issue # 29 March 2018 SSN 1839-8639

MHR Review March 2018 page contents... MHR Review #29 published in March 2018 Edited by George Vlahov and Designed by Johnny Tsiglev

3 Public Intellectuals in Macedonia George Vlahov 7 THE ZAEV BRIEFING David Vitkov 10 self-delusion Dr. Tom Vangelovski 13 Проглас

18 Before the Rain Dr. Michael Seraphinoff 22 EFA in Pirin

24 a different view from SOFIA

25 GREEK PROPAGANDA in OTTOMAN MACEDONIA Dr. Dimitar Vamvakovski

28 THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION Victor Sinadinoski

The front cover collage by Johnny Tsiglev includes: Edvard Munch's Evening on Karl Johan Street 1892; The dance of life (1899-1900); The Scream 1892; Honore Daumier's They Say the Parisians Are Hard to Please, 1864 Lithograph; A la Bourse, Lithograph; and a 19th century image of Mephisto. MHR Review March 2018 page 2

Public Intellectuals in Macedonia and the Names

George Vlahov to have risen, markedly. In essence, they are insisting that the Republic of Macedonia Preamble must change its name in order to satisfy a racist Greek version of history and thereby Located among the heights of conceit, one obtain membership of NATO and the EU. finds commentators of all kinds, though es- They, of course, would not put it that way. pecially noticeable are certain academics and journalists, who present their interpreta- This article is not about whether member- tions, their prejudices, as facts; moreover, ship of the EU and NATO is desirable, within some of them, actually, probably though we will underline: if the notion of re- many of them, the desire to appear to be sponsible citizenship was not something relevant to their milieu, which, understanda- that is almost alien to the bulk of Mace- bly is the dream of many an intellectual, donia's political elite, then it is very likely leads to an advocacy for policies that con- that membership would have been gained, tradict not only their ideological persona, but without an altered appellation, years ago. even rudimentary standards of decency. The state would have been able to mobilise Their expressions of knowledge are also, of the necessary resources, to explain, in the course, warped by power, though they man- relevant centres of power and in interna- age to perform as if the opposite is true; or tional judicial structures, that it is not possi- to behave as if their knowledge of power is ble to surrender what those centres, them- so intimate, that it permits them to insist that selves, advertise as an inalienable right. their perspective is an actuality which ne- Alas, Macedonia's leaders, have instead, cessitates ignoring a fundamental injustice. consistently used the name issue as a In these cases, one is pardonably appre- weapon in the waging of party political hensive about offering a rejoinder, as such power struggles. attention is precisely what is craved. The Among the debris of the collateral damage likelihood is that direct engagement will engendered by those unscrupulous feuds, merely lead to the further inflation of an ego one can find the thinking of those thinkers that proffered personal preferences, as who are asserting, that, it is imperative to truth. alienate the inalienable: "my country is too weak to do anything about it". Too corrupt, Some of the Arguments actually. A serious, principled discussion Therefore we are not going to name names, about the names would also inevitably and rather, we are going to focus on some of the usefully lead to a conversation about Mace- arguments utilised by those unnamed per- donia's gravest problem - the widespread sonalities; i.e. their arguments in favour of anomy in Macedonian society. surrendering the right to self-determination. Remarkably, a number of our cerebral warri- We have resolved to address this matter ors, had been on record and on principle, once more, because, of late, the number of unamenable to designing new designations those who shall remain nameless, appears (Continued on page 4)

