the minds of the teachers pertaining to teaching this subject. In this perspective it becomes essential to understand how the topic of 'environment' has been conceptualized in all the textbooks.

Languages

In the language textbooks right from std I the cover pages have visuals/pictures of various animals and plants/trees and flowers. Prose and poetry have several mentions of animals, birds, rivers, mountains, rain, flowers, sea, and forests. In several places it receives mention in the form of 'beauty of nature/natural beauty'. In some places/instances the natural beauty is compared to human beings. Lesson 3 of the II nd std text book has the description of scenic/natural beauty of villages. The relation between man and animals is conveyed in some places in the fomi of stories. Wliile some 152

poems convey the positive relationship between man and animals, others convey the conflicts (std ri- lesson 4, lesson 10, lesson 24).

The conflict receives mention in context where the animals 'harass’ humans who in turn 'cleverly' deal with them (for e.g. A elderly woman who kidnaps a fox, the cap seller who retrieves all his caps from a monkey). This practice of describing the wonders of nature is continued in the higher-class textbooks. Some times the linkages are drawn between nature and human sorrow (std VI the poem on water, etc). In some instances the surroundings and environment are described through essays. These essays largely convey the reflections of human emotions m nature or information about issues like' precautions to be taken in event of natural disasters like earthquakes'. The lesson 'Urja Rani' for std VI refers to energy in the perspective of sustainable development.

Lesson 1 of std Vlll establishes linkages between patriotism and cleanliness, afforestation. Lesson 11 conveys importance of trees while lesson 18 brings forth two opposing forms of nature and human perseverance/tenacity to surv ive against odds. The subject environment is referred to m Hindi and English textbooks through descriptions about the nature and its beauty Lesson 12 of std VIII speaks of 'The destruction of environment by humans’. Lesson 2 of the Hindi textbook (std IX) has comparisons made between man, animals, and trees, while lesson 4 is about hunting (A Hunt).

The IX std English textbook has a separate section on Environment which has contents regarding ‘environment conservation’. It also has information about birds and Mr Salim Ali (Ornithologist) (page no 82, 85, 95, 98). The English textbook of sd X has reference to Agricultural experts (pg 77), Sanctuaries (Pg 91), migration of birds (pg 151). The story on pg 158 has imitation of a bird's voice (help, help). There is also an essay on the same. However there has been no attempt to create sensitivity' about environmental issues. There is regret for an opportunity lost.

In std VIII the content related to environment m the form of information on Cuckoo bird (pgl), Antartica (pg 95). In addition there is description of nature (a Leaf) a poem which conveys a fearful introduction of a crocodile (pg 140) and Bambi the story of a deer’s foal (pg 21). ‘King’s new palace’ conveys the change of heart of a king who is felling trees to build his palace. Other than this there is no conscious attempt to create sensitivity about environment. In fact there is a lot of literature available about the inter-relationship between humans and environment. Therefore it is easily possible to translate this literature for children

Science: In std I and II, the textbooks on ‘Environmental Studies’ has a section on ‘Our Surroundings’ which discusses physical and other components like, plant and animal life, water, air, earth, food, energy The introduction says ‘we are a part of the nature and surroundings and therefore we should take care that we do not destroy the web of life’ The expectation is that this thought should be stressed on the minds of the children. The core concept of the mfomiation provided in these books is ‘cleanliness’. This includes suggestions regarding cutting nails, taking bath, washing hands, and feet etc. However the information does not focus on the actual problems of hygiene faced by children of 153 this age (e.g. lice, scabies, worms etc.) or the precautions to be taken for the same. The lesson ‘our home’ initially talks of vanous animal shelters, a sparrow’s nest, a tiger’s cave, and the hollow of a mouse. Later there is reference to a tent, hut, a chawl, a bungalow, and a skyscraper. This helps m putting forth the idea that just like animals there are different kinds of natural human homes. In ‘The world of animals’ there is no mention of ‘human being’ as an animal. The important message that is given to the children is that domesticated animals are important only for their ‘use’, while the ‘wild animals’ add to the beauty of the jungles. The information provided on 'Trees’ is in two parts ‘about trees’ and their ‘benefits’. The relationship between ram and trees has no mention. Instead of looking at the inter-relationship between various constituents, each of the later has been viewed separately. In this context how will the objective described in the introduction i.e. ‘We are a part of the environment’ be achieved?

The cover page of the textbooks for std III to std VU seems to includes visuals/pictures of children and other constituents of the environment (sun, clouds, river, animals, birds etc). In the III rd std textbooks the information in earlier books has been repeated and so have the mistakes. However this book has information on lice, worms etc. There is more information on nutritious diet, hygiene (clean habits). Further information on various animal shelters, their eating habits, food intake, movements, types of plants and their parts IS also provided. This is conveyed on most occasions as a sermon/advice. There is no attempt to encourage exploring more information and building the connections from the same.

In the IVth std science textbooks the information on plants and animals has been provided in the context of ‘uses’. In the lesson on ‘features of soil’ mentions that chemical fertilizers should/can be used in ‘proper quantities'. The next lesson on ‘Improved methods of farming/agriculture’ endorses the use of ‘good quality grain’ and spraying chemical insecticides to protect crops and in the storage of grains. The lesson on ‘energy’ mentions the need to cautiously use the traditional sources of energy and ftirther elaborates on various articles which can run on solar energy. The lesson on ‘Environment and Social Health’ in std V textbook has information exclusively on ‘environmental cleanliness’ or keeping the surroundings clean.

In the context of social health and environment, noise pollution, vehicles, smoke released by industries does not receive any mention. The only emphasis is on ‘waste’ and its disposal. In the lesson on ‘soil degradation’, population control and increasing yield per acre are suggested solutions which have been highlighted in a box. There is also some information on ‘tree plantation’ etc. The lesson on ‘natural resources’ does not highlight the need to ‘receive’ and ‘give back’ to nature, instead focuses on how the natural resources are used and advice that ‘these limited resources should be used miserly’.

The lesson on ‘energy crisis’ in std V is a repeat of lessons of std IV textbook. The fact/aspect about the need for the miserly/judicious use of energy resources and the prioritization regarding use of energy is not highlighted. The infomiation provided in the textbooks of std VII to std X is mostly factual. The later part of the lesson focuses on social issues pertaining to specific constituents of the environment. (E g Air and Air 154

Pollution, Water and Water Pollution). Several times in these lessons, pollution is solely attributed to population explosion. While pollution caused by industries is mentioned in few sections, some part of the same lesson or other lessons of the same textbook draw connection between Industnalisation and ‘Progress’. How should the students and teachers face this duality? One of the reasons mentioned for soil and water pollution is ‘the indiscriminate use of chemical fertilisers’. But how does one decide the right amount of chemical fertilizer to be used?

The science textbooks of std VIII to std X have a number of visuals of big industries, dams. Atomic energy, laboratory instruments. The content in the books also gets more and more factual. The three lessons of std VUI textbook on ‘Man and other living beings’, ‘Natural resources’ and ‘Saving Energy’ refer to the environmental concepts. As earlier in this textbook one gets the idea that ‘Man’ is at the centre of the entire environment. The same applies to the impressions regarding energy. For the first time ‘War’ is cited as a reason for destruction of natural resources. There also seems to be an impression conveyed regarding luxuries. The lesson ‘working World’ of std IX conveys about the human and technological aspects in detail. There is a clear cut stand which claims that technology has made human life easier. Various reasons and examples of pollution have been cited. However the final conclusion is that science and technology can be of use for the welfare of the society. Nowhere does any explanation appear as to what judicious use exactly means? The analysis regarding which group in society receives real benefits fi^om technology, the one that suffers losses and reasons for the same, has been avoided. In std X the dangers related to Atomic energy are mentioned. Part II of the textbook has a lesson on pollution. There is no new perspective with reference to social health. The lessons on Biosphere and Biochemical cycle do not explain the direct relation between natural cycles and pollution. There is some thought of ‘environmental balance’ in ‘use of recycled material’.

Thus ‘Environment’ is referred to in textbooks for std I to std X through the following concepts- I) Cleanliness 2) Use of energy 3) Information regarding animals and plants. The controversial issues regarding the harmful effects of ‘Development’ have mostly been avoided. An in depth analysis of the situation and the need for a specific perspective has been completely ignored. Therefore there is greater possibility of creating confusion in the minds of children.

Geosraphy: Separate books are available for this subject fi-om std IH onwards. The std III textbooks include information on various forms of earth, weather conditions, etc. Page 25 refers to the importance of forests and social forestry. While making special reference to Mumbai district, the concept of pollution is mentioned along with the information that ‘The government is taking efforts to reduce pollution’. In std IV information regarding Natural resources, weather conditions, types of soil water supply, crops, Industnes in Maharashtra has been provided. There is no attempt to explain the environmental perspective. Textbooks refer to ‘Indian Geography’ in std V, ‘Our Neighbors’ in std VI, and information regarding other countries in std VII. These three books do not refer to the issue o f‘environment’ separately. The visuals on the cover pages of the textbooks are of tractors, industries, electricity transmission lines, dams, lakes, along with animals, beach. 155 desert, and jungles. The entire content is information based. The concepts of environmental protection and preservation have not been linked. Environmental concerns/issues receive attention from the VIII th std onwards (lesson 10 and 14). Lessons 5 and 9 have references to Environmental degradation. In lesson 7 there is an attempt to establish a direct relationship between population and environment. The std X textbooks have information regarding developing water resources

(pg 19), soil erosion and conservation (pg 22, 23), forest resources (lesson 6) and water management (pg 34) There is very little mention of non-conventional energy resources. There is reference to Industries and economic class but no discussion about environment. Obviously there is not even an attempt to develop a perspective.

Economic Disparities

There is a need to sensitise students about various social issues. The biggest problem in our country is the increasing gap of economic disparities. It is essential to see how the perspective, reasons and solutions to this issue have been discussed m the textbook. In India for years together the Right to Education has been restncted to a specific class and caste group. It is essential that with time education reaches out to/is available to all the classes and the later are represetvted \n the textbooks. If the books are atvalysed m this perspective then the following observations can be made:

Laneuases: The textbooks of std I to std IV have many visuals along with words. Though the contents are applicable to all sections of society, the visuals display an urban middle class living This assessment can be made on the basis of the condition of the houses, the appliances (lampshades, refrigerator, washbasins, cupboards, and other household articles) and clothes worn by the people. The same is true for the visuals portraying rural areas. The lessons in the textbooks of the higher classes do not have specific reference to the economic background. The lessons where in the central character belongs to lower socio economic background are very few. A character from poor background is portrayed as sad, pitiful, helpless, illiterate (e.g. lessons like ^Viajae, "^nia0 ai¥ aae E a0/4aae. ,aaja¥Me, V2a a 0an V2M 0 nA laaUa^Aa , m which there IS a father who cannot afford dowry, a gypsy family in the story "JaSOaA|a’, the depressed poor farmer in ‘EaaEa aaI>a(EaEa’). There are very few examples portrayed of people who fight against economic disparities, their perseverance, their success (a boy who sells newspapers and also goes to school in the lesson ‘VSafaajaEan t>aaa^¥afi’ in std VI textbook, the washer widow in the stoiy ‘aafa£aaA A ’ of std DC, and the lesson A r ‘Vzaae ♦aaEa1[y4aaI>y4M laaaCiiia •aa|aan’ where a poor boy goes to school and the worker in the poem by poet Narayan Surve (std VI, lesson IX). The driver who does not bow before the village chief The portrayal of the exploited section is brought forth through the efforts of social work for them.(std VI ‘^nla0ai¥aae Ea0 V2aae’, std X has a poem which prays for an end to the poverty of the oppressed, and also mocks at the disparities). The Hindi textbooks often refer to sorrow, pity, and helplessness while portraying the oppressed, [e.g. A poor man with high values (lesson 20, std VH), a beggars biography (lesson 10, std VTH), a selfish son and poor parents (lesson 13), a poor 156 farmer and a money lender (lesson 17), a poor man being charged with robbery (lesson 4, std X) In the lesson 7 of std VUI textbook a situation where poor farmers came together to initiate cooperative farmmg has been mentioned. The visuals in English textbooks on most occasions portray a higher middle class standard of living. The choice of lessons is that there are hardly any characters belonging to the oppressed class (eg Std VIII-Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, std DC lesson 3- a boy who does boot polish). There were no lessons, which portrayed the friendship between two different classes of individuals.

Social Sciences:

History I It begins with the 'Human Story’ from std HI. The history is about development made by man from the Stone Age in various stages i.e. Agriculture, use of metals, fire, discovery of wheel etc. The concept o f‘Individual Assets' is introduced in two lines in the stage-describing discovery of agnculture, beginning of human settlements, and an end of a wandering life. However there is no explanation about the initiation of disparities and slavery from the same concept. The std IV textbooks describes the period of Shivaji's rule The whole book has description about the valour of the hero and his associates/colleagues. There is mention of looting and harassment by Muslimn rulers. There is no reference to the difference in the living conditions of the common people and the Sardars. There is mention of Shivaji introducing a system for farmers to pay a specific amount of agncultural tax, in cash. He tried to put an end to the mindless exploitation of farmers by the Jagirdars while collecting land revenue. Other than this mention of efforts to reduce the possibilities of exploitation there is no information regarding the economic disparities. The std V textbook has description of the period from the arrival of British ir India till the Independence struggle. This refers to how the British were responsible fo’ putting an end to Indian Industnes, and prospenty. One of the sections introduce? Indian/foreign intellectuals who worked to remove social disparities. While introducim Gautam Buddha there is a line about the existance of social disparities, and castt discrimination. This can lead to the belief that ‘Disparity’ is restricted to caste system References about economic issues have been avoided. Spartaka’s fight against slavery i; mentioned. While introducing Karl Marx his thoughts and ideas about freeing the societ^ from exploitation have been put forth.

In the first lesson of std VI textbook while referring to the ‘need for History’, its utility ii understanding the linkages between ‘past and present’ has been mentioned. Howevff none of the textbooks (std 1st to Xth) refer to the analysis by linking the past and th3 present.

In lesson 8 which describes the economic system during the Vedic times, mentions thit ‘farmers provided others with grains, after keeping aside a stock for themselves. The rici money lenders were involved in the business of providing loans. However there is ro explanation about why people became poor or rich. The reason why people became s) poor which forced them to take loans cannot be found. Here too the connection wih present has not been provided. There are no references to the economic system vvhie describing the society that existed during the period 300 B.C to 300 A.D. There ae 157 references to building of General Hospitals, Lodging and Boarding, and Water tanks dunng the Wardhan rule from 570 A.D to 647 A.D.

The information we get is King Harshavardhan would distribute his wealth to people every five years. There are many references to the existence of disparities due to the caste system. However how these were linked with the economic system cannot be understood at any point. In std VUI there is information about middle ages. While describing the ‘economic system’ during various periods, there is reference to trade of different kind of goods, and production of some goods. But the kind of differences in economic conditions and the reasons are not mentioned. While describing the period from 1500 A.D to 1750 A D, there is general reference to existence o f‘three economic classes during the Mughal period. The first were the Royalties, the rich Amir Umrav’s etc, the second were the Businessmen, the small land holders, while the third included farmers, artisans who lived in poor living conditions. But there are no questions based on this in the Self Study section. The next lesson is on Maharashtra’s History. In this context it is mentioned that before Shivaji’s birth poor farmers were exploited by the Maratha Sardars employed by the Nizam Shah and Adil Shah, and the political rulers. In the higher classes there is detailed description of the same era or period. This included references to feudalism. Colonization, etc. The lesson on ‘French Revolution’ has detailed references to class struggle. In the lesson on ‘Capitalism and Industrial Revolution’, positive adjectives like ‘progress in Industrial Development’ have been used. While mentioning the effects of revolution, the increasing disparities between rich and poor countries receive reference. A detailed account/description of the riches acquired by the European countries is also provided. In the same paragraph 'the problems created by urbanisation’ have been described and 'Development of interior areas lid to a balanced development', these two self contradictory statements have been mentioned together.

In the lesson on "Russian Revolutions' the cause effect relationship between the economic disparities m Russia and the uprising by the farmers and workers is given. There is a separate section on Marx & Angels Social ideology. The Xth std. book has the story of Independence struggle. There are several references to the economic loss suffered by the country due to the English attack, and the word 'Disparity' has been used only m the context of caste system. In post Independent India the issues of constitution. Refuges, and princely states one mentioned however the new economic policy has no mention.

All the Civics text books have information about the Constitution, Panchayat, Municipal Corporation, State Government etc. In the lesson on 'Economic and Social Development Programmes' of std. VI text book, the need for planning in economic development has been highlighted. The formulation of five year plans in this context by the Govemment is also mentioned. Along with this there are visuals of dams, industries and a farmer driving a tractor. Importance of the Cooperative movement has been described in the context of removing economic disparities. In the lesson 'National Unity' of std IX text book 'Economic prosperity' is mentioned as the main goal/objective. 'Socialism' has been referred to in National objectives. This is a movement against economic disparities and exploitation and it is said that India endorses this philosophy. However there is no 158 analysis of the hindrances /obstructs in achieving this philosophy. In listing religion, castes, languages as the impediments in National unity there is no mention of 'economic disparity’ which is the main factor in the division of society.

By providing a background, poverty, unemployment, inflation & increasing population have been put forth as major issues. It is said that though production increased, there was no equal distribution of income and therefore the failure in poverty alleviation. There is a prominent statement regarding the relationship between unemployment and increasing population. The solution suggested is availability of access to local level employment in rural areas. There are no comparative statistics between pre and post independence scenario or with that of other countries, in all these factors. A question arises about the basis of the statements made in the text book. There might be a fear that if the comparative situation is presented then the statements made in the text books, may become weak in terms of logic. In the efforts towards economic development Green revolution and Big industries seem to have been giveri more importance. The areas which have less number of factories /industries have been termed as 'Backward areas'.

In addition, there is no explanation as to how the earlier suggested solution i.e. equitable distribution of income can be implemented.

Geosraphv: On the cover and last pages of the geography textbooks of Std. Ill, IV, and V visuals of urban environment, technology, big dams and industnes have been commonl> used. The third standard text book has description about various aspects of'Mumbai' city In context of the social life, industries and business, the difference in the living conditions of the poor and the rich of the city receives mention whatsoever. 'In spite of the difference in living conditions we are all brothers’, are the kind of polished statements mentioned in many places.

'Pollution' is mentioned as one of the ill effects of Industrialization. However there is nc mention of increasing slums. Only tourist places are referred to in the lesson oi 'Important and picnic places of the city’ has references to only the tourist places. There u no mention of 'Dharavi' the biggest slum in Ana. There are similar references in the textbooks about Maharashtra & India (IVth, Vth). In std. VI, there is introduction to neighboring countnes. The term *Developed' has been used while referring to tht America and European countries, which have a number of Industries and Businesses. Tht effects of deforestation in the Amazon Valley have been mentioned but thi environmental effects due to increasing industries in other countries have not beei mentioned. However 'improved living conditions' have been consciously brought U attention. While referring to the African continent in std VII the following informatioi has been given 'These countries are less economically developed and the development cf industries has been restricted to a few areas'. Adjectives like - wealthy, Developec, Industrial development, powerful etc. have been used, while introducing countries lik3 Germany, America, Great Britain and European Countries. It has been suggested thct there is a close relationship between increasing industries, business and economc development. 59

There is a claim in all text books that 'Poverty' is a problem. The ‘gap’ between the rich and the poor is not given any importance. Therefore there is no analytical perspective in finding the reasons for disparities and the solutions. Population has become the sole reason for all problems. In spite of the opportunity available to discuss the economic disparities at world level in the lesson on 'Trade' in the Xth std book, it has not been utilized There seems to be no effort to analyse the complete information or introduce exercises which encourage this process. There is no encouragement provided in building a thought process, while introducing vanous problems facing the country and what can be done about them or what can we do about it. By initially teaching pre independence History, the later penod is pictunsed as ‘of complete well being’ or a ‘step towards development’. There are repeated references to the work done by various government institutions. However in reality when these institutions do not undertake this work - what can be done? There are no solutions suggested or there is no comparative thought about the actual Situation or reference to the short comings. 'In spite of the limitations like illiteracy, ignorance, casteism, poverty, corruption etc, Panchayati raj in the rural areas has no-doubt undertaken successfully the task of economic Development’. This instead is the consoling statement made in the paragraph which evaluates Panchayat Raj m lesson 6 of std X Poverty, Casteism, Corruption and Illiteracy are obstacles in the path to development, is a belief that has been created. In fact, these are indicators for evaluating Development. If these problems exist, then on what basis can it be said that there is 'Development'? The only solution mentioned is that the government can appoint an administrator if these institutions are ineffective.

Sciences

It IS difficult to obviously make a conclusion about the economic background of the people shown in visuals of the science text books. However the background of the visuals displayed in the text books of 1st and Ilnd Std, (Household furniture, type of houses etc.) looks urban middleclass. The attire too seems mostly of urban type. There are few visuals which have a rural background. The visuals referring to energy are concerned with vehicles and industries. The alternatives to energy crises are mentioned as Biogas, solar cookers which can be used on a smaller scale. In addition, it has been mentioned while describing Natural resources that they have to be used miserly. However information regarding who uses these resources more? How much is spent on what? and who suffers the most losses? and the related social consequences are not mentioned. The language used in all the books is complex compared to the commonly used language. There is doubt as to how many schools would have instruments shown in the pictures in the book. Along with geography the presentation in science book also conveys 'population' as the biggest problem.

While teaching science the expectation is that factual information source is linked with social aspects. The introduction does refer to this objective; however in most places there seems to be only factual information.

While building linkages between social realities and scientific information, the entire, true information about the present situation has not been presented. E.g. Noise pollution 160

(Std. Vll, Lesson VIII), judicious use of energy (std. VII, Lesson 9) Air pollution (std. Vn, Lesson 13) in most of these examples the increasing population has been held responsible. In reality air and noise pollution is due to increasing vehicles, the specific class of people who can afford their private cars, and is also related to the government policy of the public transport system. However these references have been avoided In the section on 'Diet', the kind of diet for healthy living, the need for different components, their composition the requirement for more calories after physical work is mentioned. How^ever none of the books analyse whether this is possible and if not why? There is simultaneous mention of pollution due to industnes reference to development and progress through increasing industries. The need for judicious use of technology is taught. But the cumculum does not refer to who decide the judicious use and how“j^ And who does not follow the decision and why? Thus there is no encouragement and opportunity for an-in-depth thought about the reasons, efforts and solution for disparities. In stead wrong ideas about disparities may be formed. The perspective that when the resources and wealth gets centralised with a specific class (few in no) it leads to poverty; IS not formed. The economically weak class (exploited section) is large. But they seem to be receiving less representation. In this situation there are doubts as to how the students from the economically weaker sections would closely identify with the educational curriculum and how would their self image be fonned.

