1. INTRODUCTION By an independent press, we mean a Although print media – whether inde- press independent from governmental, pendent or not – have been in exis- political or economic control or from tence in for more than 100 control of materials and infrastructure years, the body of research on this form essential for the production and disse- of media is small and somewhat limited. mination of newspapers, magazines Very little research,whether pre - or post- and periodicals. Independence, has been conducted into the role of the print media in the At face value, such a definition seems formation of Namibian society. Taking to suggest a press operating on some into consideration the limitations of utopian level of disconnection from real available research on the subject, this factors, such as money and the goodwill paper strives to be a discussion docu- of those in power, which guarantee and ment for what could – and should – be are essential for the continued existence the star-ting point of more in-depth and functioning of the press itself. research into the media field, especially Furthermore, this definition also seems to the role played by print media from their remove the independent press from the earliest introduction to where the press realm of society by placing it beyond finds itself today. economic and political influences.

Furthermore, narrowing the focus of Others, like Watson (2003:12), place this paper to the role of the independent the media – including the print media – print media was necessitated by the at the heart of and inseparable from the absence of any real research into the movements within society. role and influence of all forms of media, especially the broadcast or electronic The media are prominent among the media. A larger, if still small, volume of public arbiters of our behaviour. They, as work has dealt with independent media. it were, “speak society’s lines”, claiming for themselves the role of a community’s This paper seeks to critically examine conscience as well as performing as its the role independent print media or- ever-vigilant guard-dog. ganisations have played in the colonial, transitional and democratic stages of Scholars like Skeggs and Mundy this evolving and, especially in the pre- (1992:6-18) almost cynically suggest that Independence era, politically dynamic there are no such things as independent society, and how influential these publi- media, print or otherwise, and that cations were in conforming to and reali- because successful media organisations sing the aspirations and information are essentially commercial enterprises needs of a majority of Namibians, while run according to the business and mar- at the same time adhering to the princi- ket principles of supply and demand, ples of professional journalism. there can be no functioning indepen- dently from – as the Decla- ration states – “political or economic 2. WHAT DOES INDEPENDENT MEAN control or from control of materials and IN RELATION TO MEDIA? infrastructure essential for the production and dissemination” of media products. The May 1991 Declaration of Wind- hoek on Promoting an Independent Heuva (2001:xi) lumps independent and Pluralistic African Press1 offers a and other publications outside the definition of what independent media mainstream media of pre-independent refers to: Namibia together under the heading of “alternative media”.

1 The Declaration was adopted by the participants at the United Nations/United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation seminar 03 on Promoting an Independent and Pluralistic African Press; the seminar was held in Windhoek, Namibia, from 29 April to 3 May 1991. In this paper, mainstream press refers to However, throughout this period, as time, there was very little room on the However, this proved to be a double- the white-owned and -controlled press in was the case under German colonial local media landscape for independent edged sword: the paper folded after Namibia in the pre-Independence era, rule, groups and individuals sporadically publications aiming to reach the majori- only nine months mainly because of a many of which were established by poli- stood up and confronted the system ty of Namibians. Hence, until the late lack of financial resources. In the 1960 tical organisations or people close to the and policies of apartheid. These 1950s and early 1960s, when the winds of founding memorandum of South West political establishment. Heuva (2001:xii) attempts at addressing the situation in liberation were sweeping the continent News, the directors of the company refers to these as the “colonial press”. In which most Namibians found them- and African nationalists became more behind the paper, the African Publishing light of all the above, the working defini- selves at the time were usually brutally emboldened as a consequence, an Company, clearly emphasised the issue tion of independent press/independent and swiftly quashed by apartheid secu- independent or alternative press for all of finance (ibid.): reporting refers to a press that explicitly rity forces. Until the 1960s, very little was intents and purposes did not exist in the aims to be independent of – especially achieved by those seeking a more just then colonial South West Africa. At the We have not yet been able to attract Government – political and economic society and freedom from South African same time