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(Continued from page 3) by a right wing nationalist, a fascist, but by a Marxist, a Bolshevik no less... Of course na- during the Gruevski years; now that SDS tionalism has long been a perplexing phe- has firmly put the issue back on the negoti- nomenon for Marxists, but that is another ating table, not that DPMNE ever really took discussion. it off, they have chosen to refute their former selves with zest, in order, one may suppose, Nationalisms to satisfy a misapprehension of how they What is vital to understand here, is that na- might make themselves useful and avoid tionalism is not monolithic, there are types relevance depravation. and the disparities are consequential. In this The right to self-determination is important discourse there is not nationalism, there are but, "well, actually, we are Slavs, Macedoni- nationalisms. At a very basic level, saying "I ans are a Slavic nation"; or "identity is a am Australian", is an expression of national- very deeply personal thing, nobody can take ism. Though it might perhaps be deemed it away from you, even if names are relatively benign, depending on the context. changed"; or "we really don't have anything Then again, there is a substantial difference to do with Antiquity, so a name change re- between aggressive and defensive national- flecting that is in order"; "we need to com- ism and it is painfully obvious who the ag- promise, only the crazy nationalists on our gressor is, in this context. Or is it? Well, not side are refusing"; or "we really are a new for some of our savants. No, several of them nation" etc, all kinds of nonsense, every- have taken to using sarcasm to distort the thing but the truth. Their truth is very simple, truth, to the extent that they have begun to though it appears very few of them have the equate the racist nationalism prevailing in courage to utter it: "We are very aware this Greek society, which has led the bulk of that is wrong, but the Republic of Macedonia society to believe it has the right to revoke cannot survive or prosper without NATO Macedonian society's right to self determi- and EU membership, so we have to do it". A nation, with the activism of Macedonians, very questionable "truth", but at least then who at bottom, are doing nothing more than the real debates could begin and most of attempting to protect that right. Granted, the drivel could be left behind. Who knows, there are Macedonians who are employing candid discussions like that might even ex- ludicrous nationalist arguments to do that, pedite a consensus that leads to a coherent but a substantial difference remains, none- policy in pursuit of winning the very winna- the-less. ble right to self determination. It is too simplistic to enlist the argument that But that path is too prosaic, too jejune, for nationalism is exclusively harmful and must our great sages, many of them prefer to re- be eradicated, full stop. We live in a world of sort to history as fables that have been nations and they are not about to depart agreed upon, crackpot sociology, genericis- from the actual to mere historical. Moreover, ing, essentialising and the promotion of bla- humans create groups, if there were not na- tant double standards, the very things they tional groups, there would be some other criticise "crazy Macedonian nationalists" for. form, it seems to be part of human ontology. No doubt, this is partially caused by an in- While the national form continues, construc- ability to provide serious argumentation in tive social activism should be about promot- favour of ignoring the fundamentals of inter- ing respect between nations, not the mortifi- national law and dispensing with the right to cation of one, a smaller, weaker one, for the self determination. With others, there is an benefit of a racist bully. If the bright sparks embarrassing ignorance that equates a de- who are the focus of our discussion do not fence of self-determination with hateful far have any respect for the feelings and dignity right nationalism. They do not appear to be of their fellow citizens, who consider the pro- aware, like one particular dullard at Balkan tection of their rights and their identity to be Insight, that "The Right of Nations to Self- a serious matter, then at least they should Determination" is a text that was not written have the sense to see they are not weaken- ing nationalism by aiding a much more pow-