Religion

The social institution of Religion has special importance in the Indian context. People following different religions of the world reside m our country. On various occasions this diversity has also led to conflicts. In the context of increasing Religious fundamentalism all over the world an attempt has been made to address/explore the following questions.

How is the concept o f ’Religion' presented in school textbooks'!^

In this context how has the understanding - misunderstanding in the society affected the choice of lessons in the textbook?

Have all the religions received representation in the books as per their numbers in tht society'!^

How have conflicts related to religious issues been portrayed?

These would have an important impact on the up bringing of students.

Languages

The social web has been presented in the language text books through fictional literatui? Marathi as a language is taught to students right from the 1st std. Visuals are as importait as words in text books till the IVth std. People belonging to different religions have beei 161 shown wearing specific attire (e.g. Sikh turban, Mushmn-cap, and beard). However these text books do not have characters portraying different reUgions. Neither is their diversity m the names of individuals belonging to a religion. Not a single non-Hindu name can be identified in the

1st and llnd std text books. The Marathi text book of std. VIII has 33 lessons. Other then 'N V.Tilak' there is no other non-Hindu author of the lessons. There is no reference to his conversion in the author’s introduction. The characters in all the lessons are Hindu. There are several reference to Hindu gods and goddesses in the poetry section (e.g.I, 2,14) Thoughts against caste and communal divide have been presented in the poem ' ’aa¥a^aaii/A’ by poet Yashwant. The poem ' ’/ 2aAaY°aa¥aa' by Madhav Julian refers to Shivaji’s secularism as well as his love for religion. None of the non-Hindu writers are featured in the IXth std textbook. There are no religious references in the prose section. Lessons I to 5 of the poetry section have devotional songs of Hindu saints Lesson 6 has Shrikrishna's description There are no non-Hindu writers m the Xth std textbook Prose lesson 1 has reference to Rukmmi’s swayamvara. There are references to Shnkrishiia m lesson no 4 and 5 of the prose section. How can the Marathi speaking from other religions feel close to diese repeated references'^ Other religious characters do not receive any mention except Buddha (lesson 10, page 16).

The Hindi textbook of std VIE has only Hindu authors. There are several references to Hindu gods and goddesses (e.g. pg 17- Vishnu, Narad, Saraswati, pg 44-Shankar and Parvati). In lesson 2 the prominent character is ‘Khan’ a Muslimn man. In the English textbook of std VIll there are 20 Hindu characters, as against 9 non Hindu characters. There are no references to secularism.

The Hindi textbook of std DC has neither non-Hindu authors nor any non-Hindu characters. In lesson 7 Shivaji’s qualities of secularism and respect for women have been described Lesson9 has description of Diwali- a Hindu festival. There are 2 non Hindu characters in the English textbook.

There are no positive or negative references to religion elsewhere in the textbooks ‘David’ is a non Hindu character in the prose section o f std X. In lesson 8, the importance of being an Indian beyond religious boundaries is highlighted. The value of humanity has been given importance in the poetry section (lesson 5). The English textbook has 6 Hindu and non-Hindu writers each and 3 non Hindu characters.

Social Sciences

History- The subject History starts in std Cl with the book on ‘Man’s History’. It is mentioned that during the prehistoric period man was unable to understand the forces of nature and thus he started worshipping them (pg 30). This is followed by a section on Shivaji to be studied in std IV as part of Maharashtra’s History. There are several references to Shivaji’s secularism. Similarly earlier there is a background created with mention of the oppression by Adilshah and Nizamshah. The state formed by Shivaji is referred to as ‘Hindu Swarajya’. Lesson 2 introduces the work done by Saints against the 162 concept of religious superiority and infenority. However in the last part while summarising there is a statement ‘The respect for religion increased due to the work of saints’. This has completely changed the perspective of the lesson. Further in the textbook there are repeated references of Mughal Kings in ternis of battles, use of force, oppression, and cheating.

There are references to faith and religious ceremonies in the context of Shivaji’s efforts to build swaraj e.g. Shivaji’s vow for swaraj in the temple, the blessings of goddess Bhavani, and the description of his swearing in ceremony. There is no explanation as to why there was no fight against Kutubshah of Golconda. There is continuous reference to 'foreign enemy\ It is mentioned that ‘Shivaji had many Muslims working for him ‘but they were all loyal to swaraj’. The second statement reflects a biased impression. By relating Histor>^ in this manner it will be difficult to build friendship/ cordial relationship between Hindu and Muslim students. The civics section of this book mentions that the National goal is that there should be ho religion based discrimination and ever\'body has a right to practice to their o\mi religion. To encourage brotherhood is another goal. The contradictions expressed in this single book are striking. Page 1 of std V textbook introduces Gautam Buddha as a believer of freedom. However a clear concept about "Buddhism’ being a separate religion is not mentioned. The lesson '^alM aaIa[>aaA ^aMIa 00>ae’ (New thoughts. New views) introduces the work done by various leaders against harmful religious practices References to Muslim leaders, who were a part of the freedom struggle, are rare. The creation of Pakistan has been presented as a bad event. Religion has been acknowledged in term of India’s diversity, but there is no mention of Muslim influence in Indian arts. Examples of contluence of Hindu and Muslim styles are not cited. Similarly there is no mention of Grothic, Roman st> led buildings (pg 86) in two lines. But the influence on attire and language receives no mention.

In std VI there is a re look at stone age, Haddappa, and Vedic ages. Here the increased importance of religious practices and discrimination is referred to. ‘Jainism and Buddhism’ have been referred to as ‘religions’ (lesson 10). While speaking o f‘Mahavir’ as the24th Tirthankar of Jain religion, there are no details of formation of the Jam religion. The descnption of India during the Maurya dyanasty (lesson 12) mentions that Chandragupta embraced/accepted the Jain religion at the time of his death. His grandsoa Ashok worked at spreading Buddhism. During this period idol worship was introduced in the Vedic religion. In this changing scenario there is no reference to the occurrence cf religious conflict or dialogue. While mentioning that the Hindus (Vedic religion) bui t temples for idol worship, there is no reference to the taking over of Jain temples.

It is mentioned that ‘there was no difference in the traditional life style of the people. Lesson 7 ‘cultural development’ describes the influence of Turkey and Central Asia oa different aspects of culture (Architecture, Painting, Music, Dance, Literature etc). The important contribution made by Bhakti sampraday and influence of the Sufi sect which led to a closer relationship between Hindu and Muslims (pg 39). There are following references to religion- Akbar’s secular and progressive religious policy (pg 51), the 163 influence of superstition on the Indian society dunng the Mughal period (pg 66), Shivaji’s religious secularism.

In Std Vll there is reference to the Religious Reform Movement related to Christian religion in Europe (pg 2), the mter-relationship between religion and social disparities in France. Lesson 8, pg 5 1 ‘Indian Renaissance’ refers to the work done by social reformers against the hatred due to religious influence. Lesson 11 has a paragraph of information about Dalit movements, against untouchability. The same lesson claims that the aggressive communal feelings created by Muslim league led to partition. Later there are references to religion in the context of Gandhiji’s assasination.

The History for std IX again starts with pre Historic era. As earlier there are references to the religious concepts of Jainism, Buddhism, and Aryanism (pg 22), and the religious reform movement in Europe (pg 64).

In the Xth std textbooks, the information regarding social reforms (pg 46-50) has been repeated as in std Vlll, as is the responsibility for partition attributed to the Muslim league (pg 110). On page 115, secularism has been mentioned as a special feature of the constitution.

Civics. There are repeated references to religion through secularism, freedom to follow own religion (std VII, X), Religious tolerance for National unity [std EX (25,30-31), std VH1(27,48), std X (page 59)]

Caste Discrimination

Caste system can be termed as a unique feature for our country . People belonging to the Hindu religion are divided on the basis of castes, which also decide their status in society. People who have embraced the Muslim, Christian, and Buddhist religion for many years still proudly refer to their earlier castes.

The reference to caste discrimination in our textbooks is made in Histor\" textbooks about how this practice came into being, and in Civics about the problems of scheduled castes and tribes and the concessions given to them. The movement against the caste system is mentioned in History. On various occasions the word ‘Disparity’ is mentioned along with references to caste system. However there is no explanation about the relationship between economic dispanties and caste system

Similarly the origins of caste system are attributed to the Varna system and therefore it seems that caste system has received religious recognition.

There is a large scale feeling amongst students that caste system is limited to occupational/vocational differences. The linked aspects of unequal opportunities and economic disparities are ignored. ‘Caste-tnbes’ is a joint word and hence invariably the 164 need to think about the concept of tribes is ignored. This leads to creation and reinforcement of misunderstandings like Adivasi tribes were a part of the Hindu caste system. Ambedkar mitiated the Daiit movement while Gandhiji has presented a specific perspective about Dalits. The analysis regarding the difference in these two perspectives is never done. The language textbooks lack a perspective regarding caste discrimination. So also there is no presentation of incidents which show crossing of caste divides. There is no special mention/reference to the Dalit background of authors. So also there is no portrayal of Dalit characters. Instead efforts have been taken to avoid reference to their caste, while portraying various characters. There are repeated references that ‘caste division’ is a factor responsible for societal division. However is ignoring the fact that caste division’ is a social reality, the solution to this problem'^’ Dalit literature has greatly contributed to Marathi literature, m spite of this there are only 12 lessons related to Dalit literature in the Marathi textbook. There are few Dalit characters in the writings of non Dalit writers. If a few are mentioned the emphasis is on their ‘pitiful’ situation. There are chances that this will have a negative impact on the self-image of Dalit students and their relationship with other students.

Gender Equity:

It IS said that, ‘Gender equity’ should be an important value indicator in our Education policy. It is believed that one of the.important objectives of Education is improving the social status of women and putting an end to the traditional injustice against women. In spite of this, the status of women in our country cannot be termed as satisfactory/hopeful. Right from the basic level of literacy to higher education, women get very less opportunities at all levels. The reason is the secondary status given to women in society in various fields as much as the non portrayal of positive and motivating images of women in the textbooks.

Before children are initiated into formal education, their family, environment, and media informally expose them to gender specific teachings. The later are reinforced when the children are exposed to these teachings through the school environment and conclusions of the textbooks.

Our country has failed to provide educational opportunities to women in quantitative terms. Similarly in qualitative terms it is disappointing to note that the gist/conclusions of the textbooks are not up to the mark. It is a general practice that textbooks are changed every five years. It is expected that the changing social reality is reflected in the core of the textbooks. Our country is witnessing rapid economic, political and cultural changes. Information technology is spreading fast. This invariably affects the inter-relationship between vanous sections of society. In this changing social situation, in the last few years there have been several changes in the social status of women. It is very interesting to explore how these phases have been portrayed in the textbooks.

UNO declared 1975 as the international year for ‘women’, followed by declaration of women’s decade. During this period special impetus was provided to the process of theoretical analysis with reference to the secondary status of women, and their 165 organisation. There was increasing awareness against dowry death, rape, violence in the family. Many voluntary organisations initiated this kind of work in urban as well as rural areas. This also led to changes in the Government policy to some extent which was further activated by economic and cultural reasons. Today the form of family is changing and so is the division of labour to some extent.

The judicial system is also undergoing favorable changes. Women are realising the importance of economic independence. At the same time the level of crime against women is increasing. In the age of globalisation and matenalism there are increasing possibilities that women have to bear the axe of unemployment. The trend in media is increasingly moving towards portraying women as commodities. In this scenano the values projected through the education system are very important. It is necessary that more and more opportunities of formal education reach women and at the same time the gender discrimination should become less through education. The core of the textbooks should be such that it creates positive self image of girls taking formal education and create children who have respect for women. It is necessary that textbooks acknowledge the changing status of women in society. If it is not reflected m the image then the question remain whether men and women will move together in the direction of human development or age old structures of gender discrimination will persist due to male domination

The textbooks from 1st to Xth std being used in Maharashtra were studied with this perspective. The observations are as follows;

The first overall impression was with regards to the number of men and women authors. The names of some of the men/women authors have not been mentioned in the textbooks of the primary classes. However of the available names it is clear that for Marathi textbooks used from 1st to Xth std the percentage of women authors is 15%, while in the case of Hindi textbooks it is hardly 7%. There are many ‘anonymous’ writers in the English textbooks. Wherever the names are mentioned there is lot of doubt whether the writer is male/female. Therefore it is difficult to make any comment. It will not be ver>^ difficult to choose a section of writings/literature by women authors. However, the textbook publication bureau seems to have doubts whether such laurels ought to be given to women authors.

The level of women’s participation in Textbook Publication Bureau is equal to men. In this the participation of women in groups on science. History, Civics, Geography is less compared to languages. This seems to be the overt effect of the idea ingrained in society that some subjects are men specific while others are women specific. Let us see how women have been portrayed in textbooks of various subjects.

Lans'uaees: Three textbooks of Marathi, Hindi, and English have been considered for the same. Many visuals have been used in the language textbooks for the primary school. The visuals bring out the core of the words expressed. Visuals help in attracting attention towards the textbooks. There is only one woman artist who has drav\qi on the cover pages. 166 and visuals. It was observed that the visuals in the textbooks have less number of women than men.

The visuals which have been used in primary textbook have pictures of Adult men and women and adolescent girls and boys. Along with numbers there are other aspects which come to the fore. Till 12 years of age the height and body structure/frame of girls is shown similar to the boys of the same age. However all the textbooks have shown boys to be taller and sturdier. Similarly the boys in all the groups seem to be moving around more enthusiastically and openly. Boys are seen in visuals which depict physical activity, braveiy etc while girls are associated wath visuals describing emotions, tenderness, beauty. The difference is also evident in their manner of expressing joy.

Visuals of children playing show boys with balls and girls with dolls, boy flying a kite while the girl is sitting with pin wheel in her hand. These visuals are repeated on a number of occasions. Do these visual artists feel that the ways of expression of boys and girls are different*^ Or is it a conscious effort of expressing age old beliefs/expectations'^ Conscious or unconscious, this kind of visualisation restricts/denies balanced personality development by casting children in stereotypic roles from a young age.

The other objectionable aspect is about participation of women in social life. Day by day women are seen in increasing numbers mingling with outside environment for different reasons. The textbook visuals restrict the woman’s world to her house and work in her immediate surroundings. Girls are seen assisting the women m such work. However boys are not shown doing house work. Adult men have been shown involved in various occupations. Only men are shown driving scooters, cycle, and other vehicles. Today at least in cities women driving vehicles is not a rarity. The English textbook however has same number of pictures of men/boys and girls/women. There is no great difference in the expression of emotions. However the numbers of adult women’s pictures are few as compared to men.

I'he core/gist of the writings also encourages the traditional stereotypic gender discrimination through aspects like qualities of men/women, vocation, expression of emotions and participation in social life.

In quantitative terms the contents/writings of many lessons do not refer to women at all. On quite a few occasions the reference to women is restricted to 2-3 lines. Every book has a few lessons which introduce extraordinary personalities of the society. These lessons mostly have men’s biographies. These kinds of lessons on women are few. Vloreover instead of focusing on the vocational achievement, they seem to glorif\^ values of motherhood, sacrifice to a great extent. Overall there seems to be excessive importance given to woman’s role of'M other’. The visualisation of women in non traditional roles like sportsperson, police, and freedom fighter is 1/5 times less than that of men. In this there are repeated references to Kiran Bedi, P T Usha, Lata Mangeshkar. Similarly the te.xtbooks do not show the dual workload borne by women of housework and earning a living. In future time will come when both men and women will have to distribute 167

responsibilities at home and outside. The books do not seem to be mentally preparing the children to play this role.

'Gender equity’ is a value that is limited only to the value education class. This value seems to have been forgotten while preparing the textbooks.

Women have also not received appropriate representation in the study of Social Sciences i.e. History, Geography, and Civics. The History starts with Stone Age and describes how society developed. The general truth/fact that ‘women discovered farming’ is not mentioned m the book. The book is titled ‘History of Man’ and the word ‘Man’ which refers to masculine gender is used throughout the book. There is a reference that women did more farming work. However how they contributed to other work is not mentioned. After the discovery of agnculture people started staying in one place. Many families and farms together formed a village. In describing the concept of family, there is no mention of its difference from the present family and how it changed due to economic problems. The concept of private ownership has been introduced. Unity, Fnendship, Understanding etc are mentioned but Slaver\' is not. it is mentioned that man worshipped the natural forces, however there is no mention of women being important since they were seen as ‘Mother god’. While referring to the formation of towns it is said that ‘A Nayak and his associates'colleagues looked after the administrative work’. This might lead to the belief that leadership in the society was with men right from the beginning. The same book has most visuals showing men. Excluding the cover page, most men shown in all other visuals seem to be more active.

The C ivics section has information on the working of Grampanchayat, Municipal Corporation. While using the words Mayor, Sarpanch, they convey the masculine gender of the words ‘Some seats in the Gram Panchayat are reserved for women’ is the only reference. Even in textbooks for higher classes verbs conveying masculine gender are used to refer to posts/designations of authority like President, Prime minister, and -Magistrate It is mentioned that l/3'^‘^ seats of the Panchayat samiti are reserved for women and the fundamental duties mentioned includes ‘Respecting women’. The std VTIlth textbook has a lesson on social issues. This lesson has a section titled ‘Social Status of women’, which summarizes social changes with reference to women 3 exceptions of this kind can be found.

Similarly references to women are few m the History textbooks. The IVth std book is in fact titled ‘Shivchatrapati’. This has information about the situation in Maharashtra from the time preceding Shivaji’s birth. The lesson ‘Contribution of Saint’s’ speaks of the tradition of saints in Maharashtra. This includes names of saints like Eknath, Namdeo, Tukaram, Dnyaneshwar, and Ramdas. Muktabai has been referred to as Dnyaneshwar’s sister and an mcident which occurred in her childhood has been described. There is no mention as to whether or not Muktabai herself created any verses. Similarly women saints of the same penod are not referred to.

Jijabai has been referred to in terms of Shivaji’s childhood. The Vth std Histor>^ book narrates the ‘Story of Independence’. A book of 102 pages has 18 sentences with regards 168 to women’s participation, which means less than 1 sentence per lesson (total of 23 lessons). There are visuals/pictures of some women but there are no details in the contents. Std VI has History of ancient India. One paragraph each in this book mentions that women had inferior status during the Buddhist period in India, and society was very' conservative about women during the Gupt period/dynasty. However there is no reference to the status of women during the pre Vedic times. The worst effect of this could be forming a belief that women’s status in society has always been secondary. This portrayal encourages misconceptions about women’s intelligence and responsibilities. The History textbooks of the higher classes to some extent have the same old information regarding the efforts of reforms related to women. The Independence struggles of other countries have special reference of the working class. But there is no mention of the women’s struggle for Right to Voting. As a whole the History is more about women’s pitiful state and the efforts for reforms rather than their courage, accomplishments and social participation.

The Geography textbooks mention the difference in the attire of men and women along with the details of the living conditions, Houses, Vocations/Occupations, weather etc There seems to be no need felt to mention the difference with regards to occupation

Science: For the 1st and Und std, the textbooks are titled ‘Environmental studies’. The lesson on ‘Our body’ has visuals of men’s body as an illustration. The visuals associated with the content/lessons have the same number of girls and boys. The lesson on ‘Family’ has a visual which shows a working mother and a father who helps in household work. The statement ‘mother looks after the house and cooks’, seems to suggest that these are mainly women’s responsibilities. There- are visuals showing a mother dropping her children to school, narrating a story. While describing ‘What children can do for their family*]’’ there are mainly visuals showing girls doing household work. In other lessons/chapters too, all visuals regarding household work are women. In terms of occupation, women are shown teaching while men are engaged in carpentry, masonry, tailoring, pottery, postmen, shop keeping.