the white-owned mainstream enough advertising to augment the influences, and strives to be critical and rule. With the commencement of the press2 almost totally ignored the plight of paper’s revenue … Racial discrimination objective in its search for the truth in its liberation struggle in the 1960s, a new the African, and openly sided with and does not only make it impossible for the coverage of societal issues. wave of optimism and awareness took defended the apartheid authorities. African Publishing Company to secure root within the African intelligentsia and Despite the repressive environment, the loans but cripples the press machinery in new ways and means were sought to ground was fertile for the emergence of many ways. 3.THE ROLE OF THE INDEPENDENT convey liberation messages to the mas- independent or alternative publications. PRINT MEDIA IN NAMIBIA ses.This set the stage for the introduction In the 1960 South West News memo- of print media products that would 3.1.1 South West News: Forerunner randum, the directors of the company 3.1 Before the independent print communicate such messages. to independence in the print also clearly spelt out the purpose and media: media role of their publication (ibid.): Historical and political context Print media had existed in Namibia since the printing press was imported Although alternative print media South West News strives to serve all the Namibia, like most other African states late in the 19th century.The first privately mutely advocating for a more just politi- people of South West Africa, irrespective and territories, fell under the yoke of owned and controlled newspaper cal dispensation were in existence in the of colour or creed, on a territorial basis European imperialism and colonialism published in Namibia, the Windhuker 1950s and 1960s, these publications as well as in relation to the whole of Africa and officially became a German colony Anzeiger, was launched on 12 October were mostly the property of the major and the world. … Our object is to serve as in the late 19th century. Brutal wars were 1898. Georg Wasserfall, a German- Churches in Namibia, and mainly con- a vigorous instrument to promote the fought between the indigenous peoples speaking attorney, was behind the veyed religious content with limited poli- social and educational well-being of all and the German colonial authorities in publication. The newspaper mainly tical commentary to black Namibians. inhabitants of South West Africa, irrespec- the early part of the 20th century as a focussed on German troop movements, No private black-owned publications tive of race, colour or creed. … Our result of German colonial intrusion into but also later served as an official were in existence. This changed with the desired aim is to give objective news and traditional lands and ways of life. The gazette of the German colonial govern- arrival in 1960 of the short-lived South political reporting, unclouded by racial or League of Nations mandate for adminis- ment (Heuva 2001:17). This kind of rela- West News. Although the paper openly political prejudice. tering the territory was handed to the tionship set the trend for what would pushed an African nationalist agenda, Union of after World War I subsequently become the mainstream particularly that of the South West Africa Although the paper was only pub- (1914-1918), and Namibia’s indigenous media in Namibia. All were European- National Union (SWANU)3, it could be lished in two languages, and peoples were introduced to a new owned and - controlled, and covered considered independent because, to Otjiherero, it was aimed at a broad brand of colonialism. The official policy local issues from a European colonial an extent, it remained outside the forces section of educated black Namibians. of apartheid was introduced in South perspective. Heuva (2001:17) quotes influencing the operations of the main- Articles ranged from general to commu- Africa in the late 1940s and early 1950s Ugboajah’s (1985) views of the colonial stream white-owned media. The paper nity news and included columns on and subsequently made its way to media in Africa, as follows: stood outside the political pressures farming and education as well as politi- Namibia. South African colonial rule was at play in the mainstream press; and cal commentaries. The paper also fea- as oppressive and brutal as German rule Both the press and radio supported because the paper was black-owned, tured news from around the continent and the indigenous African peoples colonial rule and interests and were white businesses, which dominated eco- and transmitted important announce- were subjected to decades of humilia- unsympathetic or outright hostile to nomic life, were not interested in adver- ments, such as evictions and removals tion and degradation through the African aspirations. tising in the paper, or were very hesitant by the Windhoek Town Council pertain- divide-and-rule policies introduced in to do so. Thus, to a large extent, the ing to black residents. Furthermore, it the territory by the Government. Seen against this background and tak- paper remained outside the economic carried political statements by traditio- ing into account the high level of illitera- influences at play within the white- nal leaders and political parties cy amongst black Namibians at the owned press as well (Heuva 2001:147). addressed to the black masses.