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erful and racist form of it. One needs to take porters. Fortunately, there are left wing intel- heed of the fact that the most recent poll in lectuals in Macedonia who are not so easily Greece revealed over 70% of Greeks do not shamed out of their principles, unfortunately, even accept, that the Republic of Mace- they appear to be dwindling in number. donia has the right to have the word 'Macedonia' in its proposed new name. It is Conclusions time to put away childish things and stop The Macedonian nation is new in the sense pretending there are "many" Greeks who that all nations, as the word nation is pres- reject nationalism, that is a fantasy designed ently understood in social theory, were cre- to assuage guilty consciences. ated in modernity, i.e. during the course of Politics and Culture the last 500 years. Yes, all nations are new, including yours, Greek nationalists. Attempt- There is another aspect to this refusal to ing to revoke the right of a nation to self- deal with nationalism in a realistic manner. It determination, is obviously wrong, to at- relates to the political divide in Macedonia tempt to justify it via a double standard, is and it needs some explaining. In short, doubly wrong. bluntly and without going into nuances, That said, the Macedonian nation is not as SDSM affiliates view themselves as intelli- new as the heroes of our story seem to gent, sophisticated, cosmopolitan, left of think; it was not created ex nihilo by Tito, centre, progressive, modern Europeans and post 1945. The sociological basis of the Ma- in general, they maintain a literal hate for cedonian nation developed during the 19th VMRO-DPMNE supporters, who are and early 20th centuries, substantially, deemed to be the opposite: excessively though not solely, as a response to the conservative, blinkered, dull, far right, out of emotional and physical abuse of Greek, Bul- date traditionalists and nationalists. The se- garian and Serbian nationalism. We are re- vere dislike is of course mutual as is the ferring to the brutal, often murderous efforts caricaturing, the DPMNE affiliates might, for of those nationalisms to impose their re- example, refer to their rivals as childish, un- spective national identities, their names, on realistic, vegetarian dreamers and Yugoma- the bulk of the inhabitants of Macedonia, in niacs, communists no less. order to justify annexing Macedonia. Over In this context it is not surprising that the the course of decades, prior to and after the bulk of those public intellectuals who are annexation and partition of Macedonia in now advocating for a name change, are 1913, an ever increasing number of Mace- more or less connected to SDSM. Among donia's inhabitants began to reject those di- them there is a propensity to label anybody visive and hateful national impositions. In who advocates against name changes, as a the process of that rejection, they aug- "dumb VMROite nationalist". I have ob- mented a form of social solidarity encapsu- served this numerous times on social media lated by the name: Macedonian. "I am not and to an extent it has been a successful Greek or Bulgarian or Serbian, I am Mace- tactic - it has led to embarrassed red faces donian". Thus it is, by spurning a defence of that abruptly retreated from the temerity of Macedonia's right to name itself or the right having questioned the wisdom of surrender- of its inhabitants to name themselves and ing basic human rights: "don't you see who their language, one is practically supporting is supporting you, who is standing behind the maintenance of a violent nationalist tra- you" ("не гледаш кој те поддржува, кој dition that is well over a hundred years old. стои зад тебе") etc. Oh the horror of receiv- Given that context, one is able to grasp why ing likes on Facebook from DPMNE affili- it is too simplistic to say that Macedonians ates.... That is how a defence of human were created as a "Slavic nation". That sort rights is converted into something to be of description involves a genericisation that ashamed of, into a hateful form of national- undermines the meaning of an identity or ism. Lamentably, that false conversion is worse still, an untenable essentialism, that aided by the fact that there is indeed a luna- tic nationalist fringe among the DPMNE sup- (Continued on page 6)

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(Continued from page 5) the average Greek nationalist simply adores: "yes, you are uncultured, inferior, 6th century intruders". Linguists do use the P.S. Interestingly, the latest news from Ma- term "Slavic languages" or "Slavic speaking cedonia indicates that the leaderships of nations" but as a convenient generic short- SDSM and VMRO-DPMNE are more and hand, not as a means to undercut the speci- more in agreement on changing names, it ficity of a culture, by permanently affixing just might be, that the rival party executives, the Slav label as a suffix or prefix to an iden- have more, much more, in common with tity marker. And in any case, the basis for each other, than what is popularly thought. suggesting such a name change is on prin- ciple, unacceptable, again, it is most defi- nitely about surrendering one's right to name oneself in order to please racists, whose racism involves aspects of both cul- tural and biological racism. And the same of course applies to all other suggestions, northern, upper and etc. And no, identity is not locked away deep in- side the individual, away from and cut off from everyone else; identity is constructed socially, in relation to others, in interaction with others, without others, there is no iden- tity and therefore it matters very much, how others treat you, how they refer to you. This is sociology 101. We shall end by admitting it is fanciful to be- lieve we will succeed in moving many or even any of our nameless colleagues, who apparently do not care much about names, to reflect on the way they are treating their fellow citizens; or succeed in convincing them to find the courage to agree on what should be generally agreeable, even with rank and file affiliates of the opposing politi- cal party. Nor are we likely to succeed in convincing them to at least be more forth- coming, more earnest, about their motiva- tions. You might say that a more diplomatic approach is needed. That might be the case, though we decided the hour is too late for mincing words and while we may fail abysmally in relation to those who are the main focus of our attention, we might suc- ceed in causing some of their devotees, to doubt them. George Vlahov Melbourne 10/2/2018

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ZAEV‟S MEDIA BRIEFING on the NAME ISSUE: Some additional questions the PRIME MINISTER needs to answer David Vitkov