There is a visual showing both a man and woman doing agricultural work. In showing a hospital scenario there is a distinct division as in -the doctors are male while the nurses are female. There are many visuals m the textbooks till the Vlth std. Other than the exception mentioned above, there is not a single visual showing man doing housework. Men are shown engaged in all occupations outside home. The number of boys and girls shown in the visuals is the same. However m activities like football hanging from trees, girls are not shown. Girls have dolls in their hands, in most of the visuals. But there is no visual showing a boy playing with a doll. The lesson on ‘awareness about food’ has girls helping their mothers in cooking, women are showTi doing work like filling water, cleaning, stitching clothes, looking after children who are ill etc. In the higher classes the number of visuals drastically reduces. Along with this there is more factual information and scientific principles. The Xth std book has a chart on ‘use of energy’ which enlists the amount of energy required for a particular type of work. The three types mentioned are sedentar>^ work with less physical activity and 'hard work /labour’ (men) which get a separate mention. This might lead to the belief that women are not engaged in hard 169

labour. There is reference to women regarding ‘Discrimination in distribution of food’ in the topic 'mahiutrition’. But m the information on Anemia it iS not mentioned that 80% of women in India are anemic nor is it linked to the reasons. All these examples illustrate that the value o f‘Gender Equity’ has not been considered while formulating the lessons. Women have not received 50% representation and they have been portrayed in the traditional stereotypic roles. In brief, this portrayal will make it impossible to achieve the following objective mentioned in the education policy ‘Improving the status of women and eradicating the traditional injustice against women’. 170

RAJASTHAN REPORT

Introduction

Marketisation of education constitute a set of submarkets as academic establishments, publishing industries and media organizations which serve the class based and community based interests. There is an organic interlinkage between education system regulated by state and 'private market' of education. The publishing industry enters into both state operated and non-aided private schools with diverse interests. These interests are economic as well as socio-cultural in which nature of polity plays crucial roles. For publishing industry both the government and the private schools are organized consumers in which number of fonnal and informal institutional structures actively participate. This participation is open as well as hidden. The deep rooted inclusion of paralled text books in schools is product of such active participation These parallel text books contribute to the process of socialisation of students which can be debated. This process of internalisation of knowledge, information and values, take into student's personality in such a way that when a particular kind of mind-set is, produced is not known to the product i.e. student. The expressive action of students at ai particular stage indicate the kind of minds-set. But by that time it is too late. Orthodoxies,, biases, the wodd of falsehood, emotional violence, myths as undisputed facto andl commitment toward parochial identities up to extreme levels are outcome of such kind of socialization based on parallel text books. The present evaluation indicates some of those parallel text books which give rise to understanding contrary to constitutional norms and scientific temper The value of rational logic is also ignored by these parallel text books

Methodology

As per the suggestions from CABE committee, one sub-committee comprising three members was constituted. Committee made contact with the principals, teachers and students of various schools located in Jaipur. We tried to have meetings with the officials of formal institutions for analysing the regulatory structures and mechanism about identifying and preparing the text books. Committee also contacted the book shops so that popular but parallel text books could be identified alongwith that hidden mechanism by which these parallel text books get 'POPUL.AillTY'. The contact with the owners of shops were made and according books were collected. Stress was given to social science books and books imparting value education to the children. Discussions were organised with the students about understanding of nature of'oral text' in form of'prayers' and 'thought of the day' which also influence the mind set of the students. It is now necessary as well as important to closely examine the views expressed by teachers and students in the writings which they publish in their school magazines so that impact of'socialization through te.xt books and parallel te.xt books' on personality formation could be known. As per the desire of the committee communicated to us through letter, our committee selected six schools. The selection of these schools is based upon their popularity. These schools are located in Raja park, Vaishali, Triveni Nagar, Tonk Road, Malviya Nagar, Bapu Nagar areas of Jaipur. One school is located in old city of Jaipur also. These schools are senior secondary schools governed and operated by government of Rajasthan, religious and caste organizations and high profile personalities having 'esteem' in the society They have formed taists and have established infact 'elite schools'. Out of six schools, two schools are under the direct control of government of Rajasthan in which books prepared by Rajasthan Board of Secondaiy Education and related organizations of formal nature. These agencies claim that they do not 17

prepare any supplementary texts. But books of the some subjects in accordance with syllabus fornied by state board of education are available in the market. These books have been published by private publishers of Rajasthan as well as of other states. Some of these books have been evaluated by the committee. With this methological perception, 'task A' and 'task B’ have been viewed

T ask A

Our team has examined eight books of one of the prestigious schools of Jaipur. These books known as Culture Course (Book 1 to Book 8) meant for students from class I to class VUI are taught for internalising Indian culture and Indian values to the student’s personality. These books are published by Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan having its head office at Mumbai. This prestigious schools enrols nearly three thousand students belonging to upper class and middle class. These books provide marginal informations about diversity of Indian Society and culture. By and large students inculcate hindu traditions. The stories have been presented in such a way that scientific temper withers away and several orthodoxies as w^ays of action become the parts of life of the students The preface of these books state that grandmother tales contribute to the internalisation of 'fijndamental values of life' (preface) Since technology and materialism give rise to erosion, the task of these books is to enable student for gradual learning of tradition, historv' and culture, the president of Bharatiya Vidya Bhawan states in the preface The students of class \ are communicated by respective book of Culture Course that ’ Dasaratha had no children, so Dasartha did a Yoga (a religious ceremony, sacrifice). An angel came. He gave the king a golden pot It was filled with Payasa (Rice boiled in milk. It is a thick liquid preparation) The angel said " Give this Payasa to your queens, and you will get children" (page 6). In chapter two ' The Mahabharata' it is said that king Dhritarashtra was bom in Kuru race (page 8) It has also been told that Kunti asked Pandavas to marr>' Draupadi, daughter of king Drupada. The Pandavas obeyed their mother (page 8). The lesson 9 states 'we are all bom of Manu (son of God) so we are called Manushyas or Manavas (page 20). In this book and similarly in other seven books, we find stories relating to hinduism by and large. The chapters on muslims and on Christianity are verv' few. These eight books comprise nearly one hundred and fifty three chapters. Out of 153 chapters only three and two chapters provide informations about Christianity and Islam respectively. These books are imbalanced. Secondly no stress is given on Indian constitutional nomis and mles of civility. The stories lead to belief in myths and play instmmental roles in creating hindu mindset. Books need amendments. One school which we have included is located in Raja park area of Jaipur. It is hindi medium school. Nearly three thousand students are enrolled here. The school is governed and operated by 'Bharatiya V^idya Samiti Rajasthan'. The value education that is internalised in this school is based on books entided 'Sanskara Saurabh' The students generally up to the level o f 8th standard are required to appear in the examination know as 'Akhil Bharatiya Sanskriti Gyan Pariksha' conducted by Vidya Bharati Sanskriti Shiksha Sansthana' students of 10th and 12th levels also appear with exam. Both the ' Sanskara Saurabh' and Bodh Mala (book for examination conducted at all India level) contribute significantly to the internalisation process of nonns and values ;of hindutwa and undemiine the nations of plurality ands diversity. These books project glorified image of leaders of 'Rashtriya Swamyn Sevek Sangh' and of Hindus. R.S.S and Vanvasi Kaiyan Parishad have been projected as social refomi organizations (Bodh Vlala 1 1 page 44-45). In the same book chapter on Guru Govind Singh (page 35-36) incorporates issue of religious conversion in such a manner that it generates hateredness against muslims and other minorities. These 72

books go contrary to scientific temper and undermine possibility of production of 'questionable mind set': In ‘Sanskara Saurabh’ of class II, a prayer clearly mentions the feeling that I should live and die in the interest of the hindus and 1 would not like to take any birth as non-hindu (Sanskara Saurabh Class H page 19). In the same book story about Guru Tegbahadur discusses the phenomenon of ‘Religious Conversion’ and presents the ‘sacrifices’ of Guru Tegbahadur, Moti Das, Bhai Dayal Das and Sati Das in that ‘verbosity’ that hateredness toward Aurangjeb in general and Islam in particular perpetuate (page 49-50), This feeling gets further deep rootedness when student studies chapter 26 (Balidan mein Jeet Kiski) of the same book (page 58-59). Chapter 27 of the same book (veer Balak Chatrasala) reveals upto what extent KshatraSala could act against muslim (page 60-61) Another sample school is located in Vaishali Nagar, Jaipur. It is a senior secondary school and operated by D.A.V. Colleges management Committee. The total number of students is about two thousand It is an english medium school which caters the needs of middle class families. This school communicates values to the students through a series of books known as ‘Dharam Shiksha’. These books have been published by D.A.V. College management Committee Delhi. Chapter seventh of the book meant for class IV is associated with a debate relating to two friends one studies in government school having impact of communism while another studies in D.A.V School and believes in God.due to meetings of Aryakumar Sabha. In this debate finally fnend having impact of communism (which made her non believer) accepts the defeat (page 26). In chapter five of another book, it has been stated that serious and committed chanting of Gayatri Mantra regularly contnbutes to the growth of intellect. It also keeps untoward happenings out from the person (page 17-18). Chapter Six and chapter seven of this book are devoted on Sanskrit and Hindi language respectively. In chapter six, it is said that knowledge of Sanskrit is necessary for own survival (page 19). Chapter indicates that Sanskrit language is language of mankind. Since ‘Ar>a’ use this language, it gets link with hindus. In other words ‘Ar>as’ are hindus (page 21). Chapter seven expresses strong opposition of english language and supports hindi without which ‘Indianness’ can not be expressed (page 26-27). Chapter three of book of class IX generates hateredness because it stresses upon religious conversion (Page 15). Page 19 suggests endogamy between Aryasamajis. The non acceptance of endogamy by Aryasamajis lead to problems to the family, bride and the .^asam aj (page 19). Chapter four incorporates stories which establish that Yogna leads to heavy rains. It also provides relief'cure of permanent nature to several diseases (page 23-24). Page 60 of this book establishes the logic that Congress persons believed in muslim appeasement thus the name of Savarkar was included in Mahatma Gandhi murder case Page 61 and 62 incorporate the arguments of ‘militarization of nation', ‘hindusation of politics’ and ‘religious conversion as national change’ Page no 21 of Dharnia Shiksha for class X presents the fact (‘^) that the period of origin of Vedas goes back to one trillion, ninety four billion, 29 million, 49 thousand and ninety four years. The preface of this book questions the value of secularism and states that the vision and direction to science can be given by religion only. The books incorporates several remarks leading to hateredness for muslims and chiristinas. The books of Sociology based upon eleventh and twelveth class syllabaus have not been published by Rajasthan board of senior secondary education because sociology is not a popular subject at senior secondary level. But amongst private students this subject is quite popular, one of the books of sociology for class students is written by M.L Gupta and D D. Sharma. According to these authors muslims (who were aggressors) staned marriages with hindu giris. As a result for protecting culture and religion, hindus started following rules of endogamy. .Authors opine that endogamy leads to purity of blood of a caste. These books and other books which have been identified are still under the process of' evaluation. Since members of the Committee are going into the details of these books page' 173

by page, evaluation is still incomplete. One muslim school and one chiristian school have not given us their books till 15/3/05. We are trying hard to collect that material. We are approaching them indirectly also for collecting the books. It will take atleast fifteen days more

T ask B

Last time (before UPA Government was tbrnied) state government of Rajasthan decided to write books on the basis of general guidelines for the development of syllabi and teaching leamig material of NCERT but due to changes at centre, they have changed their strategies. The education minister of Rajasthan has already told that Chapters which were excluded from SCERT books during Congress regeime will again be included. The textbooks and curriculum are approved and written in Rajasthan under the provisions of act 22 (1) (Ka) of Rajasthan Madhyamik Shiksha Parishad rules. Under these provisions Rajasthan Board Constitutes Board of Studies comprising Convenor and members. Three members generally belong to teaching community from secondary and senior secondary' schools are one from university and for colleges. The number of members vary from subject to subject. For instance in Sanskrit nine members in Social Sciences eleven members and in other subject seven members are nominated. These members suggest the names of the authors also. School’s authorities argue that they recommend NCERT or SCERT books to the students. Value education books are either written by some of the authors who have been identified by the parental organizations of the schools like DAV College management Committee, Delhi, Bharatiya Vidya Samiti, Rajasthan, Vidya Bharli Sanskrit! Shiksha Sansthan, and Bhartiya Vidya Bhawan, Mumbai Since these schools belong to such chain, they introduce these books. School’s authorities also argue that books of private publishers which they suggest or recommend to the students is based upon decisions taken by faculty members. Private publishers visit the schools with their books, the books are judged by teachers and on the basis of consensus books are selected Interestingly each school identified a book shop from which students buy the books. Private publishers informally visit the faculty members and inform them about the books, place specimen copies beform them and request them to suggest books to the students. These books are purchased by students generally from examination purposes. Our team is trying to understand this mechanism still. The details will be placed in final draft.

-Dr.Rajiv Gupta 174

UTTAR PRADESH REPORT

PRELIMINARY POINTS

I System of Selectin}* Text-Books :

(i) In the Schools ain by the State Government or recognised and aided by the State Government of Uttar Pradesh it is compulsory to use only those text books which are approved by the Uttar Pradesh Basic Shiksha Pari shad and Uttar Pradesh Madhyamik Shiksha Parishad. These Parishads (Boards) have not prescribed any precise books in Home Science and in 'moral education'. For these subjects the schools adopt books according to their own choices, hi 'moral education' most of the schools are using books entitled "Rashtriya Naitik Shiksha Evam Samanya Gyan" authored by K.N. Joshi, G. Ram & B.V. Chaturvedi and published by Ashok Prakashan, Deputy Ganj, Bulandshahar, U P. Books with this title are written for different classes We could find different editions of this book only from class 2 to 5. The cover pages of these books claim the books to be in accordance to the New Education Policy ("Rashtriya Nayee Shiksha Neeti Ke Anuroop"). The two Boards (Parishads) of the State Government some times approve a panel of authors only and not the precise books, and the schools are free to choose books written by any of the empanelled authors. From class 9 to 12 this practice is often followed (ii) The non-government schools are of wide variety. Some are run by private managements which have chains of their schools. These chains are sometimes city- wide or state-wide and sometimes country-wide. Besides, there are schools run by various religions groups. Some schools are run by Christian missionary' groups of different denominations. Then there are Madrassas run by different Muslim councils or groups and there are Saraswati Shishu Mandirs run by Vidya Bharati, the education wing of RSS. This variety is made even more complex by those chains of schools which focus on a particular language or subject, like Sanskrit Pathshalas.

The method of selecting text books in these schools is as various as their management. Those schools which fall under any council or board or trust, choose the books as per the directions of the latter. But these councils/boards/trusts do not have a uniform method Some of them prescribe specific books for various subjects whereas some others just adopt the government- approved books and yet some others choose a combination of the two, that is, they adopt government approved books for some subjects but for other subjects they prescribe specific books of their choice. Some boards/council do not prescribe to schools any specific books but give a syllabus or curriculum framework in the form of guidelines and the school principals, in consultation with teachers, decide upon the prescription of text books for their respective schools. There are several chains of schools run by private trusts which adopt government approved books. Vidya Bharti/ Saraswati Shishu Mandirs, Darul Ulum Devband, Nadvatul Ulema, etc. not only prescribe specific books for their schools, they also publish them. Deeni Taleemi Council prescribes and publishes some specific books, mainly for religious education, but for the other subjects it prescribes the books approved by Uttar Pradesh Basic Shiksha Parishad and Uttar Pradesh Madhymik Shiksha Parishad. The Council of Anglo- Indian Schools provides a curriculum and leaves the choice of text books to the schools 175 supported by it. Schools like La Martiniere College, St. Francis School, Christ Churh School, fall under this category.

VVe found some schools very secretive or vague about divulging their syllabi or list of books or even the method of selecting text books. For example, our quanies at Saraswati Shishu Mandirs were met with very evasive answers like 'this is not the right place to ask^ or 'whatever is used in other schools', and we were directed fiom place to place for finding answers At one place where we were directed to procure their books the person in-charge told us that they were using government approved books. But in the market and on making personal contact with students we could get hold of some books from class I to 5 which were entirely different from the government approved books. From class 6 onwards the government-approved books are used. The books used in Saraswati Shishu Mandirs show two different names as publishers: (a) "Saraswati Shishu Mandir Prakashan" with logo showing a male child (presumably Bharat) putting his hand in a lion's mouth; (b) "Shiksha Mandir Prakashan" with the logo having a lighted earthen lamp (Diya) on a book. Noticeably, the address of both these publishers is exactly the same, "Opposite Gayatri Tapobhoomi, Chamunda Devi Marg, Mathura-281003. The former logo bears the name "Saraswati Shishu Mandir, Uttar Pradesh" and the latter bears the name "Vidya Bharti"

/ / Limitations of our Study :

The variety of school education is too wide to make a comprehensive and deep study of the text books within a few months. To make more meaningful study the content analysis will have to be more complex than undertaken in this study and not only content but the other aspects of the books (like style and tone) as well as what else goes on in and outside the classrooms in the schools (pedagogy, library procurement, extra-curricular activities, teachers' commentaries, etc.) must be studied. Even to limit oneself to text books, the great variety of them would demand much longer time and better resources to make a comprehensive study. The present study, within the short time available, has therefore made a sample study from some streams of schooling only The study would show the broad trends and forms of text books and does not claim to be complete in every aspect.

HI The Perspective of the Study : The perspective taken in the study assumes the following ; (i) Education should promote the basic values enshrined in our constitution. (ii) Education should promote scientific temper in the child. (iii) Education should maximally develop the positive attitudes, capabilities and aptitudes of children and sublimate the negative ones. (iv) Education should preserve and enhance the child's questioning power, quest for knowledge and courage to challenge unjust social order. (v) Education should widen the child’s sense of identity by transcending the narrow identities of caste, religion & class, and by creating and enhancing his/her sensitivity for plurality of viewpoints and of fonns of life. It must develop in the child empathy for people different from him/her. (vi) Education should preser\^e and enhance creativity and originality of the child in thought and in action. The books critiqued in this study are seen from these angles. 176

IV Comments on the Books taken up in the Study :

(A) Books entitled "Rashtriya Naitik Shiksha & Samanya Gyan" from class 2 to 5, one for each class. As mentioned earlier, these books are neither on the government approved lists nor on the approved lists of non-government councils/boards/etc. but are used by most schools The main comments are : (1) The cover pages of all the books mention that the books are in accordance with New Education Policy of the nation. But there is nothing inside the books to highlight or strengthen the egalitarian features of the New Education Policy. There is nothing for example, to break the stereotypes regarding gender disparities or religions biases. Also, there is nothing to inculcate scientific temper. On the contrary these disparities and biases are reaffirmed in many ways. This comment will be clearer in the subsequent comments. (2) These books strengthen caste identities and their hierarchies. For example, in the 2"^ standard book, the second chapter entitled "Matr-Pitra Bhakt 'Shravan Kumar'" (Devotee of Mother-Father, Shravan Kumar) the very first line says, "Shravan Kumar was Vaishya by caste" ( ^ ’)(p. 6) and on page 7 Shravan Kumar is telling king Dashrath (who had injurred Shrawan Kumar by his arrow, mistaking him to be an elephant) that he (Dashrath) will not earn the sin of killing a Brahmin and requests Dashrath to take out the arrow from his chest, ^ ^ i] t \ 'im ^ ^ ^ i i ’ The story makes the caste identity of Shravan Kumar focal and makes one believe that killing a Brahmin is a special and greater sin than killing a person of any other caste. (3) These books justify and normalise other social and power-based hierarchies which generate injustice and are undemocratic. The previously mentioned story presents as normal, unquestionable and pardonable; the violence by a king. This makes the child insensitive to hierarchical injustice andl violence. (4) The same study leaves unproblematised the practice of unnecessary killing of animalss by presenting Dashrath's hunting of the supposed-elephant as a harmless and nomiall practice. This blunts the child's sensitivity towards nature and animals. The stories im which animals killing is negatively presented are so defective in some other aspectss that the net result is again immoral. For example, in class 3 book chapter 4 the king Shivi saves a pigeon from a hawk but in compensation cuts his limbs to feed thee hawk. This makes the story ghastly and creates confusion regarding the principle 0)f non-violence. In the chapter 7 of the same book the moral is that beautiful animahs should not be killed as if the ugly ones deserve violence. In this story the king goe;s on killing one deer each day. But when the turn of the most beautiful one comes, thte king is overwhelmed by its beautiful and innocent looks and trees it. On its (deer'sO request the king gives other animals also the right to live. (5) The story of Shravan Kumar mentions in a factual tone the departure of the deacd Shravan to heaven in an aero plane (fapRn) by adopting divine form .^ w r h6km h % TgPr WT-iW ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ f^TTR w f ^ ^ t ’ (page 7). This sort of narration is contrary to scientific temper anid even makes a moral act conditional upon benefits like heavenly abode ( WT ) lln fact, this conditionality destroys the ver>' moral character of an act. Expectation cof reward for a moral action is repeated in many chapters, like, class 2 book. Chapter :5, p. 14; class 5 book Chapter 16, page 35; class 5 books Chapter 13, page 29. In class 5 177

book Chapter 11 these sentences are given as moral commandments : ^ w r ^ w in fWTT; ^ B # n ,’eiT ^ B ^ #TT That is, courtesy is not good in itself, but this is only a strategy to get work done. Thus where no work is to be extracted one can well be discourteous. And after getting work done by domestic help, one can be discourteous. There are no human rights and dignity to domestic help who, unfortunately, is called ’’servant" in this book. This itself is discourteous. ((6) The books are totally against scientific temper An example is already given in the previous comment. Other examples are ; (i) Class 2 books chapter 27.4 ^ (Belief in heaven and hell or in transcendent world strengthened). (ii) Same chapter : ^ (idol worship given as a command, and this too in Hindu-centric ethos.) (iii) Class 2 book chapter 31 ^ ^ rnd^ii’ (iv) Class 3 book chapter 14 ; Krishna, a woman, forgets to give medicine to his very sick son Pramod because she went on praying to God in front of an idol and fell asleep there. When a visitor admonishes her for forgetting to give medicine to her son, she says that her actions wouldn't mean anything; the saviour is God alone. And indeed the son is cured completely even without medicine. The chapter says^ ^ i '

(7) The books are replete with uncritical acceptance of the existence of God, and presents blind faith in and surrender to God as the basic moral principle. This is against scientific temper and also against respect for the plurality of religion and culture. Even the ancient Indian religions include non-theistic religions, like Buddhism and Jainism. And there is respectable stream of thought 'charvak'. Presenting blind belief in God as a basic norm of morality is totally unjust, partial and unscientific. Moreover, atheism has long and respecttlil history even on Indian soil and believers of atheism have educational and cultural rights too. Examples : Each book has a list of 41 commandments and the one is ‘1?^ ^ 3^n: Tfrm ■p: ^ Cleariy the desirability of not indulging in ill deeds is presented as not rooted in social relationships but in the fear of God. This would be inapplicable to atheistic faiths Then each book has some prayers which are replete with address to the God, seeking his mercy and providence. The stories often have reference to God and the things are done not by one's eftbrts and wisdom, but God's magic, as shown in the p o in t(6). In class 2 book chapter 13 we have^ "R t , -h^i ^ 1- ^ 4 t ; ^ ^ ^ ^ t'In the same book chapter 15 starts with ^ chapter 16 says ‘ ^ WR ^ Same book chapter 17 starts with ^ t^it ^ t and chapter 18 has‘‘^iw^ ^ ^ ^ 'tiTTcrn ^ ^ ^ 3^ % ^ From Class 2 to 5, each book has these types of inputs almost on every' page. This is being done despite the long tradition of very serious discourse on the questionability of the very existence of God and on that conception of God which envisaged God as creator, giver and caretaker or even as moral agency. Even elementary text books of Philosophy teach questionability of God's existence. The books in question unjustifiedly cut the child's psyche off from this stream of tradition and makes it almost impossible for him/her to conceive and appreciate alternative cosmology and moral principles 178

(8) The method of inculcating moral sensibility in these books is most often in the form of commandments and this is the weakest or least effective form of moral sensitization. (9) The terms used are very heavily loaded with complex meanings which the child does not understand fillly, like, It is not only a question of tough Hindi but also a question of understanding deeper meanings and relating them to life - situations In case of which occurs on almost each page in all the books and to follow which umpteen instructions are given, the child relates this only with rituals and narrow religious identities which makes the moral instruction counter productive and quite unhealthy for national integration. Also, most of the instructions or exercises at the end of each chapter are very vague, like, 'students must receive education from this lesson' ^ or 'students must have inspiration from this story' ^ ^). The child would not know how to take inspiration if he/she is not already inspired by the story. ( 10) There are quite impossible instructions too which, taken oft from varying life situations, make no sense, like, instruction no. 9 in each book ^ ^ w=T T#”. How does a child understand and ensure this in circumstances which are adverse to him/her'^ Can one really command one to be happy all the tim e‘^ And should one be happy all the time, like, in tragedies'^ (11) The books also mix up moral with morally neutral but socially and personally useful matters. For example, the 5'*’ commandment in the list is to keep everything carefully at the proper place. This is good for working methodically, but its breach would not be immoral. Several chapters in these books contain instructions to get up early in the morning; or to bathe everyday, even instructions to wipe water from hands, neck, back, etc.; to eat with right hand and lift water glass from left hand, and the like. None of this is moral really. (12) There are unjustified biases which the advancing knowledge has exposed but they occur in these books. For example, insistence on eating with right hand only. We all know today that the children doing things with left hand which many others do with their right hand are as normal as the latter and it is crueltity on them to make them feel abnormal. But these books do just this, as the example in point 11 shows. Chapter 23 of class 2 book even says ^ ^ ^ ^ t”. These are highly objectionable and unjust instructions. (13) Some of the 'values' included in the stories and prayers and ridiculous . Like, the prayer repeated in the books for classes 2 and 3 prays God to make them observe celibacy One wonders if the students of class 2 and 3 would know what they are praying for. And why should a society want all its children to observe celibacy? (14) There are contradictions too in the books. The story on Shravan Kumar in class 2 book says that king Dashrath thought that there was an elephant drinking water and mistakenly killed Shravan Kumar but in the class 4 book the story of Shravan Kumar mentions deer rather than elephant The credibility of authors is highly questionable. (15) The books give a highly imbalanced and biased gender consciousness. All the stories exemplifying moral virtues have all male characters, barring once or twice a mention of women like Sita. The pictures also have all male characters excepting once or twice a woman in mother's role. While writing the books the authors seem to have completely forgotten that women can also be moral agents. That is why the prayers have as an ideal moral person In chapters on truth (WT). mercy 179