2 The mainstream press of the period included the Allgemeine Zeitung, the Windhoek Advertiser, Die Suidwes Afrikaner, and Die Suidwester. 3 04 05 The founders of South West News were also involved in SWANU. They include Zed Ngavirue and Emil Appolus.

In its inaugural edition in March 1960, cally aware and more outspoken on a newsletter, CCN Information, in 1980. However, this new role of the Church the paper ran a story on the forced the plight of their black congregants. Like the other Church publications, it press, and by extension the Churches, removals under way in Windhoek’s “Old Church publications, even though not carried political articles. In its August 1985 did not come without its setbacks. The Location”4. Some of the paper’s articles formally independent due to their edition, under the headline “‘Namibia South African authorities sought to sup- were used as evidence by Namibian close links to the Churches, effectively needs a free press,’says Tjerije”, the paper press or muzzle the Church presses and petitioners at the United Nations concer- became the torch-bearers of indepen- quoted the former editor of Immanuel, their publications by bombing their ning conditions under apartheid in the dent reporting in the country by provid- Phillip Tjerije, as follows (CCN Information offices and persecuting individual jour- country. However, the paper had limited ing an alternative view to that of the 1985:1): nalists. The most dramatic attack was reach within the country, and its small mainstream as regards what was really the bombing of the Lutheran printing readership was largely urban-based. going on in the country. I think the press in Namibia is not free, press at Oniipa on 11 May 1973. Distribution problems only compounded because most newspapers in this coun- the financial shortcomings. The paper’s The first Church publication, Oson- try are party orientated. An indepen- Besides the development of an collapse left a void in the media lands- daba, appeared in 1901 at Oniipa and dent press is almost non-existent and increasingly outspoken Church press, cape that would not be quickly filled. focussed on religious issues. It was pro- there is a vast vacuum for a free press another category of publications also duced by the Finnish Missionary Society5, especially in this particular time where arrived on the scene in the early 1980s. Although, strictly speaking, South West which more recently became the we have an imposed interim govern- Community organisations launched a News would not normally be classified Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia ment … (T)he level of news reflected by string of publications including Bricks, the as independent because of its close (ELCIN). In 1941, the name of the publi- these news is pathetic. The newspapers first community newspaper in the coun- alignment to a political movement and cation changed to Omukwetu. From its are not objective. try,which mainly served the communities party, it did strive to play the role com- inception, Omukwetu was published of and . In 1985, monly associated with that of the inde- in Oshiwambo. In the early 1960s, Herbstein and Evenson (1989:116) had Speak Out was launched by community pendent press, namely of being impar- black staff introduced a measure of the following to say on this topic: activists and was aimed primarily at the tial and objective and by acting as the activism to Omukwetu’s content by community of Katutura. Then there were conscience or “guard-dog” (Watson including political commentary besides The vernacular church newspapers the student and labour union publica- 2003:12) of society at large. the coverage of religious and Church Omukwetu and Omukuni were per- tions launched in the late 1980s. issues. Another Lutheran publication, ceived as being against the govern- Among these was The Student Voice of 3.1.2 Filling the void: Immanuel, was launched in 1961. ment. Namibia, the official publication of the Church publications and other It basically mirrored Omukwetu in direc- Namibia National Students’ Organisation print media tion and in its coverage of the plight of Thus, the Church press appropriated (NANSO), while Worker black Namibians. Immanuel, which was the role of an independent watchdog was the official mouthpiece of the The collapse of South West News in the written in Afrikaans, Khoekhoegowab and reported openly on the war in the Namibian labour movement.7 early 1960s left a gap in the media field (Nama/Damara) and Otjiherero, was north of the country. that was partially filled by the Church produced by what was to become the At the end of the 1980s, Sister Namibia press. At the time that South West News Evangelical Lutheran Church in the Another illustration of the increased was launched. This feminist publication made its appearance, the major Republic of Namibia (which at the time and expanded political commentary addressed women’s rights and issues – Churches in Namibia were going was known as the Evangelical Lutheran and progressive involvement of the something almost completely ignored through a transformation of their own. Church in South West Africa). Besides Churches, and especially the Church by the mainstream media. The face of the Churches was slowly these two Lutheran publications, the press, was the famous Open Letter of changing, with black congregants Catholic Church in Namibia launched 1971. The letter, addressed to the then The alternative reporting characteri- increasingly occupying leadership posi- an Afrikaans, Khoekhoegowab and South African Prime Minister, BJ Vorster, sing these publications could be regar- tions within Church structures and agen- Otjiherero publication entitled Angelus was drafted by the two Lutheran ded as being independent given that cies (Katjavivi et al. 1989:3-26). in 1963. Its Oshiwambo counterpart, denominations in Namibia, ELCIN they,like the Church press, performed the Omukuni, followed in 1977. Although and what is known today as the role that would under normal circum- Church publications have been mainly religious in nature these publica- Evangelical Lutheran Church in the stances be that of a truly independent around in Namibia since the early 20th tions also carried political content and Republic of Namibia (ELCRN), and press. They were certainly independent century.In the late 1950s and early 1960s commentary. called on the South African state to with- of the socio-economic and political pres- all these publications reflected the draw from Namibia and grant the sures brought to bear on the mainstream change in Church leadership during Aside from the above, the Council territory its independence. Although a white press. However, they did not claim those decades, which was more politi- of Churches in Namibia (CCN)6 launched Lutheran initiative, the Catholic and to be independent and even tossed the Anglican Churches subsequently issued concept of objectivity out of the window, statements through their respective pub- arguing that circumstances demanded 4 On 10 December 1959, 12 people protesting against the forced removal of residents were killed by the apartheid authorities. The removal of residents to Katutura, which commenced after the 1959 killings but was only completed in the late 1960s, was carried out to lications in support of the Open Letter. subjective coverage of the plight of make way for the new white suburb of Hochland Park.