Some media outlets have even reported that On 8th February 2018, the Prime Minister of Greece‟s desire is for it to be one word i.e. the Republic of Macedonia, Zoran Zaev held “Gornamakedonija”, with corresponding ref- a briefing with the editors of major media erences to “citizens of Gornamakedonija” outlets in Macedonia. Subsequently, outlets and a change of the country code from “MK” like Maktel, published Zaev's briefing in full, to “GO” or “GM”. Given that such absurd without much analysis. The statements proposals are obviously going to be unac- made by Zaev raised more questions than ceptable, is the March timeframe realistic? answers. Here are some of the questions In fact, with such proposals, how can there we believe that all responsible journalists be any room for positivity? (Of course, the should pose to the Prime Minister: March deadline, has since been shown to

have been thoroughly fanciful.) Zaev: Negotiations with Greece next week enter the photo finish, the govern- Zaev: The government is considering a ment hopes and wants a solution in referendum to be held, but to delay it un- March, meaning in less than two months. til EU accession, in order to prevent Greece from setting new demands for Prime Minister, while details of the current Macedonia's entry into the EU. discussions between the Republic of Mace- donia and Greece have not been made pub- EU accession is many years away, this lic, based on multiple reports coming out of means that you are practically intending to Greece, it seems that the current name be- change the name without a referendum. ing discussed is “Republic of Upper Mace- Has it not long been your stated policy that donia”. Moreover, Greek media are report- a name change will have to be approved by ing that Greece is insisting that the Macedo- a referendum? And in relation to the refer- nian language version of the name (“Slavic” endum, will it be a straight forward formula- as they report it), be the official name of the tion of the question such as: “Do you agree country i.e. “Gorna Makedonija” and that it not be translatable into other languages. (Continued on page 8)

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(Continued from page 7) from Kavala and therefore he is con- cerned about Macedonians from with changing the name of the Republic of Greece. But he also stated that there is Macedonia to [New Name]?”. In other no Macedonian language in Greece, words, will you avoid manipulative formula- there is only Greek, and according to tions like: “Do you agree to change the Zaev, Tsipras himself acknowledged that name of the country for the purposes of en- there is no dispute over the Macedonian tering NATO and the European Union?" language. Tsipras asked Zaev whether he feels like a Slav-Macedonian, to which Zaev: The Government thinks that Tsip- the Prime Minister replied that he consid- ras intends to solve the problem, sees it ered himself a Macedonian. as a potential benefit for Greece and for its SYRIZA party. Obviously, when an ethnic Greek from one of the three administrative regions of It seems you have a lot of faith in Tsipras. Greece, using the name Macedonia, de- He and SYRIZA, present themselves as clares himself to be “Macedonian”, he is de- progressive European leftists, who care scribing himself in a regional-cultural sense, about social justice; yet his government con- ultimately, he remains an ethnic Greek. On tinues to violate the Interim Accord and not the other hand, when ethnic Macedonians in only continues to demand that Macedonia Greece (or indeed elsewhere) use the term relinquish its right to self-determination, but “Macedonian” to describe their ethnic iden- is also now making even more racist de- tity, they do so, in order to, among other mands in relation to Macedonian identity things, distinguish themselves from ethnic and the Macedonian language. How is it, Greeks. The ethnic Macedonians in Mr Tsip- that you trust someone like that, a politician, ras‟ country have a distinct culture and who preaches one thing and practices an- speak a distinct language called Macedo- other? nian, thus forming a distinct linguistic and ethnic minority. This has been documented SYRIZA‟s current official policy is to con- by numerous reputable human rights tinue to deny the existence of an ethnic Ma- NGO's, like Helsinki Watch and Amnesty cedonian identity and to deny minority rights International. Prime Minister, don't you think to Macedonians in Greece, is this in accord it is important to point out such facts to Mr with EU values? These policies are perfectly Tsipras and other Greek government repre- in accord with the tenets fascism, are they sentatives? not? On the topic of the Macedonian language, Zaev: The government is still optimistic Prime Minister, it is incorrect to say that about the solution to the problem, but a there is no Macedonian language in Greece. bit surprised by the positions of the op- The language is spoken by ethnic Macedo- position and church, we did not expect nians residing in Northern Greece. More- such radical views regarding the negotia- over and ironically, one of the most un- tions on our name. equivocal pieces of evidence proving the existence of a language called „Macedonian‟ Given the litany of racist statements over comes not from the academic world but the years from both organisations from the Greek state itself. In the Greek na- (especially the church), in relation to Mace- tional census of 1920, the Macedonian lan- donians and the Macedonian language etc, guage (not “Slav-Macedonian”, not “Slavic” how is it that you find this “surprising”? language, and not “Slavic” idiom) was listed as a language spoken by some of the popu- Zaev: At the meeting in Davos, Tsipras lation in Greece. We are talking about offi- informed Zaev about his positions, and cial census results that were published and vice versa, they talked about 2 hours. therefore accepted, by the Greek state. Tsipras told Zaev that his parents are Prime Minister, do you not think it is impor-