(fortitude) (^), following dharma (all class 2); mercy (^), sympathy fortitude (^), empathy (^nrorr), self dependence (class 3); and several chapters for class 4 and 5, only male characters are taken up, whether mythological or historical. Chapter 14 of class 2 is entided So, the whole discourse of 'good' and 'bad' is confined to men's world. In each line of this chapter the word is used. A woman has no place in the world of morality, whereas in the real world most stringent norms are applied to women alone In several other chapters where such blatant exclusion is not seen, the verbs are all masculine and thus the effect is the same there too. Some chapters str engthen the stereotypes of a woman's dependent identity, e.g., the chapter 14 of class 3 book uses the word 'widow' (tNw) for the main character in the story. (16) The books are obsessed with authoritarian ethics. That is, instead of sensitizing the child to societal living where giving spaces to others is essential and others' needs and aspirations are equally valuable, the books keep on repeating page by page the instructions to obey and even worship parents, the elders and the teachers blindly. The stories, one by one, emphasise the "goodness" of blindly obeying one's teachers and parents. Dissent, questioning, exploration and originality have entirely no place in the moral framework into which the child is tried to be fitted through these books The height of this approach is found in the chapter 10 in class 4 book which approvingly describes how Dronacharya asks for Guru Dakshina from Eklavya and how the latter gladly gifts away his thumb to the former The story ends with thus sermon; ^ ^ am ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 1w, sfrr ti ” In none of the four books there is a chapter on recognising which teacher (Guru) is worth this respect and there is no problematisation of this totally immoral and violent act on the part of Dronacharya. (17) The books also adopt a very ritualistic , and therefore superficial, perspective to morality. All the emphasis is on touching feet of parents and teachers, bathing, saying 'pranani* or ’mmastey', bowing before a temple and idols, and the like. The real moral questions of life never get addressed in any of these books. (18) The books are Hindu-centric. The very first page inside the cover has on top Most of the stories, characters and ideals come fi'om Hindu mythology which is very wrongly presently as histoiy. Non-mythological character are also mostly Hindu. The pictures are almost invariably from Hindu mythology or life style. The books are obsessed with Shri Ram. Ram’s story is repeated again and again. Out of total 104 chapters in the four books only one chapter of 3 pages gives very briefly some tenets of Hinduism, Sikhism, Islam and Christianity. The terms, the icons, all are from the realm of predominantly Hindu religion. This obstructs the child's sense of plurality as ?i normal dind rightful phenomenon (19) The covers of all the four books are exactly the same : Shravan Kumar carrying his parents on the front page and Indira Gandhi with her famous quotation (every drop of my blood will strengthen Bharat') on the back page. Excepting her photograph and quotation on the back-cover, there is nothing inside the books to tally with her pluralistic and secular ideology. (20) The titles of all the books mention 'general knowledge' besides 'moral education'. But there is no general knowledge inside any volume 180

(B) Books prescribed in Saraswati Shishu Mandirs : 'Vidhya Bharti' or 'Saraswati Shishu Mandir Prakashan' have published text books of primary classes, i.e., classes upto 5. For the classes above 5^^ they have approved the books recognised by Basic Shiksha Parishad, Uttar Pradesh and Madhyamik Shiksha Parishad, Uttar Pradesh Excepting one or two books all the books have on their cover page pictures of Hindu gods or goddesses The History books have, on the front cover pictures of all Hindu personalities. All the Sanskrit books have in addition to the picture of Saraswati on the front cover, Saraswati Vandana on the back cover. The comments for the books used in Saraswati Shishu Mandirs are given each book-wise: 1 Vandana : It is a collection of some prayers most of which are in Sanskrit. This book is for all the students. Detailed instructions are given to teachers to ensure that students learn all the prayers by heart and even remember the order in which they have to be sung. Even minor details like removing shoes before going to 'Vandana Sthal' and singing Bhajan or verses from Ramayan while going back to classes, are given in the book. The prayers eulogise Hindu deities and mythological characters Some prayers (e.g. Ekatmata Stotram, pp. 11-20) eulogise famous historical personalities which include kings, warriors, artists, poets, scientists etc. besides religious figures. Mythological/religious figures and these personalities are mentioned in continuity without making any distinction and no opportunity is lost to mention, in case of kings or warriors, that they bravely (and justifiably) fought against muslims (pages 15-18) Buddha, Nanak, Kabir are all mentioned in the broader Hindu fold without a word about their departures from Vedic tradition whereas Jhulelal is mentioned as a respectable person "who saved Hindus from mass religious conversion". Subhash Chandra Bose, Savarkar, Jyotirao Phule & Ambedkar are mentioned in the same breath without, again, underlining their specific contributions/thoughts (page 19). A separate verse is on Hedgewar and Galwalkar, describing them as founders of "Sanghasakti" and as inspirations for "Hindu Samaj” (page 19). On the whole this prayer appropriates almost all mentionable names from Hindu, Bauddha and Sikha traditions and amalgamates them to merge into a larger Hindu identity to be pitched against other religious groups, especially muslims. In one verse (p. 13) Jain, Bauddh and Sikha scriptures are explicitly mentioned as sources of knowledge for Hindus M ^ ^ t”). The prayer ends by saying that 'we offer respects to all those brave men who destroyed in the battlefield those enemies who attacked the unity and identity of the nation'. [In Hindi this statement is more aggressive and effective : W ^ m WR

^ ^ t ... FfTRT yfciRn t” (p. 20). On the whole this prayer aims at consolidating anti-muslim feeling by projecting present day Indian nation into remote past and by appropriating most of the eminent historical figures, subtly mixing them up with Hindu mythological consciousness and by using an emotionally charged language to create an exclusivistic nationalistic pride.

This technique and style is found in all books o f Saraswati Shishu Mandir, and this point may not he repeated each time in this study. 181

The other prayers are from Vedas, Geeta and Ramcharit Manas. A small collection of Kabir's verses ( ^ ) is also included but none of Kabir's verses which attack religious ritualism and idol worship finds a place. The book has "Shri " too. In short, this book is purely a Hindu prayer book with a very clever Hindu Nationalistic agenda which has nothing to do with spiritualism.

2. Devavaani-Sanskritam : There are four books with this title. The books do not mention the classes for which they are meant. These books teach Sanskrit language and are colourtlil and attractive. As it is clear from the title, Sanskrit is presented not just as a language, a means of communication, but as something sacred and divine. It is called "Deva Vaani", I e voice of the divine. In these books too the Hindu icons are liberally used. Ganesh, Sharda, Ram, Krishna, Shivaji, Temples, etc. appear again and again as examples of nouns, etc. and also in picturisations where they are not the focal reference. Lotus flower repeatedly appears not only in these books but in almost all the books in the other subjects too Even in exercises of making sentences or identifying different categories of words while teaching grammar, Hindu sentiments and identities are central. Ayodhya, Ganga, Hindu deities, temple, 'puja', and the like recur abundantly in the exercises. To explain relational words examples are invanably drawn from Ram, Krishna, Kunti and so on, Hindu-centrism is very explicit in some parts of these books where the child is exhorted to ’save’ Hindu religion to ’restore' to the nation the status of "Vishwa Guru" (Chapter 11, third volume, page 28). The implication is that Hindu religion is the soul fountain of knowledge and national pride, and that no other community has any role in these matters. The chapter on Swami Vivekanand (Chapter 11 of volume IV, pp 32-33) presents him mainly as a preacher of Hindu religion Gender Stereotypes are strengthened in these books too. Most of the examples having a female name or category show women either as a householder cooking and feeding or as a singer or dancer, or at most as a teacher. The word 'dance' ( ^ ) is invariably associated with women. The flower will most often be lotus. The picture in the chapter in 2'"^ volume shows the mother talking with the daughter and three men of different ages all sitting and comfortably eating the food. In the same book chapter 5 has a verse which says that the lamp of night is moon, the lamp of morning is sun, that of the three worlds is Dharma and the lamp of the family ("Kula") is son Thus the child gets re- entrenched into the ages-old bias of the inferior status of girls.

3. Saraswati English Primer (Class 2) and Saraswati English Reader Part 3,4 and 5 (Classes 3,4 & 5) : These books also have on cover page picture of goddess Saraswati, the Primer having, in addition, sign of 'om' and two children (a boy & a girl) worshipping the goddess with incense, flowers, earthen lamp, etc. Hindu-centrism in forms mentioned eariier prevails in these books too. Perplexingly, in the primer on page 45 there is a 4-lined poem for Bharat Mata, but the picture accompanying it shows only lower half (below Vidhyachal) portion of the country with flill woman-figure having the tri-colour in hand. One doesn’t know what happened to the authors’ obsession with "Akhanda Bharat” found in all the books of Vidya Bharti. The Primer (class 2) is verv' interesting because it best highlights the communal politics of padagogy prevailing in Sarasv»ati Shishu Mandirs The alphabets are explained by Hindu mythological icons; 'A' for Arjun, 'B' for Brahma, 'D' for Dhruva, 'G' for Ganesha, 'H' for Hanuman, T for Indra, 'J' for Jamavant, 'O’ for 'Om’ and so on Of course, the authors know that the students would not learn at all if the recognition of alphabets is rooted into such 182 unempirical symbols. So, in the second and third lines they have given the ordinary signs like apple, ball, cup, etc. These books also keep mixing mythology with history and scientific facts with religious faith. In the Reader for class 3 there is a chapter entitled "The Ganga - A Holy River" (pp 40-42) as if the other rivers are unholy. The very title displays religious approach towards the river rather than scientific approach. The accompanying picture shows a woman with a pot descending from heavens and sprinkling water on a site full of temples. The very first paragraph on page 40 says that "It is believed that the Ganga formerly flowed in heaven. Bhagirath, an ancient king of Ayodhya, brought it on the earth. So Ganga is also Called (sic) Bhagirathi." So, the child has to believe in heaven and hell, and also take the myth of Bhagirath as a historical fact. The chapter ends by saying that "The Ganga is a holy river. We call her 'Ganga Mata'." Who these "we" are ? Obviously, Hindus. Non-Hindus are constantly non-existent in the whole discourse of the Saraswati Shishu Mandir books. These books have many errors too. For example, 'calendar' is always spelt as 'calender'. On page 47 of Part 3 the sentence "The Birla Planetarium are in Kolkata" is used. In these books too, like others, figures like Vivekananda and Mahatma Gandhi are appropriated cleverly. As commented earlier, Vivekanand is presented mainly as a Hindu preacher and about Mahatma Gandhi (Reader, Part 3, page 43) his anti-communal stand, his sarva-dharma-samabhava are conspicuous by absence. Mahatma Gandhi and Rani Laxmibai are presented mainly as nationalists and both are described as 'worthy son/daughter of'Bharat Mata"'. AU the books show male-centrism too. Not that the girls are entirely missing, but the boys' pictures as well as references are far too many as compared to female characters. Then, by and large female characters are shown in passive or smaller light than the boys. On page 8 of Part 3 all human figures are male; on page 9 there is one female, 2 animals and two sets of inanimate objects. Many more example can be given where only boys are shown. On page 11 of the same book "He has a pen" and "She has one doll" ; very typical of traditional discriminative roles of gender. In one place "the boy is tall" and "the girls is short" (p. 19, same book). Such examples can be multiplied. The chapter 8 of the same book "Health is Wealth" has only men in mind because after telling the importance of exercises, etc. the conclusion is drawn that "a healthy man can work hard". Another example to bring home the point that mentally the authors are in men's world alone, is lesson 20 of Part 3 (pages 56-57). It is a prayer accompanied by a picture ofa boy and a girl with folded hands. Although there is a girl in the picture, the prayer begins with the sentence "O, God! make me a good boy", and the first question in the exercises is, "To whom does the boy pray‘d" The patriarchal ideology of the authors is even more explicit in the Chapter 16 of Part 4 which is entitled "Village Life". This chapter is in the form ofa dialogue between two boys. Ravi lives in a big city and Mohan in a small village, and the former is visiting the latter. Ravi asks Mohan several questions about the village : its vehicles, the agriculture, the houses, etc. Then he asks "What do the women do in villages" and Mohan replies "They do all the household work. Some elderly women assist in field work too. Some other women are expert in crafts like Spinning, Knitting, Singing and drawing". (One doesn't know why knitting and singing are with capital letters). Then Ravi says, quite unconnectedly though, "I have enjoyed fresh milk, air and food here Really the village life is good life", and Mohan says "We can say that Bharat lives in India". No mention of difficulties of village life, no questioning of gender-wise work division On the contrary, the gender-wise divided society is suddenly made to look highly pleasant and perfect and ideal! 183

4. Stories of Ramayan and Stories of Mahabharat

These two books are in Hindi and are prescribed respectively for class 2 and class 3. mythology. Almost each page in both the books is highly problematic from several viewpoints : gender, democracy, human rights, justice, scientific temper and peace. A substantial critique of these books will need longer time and space. The brief comments are : (i) Mythology presented as history, but that too not with the tools of history writing but as something to be believed as ultimate unquestionable truths on sacred faith. Thus the division of human history in Satyuga, Tretayuga, Dwaparyuga and Kaliyuga is presented as a factual, historical division. All the miracles (like, having children due to eating "kheer” given by Fire God) are presented as historical and unproblematic facts. (ii) The language is full of frightening reverence for Hindu icons so that the child cannot muster confidence to question the narrations. Not only Hindu icons but also symbols used in more recent politics of Identity, like cow, are mentioned with religious reverence. (iii) Scientific temper and democratic consciousness are a casualty again. The magical feats are mentioned as real and unquestionable facts The decisions of elders and of the powerful are always presented with high praise even if they be without rhyme or reason, or be totally unwarranted, e g , Kund's order to Pandavas to share the "beautiful thing" (Draupadi, in fact) and subsequently their (Pandavas') immediate and thoughdess obedience of that order presents an extremely mindless and authoritarian moral system Supersfitions like p re-determined 'good time' and 'bad time' w ^5^^) are insfilled in the child's mind by frequent mention of these things in totally uncritical fashion. (iv) Polygamy is left unproblematised. Women's perspective is totally missing. (v) The tone of high national and communal pride is found in abundance in these books despite many episodes of unjustified violence, deceit and women's oppression. The construction of present nation India is carried into past with much larger boundaries. (vi) The acceptance and rejection of Sita (and such other episodes concerning women) are presented not only uncritically but also with lot of moral tone to show that a higher and more sacred moral principle was at work. e.g. Ram gives up Sita because the Dhobi doubted her chastity and Ram is presented as a highly democratic ruler. And he again agrees to accept Sita since the Praja requested him to do so, although the same chapter also says that he needed Sita to complete a Yagya. The question of Sita's own rights, the option of giving up kingdom, the question of the rationale of equating one Dhobi with the total Praja, etc. are not invoked at all, as it happens with any religious discourse. On page 55 of the book on Ramayan the act of Sati by Sulochana is presented approvingly. Some exercise are highly objectionable from gender point of view. Women's chastity is taken as an ultimate value. Sita asks the earth to swallow her to prove her loyalty to her husband, and out of nine questions in the exercises 4 are on the chastity of Sita. One question is : ^iTT^ ^ ^ ^ 4Ris«di ^ ^ The value of being "Pativrata" is being underscored repeatedly in the child's mind. 184

The women's angle is constantly missing and all discriminations against women and violence upon them is justified and normalised. (vii) Tricks, deceit, power-stmggle are all presented with reverence and no questions relevant to the modem context, related to peace, rights and justice are raised. The episodes of killing Bali or killing Bhishma are all presented with reverence to the killers. Not only this these are presented as if the victims themselves were benefited and gratified by this. So, the child learns to justify the violence and deceit on the basis of partiality and narrow identities, and pushes in oblivion the question of human rights. (viii) The books do not only aim at giving mythological information to the child, but also to keep his/her mind constantly entrenched in the related symbols and ethos, ultimately strengthening his/her religions identity. Many exercises ask the students to cut out the pictures of these icons and place them in the place of worship in their homes. Also, the exercises ask students to enact the scenes of the stories to ensure greater effect on their m.inds (ix) Caste hierarchy is spoken of with reverence. In chapter 3 of Stories of Mahabharat Dronachary is repeatedly referred to as a bright brahmin. Exercises also ask several question on "the brahmin". Likewise on page 51 Khatriya virtues are glorified. (x) Repeatedly the two books invoke faith in the magic-powers of God and ask students to leave everything on God. (xi) Violence is glorified repeatedly. Eg., p. 70 of Mahabharat. Bhim breaks the bones of Duryodhan and leaves him ctying in pain.

S.Geography Books : The main books for Geography are entitled "Bharat Boomi Ka Bhoogol" (eariier called "Punya Bhoomi Bharat Ka Bhoogol") for classes 4 & 5. These books are supplemented by "Hamara Uttar Pradesh". Although fi-om class 6 onwards the books approved by government agencies are approved by Vidya Bharti/Saraswati Shishu Mandir, for some subjects there are supplementary books published by Vidya Bharti/SSM itself In geography too there is a supplementary book for class 6, "Pradesh Darshan". Some points made in the context of previous books of Vidya Bharti/SSM are relevant here too: (i) Mythology is mixed with history. The very first paragraph in the first chapter of class 5 book, Bharat ('t o ) and his playing with lions and counting the teeth of lions are given as historical facts. Bharat (^tr^) is then said to be named after him. (ii) The approach to the subject is not scientific, but religious. Different regions of India are described mainly in terms of religious places. The method is not so much to treat the subject as either a natural science or a social science but as a strategy to create faith and pride in the sacredness of the land. This faith and pride too is not in harmony with the plural culture of India or its rich resources or its wide variety of physical and non-physical features, but remains centred into Hindu rituals and symbols. (iii) As said above, these books are Hindu-centric and totally ignore non-religious elements of Indian geography as well as the places and features associated with non-Hindu people and faith. Thus the books have explicit communal bias. Communal approach is explicit also in the fact that no opportunity is lost in presenting musiims as invaders and destroyers and Hindu rulers as valiant fighters against "Bharat Bhoomi". 185

(iv) Projection of imagined nation "Greater India" in the past and arousing the feeling of being 'wronged' and 'dissected' as a Nation in the past by alien invaders.

These points are exemplified by the following ; The title of the very first chapter of class 5 book is “ hrcT mn ^ The students are asked in exercises to describe different parts of the country as different parts of Bharat Mata's body or clothes. There are two chapters on "Tirtha Sthals" where only Hindu 'tirtha sthals' are mentioned and they get more detailed description as compared to the other topics like energy, climate, etc. In the first chapter of this book as well as in several others it is said that 'Bharat' or 'Hindustan' as one nation existed since ancient times and had within its boundaries many other nations like Afganistan, Burma, Srilanka, etc. “ xTwm 'dn: ^ ^ “qt ^ ^ m ’' p. 5, class 5 book While describing Sri Lanka (p. 23) mention of Ramchandraji making abridge with the help of monkeys is made. The chapter 9 has as its tide ^ ^ ^ ^ and the first sentence is FRRt ‘ttt’ t ”i The first paragraph says ^ Mf^cn-n ^ ^ ti ” The cult of Bhagirth having brought Ganga from Heavens to earth is mentioned as historical truth (p. 32) and on the same page it is written “ w ^ ^ ti ... w -r ^ ^ ^ TO TTPTT ^TcTT f". Then the chapter goes on to mention the Hindu'Tirth Sthals'situated on the banks of Ganga. The chapter 10 has as its title ^ ^ and the first sentence is " ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ m cffTicT ti A ^ 'qRcT ^ ^ t”. That is, the'mother earth'is limited to the geographical boundaries of "Bharatvarsh" only and the earth of other countries is less sacred. This narrow and unscientific attitude is generated by these books. In the book 'Our Uttar Pradesh' (‘¥wr ^ similar treatment is found*. On page 6 it says ^ m m ^ w r ti ^ WT ^ dMWdI ^ tl ^5f5HT2T, ^ WT ^ t”. This book also describes the major festivals and congregations But here too only Hindu festivals and Melas are mentioned. Even those Melas which are known for their communal harmony, like the one in Deva ^ ^ ), are not mentioned

Points regarding the book "Hamara Uttar Pradesh" are taken fi-om Mr. Shakeel Siddiqui's study published by Udbhavna in 2000.

186

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-Rooprekha Verma 192

WEST BENGAL REPORT

Task A:

Identification and assessment of textual materials that violates the constitution and with particular reference to core curricular areas listed in Section 3 4 of the NPE 1968/92 and Cultural Perspective and Value Education in Section 8.1 to 8.6, and the process and mechanism through which they got introduced in schools and the role of government mechanisms in this measure. We have examined the textbooks on English, Bengali and History only of 16 schools (4 govt aided; 4 private; 4 run by religious or social organizations and 4 govt schools) affiliated to West Bengal Board o f Secondary Education (WBBSE). Books under survey are in use under the old syllabus. New textbooks under the revised syllabus will take effect from the coming academic session i.e. June 2005 onwards Under the existing system all the textbooks are either directly published by the Board itself or by the private publishers with the prior approval from the board. A quick look into the textbooks tunder review shows that these were written more or less in conformity with the spirit of the Constitution. Values and cultural perspectives as mentioned in Section 3.4 and Section 8.1 to 8.6 of NPE 1986/92 are to a large extent adhered to in writing the textbo*oks. To be more precisely there is no overt attempt to write those books following a communal framework. Still there are some problems which reflect certain negative aspects o f values in terms of the guidelines of NPE.