5 Finnish missionaries arrived in northern Namibia in 1870. In 1908, they established a mission hospital at Onandjokwe and a theological sem- 7 inary at Oniipa a few years later. The first black pastors were ordained in 1925. NANSO and the National Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW) were formed in the late 1980s and played a crucial role in the latter years of 6 The CCN was founded in 1978 by the major denominations with the aim of tackling social problems through a unified front. The CCN the liberation struggle by mobilising students and workers inside the country (Herbstein & Evenson 1989:166-167). became one of the key anti-apartheid organisations within Namibia in the 1980s (Herbstein & Evenson 1989:55). 06 07

black people and their struggle for libe- ding limited power to transitional autho- Lister’s outspoken criticism of the South apartheid authorities. The paper was ration and, in the case of Sister Namibia, rities, comprising parties and organisa- African-sponsored authorities and the regularly challenged – at times violently the plight of women in the country. tions that it recognised and with whom it South African forces in the country led – by the South African security forces in was prepared to negotiate. SWAPO and to her being ostracised. She also briefly the years that followed. From the outset These publications also met with resis- other extra-parliamentary organisations explained the politics at play in the the role the paper played was an explo- tance from the authorities. Like those in favour of full independence were mainstream press at the time (ibid.): sive one (Herbstein & Evenson 1989: 116): associated with the Church press, com- excluded from these processes and munity activist journalists were persecu- negotiations. Herbstein and Evenson There appeared to be no future for … it was The Namibian which was most ted and the organisations harassed. (1989:167) described one aspect of myself or the rest of the staff in the then likely to run pictures of Koevoet flaunting However, most of the publications fol- these times as follows: Namibian media, which was predomi- dead guerrillas, depict SWAPO matter- ded shortly after Independence, mainly nantly anti-SWAPO. of-factly as the next government, its due to lack of a financial lifeline8. From 1985, the war was made even combatants as freedom fighters and more inaccessible to reporters by a Seen against this background, and human beings. The most compulsive From time to time, mainstream publi- requirement that police permits were especially with the capitulation of the propaganda of all was to reflect what cations such as the Windhoek Advertiser needed to visit the “operational area”. Observer, the media landscape was the reader already knew. The vast for- and the Windhoek Observer flirted lacking an independent voice. Lister and tune spent in the propaganda war was with independent reporting, but these The Namibian’s founding editor, human rights lawyer Dave Smuts, along quite literally money down the drain. attempts were brief and usually ended Gwen Lister (1995:3), writing on the with other future staff,spent the next year after State pressure was brought to bear publication’s 10th anniversary, briefly canvassing international backing, espe- Du Pisani (2000:4,8) gave a detailed on the owners (Lister 1995:3). described the events that led to the cially financial support, for the establish- account of the coverage provided by launch of the paper. ment of the paper. They were met by The Namibian since its inception until A number of publications were various challenges placed in their way the country’s Independence in 1990: launched by the liberation movement, In 1978 pressure was put on [Hannes] by the apartheid authorities. Lister lived the South West Africa People’s Smith and the staff [of the Windhoek under a ban and her passport was con- From its inception, The Namibian not Organisation (SWAPO), during the Advertiser] to adopt a stance less fiscated; and when they tried to register only chronicled detentions and other struggle era. Among these was the critical of “internal” parties… spear- the paper, an excessive fee was unmentionable violations of human Combatant. However, these publica- headed by the Democratic Turnhalle demanded, which was only rescinded rights – the paper regularly published a tions were never independent and Alliance. Smith, myself and a few other after a costly court challenge in Pretoria “detentions update” for several years – served mainly as propaganda instru- staff members left and within a week forced the authorities to allow the regis- but facilitated pluralistic debate on a raft ments. They were never widely distri- brought out the first edition of the tration of the paper (Lister 1995:4). The of public issues … The Namibian carried buted inside Namibia, largely due to weekly Windhoek Observer. first edition of The Namibian appeared many a report on the war in neighbou- the repressive atmosphere. on 30 August 1985,with a founding edito- ring Angola and on the wanton destruc- For the next seven years, from 1978 rial that included the following state- tion by Koevoet,particularly in the former The Church and community press may to 1984, the Observer took on the role ments (The Namibian 1985:3): Ovamboland. … Local and international at times have taken on the role of an of a progressive independent press. music, too, featured regularly in the independent press during this era of However, the authorities continually The Namibian is an independent pages of The Namibian.… (T)he newspa- Namibian history. However, their reporting harassed the paper. Lister spoke of how, newspaper committed to indepen- per carried various educational supple- leaned towards the African nationalist in 1984, she was forced out of the dence for Namibia. The newspaper will ments that introduced learners and stu- agenda. Nonetheless, despite the repres- Windhoek Observer (ibid.): follow an independent editorial policy dents to the intricacies of biology, sive atmosphere, there was still scope and will strive to achieve a greater flow enzymes and photosynthesis. Editorial for independent publications; one such … the newspaper management of information and open debate … By policy was remarkably consistent … . publication was born in the mid 1980s. began to blame me primarily for the displaying editorial independence with Observer’s increasing unpopularity with honest and realistic reporting, we hope These excerpts serve to illustrate how 3.1.3 Telling it like it is: the authorities, and in 1984 the then staff to contribute to a free and vigorous the newspaper strove to cover issues of The emergence of The Namibian of the Windhoek Observer walked out in press for Namibia …We emphasise that interest that were relevant to a cross- protest against my demotion from Political our editorial policy is an independent section of Namibian society. The paper The Namibian emerged at a time Editor to reporter and I followed suit. The one. We are at the beck and call of no also ran a series of in-depth investigative when the political situation was heating authorities were beginning to close in on party or propaganda machine. articles over the years and regularly car- up. The 1980s were a turbulent time in the likes of me and management were ried academic pieces. It also ran nume- the country.The apartheid South African not prepared to take up the challenge. This was a courageous statement at rous articles and profiles on the exiled state intensified its war in northern that time, and coupled with the name of SWAPO leadership, while covering news Namibia, while at the same time han- the publication, an affront to the from across the continent and the rest of

8 Non-governmental organisations in Europe financed many of these publications. The publications ran into financial problems after Independence as donor priorities changed. 08 09