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tant to inform yourself better about the his- seek association NATO membership, but tory of Macedonians in Greece, so that you this scenario is not desirable for Mace- can point out such facts to Mr Tsipras and donia. other Greek government representatives? Prime Minister, is this really a viable “Plan Zaev: Dimitrov's statement on the red B”? How do you expect to begin accession lines for Macedonian identity at the press talks with the EU and association NATO event with Nimetz was a previously membership when Greece would presuma- agreed move by Zaev and Dimitrov, to bly have to agree to such arrangements ac- give Greeks the knowledge that the Ma- cording to the rules and procedures of both cedonian government does not intend to organisations? be subordinate in the negotiations and will not play everything or noth- Is it not time for the Macedonian govern- ing, rather, we also have red lines and ment to consider other options, such as that is the identity of the people. seeking an implementation of the 2011 judg- ment of the International Court of Justice, or Prime Minister, can you confirm that it is the better yet, ending these increasingly farcical position of the Macedonian government that name discussions and exploring judicial the nationality (citizenship) of the citizens of remedies to achieve the full international the country will remain “Macedonian” as cur- recognition of the Republic of Macedonia as rently recorded on Macedonian passports the Republic of Macedonia? Isn't that what a and identity cards, etc? self-proclaimed, progressive, pro EU values

government like yours, should do? Given that you have declared the identity of Macedonian citizens and the Macedonian people in general, to be a red line and given Greece's continued opposition to these terms, what is the point of continuing the name discussions? Is there a point where your government will finally say enough is enough?

Zaev: The Government considers that there is no need to change the constitu- tion to reach a solution to the name is- sue.

Prime Minister, the Greek government has indicated on multiple occasions that changes to the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia are a precondition for any deal to be done on the name issue. Again, given the diametrically opposed views on this issue, what is the point of continuing the name discussions?

Zaev: The government has a plan B if no solution is reached with Greece this year, which is to start negotiations with the EU and to begin the implementation of the EU accession chapters and to re- sume negotiations with Greece, and to

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self-delusion / self.dɪˈluː.ʒən the action of deluding oneself; failure to recognize reality

Dr. Tom Vangelovski very day. It is without resolve or commit- ment, and unconvinced of concepts such as Twenty-seven years ago Macedonia de- self-determination and democratic govern- clared its independence from Yugoslavia. ance. It is with fear and confusion, and a This was not an act of national liberation or complete unwillingness to even voice their one of defiance against foreign oppression. opposition to blatant violations of their In 1991 the Macedonian people were di- rights. vided on the issue and many, perhaps even Now Zoran Zaev, the current Prime Minister, a majority, were comfortable with remaining has promised to finally ease the pain of the in the Yugoslav federation. For months after Macedonian experiment by agreeing to a Yugoslavia had already collapsed, the Ma- new name. There will still be a state with a cedonian leadership attempted to resusci- nation legally bound to it by citizenship, but tate it in some form. it will not be a Macedonian one. It will be Finally, a referendum was hastily held on 8 something else. Importantly, it will be devoid September 1991 asking Macedonians the of the necessities of nationhood – identity, convoluted question of whether they sup- history, and cultural inheritance. It will leave ported independence with the option of join- many disillusioned and without a place in a ing a future Yugoslav union should the op- world largely defined by nationhood. None- portunity arise.1 Kiro Gligorov had read the theless, it will have many willing participants mood well. Fearful of fighting in Croatia and and many passionate apologists. Bosnia for their Serb overlords, but also The question that is inevitably raised is, wanting to re-join Belgrade at a future (and „what causes these people to persist in ne- much safer) date, Macedonians raised their gotiating their identity (their very person- fists and voted yes. The government hood, dignity and autonomy – both individu- adopted a declaration of independence two ally and collectively) with a foreign govern- and a half weeks later, formalising what al- ment that simply wants to destroy them? ready existed. Macedonia had tripped and The reasons are shockingly misguided. fallen out of Yugoslavia on its way down. In his 1848 manifesto, Karl Marx called on This is the mentality with which Macedoni- the „workers of the world‟ to unite. This slo- ans approach their political freedom to this