1. In many of the history textbooks there is a covert tendency to represent the history of India and the history of Hinduisnn as parallel developments;

2. Chapters on Verna or caste are discussed without any reference to inequities or oppression on the Dalits;

3. While tracing the origin of antcestry of people or group excess of prestige is given to the people or group belonging to 'indigenous origin;

4. There is an overtone of the role of any particular communal organization ignoring that of others;

5. Congress League relation in miany cases are described as negotiation between Hindus and Muslims of the country as a whole - thus projecting the Congress as a Hindu organization and that the League the sole representative of the Muslims One major problem with many off the books is that those are based on outdated historical knowledge, loose in presentationi and style and frill of factual inaccuracies and mistakes Moreover maps and illustrations im many cases are historically incorrect and questions set in the exercises do not find answers from within the relevant chapter of the text Similar shortcomings are also rteflected in the textbooks on Bengali and English. In English textbook there is still a colonial hang over in the choice of texts, though there has been a conscious effort to reduae it There are a few pieces in the Bengali text having communal overtones where in ftew of in the name of patriotic fervour, Hmdu-Muslim discords are highlighted. On thte topics on the lives of Freedom Fighters and their Struggles-people from all religioni and faith are not reflected In both the English, Bengali and Histoty textbooks representaition of minority communities, castes other than Hindus T93 and women are neglected. Some of the aforesaid shortcomings may be due to structural problem of the syllab»us. Still the texts could have to take a more pro-active role in the advocacy of desirable vallae as enshrined in the NPE 86/92. WBBSE has recently revised the entire syllabi aind curriculum from class VI to X and new textbooks under the revised syllabi will be coming out by June 2005, Evaluation of those new textbooks would enable us to understand whether and how far the new textbooks are improved version of the okder ones.

Task B:

Regulatory structure and mechanism including legislative measures in West Bengal with regards to textbooks and other materials. In West Bengal, other than a few schools affiliated to ICSE and CBSE, most of tthe schools are affiliated to West Bengal Board of Secondary Education (WBBSE). In recent years there is a rise in enrolment under Madrasah Board. At present there are 238 hugh Madrasahs, 167 junior High Madrasahs and 103 Senior Madrasahs recognised by West Bengal Board of Madrasah Education (WBBME). We shall try to focus on the regulatory structure and mechanism of WBBSE and WBBMB with regard to textbooks. West Bengal Board of Secondary Education (WBBSE): WBBSE IS empowered by the West Bengal Board of Secondary Education Act, 1963„ (I) to provide syllabus, the courses of studies to be followed and the books to be studied in recognised schools and for examination initiated by the Board; (FI) to undertake, if necessary, with the approval of the State Govt, the preparation, publication or sale of text books and other books for the use in recognised institution and (HI) to approve or prescribe books either for study in recognised institution or for examinations conducted by the Board or for both and to publish list of books as approved or prescnbed and revise such list from time to time. At present, the Board follows two schemes regarding text b o o k s: I) Books directly published by the Board itself; II) Books left to private publishers.

Under scheme I books on following subjects are directly pmblished by the Board Subject Class English 2nd Language VI to X English verse P* language VltoX Mathematics VI to X Bengali 1 language IX to X History VI to VII Computer IX to X

Nepali pathsala Text Book on Santhali Bhasa Siksha ( V 01,1 to II) ( BengaH and Alchiki script)

Procedure for publication of the books by the board; Authors are nominated by the Subject Expert commitrtee formed by the Syllabus committee of the Board. Writer of these books are monitoired by the Subject Committee experts. The subject expert committee is also responsible to revised those books after 194 geitting feed back from guardians , students and teachers. They are authonsed to modify, irectify inaccuracies or mistakes, if there is any. Under scheme II: Books of following subjects are allowed to be published by the pnvate pu blishers in accordance with the prevailing syllabus and directives of the Board. Suibiects Class Bengali Vi to VIII Geography VI to X General Sciences VI to X Hi story VUI to X

The books under the aforesaid subjects are required to be awarded with text book number

Class Subjects VI Bengali, Science, Geography, Maths VII Science. VIII History & Science.

Following text books of the Boards own publication were revised in 2004.

Class Subjects VI History VII History VIII English.

New textbooks under the revised syllabus will be introduced for the following classes and subjects with effect from academic session 2005.

Classes Subjects VII& VllI Bengali IX &X Bengali, History, Geography, Science 196

The responsibility for publication of these aforesaid books is given to private publishers, subject to pnor approval from the Board. Publishers would have to go through the similar procedures as prevalent on previous occasions for obtaining the T.B.No. West Bengal Board of Madrasah Education (W.B.B.M.E.) W.B.B.M.E. enjoys the autonomous status similar to the status of other State Board and Council of Education since 1994.On the recommendation of the Madrasah Education Committee in 2002-2003 , the W.B.B.M.E had taken the following regulatory measures regarding textbooks. Accordingly textbooks of the following classes and subjects were resolved to be published by the Board itself

Subject Class Bengali VI Science VI History VIIT Geography VI to VIII

Regarding textbooks on other subjects such as English, Math’s etc. the books published or approved by the W.B.B.S.E are to be treated as prescribed text books of the Madrasahfor the moment. There is au academic sell with subject experts and authors to monitor the preparation on the textbooks. The Madrasa Board has a plan to publish all textbooks for all classes by the Board itself m phased manner 1. Teachers, experts from colleges, universities and teachers' associations would be involved as writers and reviewers in preparation of textbook manuscript. 2. Madrasa Board will take up the responsibility of printing and publication of 12 text books in FL, Sciences-Physical and Life Science, History, Geography and Grammer for classes VI-VIH 3. These text books would be made attractive with all precautionary steps like attractive cover, good Illustrations, quality printing, illustrations, exercises and very cheaper pnces @.Rs 14-Rs.l6/- per book so that the community and the students would be highly benefited for such low price and quality of the text books 4.Effort is being made for printing and publication of Arabic texts for classes I and II altogether on modem principles, like rhymes, pictorial presentation and day-to-day experienced material presentation, bi-colour pictures etc. The total cost would be provided by the DPEP and the State Government. 5. Printing and publication of 'students vocabulary' text for class VI-VIII to facilitate reading, learning and comprehension of fiinctional English as a second language-and distribution of the same free of cost. Obsei'vation and comnients: 1. There is a problem of duality in the policy of the Board regarding publication of the textbooks. While a few books are directly published by the Board itself, rest are left to private publishers. It is not clear whether the Board has any definite policy in this matter. For example Board directly published the History textbooks for classes VI and VII but left die History textbooks for classes VIII to X at the mercy of private publishers. Similarly while publication for all classes from VI to X of Science and Geography are left to the private publishers, books on Maths for all classes are brought out by the Board itself Board should have a declared policy in this matter even if private publishers are allowed to be in the field 97

2. It could hardly be denied that the Board's own publications are free from all slips. Biut so far private publishers' books are concerned, it is less said the better. There is }an organizational problem in the process of the review of the manuscripts. On an averaige not less than seventy to eighty manuscripts in each subjects are submitted to the board by the publishers for approval. Each book is sent to two reviewers. Consequently the Boaird requires quite a large number of reviewers for review of the books. It is not an easy jiob for the Board to locate such a huge number of competent reviewers in all subjects. Moreover reviewers are asked to submit their report within a fortnight or so-a time whiich may not be adequate to do justice for review of a textbook. Another problem related to the system of review is that a guideline of a very general nature is circulated to Ithe reviewers. It caused a problem of standardization of review. Instead of sending a simple guideline, the Board should organize rigorous workshop with the reviewers before aind after submission of manuscripts by the authors. This could help improve the quality' of the books. 3. Though there is a circular from the board that "any book which has not been approved by the Board for use as a textbook must not be taught and prescribed in the booklist". But this circular would be hardly usefiil or effective unless the board is empowered by statutory provision to take unitive action in case of any violation of the terms and conditions regarding publication of textbooks. We could end up with the expectation that new textbooks based on revised syllabus coming up from the academic session 2005-06 would be an improvement.

-Dr. Ramakrishna Chatterjee Preparation, Production and Prescription of Textbooks for School Education in India

R. Govinda and Mona Sedwal National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration New Delhi

Textbooks have always been integral part of the school education system. The rolie of the textbook in an ordinary classroom in India has been aptly described by Kumar (1992); “The textbook symbolizes the authority under which the teacher must accept to wo)rk. It also symbolizes the teachers’ subservient status in the educational culture.” Wlhether one ftilly endorses this view or not, it is clear that, the single most factor which influences what the teacher does and what the student learns in the existing primary school scenario is the textbook. Availability of textbooks, however, was not a serious iss ue during the colonial period as access to schooling was largely confined to the elite sections. As the school education programme acquired a mass character in the post­ independence period, absence of good quality textbooks began to be felt. Yet the early period after independence saw no major effort to mass produce textbooks. This was left to enterprising authors and publishers, who could get their textbooks prescnbed by the State Government authorities. But as Education Commission (1964-66) points out, textbook writing and production did not receive the attention they deserved. As the system expanded, textbook industry became one of the very profitable fields for investments and led to a proliferation of low quality, sub-standard and badly produced textbooks. Availability of textbooks at affordable prices for the poor also became an important issue. The Commission also identified several factors contributing to the problem such as lack of interest shown by top-ranking scholars, malpractices in the selection and prescription of textbooks, unscrupulous tactics adopted by several publishers, lack of research in the preparation and production of textbooks and the almost total disregard of the need for bringing out ancillary books, such as teachers’ guides and supplementary material. It is in this context that many state governments took over the production of textbooks. Centralization of Textbook Production

Developing and preparing textbooks by the States began even before independence. Uttar Pradesh was the first state to initiate such activities in 1942. Most other states followed suit immediately after independence. But, participation of the state in preparing and producing textbooks was not viewed as the basis for exclusion of participation by other individuals and agencies. However, with the establishment of the Central Bureau of Textbook Research in 1954 and its subsequent merger in NCERT in 1961, a new direction was given to the area of textbook development and production. The Education Commission recommended that a comprehensive programme of textbook production may be launched on the lines already being attempted by the NCERT. Subsequently, the National Board of School Textbooks in its first meeting in 1969 suggested, “NCERT should work out a general framework in the form of principles and

Note prepared for the CABE Committee on Regulatory Mechanisms tor the Textbooks and Parallel Textbooks 1 aueht m Schools Outside the Government Svstem criteria of preparing textbooks for different school subjects, by actively involving State authorities, subject specialists, teachers and other educators.” Following these events, an important development that has taken place in all the states of India is the centralized development and production of textbooks and the strict enforcement of the use of prescribed textbooks in government schools and also in those private schools which are supported by the government. It is this fact of the textbook being prescribed and not just recommended that has significantly influenced the processes of curriculum development and preparation of teaching-leaming material through out the country. It is often felt that this has, on the one hand, reduced textbooks to be bureaucratic instruments rather than academic ones and on the other, it effectively renders the teacher’s status as subservient to the textbook and to the bureaucracy through that symbol. Thus teachers are treated as mere implementers of state specifications rather than individuals engaged in and capable of creative academic activity. This in effect has also removed from the purview of a teacher’s activity any reference work to be done m preparation to teaching. Interestingly, private schools which do not receive government grants routinely ignore the existence of such textbooks and choose from a range of teaching-learning matenal available in the market. The initial decision to centrally develop and produce school textbooks had a noble intention. The textbook production was nationalized in order to ensure : a. quality of content and format; b. incorporation of national objectives; c. control over prices; and d. quick and efficient distribution of textbooks. It is important to thoroughly examine whether these objectives are really being achieved in all the states In particular, have we really achieved the objective of producing textbooks of high quality? Institutional Arrangement for Textbook Preparation and Production Efforts to institutionalize textbook preparation and production began with the establishment of State Institutes of Education and State Institutes of Science Education in mid-sixties. By then NCERT had also begun preparing textbooks at national level. These efforts were in line with the Commission’s recommendations. The Commission ftirther recommended for establishing autonomous agencies in public sector for production of textbooks on commercial lines. A few State Governments established Textbook Corporations; Maharashtra Government combined the task of textbook production and related research through the creation of Maharashtra State Board of Textbook Production and Cumculum Research. The function of textbook preparation, particularly for primary and upper primary classes, was taken over by SCERTs which subsumed the SDEs and SlSEs organizationally as well as functionally in most of the states. The situation broadly remains the same even now as captured in the Table enclosed. This does not however imply that the tasks have been fully streamlined and all the SCERTs carry them out systematically. In fact, some of the SCERTs, as in case of North-Eastern states, came into existence much later and the responsibility for textbook preparation and production in some of them is still quite fluid. Meanwhile, the profile of NCERT as a textbook producer at the national level expanded enormously, with the publication of the National Cumculum Framework in late 1970s on the one hand and the collaborative arrangement between the CBSE and the NCERT in setting the curriculum and preparing textbooks, on the other. It was expected that the NCERT efforts would help build the capacity of State level agencies in the area of textbook preparation and production. Where do the State level organizations stand in their effort of preparing school level textbooks'^ Do SCERTs prepare and produce all the textbooks for primar>' and secondary stages'^ Is there involvement of private publishers in the process‘d Are schools free to choose and use textbooks from any source'^ With the tremendous expansion of private unaided sector at both elementary and secondary levels, divergence m the use of textbooks by government and private schools has acquired considerable irnportance Are private schools free to use any textbook'^ What processes do the SCERTs adopt in preparing textbooks'^ If private publishers are involved, how are the books approved and prescribed by the State government bodies'^ These are some critical questions that were explored with the State agencies through quick questionnaire survey. Responses could be collected from 18 State level agencies. (See the list of responding States appended; responses are still coming in) The mechanism tor preparing the textbooks is context specific and varies from State to State The information acquired from thirteen States show that by and large the responsibility of textbook preparation for the elementary level is on the SCERT ' Such States are Delhi, Orissa, Nagalafid, Udaipur, MP and Haryana. Some states (Arunachal Pradesh and Chandigarh), adopt the NCERT syllabus and follow the CBSE pattern at all the three stages States like Karnataka and Gujarat have the Directorate of Textbooks, which IS a wing of SCERT. In States like Mizoram and West Bengal, the Board of School Education prepares the textbooks for the elementary stage. In Himachal Pradesh textbooks are prepared by DPEP/SSA and printed by H P Board of School Education. In some states, as in Madhya Pradesh, while SCERT prepares the textbooks, their printing, publication and distribution is done entirely by the Madhya Pradesh State Textbook Corporation. In Gujarat, GCERT only provides technical support to Textbook Development Board which is fully responsible for preparation, publication and distribution of textbooks. The processes also vary with respect to stages of education for example in Orissa, elementary level refers to classes I-VIT whereas in Haryana textbooks are prepared by SCERT only till primary stage as for other stages NCERT books are adopted. A fairly elaborate procedure is followed from the preparation of textbooks till it reaches the students. While in most cases textnbooks are printed m State Government establishements, some States use private facilities also for the purpose in Kamataka, Directorate of Textbooks as a wing of DSERT prepares all the textbooks for standards I to X. After preparation, 60% of the textbooks are given for printing in government press and 40% are printed by private printers/publishers. Textbooks from I to X standards are prepared by the Directorate of textbooks, Kamataka in 10 languages. Management of printing and publication is an important issue as it involves large amount of investment and profit making wherever private publishers are involved In Orissa, the responsibility for preparing the textbooks for different streams of education rests with the different organization/institution of the state. At elementary stage. Directorate of TE and SCERT and Orissa Primary Education Programme Authority (OPEPA), Bhubaneswar prepares textbooks. Gujarat follows Three Tier try out system in

The SCl'R T is iaiown b\ dilTercnt names in \anous Slates like, DSliRT in Karnataka. GCHRT in Guiaral and SlI'llT in Raiasihan. three phases before introducing the textbooks. Try out; Phase I involves tryout in 400 randomly selected primary schools; Try out: Phase II involves try out in selected schools of low literacy rate district; and Phase-111 involves implementation of the modified Textbooks all over the state. In West Bengal also Periodic Try out Process is adopted before fmalisation of the manuscripts. In Mizoram, Mizoram Board of School Education (MBSE) as a first step, examines the curriculum and syllabi of other boards and NCERT and formulates a suitable curriculum and syllabi for Mizoram State. Based on the syllabi, textbook writers and editors are selected by the Statutory Committee of Mizoram Board of School Education for Textbook and Syllabus. Editors are also appointed to edit the textbooks written by the local experts. Mizoram Board of School Education regulates textbooks publication through private publishers. State Board prints all the textbooks as the Board is empowered by MBSE Act, 1975 which is passed by the Mizoram Legislative Assembly. In Delhi, team comprising senior university teachers, professionals from NGO sector, college teachers, SCERT and DIET teacher educators and school teachers prepare the textbooks in a collaborative mode In Karnataka Text books committees are formed for every subjecxt/class consisting of subject experts and classroom teachers.The manuscripts prepared are scrutinized by another group of experts and introduced for one year in selected blocks of the state. The textbooks are again revised based on the feedback and introduced in the entire stage In Haryana, the Board of School Education assigns the work of material development to SCERT which in turn accomplishes the work by organizing workshops with school teachers and subject experts and subject specialists working m SCERT. While SCERT produces/develops textbooks for primary classes for (1-5), for classes VI to VIII, textbooks published by NCERT have been adopted by the state. In Rajasthan, textbooks for Class I to 8 are prepared by SIERT approved by State Govt, and published by the Textbook Board. Before, publication, computerized manuscripts of all textbooks in the form of hard copy are presented to the Secretary (Education) and to the Education Minister for approval. In Madhya Pradesh, mechanism of textbook writing is done in a workshop mode. Resource persons for these workshop are identified from various fields of education - school teachers, subject experts, persons from RIE, DIETs, CTEs & lASE and retired persons. Textbook standing committee approves the text books and approved textbooks are notified by the state government. Mechanisms for Regulation of Use of Textbooks Very few States approve Textbooks written and produced by other individual or organization. Even in the few states where such provision exists, it is done only after the books are examined first by a group of experts in a workshop and the opinion is taken to the State Level Textbook and Syllabus Committee for final perusal and approval It is only in the States of Delhi, Haryana, West Bengal, Nagaland and Himachal Pradesh that private unaided schools are free to adopt Textbooks of their choice though there is no particular procedure for regulating adoption of books. In all other States the schools have to adopt the State approved textbooks. But, to some extent, this prescription is only notional as linked to the syllabus prescribed for the final board examination. Beyond the use of the State prescribed textbooks, private unaided schools are free to adopt additional or supplementary books. Regulatory structures and mechanisms including legislative measures exist only in some States. In Delhi, textbooks to be used in government schools are prescribed by the Government upto class Vfll Same is the case in Karnataka. In Gujarat, Gujarat State Schools Textbook Board is the regulatory Authority. In Mizoram, the Mizoram Board of School Education Act, 1975 empowers the Board to prescribe, prepare, publish and select te.xtbooks for the various examination conducted by the Board Under the Board, a statutory committee namely Textbooks and Syllabus Commiittee finalises the matter in respect of all the textbooks In Orissa Legislative measures have recently been taken for adoption of Language Textbook (Oriya) in English medium schools affiliated to ICSE and CBSE In Madhya Pradesh the state government has formed an act ‘MP Praathmik tatha Madhyamik Shiksha (Pathya Pustako Sambandhi Vyavastha) Adhiniyam 1973 and 1974 which approve the text books of the state. These approved books are to be adopted essentially by Government Primary and upper primary schools. The textbooks for the secondary and higher secondary stages are generally adopted fi-om the NCERT in most of the States Textbooks at Secondary Stage are not prepared in Delhi as all schools are affiliated to CBSE. CBSE prescribed textbooks are used at Higher Secondary/PUC Stage in Delhi. The H P. Board does not prepare textbooks for class XI, XII, instead books of NCERT are recommended in the schools. In Haryana also textbooks published by NCERT New Delhi have been introduced in the state at secondary aad Higher Secondary/PUC stage In Orissa at the secondary stage (For classes VIII, IX and X) Board of Secondary Education, Orissa - which is an Autonomous Organisation, prepares textbooks. At Higher Secondary Education (for classes XI and XII) State Bureau of Textbook Preparation and Publication, Bhubaneswar IS responsible for preparing textbooks. But as already mentioned, very few States directly intervene in private unaided schools on the nature of teaching-leaming matenal books being used. Once recognition is given to such private self-fmancing schools, public examinations are the only link betw'een the schools and the State Government authonties Should the freedom enjoyed by the private unaided schools be curbed or should such freedom be extended to other schools also, provided they conform to national values enshrined in the constitution'^ The real need, in the present juncture, is to provide the teachers with a variety of material that help them to organize their teaching in a more effective manner and also make the learning process meaningful and enjoyable to the young leamers. It is futile to search for one perfect set of textbooks which will suffice for all teachers and learners across the countr>^ or even any one state in the country. In fact, improving quality needs use of more source material, reference books, supplementary readers and ennchment matenal for teachers and leamers. Building capacit\^ among teachers to select relevant materials and use them in a meaningful way along with the textbooks needs to be actively pursued. Should we not change the prevalent practice that only rich children and their teachers should have access to variety of material while it suffices to provide the poor children and their teachers with just one set of textbooks'^ In the absence of such material how can we accuse the teacher of being textbook centred? In conclusion, one has to recognize that the States have gone a long way in improving the practices related to printing and production of textbooks. But there is no proper direction in the policies and practices related to preparation and use of textbooks in schools How' do we reestablish textbook preparation as a creative activity and tap such potential in the larger society outside the bureaucratic frameworkHow do w^e recognize and promote such activities in the non-govemment sector? Apart from these questions we have also to explore ways and means of enriching the academic atmosphere in the schools by creating additional reading material and library facilities. We have to investigate as to why such an important task as preparing and producing children’s reading material is given practically no place in the scheme of things at the state level programmes of school education'^ Even at the national level does this receive adequate priorityIt is important that the role of textbook in teaching learning process is viewed m the right perspective. It is necessary to have a total review and rethinking on the issue of textbook production and preparation in the country. The role of different agencies at national and state levels have to be redefined carefully keeping in view the actual role that textbooks ought to play in teaching-learning processes. It may be pertinent to issue a set of national guidelines for ensuring that core reading and learning material made available to children and teachers in schools conform to national values and ideals. But it will continue to be in the realm of State governments to ensure that they are not ttouted by unscrupulous elements within the State or in private educational establishments. In no case, however, should this lead to restricting the teachers from using a variety of teaching-learning material in schools. It would probably be difficult to control or eliminate the misuse of textbooks for partisan purposes as long as textbook remains the sole means of acquiring knowledge and information by school children and textbook remains the sole source of reference material for the school teacher.