the world. At the time the coverage pro- media sector was no exception. As media as well – was the drafting and The Namibian has on many occasions vided by The Namibian was almost mentioned earlier, many community adoption of the Constitution of the voiced a strong belief in its own inde- revolutionary and the paper suffered publications like Bricks and Speak Republic of Namibia. The section of the pendence. One example, an excerpt security force harassment, banning and Out did not survive the early years Constitution of particular importance to from its 10th anniversary publication, office bombings throughout its first five of Independence due to various, the media was the explicit mention and reads as follows (The Namibian 1995:28): years of existence, and even immedi- but especially financial, reasons. It incorporation of freedom of the press in ately after Namibian Independence.9 also seems likely that these the supreme law of the new land.Article We believe this independent stance publications became redundant after 21(1) of Chapter 3, Fundamental Human best enables us to meet the challenge What is important to note about this Independence, having served their pur- Rights and Freedoms, reads as follows: of providing information to our readers publication at the time it was launched is pose of fighting for a more just political, which is truthful, objective and accurate. that, for the first time, a truly critical and social and economic dispensation. All persons shall have the right to: (a) editorially independent paper was avail- Many of the activist journalists also freedom of speech and expression, Editor Gwen Lister has on numerous able on the local media market. moved on to positions within the new which shall include freedom of the press occasions written about accountability Financially, the paper could say it was Government and other media, such as and other media … . and transparency in society, especially independent of local economic pres- New Era, the Namibian Broadcasting in government. But what does this mean sures as it was funded from abroad, Corporation (NBC) and the Namibia As far as the media were concerned, in terms of the role the paper has taken receiving most of its backing from the Press Agency (Nampa). Their departure this very brief statement opened up a upon itself in an independent Namibia? European Community. However, the deprived these community and alterna- world of opportunity and made a com- paper’s close relationship and identifica- tive papers of their most valuable assets: plete break from the repressive past. Since becoming a daily in 1989, from tion with the ideals and politics of the the people who had helped fight the earliest cases of corruption under liberation movement, SWAPO, can in apartheid through their pages.11 The next section of this paper looks at the new SWAPO Government and the hindsight be seen as having compro- the role of the independent print media, new civil service to entertainment and mised its independence during this era The mainstream press also had to bearing in mind the above constitutional sport – all have become regular fea- to some degree. Nonetheless, in the con- readjust after years of giving either provision. It also discusses how the inde- tures. Supplements have come and text of the generally anti-SWAPO and active or quiescent support to the pendence of the print media is – and was gone, while some, like The Weekender, anti-liberation mainstream publications apartheid authorities. Several main- – received in an independent Namibia. have become fixtures. The newspaper of the time, The Namibian consistently stream publications suffered the same The focus will be on the three main ‘inde- still reports on a wide range of local, stood as the lone independent voice. fate as the community and alternative pendent’ daily newspapers, namely The regional and international stories. It is press and did not survive the early years Namibian, the Republikein and the safe to say that the paper has become 3.2 Independence in the print of Independence, quietly folding in Allgemeine Zeitung. The other daily news- the newspaper of choice for most news- media: “History has deformed the early 1990s. Others, such as the paper, New Era, is State-owned. paper-buying Namibians because of all of us …”10 Government-funded New Era and its wide coverage of a cross-section of Namibia Today, the latter a SWAPO 3.2.1 Freedom to speak: issues of a very wide interest. In the 10th The period from 1988 to 1990 was Party mouthpiece, joined the media The role of the independent anniversary magazine, news editor Jean momentous in the . scene. The Namibian, as the country’s press through 15 years of Sutherland (1995:31) wrote the following: Namibia was the last African country to main alternative paper, made it through independence in Namibia emerge from European colonial domi- the transition relatively smoothly – Apart from trying to provide wide nance. Elections were called under despite having to shift from donor sup- Of all the privately owned newspapers coverage of events in Namibia, we aim United Nations Security Council port to commercial viability. As stated that existed in the pre-Independence to keep readers abreast of the most Resolution 435 in 1989, and the former before, its coverage remained consis- era, only three have successfully mana- important news breaking worldwide on liberation movement, restyled as a poli- tent, with the only difference being that ged to entrench themselves in today’s a daily basis. tical party, emerged the overwhelming focus now shifted to covering issues media landscape. They could arguably victor. The new nation state of Namibia under an elected SWAPO Government. be said to constitute the best examples of However, back in 1995, the paper did officially came into being on 21 March The paper continued to campaign in independent press in Namibia today.12 realise its deficiencies and acknow- 1990. It was a time of great upheaval the interests of its readers and the ledged it needed to improve in certain and promise for the fledgling state. general public. The Namibian areas (ibid.):

No sector of society remained Without a doubt, the most important This paper has always been seen as a This includes working on improving untouched by the changes taking development in the period from 1988 to critical voice and seems to have consis- our coverage of rural areas, our econo- place within the country – and the 1990 – not only for the country but the tently followed through on the state- mics/business section, consumer issues, ments made in its founding editorial poli- more investigative reporting and broa-

9 The Namibian’s offices were bombed in 1990. At the time it was suspected that the bombers were white right-wing extremists. This bombing cy. Through its editorial management, dening our sports coverage. followed on the 1988 bombing which destroyed equipment and offices.

10 Du Pisani (2000:9). 11 It is pertinent to note that community media have struggled in Namibia since Independence, with community newspapers such as the 12 Southern Sun in Keetmanshoop and the Caprivi Vision failing to establish themselves. This has placed an even greater burden on independ- The weeklies the Windhoek Observer and the Namibia Economist are also examples of the independent press. ent newspapers to develop their national coverage. 10 11