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gan summarised his worldview. Marx re- revolves around the financial aspects of life. jected the very idea of national identity, ar- Again, the Social Democratic platform boldly guing that the concept was a bourgeois in- proclaims: vention used to oppress and subordinate Membership of NATO and the EU are the working class. He saw the world divided strategic priorities. These among classes rather than nations, and for [organisations] mean a better standard him class identity was internationalist – [of living], modern laws, higher salaries, meaning that workers around the world be- security for the state, confidence among long to one class, or a nation of workers, its citizens, new investments and free- who have the same interests. As far as he dom of movement. It also means that was concerned, national identity was an im- private property, individual freedom, and pediment to the worldwide unification of the legal and economic security will be working class and the establishment of in- guaranteed.3 ternational communism. Many have accepted such promises as self- Today, the anti-national ideas of Karl Marx evident outcomes of membership in these are alive and well in the hearts and minds of two organisations. But what exactly is self- Zaev and his supporters. They do not be- evident about them? None of these goals lieve in the nation and the nation-state. For can be achieved through external interven- them, the world is (or should be) internation- tion. In fact, they mostly rely on domestic alist and cosmopolitan. The Social Democ- capability and the will to achieve them. ratic party platform reflects this quite clearly: These goals are based on principles that …we will support programs that, to- need to become embedded in the mindset gether with educational, social and cul- of the people and then put into practice. tural development policies, will free Take for example the promise of modern young people from the chains of ethnic- laws, or guarantees for private property and ity [emphasis added].2 individual freedom. No one needs European In essence, what the Social Democrats aim expert advice to secure these. If they want ‟ to do is indoctrinate Macedonian children „modern laws (whatever that even means), into thinking that their culture and ethno- then they need to decide what they are national identity are irrelevant in this modern within the Macedonian context and legislate world so that they can create a multicultural them. If they want legal protections for pri- melting pot that fuses existing cultures and vate property, then they need to legislate identities into something new, cosmopolitan these protections and then ensure that they and internationalist. They want the Macedo- are enforced. It really is that simple. nian to fade away into a sea of Europeans, Neither will a better standard of living, or at least a conglomeration of the current higher salaries and new investments be ethnic mix. achieved by membership of the European But the man and the party are enabled by a Union and NATO. Bulgaria, Romania and much wider problem – the Macedonian peo- Greece are cases in point. What each Ma- ple themselves. Many of them believe that cedonian needs to do is develop a healthy respect for the rule of law, eliminate corrup- the European Union and NATO are their only hope for „a normal existence‟. And for tion and build a strong work ethic. A practi- (Continued on page 12) Macedonians it seems that „normal‟ largely

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(Continued from page 11) cal equivalent of being a warmonger bent on self-destruction. Rights are important be- cal example of this is not taking or offering cause they provide justice. And without jus- bribes. I know, it's a difficult concept to tice there cannot be peace (or prosperity for grasp. But this is what will ultimately attract that matter). Nor is nationalism a dirty little foreign investment and help create a better concept. At a fundamental level, nationalism standard of living. is about loyalty. Loyalty to your people and Unfortunately, it seems that Macedonians country. Loyalty to your family, friends and neighbours. And loyalty is a virtue, not a are not interested in actually doing anything. They simply want an army of foreign bu- vice. reaucrats to come in, turn the country into For now, there is an obsession with the EU Germany overnight, and hand out Swedish- and NATO, and membership is being style unemployment benefits to everyone. sought at all costs, including changing our This will not happen. Nobody has the time, name and relinquishing all claims to our money or inclination to resolve the problems identity, history and cultural heritage. Why? of others. Macedonians will remain poor and For an egregious self-delusion. miserable until they finally grasp that they, P.S. and they alone, are responsible for them- selves. Let me repeat this again, because VMRO-DPMNE has avoided scrutiny from this is important. the author for its part in this catastrophic situation simply because it is currently in op-