ANNEX I

Elementary Secondary Higher Secondary Andhra Pradesh Yes Yes Yes Arunachal Pradesh Yes Chandigarh Yes Yes Yes ! Chattisgarh Yes Delhi Yes Yes Yes Gujarat Yes Yes Harvana Yes Yes Yes Himachal Pradesh Yes Yes Yes Karnataka Yes Yes Madhya Pradesh Yes ! 1 Maharashtra Yes i Mizoram Yes Yes Yes i Nagaland Yes - — ------...... - - — - — 1 O nssa Yes 1 Rajasthan Yes Uttar Pradesh Yes Yes ?I West Bengal Yes ANNEX 2 Questionnaire for on Textbook Preparation and Regulation Textbooks at Eiementai-y Stage

!. What IS the mechanism for preparing the textbooks in your State at the followmg levels: 2. Does State Bodies like SCERT/Text Board/Corporation produce all the textbooks required for the schools or do they approve Textbooks written and produced by other individual or organization‘s If yes, what is the proportion of the books published by Government and Private publishers in such schools (approximately )‘s 3. If the State approves Textbooks written and produced by other individual or organization w^hat is the procedure adopted for its approval'^’ 4 How are the Government prescribed Textbooks wTitten'^ Describe the process adopted for it's 5 Are private unaided schools fi-ee to adopt Textbooks of their choice‘s Is there any procedure to regulate adoption of such Textbooks*^ 6. What are the existing regulatory structures and mechanisms includmg legislative measures m your State/\Jn\on Territory regardmg use of textbooks vn Government, private aided and private unaided school s's

Textbooks at Secondary Stage

1. What IS the mechanism for preparing the textbooks in your State at the followmg levels; 2 Does State Bodies like SCERT/Text Board/Corporation produce all the textbooks required for the schools or do they approve Textbooks written and produced by other individual or organization? If yes, what is the proportion of the books published by Government and Private publishers in such schools (approximatelyys 3, If the State approves Textbooks written and produced by other individual or organization what is the procedure adopted for its approval's 4 How are the Government prescribed Textbooks wntten's Describe the process adopted for it? 5, Are private unaided schools free to adopt Textbooks of their choice's Is there any procedure to regulate adoption of such Textbooks'^ 6 What are the existing regulatory structures and mechanisms including legislative measures in your State/Union Territory regarding use of textbooks m Government, private aided and private unaided schools's Textbooks at Higher Secondai-y/PUC Stage

What IS the mechanism for preparing the textbooks in your State at the followmg levels; Does State Bodies like SCERT/Text Board/Corporation produce all the textbooks required for the schools or do they approve Textbooks wntten and produced by other individual or organization*^ If yes, what is the proportion of the books published by Government and Private publishers in such schools (approximately)'^ If the State approves Textbooks wntten and produced by other individual or organization what is the procedure adopted for its approval‘s How are the Government prescribed Textbooks written? Describe the process adopted for it? Are private unaided schools free to adopt Textbooks of their choice? Is there any procedure to regulate adoption of such Textbooks'^ What are the existing regulatory structures and mechanisms including legislative measures in your State/Union Territory regarding use of textbooks in Government, private aided and private unaided schools?

ANNEX 3 Preparation, Publication and Printing of Textbooks For School Education in India

Sr.No. State Textbooks Textbooks Details Year of Preparation Publishing Informa Agency -tion 1. Andhra Curriculum and Andhra Pradesh Classes I-X 1998 Pradesh Syllabus Textbook Press Distribution also prescribed by done by Textbook Board of Press Secondary Education 2. Arunachal CBSE syllabus is NCERT has Textbooks are 1994 Pradesh followed. prepared procured by Textbooks textbooks for Directorate of published by classes I-IU. Public NCERT and Instruction. CBSE for classes i 1 l-Xll and recommended by i j CBSE are i 1 i followed. 1 Sr.No. State Textbooks Textbooks Details Year of Preparation Publishing Informa Agency -tion 3, Assam Textbook Different Primary and 1999 i Corporation Private Secondary^ Publishers Distribution is done by Central Store and Zonal 1 1 Sale depots 4. Andaman & Textbooks for So far Textbook 1995 Nicobar classes l-Xll in Cell is Islands English Hindi are responsible for procured from procurement NCERTCBSE and distribution and in Telgu, of textbooks 1 Tamil and T extbook Bengali from Bureau is Boards of Andhra responsible has Prades, Tamil been set up for Nadu and West procurement 1 Bengal. and distribution i Some primary !1 textbooks are locally developed by SIE 5. Bihar State Textbook The Bihar State For classes I-Xn 1999 Committee with Textbook 1. Adopts the help of Publishing nationalized SCERT Corporation textbooks established in from NCERT 1966. 2. Receives manuscript from individual writers Also

6 . Chandigarh Not Available 7. Delhi Delhi Bureau of Some books of 2000 Textbooks elementary and secondary

8 . Dadar Department of 1995 Nagar Education Havel I procures books for all classes from Gujarat ! 9. Daman & 2000 Textbooks for all ...... J 10

Sr.No. State Textbooks Textbooks Details Year of Preparation Publishing Informa Agency -tion Dm classes are procured from Gujarat Secondary and Higher Secondary Education Board.

10. Goa Till 1990s the Printing and 1994 state adopted distribution of syllabus and textbooks by textbooks Maharashtra from Textbook Maharashtra Bureau on Board of behalf of Secondary SIE,Goa and Hr Secondary Education.

2 - Textbooks are developed by Printing and State Institute distribution for of Education Secondary for classes I- Education by VI Board itself 3. Goa Board of Secondary and Higher Secondary for classes Vll- XU 11 Gujarat The School The School For primary and 2001 Textbook Board Textbook Board secondary education Material is prepared by subject experts. Distribution through authorized dealers. 12. Haryana 1. Department of Textbook Writers are also 1994 Education (1- Printing Press identified and v n i) under asked to prepare 2. Board of Controller of textbooks on 11

Sr.No. State Textbooks Textbooks Details Year of Preparation Publishing [nforma Agency -tion School Printing and payment basis. Education Stationery Board also (IX-Xll) prescribes books SCERT IS published by also involved. CBSEand ^ NCERT 13. Himachal State adopted Outright 1997 Pradesh CBSE syllabus purchase tbnn and NCERT SCERT Textbooks for Classes I-XII 14. Jammu & Information not Kashmir Available Karnataka Textbook Wing Publication and The Karnataka 1994 ofDSERT printing of Cooperative decides syllabi for textbooks is Consumer classes-X. done by the Federation is Textbooks are Government responsible for prepared by Textbook Press, distribution Textbook Mysore. These Taluk Committees are supplied to Agricultural the district Producer and textbook depots Marketing at the district Societies receive level that are textbooks from under Deputy store and Director of distribute to Education at the schools. district level. 16. Kerala State Institute of Textbook wing I Textbooks are 1994 Education of General I prepared by Education selected experts Department form Department of Education, universities, affiliated colleges and schools._____ 17 Lakshadwee Textbooks for 1995 P classes l-IV are prepared and printed at the territory' level. Textbooks for 12

Sr.No. State Textbooks Textbooks Details Year of Preparation Publishing Informa Agency -tion other higher classes are purchased from kerala. Madhya State Institute of T extbook For School 1994 Pradesh Education Corporation Education classes through Textbook I-Xfl Standing Committee 19. Maharashtra Maharashtra State Maharashtra Preparation, 2002 Bureau of State Bureau of editing, prmtmg Textbook Textbook and publication of Production and Production and books from Curriculum Curriculum primary to Research Research Secondary. established in Distributed 1967. thorough cooperative stores. 20. Meghalaya Textbooks are Private For classes l-XII 2000 written and publishers are prepared by responsible for private publishers printing and and approved by distribution of Meghalaya Board textbooks. of Secondary NCERT Education. textbooks are also prescribed. Private publishers obtain the copywrite for publishing NCERT books 21 Manipur SCERT prepare 2000 and publish textbooks for primary education and arranges textbooks for upper primary classes with the help of______13

Sr.No. State Textbooks T extbooks Details Year of Preparation Publishing Informa Agency -tion Directorate of Education 22 Mizoram Mizoram Board Textbooks are 1994 of School printed in the Education local printing prepares and press and publishes the distributed to textbooks. the booksellers. 23. Nagaland Textbooks upto Printing and 1994 class VllI IS production by prepared by private SCERT publishers with the approval of Directorate of Education. 24. Orissa Directorate of Printing by 2000 T eacher Textbook Education and Production and SCERT for books Marketing Press at elementary' of the level and Board Department of i of Secondary School and Education, Onssa Mass Education. 25. Pondicherry^ Textbooks for all 2000 classes are procured from neighbouring states particularly from Tamil Nadu. 26. Punjab Textbooks for Unit of Printing Books produced 1994 classes I-XII are and Distnbution by pnvate the sole of the Board. publishers and !1 responsibility of approved by a the Branch for Committee of Academic Subject Experts. Planning and Evaluation of the

i Punjab School i Education Board. 27. Rajasthan Planning and Management of 1996 1 1 1 preparation of production, I i textbooks by printing and 14

Sr.No. State Textbooks Textbooks Details Year of Preparation Publishing Informa Agency -tion State Institute of distribution of Educational textbooks by Research and Rajasthan State Training for Textbook Board classes I-VIU For for classes l- sec classes. vm Board of Sec. Education Rajasthan take the responsibility of preparation and distribution of textbooks.

28, Sikkim Textbooks for Textbook unit is 1995 primary education responsible for by State Institute selecting, of Education. For procuring and classes VI, VII distributing and Vni are textbooks prescribed from the wide range of publications available from different publishers. For classes IX to XII the books are suggested by CBSE 29. Tamil Nadu Tamil Nadu Supply of 2001 Textbook Society textbooks for is responsible for classes I-VIII is planning and done by preparation of Textbook textbooks for Society. classes l-XIl. 30. Tripura State Institute of 1996 Education prepares and publishes the books for primary classes. 15

Sr.N o. State Textbooks Textbooks Details Year of Preparation Publishing tnforma Agency -tion For classes V’1- VIII preparation and publication of books are managed by State Advisor>' Board 31 Uttar Office of the Board of 1999 Pradesh Pathya Pustak writers, Adhikari for educationists, books at subject elementar>' level specialist and and at secondary- teachers are level by the involved in the Textbook process of Nationalization preparation of Unit of the Board manuscript. of High School Final and Intermediate manuscript is Education given to a printer of repute for model copy and model copy is given to other printers and publishers for publication

32. West West Bengal 2001 Bengal Board of Primary Education w'lth the help of State Council of Educational Research and Training for primary classes. For secondary' and higher secondary Board of Secondary' Education and Council of Higher 16

Sr.No. State Textbooks Textbooks Details Year of Preparation Publishing Infornia Agency -tion Secondary Education.

Note; Information compiled by Dr. R.S. Tyagi, NIEPA based on Survey of Educational Administration for various States published by NIEPA, New Delhi Textbooks- Role of the Government

Rajeev Dhavan Senior Advocate

1 have been asked my opinion on the role of the Union Government m respect of textbooks used m schools m relation to the task assigned by the Union Government to a special sub-committee which has the following terms of reference

‘'(a) To studv and report on textbooks in government schools not using the CBSE syllabus.

(b) To study the textbooks and curriculum of schools outside the Government system, including those run by the religious and social organisations,

(c) To suggest an appropriate regulatory mechanism for institutionalising the issue of preparation of textbooks and curricular material

In particular, there is a more specific concern about the 'institutional mechanisms’ that can be put in place on an on-going basis to ensure the quality of education.

What may have occasioned the queries are the recent controversies relating to the decisions made by the BJP-led NDA government in which the Ministry of Human Resources acting in concern with the NCERT tried to ‘saffronise’ textbooks by withdrawing earlier textbooks and replacing them with new ones. The new textbooks failed to reach educational standards because the books were (i) sub-standard, (ii) full of errors, (iii) gave rise to problems of copyright and plagiarism, and (iv) 'saffronized' in ways that was an affront to a secular education. On all - or, in fact, any one of these grounds, the books could have been withdrawn. Quite apart from the arguments over ^saffronisation’, as a publisher or educator, neither the government nor NCERT could produce sub-standard books which were full of mistakes and which would invite litigation for violation of copyright and plagiarism.

Meanwhile, in the Anma Roy case (2002) 7 SCC 368 the Supreme Court drew a distinction between 'a value based’ secular education drawn from Indian values and a religious education In the latter case, the religious education had to follow the discipline of Article 28 of the Constitution on ‘freedom as to attendance at religious instruction or religious worship in certain educational institutions’. This distinction seems to have left the door open for a disguised saffronisation. At the same time, the Supreme Court's decision must be taken to reinforce rather than collapse the distinction between a ‘secular’ value based education (which the court regarded as constitutionally desirable) and religious instruction (which was impermissible in government schools: and, to a lesser extent government aided schools). This may be important to construing the duties of government in respect of imparting education. 4. In order to answer the general queries raised, it is necessary' to consider the following:

(i) The power and responsibility of Union and State Governments respectively.

(ii) The right to a school education in the light of Article 21A of the Constitution.

(iii) The power of the Union or State Government in relation to textbooks.

(iv) The responsibility of the Union and State Governments to provide a quality education.

(v) The duties of the Union and State Governments to ensure that the constitutional prescriptions in respect of a ‘secular’ education are not infringed.

(vi) The rights of citizens and minorities to autonomy in respect of establishing and administering institutions of their choice.

(vii) The importance of free speech and democratic choice so that, under the guise of maintaining standards, the Union and State Governments do not set up an invidious apparatus of censorship over text books

(viii) There is a distinction in the kinds of controls and responsibilities available to government in respect of its own schools as compared with private schools.

5. By way of background, it is necessary to trace some of the changes that have taken place in the constitutional regime relating to education. In 1950, the Constitution envisaged that education would remain the responsibility of the States [Constitution, List II, Entry 11] - with the Union playing a coordinating role in matters of higher professional and technical education [Constitution, List 1, Entries 63-66). In 1958, in the Kerala Education Bill opinion AIR 1958 SC 956, the Supreme Court took the view that while the States were right to take their duty to provide a school education seriously, there were some limits to the extent to which they could take over and nationalise minority schools. This led to a continuous struggle between minority schools and various State Governments about the extent of their autonomy in matters relating to staff, students, finance and administration. But, it was generally agreed that even minority schools had to maintain educational standards as part of recognition and affiliation accorded to them so that they become institutions of excellence for those to resort to them. [See, Mother Provincial (1 970) 2 SCC 4] 7 at pr. 10.Ahmcdahad Si. Xavier ’v College (1974) 1 SCC 717 at prs. 1 8, 46, 51 and 90-94, Gandhi Faiz-e-ani- ( \?llege (1975) 2 SCC 283 at prs. 1 1 and 34, All Saints High School (1980) 2 SCC 478 at prs. 3-5, 25-34 and 42-54; Frank Anthony (1986) 4 SCC 707 at prs. 6-16; Y. Thedanima (1987) 2 SCC 516 at prs. 11 and 12; AH Bihar Christian Schools (1988) 1 SCC 206 at prs. 6-9 and 15-16.]

So, the maintenance of standards was very much the duty' of the State, universities and boards even though the autonomy of minority educational institutions was guaranteed.

6). The Constitution (Forty Second Amendment) Act, 1976, made changes in the empowerments and allocation of responsibiiities in the Constitution. Education (including school education) ceased to become an exclusive State subject but traversed to the Concurrent List [Constitution, List 111, Entry 25] so that both the Union and the States had powers - and, perforce, responsibility in respect of education. This added renewed vigour to the ‘National Policy(ies) on Education’ by the Union Government. In a conflict between the policies or legislation of the Union and the States, it was the policy of the Union that would have precedence over the Slates

7. Then followed a sea change in framework of constitutional duties of the Union and State. Originally, the Constitution envisaged a right to school education up to the age of 14 years as no more than a Directive Principle - stated as an objective to be achieved but not justiciable as a right. After llnnikrishnan’s case (1993) 4 SCC 111 which was, in this regard, approved by the 11 Judge bench in TMA Fai (2002) 8 SCC 481, it was accepted that it was the fundamental right of every child to receive a school education till the age of 14 years. In the year 2002, the Constitution (Eighty Sixth Amendment) 2002 introduced Article 21A into the Constitution, to crystallize the right to a school education as a fundamental right which inheres in every child. What IS a right in a child creates a correspondmg duty in the ‘state’ to ensure a good education for all as part of the egalitarian guarantees of the Constitution

8. Meanwhile in TMA P ar’s case (2002), the Supreme Court envisaged a partnership between the ‘State’ and private institutions to provide education for all The Court recognised the right of citizens to establish and administer educational institutions. The State had a duty to maintain educational standards but also had a duty to respect the institutional autonomy of the educational institutions with a maximum autonomy' devolving on unaided institutions and, a lesser autonomy over aided institutions while controlling the institutions set up the State itself

9. In the Aruna Roy case (2002), the Supreme Court also gave importance to the Union’s role in coordinating with the States through institutions like CABE where the States w'ere represented. 10. Thus It becomes the duty of the Union and the States to

(a) ensure a school education to all till the age of 14,

(b) ensure that the education so provided was a quality education,

(c) maintain standards of excellence as part of recognition and affiliation,

(d) preserve the autonomy of private institutions while ensuring standards of excellence to the extent of aid provided and depending on whether the institutions were governmental, or aided or non-aided by the state,

(e) to coordinate with each other through such institutions and procedures as existed or could be devised (such as CABE).

It IS in this background that we have to consider the powers of the Union and States in matters relating to school education, standards of excellence and textbooks and inter se coordination.

11 As far as textbooks for government schools were concerned, in the Fimjah Textbook case AIR 1955 SC 549 and other cases, the Supreme Court laid dovv^n.

(i) The Government can and may create, produce and publish text books in order to service the needs of schools by executive action.

"So far . . . as the recognised schools are concerned, the choice of text hooks rests entirely with the Government; and, it is for the Government to decide in which nay the selection of text hooks is to he made”

[See, Ram Jawaya Kapur AIR 1955 SC 549 at pr. 20; and, Naraindas Indurkhya (1974) 4 SCC 788 at pr. 11]

(ii) There is no fundamental right in any writer or publisher to “insist” that any of their textbooks be approved.

[See, Ram Jawaya Kapur (1955) at pr. 20; and, Naraindas Indurkhya (1 974) at pr. 11]

(iii) Private publishers have a right to publish and print books but cannot insist that these be selected by the Government.

[See, Ram Jawaya Kapur (1955) at pr. 20; Naraindas Indurkhya (1974) at pr. 11 ] a,ppropriate to “recognise and nurture the best features of each gender in the best Indian tiradition ” This turns on its head the NPE 1986 perspective that there has been historical di.iscrimination against women. The NCF 2000 gives the impression, that somewhere in tlhe past, there were “best traditions”. This harking back to a ‘golden age’ is diametrically o>pposed to the NPE 1986.

The NCF 2000 further conflates the distinct thrusts on equality of educational opportunity' a:nd women’s equality, both of which had received distinct attention in the NPE 1986 As sections 1 3 and 4.2 of NPE 1986 shows, these principles were viewed distinctly and not, that ‘Emphasis in education has moved from equality of educationally opportunity (NPE 1 968) to ‘Education for women’s Equality and Empowerment’. The implications of this c onflation need to be understood more deeply. Equality of educational opportunity opens doors for all disadvantaged groups, both men and women, rural poor, backward castes, class, and religions. This emphasis has stayed right through all policy documents since independence, and has existed along with women’s equality. There is simply no basis for the NCF 2000 pronouncement of shift of emphasis

These departures generated wide controversy. An appeal to the NHRC seeking e:xamination of the NCF 2000 from the perspective of children’s nghts evoked the following response from the NHRC. 9^ January 2002 “Freedom of information is the essence of democracy. Education helps to develop this trait. It must therefore, be also a medium of exposure to different points of view based on depiction of established facts It IS the obligation of the school to disseminate all necessary information children require to facilitate them in making informed choices about their own lives. The school is the agent for translating the child’s right to development into informed action Thus nght to education is clearly a human right and its proper direction a human rights issue. This is the issue raised in the petition by some educationist who allege that the revision of textbooks for children’s education is likely to adversely affect their development and distort their personality, which affects human development. No doubt formulation of policies is within the domain of government However, the constitutional philosophy in the Preamble, the fundamental guarantees and the mandate of regulation of policy fomiulation by the Directive Pnnciples of State Policy has to be respected and when it is alleged that a policy or state action would adversely affect the development of children it becomes a human rights issue requinng examination of the NHRC, in exercise of its statutory functions.”

Soon after, a PIL was file din the Supreme Court against the NCF 2000. The Supreme Court initially stayed the NCF 2000, but eventually vacated the stay, adding however, “in our view, this submission (non-consultation with CABE makes the NCFSE infmctuous) cannot be accepted. Firstly, it is to be re-iterated that CABE is anon- statutor>' body ...It is true it has been functioning since 1935. However, it being constituted by exercise of the Executive function of the Government, it cannot be held that as the CABE is not consulted, the policy laid down by the NCERT is violative of any statutory provision or rules.” “While it is trues that the CABE is a non-statutory body but one cannot overlook the fact that it has been in existence since 1935. It has also been accepted as a meaningful partnership between the States and the Centre, particularly at evolving a consensus on the major policy issues in the field of human resource development. I am, therefore, of the view that the importance of the role played by CABE cannot be side tracked on the plea that the body is non-statutory, particularly when it has been playing an important role for evolving a consensus on the major policy decisions mvolving national policy on education. It is now well settled principle that past practices and conventions forms a precedent and followed unless decided otherwise In the case ot CABE, the term of nominated Members is only for three years, but for ex-officio members there is no fixed term of office. This would mean that the existence of the Board as such is in perpetuity'. This would also be clearly indicative of the importance of the Board...”‘in my view, such side stepping of such an important Advisory Board as CABE on the plea of non-reconstitution of nominated Members is not proper There is yet another reason as to why consultation of the Board is highly essential in issues like relating to the State and Central co-ordination in evolving a national consensus pertaining to education. Consultation of the board is highly essential in issues relating to the State and Central coordination in evolving a national consensus on national policy on education, which require implementation in all states, as education has now been brought to the Concurrent list by the 42"^* amendment to the Constitution. This would dispel the lurking suspicion in the minds of the people and also to project the transparency and purity in the decision-making process of the Government. The Union of India is, therefore, directed to consider the filling up the vacancies of the nominated members of CABE and convene a meeting of CABE for seeking its opinion on National Curriculum Framework for School Education as expeditiously as possible and in any case before the next academic session. This would not, however, mean that NCFSE 2000 published by NCERT is illegal for non-consultation of CABE” Justice Sema, (p 2-4,7)

Despite this direction to MHRD to re-constitute CABE it was not reconstituted till August 2004. In the meantime, the NCF was circulated widely and implemented in some states.

Clearly, if CABE is to pei*form the role of the highest body in education, it needs to be given a sounder legal status.