Looking at these deficiencies one has But what does this mean in terms of view15 that, after Independence, they the print media. Most pages in the to ask how they impact on the inde- the paper’s role and independence? It decided to distance the newspaper paper are devoted to advertising, with pendence and role of the publication, is safe to say that The Namibian is still from all political organisations – not only articles mainly at the front of the publi- and whether anything has changed in the most trusted and credible voice as a matter of survival in the now inde- cation. If advertising content is a mea- the ten years since Sutherland wrote amongst the independent publications pendent country,but also to embrace a sure of success, the Republikein can this. The Namibian in 2005 still has a and probably the most independent of new role of being an independent certainly be described as successful. heavy dependence on news agency them all. With regard to its role, the newspaper. In fact, the paper openly Nonetheless, as in the case of The copy. Four of the first five pages usually paper acts as a transmitter of state- supported the DTA until at least the 1994 Namibian, in-depth coverage of socie- carry local stories, while the rest of the ments by people in authority with its – at National Assembly elections, but has tal issues is minimal and advertising and paper - including the sports section on times – extensive coverage of the pro- since adopted a more independent advertorials dominate after the first few most days – is dominated by copy sup- nouncements of politicians and officials. style and noticeably has not backed pages. Many stories are single-sourced plied by the Namibia Press Agency The Namibian is probably the only the RP, which relaunched itself in 2003. and often feature an official – usually a (Nampa) and foreign news agencies paper that makes a concerted effort to During the interview, Jacobie called the man – speaking. Moreover, the Afrikaans such as Reuters and Agence France cover community issues, although too independent press “the amplifiers of language use is almost archaic. The Presse (AFP). Economic reporting is still often ordinary people’s voices are miss- our conscience”, and said the reader paper seems to be heavily reliant on its limited, while in-depth coverage of ing from articles. and journalist were equal partners in business approach and editorial con- issues is an occasional rather than regu- the existence of any newspaper. The tent seems to come second to this.This is lar feature. The newspaper, while still The paper’s independent and critical Republikein became part of DMH in borne out by statements made by the heavily ‘Windhoek-centric’, has made tone has brought it into conflict with 1992 and today markets itself as the Jacobie brothers, who clearly empha- greater efforts to cover rural communi- Government. The Namibian is currently largest advertising medium in the coun- sised the moneymaking side of the ties and issues, although it is clearly ham- the target of a Government advertising try. In a separate interview, the Editor of publication. As a result, the editorial strung by its lack of reporters in the ban imposed by Cabinet in 2001, the Republikein, Gert Jacobie16, had the content is in danger of being treated field.13 Many of the local reports are because of its criticism of Government following to say: too much like a product. often top-down, single-source stories and its policies (MISA 2005:80). written in reaction to an event that has I think the Republikein and DMH group Making money seems to be an overri- taken place: for example, a Govern- Republikein have played their role to such an extent in ding factor,rather than fulfilling the role of ment leader or official making a state- society that they are trusted by society and being a watchdog over society. This is ment at an event, a press conference or The only Afrikaans national newspa- seen as an upstanding corporate citizen. underlined by the absence of any real workshop, or coverage of a crime, often per, the Republikein, was founded in We do our bit on a social level,a communi- investigative journalism or critical cove- based on the police version of what 1977 as a mouthpiece of the Repub- ty level, and in the news and the economy. rage of Government. One almost gets happened. Local features and inves- lican Party (RP)14 and the Democratic the impression that the paper, given its tigative journalistic articles are often in Turnhalle Alliance (DTA), to which the Both the Executive Editor and Editor pre-Independence role, is reluctant to short supply, although the paper still RP was affiliated. In earlier years described the role of the paper as answe- rock the political boat. It necessarily fol- breaks a number of stories, some of the Republikein was a major player ring to the information needs of its reader- lows that if the publication is so heavily them complex in nature. amongst the mainstream media, or ship, fulfilling the advertising needs of its dependent on advertising, then adverti- what Heuva (2001:xii) called the “colo- business partners, and acting as an extra- sers could influence content. This, in turn, However, much of the coverage is still nial press”. Until 1990 the paper was a parliamentary opposition by reporting cri- could have an influence on the inde- reactive instead of proactive,with reports mouthpiece for South African propa- tically on Government’s actions. However, pendence and the role of the paper. tending to be event-oriented rather than ganda and actively supported the as Gert Jacobie pointed out, some of the However, the Executive Editor and Editor investigative in their approach. As a DTA, which was a principal player in challenges facing the paper were a shor- were both quick to point out that this had result, reporting on issues such as corrup- Pretoria’s attempts to create an internal tage of skilled journalists proficient in never been the case, and that adverti- tion has at times been superficial. This settlement in Namibia that sidelined Afrikaans and capable of navigating the sers knew they could not make demands trend is highlighted in a Namibia Institute SWAPO. Since the paper was estab- nuances of the language. Another chal- on the independence of the paper. for Democracy (NID) research report, lished by a political party and acted as lenge,according to Jacobie,was the ever- entitled Actual instances of corruption as a conduit for official propaganda, inde- shrinking Afrikaans readership market. It should also be borne in mind that reported in the Namibian print media, pendent reporting was never a consid- the Republikein primarily serves a 1990–2004, which indicates that The eration prior to 1990. But Namibia’s So, once again, the question becomes niche market that is relatively wealthy. Namibian’s coverage of instances of cor- Independence seems to have chan- the following: How independent is the What this might mean is that it tailors ruption over the last 15 years steadily ged all that. Executive Editor of the paper, and what role does it play? Even its media product to the needs of this declined– and between 1998 and 2004 it Democratic Media Holdings (DMH) a cursory look at the newspaper on niche readership. So the question now dropped sharply (NID 2005:9-12). group, Chris Jacobie, said in an inter- most days would bear out the boast becomes this: Whose conscience does that it is the major advertising medium in this paper amplify?

13 15 In 2005 the newspaper had regional offices in Oshakati and Swakopmund, and a regular correspondent at Keetmanshoop. By this author, 21 September 2005. 14 12 16 The RP was founded in October 1977 by , who broke with the National Party over its insistence on maintaining certain racist laws. 13 Also by this author, also 21 September 2005. Nonetheless, the NID (2005:9-12) the paper going. This, in his opinion, was tence. However, this role is essentially establish a track record on investigative research report on corruption coverage because advertisers realised that the a moneymaking one. Or as Hofmann reporting because detailed probing, stated that the Republikein’s reporting readership of the paper was conside- himself put it, the predicament that the particularly on economic issues, is miss- in this respect had risen sharply over the rably better off than the average paper faces is that “[W]e are limited by ing from the newspapers. However, this is last few years. So there is some evidence Namibian, and stressed that “ (A)n adver- language”. a role the daily newspapers should be that the paper is indeed fulfilling its role tiser cannot dictate to us”. The paper playing. It is evident that the editors of as critical voice and public guardian. faced many of the same challenges as 3.2.2 So is this independence? these publications are aware that they the Republikein, including a shortage of are not properly fulfilling their role as Allgemeine Zeitung skilled, multilingual journalists. He also What becomes evident about the independent watchdogs of society: all recognised that investigative journalism three papers discussed above is that have admitted inadequacies and have The Allgemeine Zeitung, the only was consistently lacking, not only in his they are all highly individualistic and, clearly stated that they are working on German-language daily in Africa, was publication, but also in most others in therefore, different from each other. improving their coverage. founded in 1919. Owned by John Namibia. He ascribed this to the relative- Namibia has a tradition of newspapers Meinert (Pty) Ltd from 1978 to 1990, it ly small size of newsrooms in the country in which owner-editors took a dominant To return to the working definition pro- was taken over by Republikein (Pty) Ltd and the constraints put on them by pro- role, with few checks or balances. None vided at the beginning of this paper, all in 1991. A year later, in 1992, it joined duction time and resource allocation. of the newspapers under consideration three of these publications are inde- the DMH stable of publications. here have editorial boards or pendent in the sense that they are not Based on the interviews with Eberhard ombudspersons who adjudicate on owned, controlled or close to The paper had close ties to the colo- Hofmann and Chris Jacobie, like the readers’ complaints. Independence Government or its agencies. They also nial and apartheid establishment Republikein the Allgemeine Zeitung also can produce idiosyncrasy as well, as in do not see themselves as puppets of throughout its history in pre Indepen- seems to view itself primarily as a busi- the case of the Windhoek Observer, the purse even though, in the cases of dence Namibia. However, like the ness and only secondarily as a news which bears the mark of its maverick the Republikein and the Allgemeine Republikein, the paper divested itself and information provider. However, this owner-editor Hannes Smith throughout. Zeitung, commercial considerations of this connection after Independence, is probably understandable as the appear to be at the forefront of their clearly as a survival tactic. The paper’s German paper, probably more than As a result of the political divides of approach to journalism. All three papers readership, consisting mainly of Nami- most, always has to consider its viability. the past and the divergent ways in acknowledge that advertising revenues bians of German extraction, is even Thus, if there were a considerable drop which the newspapers have deve- are crucial to their survival, but maintain smaller than that of the Republikein, in advertising revenue and circulation, loped, there is little consistent coopera- they are not editing reports to please or with daily sales averaging around the the future of the paper would be tion between these publications in appease commercial interests. All three 5 000 mark. jeopardised. As the author of this respect of media issues or how they contain critical coverage at times, and paper does not speak German, the view themselves in relation to each seem to take their role as the independ- In an interview,17 Allgemeine Zeitung Allgemeine Zeitung’s news coverage other. For example, it took 14 years for ent press seriously. Deputy Editor, Eberhard Hofmann said he and other editorial content cannot be the newspapers to establish an Editors’ understood the role of the independent accurately evaluated; however, given Forum. Despite this distance between press as being “to supplement the inde- the publication’s reliance on advertising the publications, none of them views pendent voices in Namibia”. In the pre- and its minimal market penetration, its the others as direct competition, per- Independence era the paper “operated independence has to be questioned. haps because they are all principally 4. SOME OTHER INFLUENCES within the frame of reference provided Furthermore, the paper carries a high published in different languages. TO CONSIDER by South Africa”, according to him. level of content sourced from Germany Statements made by Hofmann indicate and rarely seems to cover wider com- However, one aspect that applies 4.1 The role of ownership that the paper covers society from a munity issues – although it does cover across the board is that these newspa- German-speaking Namibian’s perspec- issues of relevance to German-speaking pers do not undertake consistent inves- Any discussion around the media, and tive. Considering that the 2004 United Namibians – and almost seems to stand tigative reporting or serious critical the print media in particular, has to take Nations Human Development Index outside the realities of Namibia. analysis – as opposed to straight note of how ownership influences the Report states that this section of the Coverage is also very reactive, and reportage – concerning the country’s functions and role of a media organisa- population is the wealthiest – and, thus, investigative reporting, according to power structures. This is something that tion. Concerning the three independent enjoys a considerably higher quality of regular readers this writer spoke to, is a is vital in a developing society like dailies, two of these publications are life than the average Namibian – it seems rare occurrence. Namibia’s and something that is owned by one company, DMH, which is safe to assume that issues are tailored to expected of the independent press in governed by the Democratic Media this market. Hofmann also maintained That the paper fulfils a role and that it more developed societies. As a result, Trust. Both the Editor and Deputy Editor that advertising, although less than that serves a niche in the market are given: Insight Namibia, a monthly current affairs of the Republikein and the Allgemeine of the Republikein, was sufficient to keep otherwise it would not still be in exis- magazine, has been able to quickly Zeitung, respectively, said the Trust had