On the issue of who decides educational policy and its implementation also, several questions come up. While the Judgement states that the Parliament is supreme, and accepts the NPE as being approved by the Parliament, it is unclear in the matter of the critical relationship between the NPE and the NCFSE. The NCERT’s right to prepare the NCFSE has been upheld, but its adherence to the NPE has not as is shown by Justice Dharmadhikari’s statement: “After National Policy in Education 1986, a shift by the impugned National Educational Policy 2002 towards teaching of religions in the schools to educate children to understand common factors in all religions is not a non-secular step”

This lack of clarity as to how polices are made raises many issues on who decides educational policy and its implementation. In fact, no such policy as National Educational Policy 2002 exists The NCF 2000 has been elevated to the status of National Policy. Democratic processes for preparing National Policy of Education, with approvals of Parliament are now m jeopardy.

This Sub-Committee of CABE must need to ensure that such confusions do not occur in future.

The third strand pertains to seculansm itself At school level, it has always been the practice to introduce major religions at middle school level. Secondar\' and senior secondarv levels include more detailed descriptions of major religious philosophies. The NCFSE 2000, sets out religion as a major source of values, and recommends teaching about religions as if it has never been done before in schools, and by excising the study of Islam and Sikhism in class VI. The PIL was in objection to this omission The Judgement however, refers to the issue of education of religions per se, and rightly, states that “study of religions in schools education, cannot be held to be an attempt against the secular philosophy of the Constitution” . However, the main issue on hand with the NCFSE 2000, of overglorifymg Vedic religion, distortions in descriptions of other religions, was left largely unaddressed.

The CABE may need to address this issue in the light of the NPE 1986 and the spirit of the Constitution.

Another key issue that merits attention is the high degree of polarization on how, in particular, the history of India is to be depicted to school children. These are academic issues and, as the Supreme Court Judgement shows, not necessarily amenable to legal scrutiny Indeed the Judgement states; “How' best this religious pluralism to accord with secular thought of the country can be achieved by properly selecting material for inclusion in the textbooks for children of different ages and different stages is a matter which has to be left to the academicians and educationists Their involvement with all dignitaries and wath other experts in related fields is necessary. This exercise is to be undertaken by the Government for which any direction from the Court is neither required nor can the Court assume such powder to encroach on the field of preparation of an educational policy by the state. The scrutiny of the textbooks to find out whether they conform to the secular thought of the country is also to be undertaken by the experts, academicians and educationists” (pl3,14. Justice Dhamiadhikari)

It has often been pointed out that curriculum theory does not adequately deal with the epistemology of the subject matter. This may be particularly true of history in schools. The recent controversies on what history and whose historv' ought to be taught may be well addressed by studying the development of histor>' of India as a discipline. This may provide valuable guidelines for selection of texts, and may also avoid giving the impression to children that history is static or bi-polar Children need to understand that, as the excellent overview provided in the issue of Seminar 522 on rewriting history, states:

“The past does not come to us w'ith a unitary truth embedded within it: the facts that historians mine do not ever speak with one single voice. As our perspectives change we look to the past in new ways, reinterpret events, discover new meanings within them, pose new questions that could not even be formulated within the limits of earlier frameworks of analysis. So historians tell different stories of the same past, refigure evidence in diverse ways in the act of rewriting history-an act that ennches our conceptions of the past. . . The act of rewriting history^ is not objectionable. But all forms of rewriting are not the same. If rewriting is so integral to the growlh of historical knowledge, we need to continuously examine the nature of re writing; the assumptions that underlie the arguments, the questions that are posed, the mode in which knowledge is authenticated, the structure of the story that is elaborated .We need to differentiate between ways of revvTiting that are legitimate and productive and those that are problematic and intellectually unacceptable”

In a country where a mere 7% of the youth in the age group of 18-35 has access to any form of post-secondary education,^ these questions cannot be left to higher education alone. At the secondary level, children do have the cognitive ability to understand frameworks, and these must be introduced to them. For this will enable them to understand the various lenses through which we view history, be it orientalist, liberal, nationalist, post colonial; whether it is a hisrtory of communities, castes, localities, of peasants, workers, of women; or it is history from an environmental or ecological perspectives.

Children also need to be provided with the tools to discern quality of analyses, the ‘sound’ history from the ‘problematic’. In simple ways, it may be possible to provide some set of parameters for autonomous judgement. Only then will be able to bring in a direction that will take us towards the fulfillment of the aims of education set out in our policies and the vision of the nation embedded in the Constitution.

Section IJ: The Transition from NCF to Syllabi and Textbooks

Although the NCERT has been setting out Syllabi, technically, it is the examining bodies, which are required to prescribe syllabi. Technically, States can bring out State Curricula and Syllabi. The NPE 1986, infact recommended even the constitution of SABEs on the pattern of CABE! Reality is that even CBSE affiliated schools are not bound by the NCERT syllabi, for it is CBSE which is legally required to prescribe syllabi as the examining body. State examining bodies also prescribe syllabi every year. Whether the syllabi prescribed by the examining bodies matches the NCERT syllabi depends on several factors; turf issues, political compulsions etc. Legally the examining bodies have to set out syllabi, and every Board also prescribes syllabi for the schools affiliated to it We have atleast around 37 state Boards and that means that there are atleast that many syllabi all over the country. The syllabi prescribed by the Boards get away without too

National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration. 2()(K) much scrutiny of their curricular content mainly because CBSE/states also hold the post- secondarv^ entrance examinations for the various professional courses run by the CBSE/state. and the CBSE/state curricula are also the defacto curricula for the entrance examinations as well.

Alt the level of NCERT syllabi and textbooks, issues mainly pertain to a certain lack of coherence between the spirit of policy, NCF and syllabi, relatively poor grounding on pedagogy. Lack of clarit\' as to the audience for who the textbooks are meant: for children‘s KV children‘s Delhi government school children? Private school children'^ Teachers'^ denseness of the texts, lethargy in review, textbooks written in English and then translated mechanically. E.g. class VI history, on Mahavira says: he wandered around the forests in search of truth The Hindi version says: “wo jungle mem bataktha raha”. This led to a court case.

In the States, the problem of translation not so acute, as the books are pnmanly written m the state language. However, there does not appear to exist any criteria for choice of authors and the choice is often left to State Boards or SCERTs. States do face, in some cases, pressures to bend more towards ruling party sentiments especially in language books and social sciences and in most cases appear to be dated as to knowledge base.

Section 111: Textbooks: The defacto Curriculum

The schools in India are predominantly driven by textbooks, over-riding both curricula and syllabi. The curricula for schools be it at the state or the center rarely (except in the NCERT case, and even there, not adequately) matches the syllabi, which set out a series of topics not the curricular objectives and concerns. This means that what is to he taught, for w hat puri?ose, with what perspective is not spelt out in the syllabi. For example, the NCERT syllabi could say India’s Freedom Struggle, or our Neighbours, but what about them are not stated except in terms of years e.g. 1857-1947. This gives a wide scope for multiple interpretations that may or may not be based on facts, or even be coherent to the concerns expressed in the curriculum. In the above case, for example, the NCF states that India's freedom struggle is to be taught to enable children to understand that we were not always free, and that freedom was hard -won, and what were the elements of people’s action that led us to achieve this independence. If understood in this way, the account in syllabi, and therefore the textbooks would look very different form what it does today. For instance, the narratives would have more human accounts, with names of persons from all over the countr\^, thus building a rich mosaic of the past to which eveiy child in India, no matter where he or she lives, could relate to. But since the syllabi merely gives a date-based time period, it is possible to set out dry, chronicled accounts of rulers, laws policies, and still adhere to the syllabus, without fulfilling the primary objective of the syllabus, i.e to help the child connect intimately with the society and political structure of the present where he or she lives, and how drastically different it could have easily been without the freedom struggle. Perusing textbooks will make it amply clear that this seemingly obvious purpose for teaching history has not been addressed If the syllabi had been constructed in a pedagogically sound manner, this would not have been the case. 10

The harm done is much more in the case of de-personahzed civics textbooks, which, instead of connecting children intimately with civic rights and responsibilities that are so essential for citizenship, the civics section is practically not taught at all. Here the weightage for each subject in the syllabi, and the questions that are set in the examinations play a big part in determining what teachers actually teach This gravely erodes even the already flaw'ed nature of textbooks and its influence. E.g. Civics is for 20 marks (you can leave it out and still pass, one period of civics per week is enough, just byheart the ansv/ers to the most frequently asked questions)-even teachers who would see the larger connections would simply not have time enough to deal w'ith citizenship in a live manner, except conduct a mock parliament that apes the w^orst media accounts, and hold a mock election-if we go through the election speeches of the mock candidates, the shallowness of issues, becomes clear. Even these activities are conducted co-curricular, so it becomes more a recreational hobby, such as making posters or ballot boxes, or experiences in sophistry/oratory.

Section IV: Textbooks: How many kinds?

Schools affiliated to CBSE

These include Kendnya Vidyalayas, Navodaya Vidyalayas, Government Schools of Delhi, Private schools affiliated to CBSE all over the country, around 6000 in number, Indian Schools both privately and Embassy-supported schools in the Middle East, Russia. For Classes 1-VIIl, these schools are free to use any private publisher. However, increasingly, many schools have begun to use NCERT textbooks from Class VI onwards. KVs, NVs use the NCERT textbooks There are large number of publications for the private schools from the private sector, including OUP, Frank Bros. etc. Selection of texts from private publishers is dependent on the school, which generally invites publishers to bring the books for a Committee of teachers to decide. Many incentives are offered by publishers to schools, which could range from price cuts, to a percentage of total cost of books supplied being made over to the school. Publishers also offer to underwrite Seminar and other expenses of the schools. This is apart from the usual calendars, diaries, posters, stationer>^ offered free to schools. In addition, /r?//7//.v/supplementary workbooks are available on sale for each of these books, which may or may not be prescribed by the school, but publishers aggressively market these through the tuition routes. For Classes LX and X, the CBSE has made the NCERT textbooks mandatory. There is thriving market of kunjis, ‘dictionaries’, question banks, answer banks, guess papers, pnnted by a swami of publishers mainly from Nai Sadak, Delhi, who provide these to the whole country. The fact that at the CBSE exams, the number of ‘hits’ that the guess paper publishers manage is too significant to be missed. CBSE themselves publish a large number of books, and schools are too scared not to use them, for fear that questions could come from these. E.g. Interactive Sanskrit and English series. Since 2000, NCERT has also been acting more as a private publisher, aggressively marketing NCERT books to newly formed States, and evening pressuring, as it did with Delhi. For Classes XI and Xll, the CBSE prescribes a list of approved publications of which NCERT is definitely one, but since 2000, CBSE has been prescribing only NCERT, and its own books.Jn addition, kunjis/supplementary workbooks are available on sale for each of these books. 11

which may or may not be prescribed by the school, but pubhshers aggressively market these through the tuition routes.

Textbooks in the States

Most states except the newly formed ones and the UTs have their own Examination Boards such as CBSE and are knov\Ti as State Boards. The respective State Directorates along with the SCERTS prepare syllabi, textbooks, which are then printed by the State’s TextBook Bureau at a highly subsidised price The State Board then sets questions from these textbooks. As in the Centre, there is a flourishing private publisher market for preparing kunjis, question-answer banks, guess papers. They are of poor qualit>% in the state language and is entirely unregulated. In Maharashtra, for instance, while the prescribed Social Sciences textbooks in History, Geography, Civics separately, are priced between 10-12 Rs each, the kunjis cost 30-40 Rs each. Ma jority of children buy both or many. This publishing begins from class VI, but of late, there are kunjis from classes IV, especially in Sates where there is a common examination at the end of class V

Section IV: Choice of Textbooks and Types of Schools: Which child gets to reach which textbook?

Schools and school systems in India offer a bewildering array m structure and functioning. Kendriya Vidyalayas (KVs) are pnmanly meant for children of central government officers who are posted all over India. They are affiliated to the CBSE, which prescribes the Syllabus and the NCERT textbooks. The function from classes I- Xll Navodaya Vidyalayas (NVs) are centrally managed and are meant for the talented children from the rural areas, and function from classes VI - Xll. They are also affiliated to the CBSE and use NCERT textbooks. Cantonment Boards run schools for the defence personnel, usually upto class V. Private Un-aided schools around 6000 in number, which are affiliated to the CBSE, use NCERT textbooks from, class IX onwards. They function from pre-school to class XII Private aided schools receiving aid from state governments, mostly missionary schools, which are affiliated to ICSE and use textbooks prescribed by ICSE from class IX onwards. State governments also run schools which form the bulk of schools in the country.These are affiliated to their own State Boards and use textbooks prescribed and prepared by their own state bodies, usually the State Institutes of Education or SCERTs. Government Aided-schools which are affiliated to state Boards and run from pre-school to class XII They use textbooks prescribed by the State Board from class VI or IX onwards. Private, unrecognized, primar>' schools that run from pre­ school to class V/VIIl use a variety of textbooks. Ahernate Schools, Education Guarantee Schools, Learning Centers run under the Centrally Sponsored Scheme of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan have often, separate textbooks, w^orkbooks, worksheets and TLMs. Small primar\' schools run by several social and religious organizations not affiliated to any agency and often use materials prepared by their own organisations National Open Schools, run by the National Institute of Open Schools, has its own Board of Examinations, prepares and prescribes its ow'n books. State Open School, run along national open school lines 12

Textbooks prepared by private publishers range all the way from being shadow books of the NCERT/States books, to kunjis, workbooks, and guidebooks. There is a flourishing industry that thrives on the prescribed textbooks of the Center and state, 1 he books are atleast twice as expensive of the government textbooks, and it is an endless spin, with worried parents 'going for broke’ to buy every kind available in the market

Section IV^ Ground Realities and Points for the Sub-Committee's Consideration:

1. Non- NCERT, non-CBSE prescribed textbooks constitute -98% of the textbooks in use in the country.

2. They include textbooks prescribed by state governments which would cover ^^80% of • the textbooks in use. They atleast have some form of regulatorv' mechanism within states to ‘approve’ the textbooks-each state has a mechanism by a different name, but the State does take responsibility for the textbooks it produces There is need to strengthen these structures.

3. Viewed in terms of school decisions, it is an unwritten practice that upto class Vlll, schools are free to choose publications. This has had happy results in the better schools, which use reputable publishers. OUP, Sagar Ratna, Maklabe Jamia would never have been in the textbook industry otherwise. Sadly, the flourishing business of the kifriji industry, abetted by coaching classes, which is completely unregulated. They have the highest level of patronage of various types of schools and Boards.

4. The correlation between the questions asked in the CBSE and state Boards and the questions featuring in the kunjis and the possibility of nexus cannot be ignored Although we have reputable publishers in the textbook industr>, the flourishing business of quick-fix guess papers cannot be ignored either It is well known that teachers often ‘teach out of the kunji'' provided free to them, enough hint for parents to buy the kunjis for the children-and this would not happen if the private publishers- examination Board nexus did not exist.

5. Textbooks and related literature brought out by religious and social organizations, which, for the sake of convenience, we can categorize as religious and social, although both these organizations have the same legal sanction as Societies Registered under the Societies Act (1869). These require urgent review. There is no mechanism that can prevent either from publishing and distributing their books The Policy of Non-Formal Education (1986) enables these floodgates to open. Theoretically, any organization can run non-formal centers. If they do not receive state funds, they are not governable by the state. They neither seek recognition by the state or any examining Board. They continue to run their ‘centers' as they wish, and, when children are ready, the Policy of Open school offers them unwitting gateway. 13

Each child simply registers as an individual with the Open School, and, the organization simply teaches the child the Open School syllabus in classes X. and XII iheoreiically and legally, there is nothing stoppmg these institutions from teaching other things from other books.

References

1, Rewriting Histor\ a s>mposium on wa>s of representing our shared past Seminar. 522. Febmar>. 2002. 2 Judgement of the Supreme Court of India in the matter of CWP 98 of 2002 3. Syllabi for the Primary^ Middle, and Secondar\ School. NCERT. 2002 4.National Human Rights Commission, Order. 9 January, 2002 5.Child Rights Commission, 1990 6.NCERT Histon/Social Science Textbooks. 1999.2002 7.Central Ad\ isor\ Board of Education. Qumtennial edition 8.-Sarkaria Commission Report

Annexure 1; Sample of private publications and supplementar\ materials a\ ailablc for State Board and other Examinations; Case of Thane, Maharashtra. 2005 ; Prices between 3 to 8 limes the State books, parents often buy more than one textbook from pri\ ate publishers in addition to ilic State books

1. Hislor> and Civics. Std. X, -do-pages 219. Size Demi. Price Rs. 48.00-do- 2. Histor>. Std. XI, -do-, pages 122, size Ctemi, Price Rs. 28.00-do- 3 Histor>, Std. XH, -do-, pages 174. Size Demi. Price Rs. 40.00, -do- 4 Histor> of India (ancient Period) Std VI. Maharashtra State Bureau of Textbook Production and Curriculum Research. Pune, pages 99. Size Quarto. Price RS. 6. 20 -do- 5. Histors OF India (Medieval Penod) Std VIL -do-pages 136. Si/e Quarto. Price Rs 8. 40 -do- 6 Historv Of India (Modem Period) Vlll.pages 151. Size Quarto. Price Rs. 12 20 -do- 7 Our Nation (Civics and Administration) Std. Vlll. -do-. Size Quano. Pages 69. Pricc Rs. 8.00 -do 8. Grow th of Human Civilization. Std. IX. -do-, pages 95. size Quarto. Price Rs. 9.20 -do- 9. imperialism and India's Freedom Struggle, -do-, sid. X. pages 122. Size Quarto. Pricc Rs. ! I 20-do- H). World Geograph> Part 1. Sid V]}. Maharashtra Stale Bureau of Textbook Producuoii and Curriculum Research, Pune, pnce Rs 10.40, 50 pages 4 colour iiiustratcd 11 World Geography Part II. Std. VIII, -do-, Rs. 15.40. pages 63,4 colour illustrated Geography Std. X, -do-. Rs. 15.80. pages 84, four colours illustrated

For the abo\ e State Books. pn\ ate \ ersions are; Geograph). Std. VII. pages 80. Rs. 22.00. Reliable Senes. Reliable Publications. 278/c. Surv a Mahal. JSS Road. Girgaon. Mumbai-400 004 Geography, Std VIII. -do- pages 152. Price Rs. 35.00 -do- Gcography, Std. IX. -do-, pages 104. Price Rs. 28.00 -do- Geography. Std. X. -do-, pages 146. Pricc Rs. 32.00-do- Geography. std. XI. -do-, pages 268. Price Rs. 60.00 -do- 14

6 Our iicritngc. Std. VI. Xavior and Pinlo. Ea crGrccn Publishers. 4738/2?. Ansan Road. Dar\ a Ganj. New Delhi-110 0()2: also being used by CBSE Schools, pages 199. dcmi si/.e. price Rs. 60.00. -do- 7. Our Heritage. Sid. Vll. -do-pages 215. demi si/e. Price Rs. 60.00. -do- K, Our Heritage. Std. VIII. -do- pages 264. demi si/e. Price Rs. 75.00. -do- 9. Histon and Ci\ ies. Reliable Publications, address as in S. NO. 7. pages 146. Si/e Demi. Price Rs. 32.00 -do- 10. General Geography. Mrs. P.N. Pande\ and Mrs. Mr. K Femande/.. Fergusan College. Nirah Publications. 41. Budhwas Peth. Pune 411 002 . Pages 292. Size Quarto. Pnce Rs. 9.70 10. Historv of Modem India and China. Prof M. R. Wadhwan and GT Sawant. Sheth Publishers. 296. Sopariwala estate. Tala Road. No. 2.opp. Central cinema. Mumbai-400 004. pages256. size Quarto. Price Rs. 60.00 11. Total Hislorx and Ci\ ics. Sequira and Raj. Morning Star Publications. 4262/3 Gali Panjabain. Ansan Road. New Delhi-12 10 002 for ICSE std. IX. pages 286. size Demi. Pnce Rs. 110.00 12. Total Histor} and Civics, std. 10. -do-(not numbered, but around 300 pages), size Demi Price Rs. 120.00.-do- 13. Chetana Self Study. Histor\ . Std. X. dcmi Size, pages 136. Price Rs. 40.00. 263-c. Khatau W adi. Girgaon. Mumbai-400 004 14. -do-Std. Vlll. -do-, demi Size, pages 144. Price Rs. 38.00-do- L5. -do-Std. VIL demi Size. Pages 136. Pnce Rs. 35.00-do- 16. Histor} And Ci\ ics. Std. Vll. pages 154. Size Dcmi. Pnce Rs. 32.00-do- -do-Sld V. pages 64. Si/c Demu Pnce Rs 22.00-do- 17. MPB Basic Facts Series. Geography for Secondar\ and Senior Secondary students of CBSE. ICSE. Various Stale Boards and Students appearing in Compelilixe Examinations. Manoj Pocket Books. 761. Main Road. Buran. Delhi-l 10084. no authors mentioned 18. MPB Basic Facts Scries Hislor\. -do- 19. Historical Allas. Class X. Kundra And Bawa. Dhanpal Rai &Co. 1682. Nai Sarak. Dellii-110 006 20. Histon of Ancient and Medieval times. M. R. Wadhwani and GT Sawant. Sheth and Neelkanth Publishers. 35. Everest. Peddar Road. Mumbai-400 026. pages 272. Size Quarto. Price Rs. 54-do- Educational Committees, Policies, Curricular Frameworks, Syllabi and Textbooks: Processes and Issues

Dr. Janaki Rajan

Section I: Educational Committees, Policies, and Curricular Frameworks: Structures and Processes

Educational Policies are prepared by Committees set up by the MHRD. These are approved by CABE also tabled for approval at both houses of Pari lament. The 1986 NPE was approved through these processes. Several major Committees were set up since independence, the Secondary Education Commission, also known as the Mudaliar Committee, (1952-53), Education and National Development or the Kothari Committee (1966-68) and National Policy on Education (1986). The Review Committee of the NPE 1986, known as the Acharya Ramamoorthy Committee (1990) and the Yash Pal committee’s "Learning Without Burden’ (1994) are also crucial documents although their TOR was to review a Policy and to suggest ways of reducing curricular load respectively

Since mdependetice three curricular frameworks at the national level (NCFs) ha\ e been framed on the basis of the recommendations of the Committees/policies. The Curriculum for the Ten year School- A Framework was prepared in 1975 based on the X + 2 pattern recommended by the Kothari Commission. The link between school curricula and national goals was fairly clear “ The School curriculum of a country, like its Constitution, reflects the ethos of that countr>^ as also its chief concerns. Time and again it has been pointed out by our national leaders that the vestigial remains of a colonial feudal system of education histoncally meant for the production of clerks should be thrown out of the system and the system revamped to respond to the growing needs, aspirations, and demands of a modernizing egalitarian society... The values enshnned in our Constitution point towards the development of a pluralistic society and a state which is secular, democratic and socialist in nature. The school curriculum should reflect these aims and values in its structure, content, implied methodology-m fact, in its entire design” (pi) “The major objective of the study of social sciences is to acquaint the child with his past and present geographical and social environment. An effective programme of teaching social sciences in schools should help the pupils to take a keen interest in the ways people live and function through various socio-economic and political institutions. It should also help children develop insights into human relationships, social values and attitudes. These are essential to enable growing citizen of tomorrow to participate effectively in the affairs of the community, the state, the country and the world at large.. The teaching of social sciences should enable children to appreciate India’s rich cultural heritage as also recognize and get rid of what is undesirable and antiquated, especially in the context of social change. The schools should see that narrow parochial, chauvinistic and obscurantistic tendencies are not allowed to grow in our pupils. The schools should endeavor to develop a will and ability in every pupil to participate in the most important task of the reconstruction of society and economy with a sense of social commitment. Children should also develop a faith in the destiny of our nation m terms of promoting a spirit of tolerance and assimilation, and peace and harmony among the peoples of the world. Thus instruction in social sciences should promote the values and ideals of humanism, seculansm, socialism, and democracy. It should inculcate attitudes and impart knowledge necessary for the achievement of the principle values of just world order, maximizing of economic and social welfare, minimizing of violence and maximization of ecological stabi!it\ .: The study of social sciences in classes IX and X should include the study of history, geography, civics and economics. In view of the limited time that is available for each of these branches, it would be desirable to integrate their teaching in a way that the pupils develop a proper understanding of the facts and problems in the right perspective without causing any damage to the totality' of the individual experiences.” (Section 4.24, PI 9, 20)

The National Curriculum for Elementary and Secondary Education, A Framework, prepared in 1988, highlights equality of educational opportunity, preservation of cultural heritage, constitutional obligations, strengthening national identity and unity, character building and inculcation of values, protection of environment, small family norm and future-oriented education as key curricular areas. (p5,6,7) Reiterating NCF 1975, it again focusses on the role of social sciences. . “Social Sciences is perhaps the singular curricular area which can prove to be the most effective tool for providing education in the context of aU the core curricular components indicated in the NPE-86. Special care, should, hence, be taken in designing the curriculum in social sciences so as not to overlook any of the core components.” (p 27)

3 The National Curriculum Framework for School Education (2000) (NCF 2000) makes fundamental departures from the earlier. NCFs and policies both in processes and substance. The current NCF was framed in 2000. It is the only NCF that was fi-amed without any policy statement necessitating its formulation. (E.g. 1986 NPE was followed by NCF 1988). The NCF 2000 was not presented to the Central Advisory Board of Education's the highest advisory body concerned with all aspects of school and higher education m the country'. All major policies and curricula are approved by this body. The NCF 2000 was not placed before CABE on the grounds that CABE had not been reconstituted since 1994. Since reconstituting CABE was within the purview of MHRD the Ministry could have reconstituted CABE at any point in time.

The direction of the NCF 2000 also takes on a different tum from its predecessors. For instance, while the 1975 NCF states “The values enshrined in our Constitution point towards the development of a pluralistic society and a state which is secular, democratic and socialist in nature. The school curriculum should reflect these aims and values in its structure, content, implied methodology-in fact, in its entire design” (p i), the NCF 2000 states “Another significant factor that merits serious attention is religion. Although it is not the only source of essential values, it is certainly a major source of value generation. What is required today is religious education but education about religions, their basics, the values inherent therein and also a comparative study of the philosophy of all religions.” (NCF p i9) It departs fi'om the hitherto held notion that schools need to be secular and will not to impart religious instruction.' In the name of educating children about religions, religion was introduced in government school system including aided, unaided and local body corporations for the first time in independent India. Constitutional admissibility of introducing education about religions in schools apart, the practical difficulties in imparting knowledge about religions in a society with such staggering religious and cultural diversity' of religious philosophy and practice do not appear to have been a deterrent in the framing of the NCF 2000. For instance, for a classroom teacher to be able to impart education about all religions well enough and in an impartial manner, she or he would have to be have basic theological knowledge of dozens of religions, something that takes 4-5 years qfstitdyfbr each religion’

In the case of other key principles also, equality of educational opportunity, and women’s equality, while the policy (NPE 1986) upon which the NCF 2000 is supposedly based states 'To promote equality, it will be necessary to provide for equal opportunity to all not onlv ui access, but also in conditions of success Besides, awareness of the inherent equality of all will be created through the core curriculum. The purpose is to remove prejudices and complexes transmitted through the social environment and the accident of birth ” (Section 3.6, p4) and on women’s equality, “Education will be used as an agent of basic change in the status of woman . In order to neutralize the accumulated distortions of the past, there will be well-conceived edge in favour of women The NPE will play a positive interventionist role in the empowerment of women” (p6)

The NCF 2000, regroups these ideas under “Education for a Cohesive Society” as follows: “ India is struggling for freedom from various kinds of biases and imbalances such as rural/urban, nch/poor, and differences on the basis of caste, religion, ideology, gender etc. Education can play a very significant role in minimizing and finally eliminating these differences by providing equality of access to quality education and opportunity...... “Equality of educational opportunity means ensuring that every individual receives suitable education at a pace and through methods suited to her/his being. Children of the disadvantages, and socially discriminated groups and also those suffering from specific challenges must be paid special attention. . .Provision of equality to all not only of access, but also m the conditions of success is a precondition for the promotion of equality. The curriculum, it may be re-iterated, must create an awareness of the inherent equality of all with a view to removing prejudices and complexes transmitted through the social environment and the accident of birth” (section 1.4.1) “Equality of sexes is a fundamental right under the Constitution of India. The State, however, also has the right to exercise positive protective discrimination in favour of the disadvantaged population groups including women. Emphasis in education has moved from “Equality of Educational opportunity (NPE 1968> to “Education for Women’s Equality and

' Con,slilulion o f India Article 28 (1) '‘No religious instruction shall be pro\idcd m any educational institution w hollv maintained out of state funds,”

Article 28 (3) ' No pers«.)n attending am educational institution recogni/ed by the Stale or receiving aid out of State funds shall be required to lake part in iuiy religious mslruction that may be imparted in an insiitulion or to attend anv religious worship,” Empowerment (1986). (P9) (underline added) . Moreover, it will be the most appropriate thintz to recognise and nurture the best features of each gender in the best Indian tradition. After all, India gave her women the right to vote without any prolonged battle for it unlike in the w^est.. . (p 9-10) (underline added)

It can be seen clearly, that the NCF 2000, though it repeats some ol the policy prescriptions of NPE 1986, significant changes in meaning and emphasis of the various core ideas of the NPE 1986. The emphasis in the policy, was equality and the basis for this was the Constitution. In the NCFSE 2000. by grouping education for equalit>' of educational opportunity for a cohesive societ>', the emphasis is shifted to cohesue society. Equality disappears from the picture. For instance, if a cohesive society could be built through certain means that does not also ensure equality, it would not be acceptable under the formulation of NPE 1986, but under the NCF 2000, it would become acceptable. Thus, a seemingly simple regrouping can result in fundamental shifts in core curricular principles not sanctioned by the earlier policies.

To illustrate this point further, the 1968 policy, which is being referred to in the NCF 2000 states: “It is the responsibility of the education system to bring different social classes and groups together and thus promote the emergence of an egalitarian and integrated society. But at present, instead of doing so, education itself is tending to increase social segregation and to perpetuate and widen class distinctions... The position is thus undemocratic and inconsistent with the ideal of egalitarian society by segregating their children, they (the rich) -prevent them from sharing the life and experiences of the children of the poor and coming into contact with the realities of life. In addition to weakening social cohesion, they also render the education of their own children aneamic and incomplete” (Section 1.36, 1.37) .. A neighbourhood school which will provide good education to children “because sharing life with common people is, m our opinion, an essential ingredient of good education. Secondly, the establishment of such schools will compel the rich, privileged and powerful classes to take an interest in the system of public education and thereby bring about its early improvement” (Section 10.19).

The 1968 policy not only places equality in the center stage, but also defines cohesive society to mean an inclusive, socially just, pluralistic society. This meaning certainly does not emerge from the NCF 2000 formulation. If we are to organize education as per the NCF 2000 on 1.4.1, we could organize different ‘suitable’ education for different social groups in separate groups. (How do we define suitable’*^ Would teaching a shoemaker’s child shoe making be considered ‘suitable *^ Would teaching her science be considered ‘suitable’"’)

The changes in meaning regarding women’s equality and girls education in the NCF is even more pronounced on two counts; While the NPE 1986 expressly acknowledges that in the past there have been distortions (to women’s equality), and commits to redress these accumulated distortions in favour of a well conceived positive interv entionist edge The NCF 2000 turns these pnnciples on its head even while referring to the Constitutional provision of Right to Equality. The NCF 2000 states that it would be most (iv) It IS for the Government to decide which text books they approve.

[See, Ram Jauaya Kapur (1955) at pr. 20; and, Naraimias Inditrkhya (1974) at prs. 10 and 11 ]

(v) The Government may;

(a) accept a privately published work as a text and enter into supply arrangements in relation to it or e\ en buy the copyright; or,

(b) produce its ow'n text books.

(vi) The Government’s decision may be made by executive action as well as legislation.

[See, Ram JaMaya Kapur (1955) at pr 20; and, NarainJas Indurkhya (1974) at pr 11]

(vu) Wh\le the Goverrvrnem may select and prescribe text books both by executive action and legislation, it

""cartnoi ... act arbitrarily or capriciously in selecting or prescribing text books but it has to exercise this power in the light of the policy or principle that the best possible text books, possessing the highest degree of tnerit and quality should be made available to students''

[See, Naraindas Indurkhya (1974) at pr. 11]

(viii) When bearing in mind the needs of education due emphasis has to be given to presenting a good, comprehensive and cosmopolitan education that also represents, in a balanced sort of way, Indian perspectives.

[This flows from a combined reading of Naraindas (1974) and Aruna Roy (2002)]

2. While approving text books due credence has to be given to additional factors:

(i) Secularism is part of the basic structure of the Constitution and the State cannot propagate any particular religion

[See, R. Bommai (1994) 3 SCC 1 at prs. 29-30, 146-149, 153, 178-187, 196-197, 246, 281-282, 304, 307-310, 434 and 484; Kesavananda Bharti (1973) 4 SCC 225 at prs. 292-294 and 582: Ziyandciin Biirhamtddin Bukhari (1976) 2 SCC 17 at prs. 42-45 : Alunedahad St. Xavier \s College (1974) 1 SCC 71 7 at prs. 75 and 95; Indra Sawhney (1992) Supp (3) SCC 217 at prs. 339 and 350; R. C. Poudyal (1994) Supp (1) SCC 324 at prs. 54-56 and 199; Raniesh Prahhoo (1996) 1 SCC 1 30 at prs 16-18; Valsanima Paul (1996) 3 SCC 545 at prs. 16, 21-25 and 30; M. Ismail Farucjui (1994) 6 SCC 360 at prs. 36-39, 53, 87, 135, 140 and 143-144; . S W a (1995) 3 SCC 635 at pr. 43; K'lohd. Aslani (1996) 2 SCC 749 at prs. 3 and 5; A. S. Narayana Deekshiruln (1996) 9 SCC 548 at pr. 89; Dalniia Cement (1996) 10 SCC 104 at prs. 10-11, 15 and 18; Sri Adi Vishveshnara of Kashi Vishwanath Temple (1997) 4 SCC 606 at prs. 26-28; and, Praveen Bhai fhogadia (2004) 4 SCC 684 at pr. 9]

(ii) This is particularly reinforced by the fact that Article 28 of the Constitution prohibits State schools from imparting religions instruction or State-aided schools from making religious education compulsory.

(iii) By their very nature, text books which propagate a religion are not permitted and cannot be used in State-aided schools because prescribed text books would, then, become a compulsory imposition in such schools to the extent to which they propagate a faith.

“2^. Freedom as to attendance at religious instruction or religious worship in certain educational institutions — (I) No religious instniction shall be provided in any educational institution wholly maintained out of State funds. (2) Nothing in clause (1) shall apply to an educational institution which is administered by the State but has been established under any endowment or trust which requires that religious instruction shall be imparted in such institution. (3) No person attending any educational institution recognised by the State or receiving aid out of State finds shall be required to take jxirt in any religious instniction that may be imparted in such institution or to attend any rehgious worship that may be conducted in such institution or in any premises attached thereto unless such person or, if such person is a minor, his guardian has given his consent thereto.^"

(iv) It should be noted that there is a distinction between a ‘culture’ or ‘value’ education and a religious education. The fomier may be permitted; but to permit the latter would be contrary to both secularism and Article 28. [See, Annul Roy (2002) at prs. 25-33 and 40]

(v) Care has to be taken that a permissible value education is not violative of secularism.

[SQU.Antna Roy (2002) at prs. 56-57]

13 As a question of federal policy, after 1976, education ceased to be a State subject and become the joint responsibility of the Union and the States. Thus, the text book empowerments of the States were also reposed in the Union whose powers over-rode those of the States.

14. Within India’s federal structure the Union may:

(a) declare national policies on education,

(b) create or sustain institutional structures by which there can be inter­ state cooperation,

(c) create societies and trusts to aid and advise the Union to discharge its obligations.

1 5 Consistent with these aims, the Union has:

(a) declared National Policies on Education (NPE) such as those of 1986, 1992 and so on;

(b) given due recognition to the Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE) which has existed since 1935 and whose role has been duly recognised;

(c) constituted a society called NCERT (National Council of Education Research and Training).

it was earlier thought that NCERT was not a governmental institution [see, C M Khanna (1991) 4 SCC 578], but it has now been accepted that it is a governmental organisation; and, therefore, a part of the State [see Fradeep Ktimar Biswas (2002) 5 SCC 111 at pr. 38 and especially pr. 48].

16. The Union may also examine text books prescribed by State Government to ensure uniformity of standards and compliance with constitutional norms.

17. It IS necessary to understand and emphasise the inter-relationship betw'een the Union, CABE and NCERT inter se - all of whom are part of the governance of the Union. It should logically follow that aU these bodies are 'subordinate to the Union Government. There seems to be a suggestion m the judgment m Aruna R oy’s case (2002) that NCERT has a considerable autonomy.

is, therefore, submit ted that the authority of NCERT to publish a National Curriculum to ser\'e as a model for the States as well as to be a guide for publication of its own books and literature cannot be seriously disputed.

There is no statute nor is there any limitation in the Rules or Regulations framed for the working of NCERT, which would require it to seek the approval or concurrence of any other authority before publishing the National Curriculum. There is nothing in either the constinition of NCERTor in any other rule, regulation or executive order to suggest that NCERT is structurally “su b o rd in a te o r inferior to any other body in the field.

[See, Aruna Roy (2002) at pr. 22]

18. From this, the further suggestion is made that neither NCERT nor the Government needs to consult CABE [see, Aruna Roy (2002) at pr. 23] or that consulting CABE is mandatory [ibid pr. 15]. However, at least one judge thought that it was an important institution which should be constituted and convened for seeking its opinion on education policy and curricula (Dharmadhikari J. at pr. 96) - a point emphasised by the third judge as well {ibid. Sema J. at prs. 102-105).

19. It would, therefore, appear that there is a certain degree of fiizziness in the inter­ relationship between NCERT, CABE and the Union.

In my view, the following should be done;

(i) There is a need for a clear statement in the National Policy, or an addendum to it, that decisions in respect of curricula and text books will be taken after due consultation with CABE.

(ii) The NCERT’s objects clause should be changed so that it does not appear to be the sole repository of decision-making on text books and curricula.

(This is necessary in the light of the Supreme Court’s decision in Anma Roy's case (2002) supra).

(iii) The Constitution of CABE should include a clause stating that its advice will be sought in matters of curricula and text books

(The necessity of this also flows from certain observ^ations in the Aruna Roy case (2002) supra). 20. In making these changes, the Government will be fulfilling some of the observations made by the Supreme Court and, in any event, can change the basis of a decisions

[See, Prifhvi Cotton Mills (1969) 2 SCC 283],

2 i This leaves the question of the text books which arc prescribed in either non­ governmental schools or where the school is not part of the ‘State' school system. These questions become even more significant where the schools in question are unaided. Even aided schools cannot be treated as government departments.

But, even in these cases, the government can lay dowTi standards and generally examine the standards laid dowTi in the ‘private’ textbooks as well as ensure that the prescriptions of Article 28 are preserved.

As soon as we recognise that after the TMA Pai decision (2002) a private institution (whether minority, charitable or otherwise) has a right to establish and administer their own institution, there are some limits cast on the action of the State to ensure that this right is not infringed. As far as non-minonty secular institutions are concerned, after TMA Pai (2002), this right of autonomy is traceable to Article 19(l)(g) of the Constitution. Such a right can be subject to ‘reasonable restrictions’ in the public interest on the basis of a law passed by the legislature. The right cannot be infringed unless it passes this dual test of reasonable restrictions through a statutory enactment. In the case of minority institutions, the degree of autonomy is even greater.

23 This acquires significance because it has been suggested that any oversight and regulation over text books is proposed to be taken through executive and not legislative action. It is well established that a fundamental right cannot be infringed except on the basis of an empowerment traceable to an enacted statute. Indeed in the National Anthem case {Bijoe Inmmmtel AIR 1987 SC 748), the Kerala Government’s actions were struck dowTi precisely on the ground that they lacked legislative sanction. This does not prevent the government fi'om using its executive action to regulate the right in a reasonable sort of way that does not amount to an unreasonable infringement. There is little point in setting an elaborate system of control over textbooks which would run the risk of being struck dovvn as unconstitutional for want of a legislative sanction. That is why it is important to frame a system of oversight which stays within the restraints permissible by the Constitution through executive action To go ftirther would invite litigation and provide a solution looking for a problem.

24. Connected to this are questions of the institutional autonomy of educational institution and considerations of free speech. In particular a system of pre censorship (especially of text books) sets up an oppressive system of control which signals the death of both democratic speech and education. A system of pre-censorship is frowned on by the Constitution [see, Romesh Thappar AIR 1950 SC 124; B hj Bhushan AIR 1950 SC 129; and, Virendra AIR 1957 SC 896], Even where the 10

copyright of a text is owned by the Government due consideration would have to be given to the author’s rights of integrity [see, section 57 of the Copyright Act, 1957],

25. Thus, one cannot but be concerned about the permissible limits of the extent of government control if we bear in mind the following:

(a) the right of educational institutions to autonomy as a right guaranteed by the Constitution [TMA Pai (2002)].

(b) the nght of free speech of publishers and authors which can be restricted on explicitly articulated narrow grounds stated in the Constitution [Article 19(l)(a) read with Article 19(2)].

(c) the consideration that pre-censorship of ideas is unconstitutional and in any event undesirable - being inimical both to free thought and oppressive to education

26. Setting up a system of censorship for books reeks of a medieval inquisition. But, at the same time, the government also has a duty to

(a) provide a meaningful quality education for all as part of its corresponding duty to provide a school education for all as part of the latter’s fundamental right

(b) set up a system of oversight and consultation and oversight to ensure uniformity and excellence of standards

27 Clearly, there is a difference between the government’s control of texts taught in its own institutions and those taught and prescribed by or in private schools. However in both cases:

(i) The government may consider laying down a broad policy whereby books are examined by experts and presented with comments to CABE as part of a consultative process.

(ii) CABE may set up a Standing Committee to assist it in the process of consultation.

(ill) CABE may then formulate its views and communicate them to the Union Government.

(iv) The Union Govemment may then discuss the issues raised with the State governments, boards and schools concerned and make its views known. ]1

28. It IS not always easy to work out a balance between maintaining qualit>^ and avoiding an onerous system of censorship. Nor should a system be set up which “bemg taught will return to plague the inventor”

29. More fine tuning needs to be done to trying to work out a fine balance in these matters.

30. As presently advised, this is an overview to form the basis of a further discussion.

LIST OF RESOURCE PERSONS'

1. Shri Akshay Kumar Post Office Lane, Chitragupt Nagar, Ranker Bagh Patna-20

2. Prof. Azizuddin Husain Dept, of Histor>', Jamia Milia Islamia, Jamia Nagar New Delhi 110025

3. Debasish Dutta General Secretary, Dhubri Science Club D K Road, Dhubri (Assam) 783 301

4. Dr. Janaki Rajan Director, SCERT New Delhi.

5. Shri. K Suresh Wassan 12-13-452 Street No; 1 Tarnaka, Secundarabad( Andhra Pradesh) 500 017

6. Niharika Gupta Nirantar Sarv'odaya Enclave New Delhi

7. Dr. Padnia Sarangapaiii Associate Fellow National Institute of Advanced Studies, Indian Institute of Science Campus, Bangalore, 560012

* Consulted bv the Committee on different aspects covered in the Report 8. Prof. R. Govinda National Institute of Education Planning and Administration Sri Aurbindo Marg New Delhi

9. Radhika Menon Public Study Group for CABE Committee C/0 Council for Social Development 'Sanghrachna' 53 Lodhi Estate New Delhi 110003

10. Dr.Rajiv Gupta 109, Mohan Nagar, Gopalpura Bypass, Jaipur (Rajasthan) 302 018

11. Dr. Ramakrishna Chatterjee 1, Woodburn Park, Netaji Institute Kolkataa 700 020

12. Dr. Ravisankar S. Nair Department of Cimculum, Textbooks and evaluation SCERT, Poojappura, Trivandrum (Kerala) 695012

13. Prof. Rooprekha Vernia Institute of Women's Studies, New Philosophy Block, Lucknow University, Lucknow 226007

14. Simantini Dhuru AVEHl Public Charitable (Educational) Trust Audio Visual Education Resource Centre Raoli Camp, S.M. Road, Sardar Nagar Koiiwada, Mumbai Maharashtra 400037 15. Dr. T anika S ark ar Centre for the Historical Studies JNU New Delhi - 67

16. Dr. Taiiviriil Sadiqeeiii Field Adviser State Institute of Education, M A. Road, Srinagar, ( J&K ) 190001p

Schedule of Meetings* (CABE Committee on Textbooks)

First Meeting 19.10.2004

Second Meeting 7.2.2005

Third Meeting 6.4.2005

Consultation 7.4.2005 With Experts

Fourth Meeting -2.5.2005

of Eitaicafional

>'cc.No. Date: ^ ^ '

CentrT

\U E P A DC ill D13451

^ Minutes of the above meetings can be provided on request