17 With this author, 20 September 2005. 14 15 4.2 Under Government pressure? been set up to ensure that the money only its own papers? This question was If a Freedom of Information Act be- generated by the papers stayed within posed by Jeanette Minnie, former An independent and critical press is a comes a reality in Namibia, as is com- the organisation in order that DMH Regional Director of the Media Institute threat to those in high positions who mon in other democratic societies in the publications remained sustainable. of Southern Africa (MISA), in an article in have something to hide. Over the years, world, the expansion of public access to the 15th anniversary magazine of The journalists and newspapers – particularly information in possession of the State In the case of The Namibian, the Namibian (2000:45). This is an important those discussed in the latter section of would enhance the role of the print paper is published by the Free Press of issue, considering that DMH publishes this paper – have been labelled as media. The more fundamental question Namibia (Pty) Ltd, which is controlled by virtually all other papers, including The “imperialist” and/or “foreign-owned” is whether this legislation will ever see the non-profit Media Trust of Namibia Namibian, New Era and Namibia Today – whenever they dared to do their duty as the light of day. and governed by a Board of Trustees. the latter being the SWAPO mouthpiece. independents and report on wrongdo- However, ten years after the creation of ing or corrupt practices. David Lush At the moment the relationship the Trust was announced, its establish- Another factor to keep in mind when (1995:23), in the 10th anniversary publi- between Government and the press, ment and the structure of the newspa- discussing the independent press is that, cation of The Namibian, wrote the especially the private independent per as a whole remains a “work in while Namibia covers a large geo- following in this regard: press, seems to be one of love–hate. progress”, according to the paper itself graphic area, it is sparsely populated. (The Namibian 2005:3). As is the case Thus, distribution – and, therefore, reach Like their colleagues all over the conti- with the DMH publications, the function – is a problem for all the national news- nent, Namibian media workers do find 5. CONCLUSION and purpose of this Trust is to make sure papers. If newspapers are not distri- themselves at the mercy of (mostly- the paper is economically viable. Gwen buted to all corners of the country, then local) power mongers and money bro- As stated at the beginning of this Lister, Editor of The Namibian, is the only their effectiveness in playing a role kers. [sic] paper, research on the subject of the Director of Free Press of Namibia (Pty) on a national level is reduced (Minnie role of the independent press and Ltd, according to an article in the 10th 2000:45). However, this is also where As Eberhard Hofmann of the Allge- media in general in Namibia is scarce. anniversary publication of the paper radio plays an especially important role. meine Zeitung stated, this type of nega- Much of what is contained in this paper (The Namibian 1995:26). Taking into con- In Namibia, radio is arguably the most tive reaction from Government might is based on an analysis of historical sideration the stated aims of the paper influential medium of communication lead to independent publications censo- developments, personal views, deduc- as outlined in its founding editorial, the for the mass, largely rural, audience. ring themselves, as happened to some tions, and contemporaneous interviews influence of ownership on the paper mainstream publications before Indepen- conducted by the writer. Obviously, does not seem to be a major issue and There is also another side to the dence. This, in turn, reduced their inde- much more investigation has to be done Lister has on numerous occasions pub- discussion of ownership, with which no pendence, role and usefulness in society. into the role of the press, especially the licly affirmed her belief in the indepen- one seems to be comfortable. In However, it should be kept in mind that mainstream press under colonialism. dence of the paper. She has in some Namibia most, if not all, of the private or the atmosphere within which the media ways become an embodiment of the independent media are still white- functioned before Independence and Too often the independent press uses independent spirit in journalism and her owned or –controlled, 15 years after that in which it functions now are poles Government as its principal – and only – role has been widely recognised both Independence. This aspect begs explo- apart. In the pre-Independence era, source of information, at the expense of locally and internationally in that she ration, as it did in South Africa in the papers were often physically harassed, as alternative points of view.The 2002/2003 has received numerous international late 1990s.19 in the case of The Namibian, whereas in Media Monitoring Project Annual media awards. According to both the post-Independence Namibia, State dis- Report conducted by MISA’s Namibia Editor and Executive Editor of the Considering how often senior Govern- satisfaction with the media seems to be Chapter states the following in this Republikein as well as the Deputy Editor ment officials have over the last 15 years implied rather than overt. Once again, regard (MISA 2003): of the Allgemeine Zeitung18 , editorial referred to the independent press as there is always an exception to any rule. independence was highly valued within “imperialist” and “foreign-owned”, and The Government’s advertising ban on The Given that these media quote so hea- the DMH stable of publications. It seems, considering that none of the major Namibian since 2001 serves as a prime vily from the President,Ministers and other therefore, that such independence papers has a counterpart written entire- example of Government flexing its mus- government officials, this creates a strong would be very difficult to sacrifice. ly in an indigenous African language,20 cles to try to curb the influence and role sense that they are vehicles for the go- the questions about white- or black- of the paper. But the ban seems to have vernment of the day rather than reflect- However, there are other factors that owned media remain pertinent. had limited impact on the operation and ing the diversity of Namibian society. might influence the role and indepen- functioning of the paper, which already dence of the press in Namibia. One of had strong support from other advertisers The report (ibid.) also refers to the the most important of these is that DMH and a loyal and expanding readership. Namibian media as being chronically owns the principal printing press in weak because of this. Namibia. What would happen if DMH decided to reserve the presses to publish

18 Interviews, 20-21 September 2005. 19 The Human Rights Commission of South Africa in 1999 launched a year-long investigation into racism in the media. Editorial control, own- ership and portrayal featured prominently in the investigation. At the time, the media in that country were still predominantly white. The issue of stories being told from a white journalist’s perspective also enjoyed prominence. 16 17 20 Although The Namibian does feature a two- or three-page Oshiwambo section each day.

It seems as if the independent press has not quite figured out what their role and purpose is in this continually evol- ving and developing society. The publi- cations discussed spend much of their energies and resources on simply pro- ducing a newspaper each day without having the time or inclination to really explore the possibilities of their inde- pendence.

The independent press, in their unpacking of Namibian realities, should seriously and vigorously test the constitu- tionally protected freedoms of expres- sion and the press in how they cover society. As this paper has highlighted, an independent media, including the print media, have an important role to play in fostering democracy.

As the Fourth Estate, an independent media serve as a watchdog over socie- ty – creating pressure and motivation for Government structures and other institu- tions to be transparent and account- able for their actions. This is especially true in a society such as Namibia’s, where civil society is generally weak, the elected parliamentary opposition is fractured, and the ruling party is con- stantly trying to impose its hegemony.

For a democratically developing so- ciety, the role of the media becomes especially significant and it is not surpri- sing, given the Namibian context, that the independent media have appropri- ated for themselves the mantle of an influential extra-parliamentary voice. It is a crucial role: one that should be consi- derably developed and expanded, not just by the publications that have been the focus of this paper, but by other media as well. Then we may be able to answer the question posed in the title of another MISA publication,21 “So this is democracy?”, in the affirmative.

21 MISA brings out its annual report on media freedom in the Southern African Development Community under this title. 18