position and the final stroke has been deliv- “Macedonians will remain poor ered by SDSM. History shows that politi- and miserable until they finally cians of all stripes bear the burden of guilt for where we are now and what we have grasp that they, and they alone, lost. are responsible for themselves” Tom Vangelovski

1 The referendum question was as follows: “Are you in favour of a sovereign and independent state of The combination of Social Democratic inter- Macedonia, with the right to enter into a future union nationalism and the unrealistic economic of sovereign Yugoslav states?” expectations of the general public have 2 Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija, Programa come to full fruition. Internationalists within za rabota na vladata: 2017-2020, p. 17, Macedonian society play on the fears of the http://www.sdsm.org.mk/Gis/Upload/PDF/Predlog% broader public to further their own anti- 20Programa%20za%20rabota%20na%20Vladata% national agenda. They have portrayed EU 202017-2020.pdf [translated from original]. and NATO membership as the only course 3 Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija, Programa that Macedonia should follow and have za rabota na vladata: 2017-2020, p. 11, denigrated anyone who seeks to protect http://www.sdsm.org.mk/Gis/Upload/PDF/Predlog% Macedonian interests and fundamental 20Programa%20za%20rabota%20na%20Vladata% 202017-2020.pdf [translated from original]. rights as a dirty nationalist that craves war, starvation and unimaginable suffering. Yet, as the editorial of this issue notes, pro- tecting your rights is not the moral or practi-

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ОТВОРЕНО ПИСМО ДО ПОЛИТИЧКИТЕ ЛИДЕРИ НА РЕПУБЛИКА МАКЕДОНИЈА: ШЧО НАПРАИФТЕ И ШЧО ТРЕБИТ

ДА ПРАИМЕ ЗА ОДНАПРЕД?

Длабоко загрижени и вознемирени од Македонците како народ. Не помалку начинот на кој Владата на Република важно е што „решавањето“ на Македонија го води процесот на непостоечки спор може да доведе до разговори со Република Грција околу загрозување на мирот и безбедноста во нашето уставно име и национален земјата и регионот. Патот до пеколот е идентитет, чувствуваме историска поплочен со добри намери, напиша одговорност да не молчиме и да ѝ се одамна Данте, а мирисот на сулфур обратиме на целата македонска и денес допира сѐ поголем број граѓани, и светска јавност, во духот на мислата на во земјата и надвор од неа. Она што за Мисирков, нашиот духовен татко. за нас политичарите претставува позитивна особено вознемирувачко е атмосфера и национален консензус, од инсистирањето на брзо и наша перспектива е симулакрум со нетранспарентно „решавање“ на спор, кој опасни последици. Од тие причини, ни е наметнат, или поточно кој ниту е чувствуваме граѓанска должност да спор, ниту е решлив. Апелираме пред да укажеме,опоменеме и апелираме: се продолжи во оваа насока, сите Прво, Република Македонија е одговорни политичари и граѓани да си го мирољубив член на меѓународната постават прашањето: шчо напраифме и заедница, и нема ниту еден активен спор шчо требит да праиме за однапред? со ниту една држава членка на ОН. Преземените чекори и сторените грешки Нашето право на самоопределување и од изминатите 25 години, вклучително и самоидентификација не потекнуваат од денешната какофонијата на 1991 година, туку се резултат на претставниците на Владата, историски процес на самоафирмација и коалиционите партнери, но и борба за сопствена држава која опозицијата,јасно покажуваат дека се симболично започна со првиот Илинден, создава подготвеност за потези кои а беше крунисана со вториот - со можат да доведат до огромна и заседанието на АСНОМ од 1944 година! непоправлива штета на историските и Третиот Илинден од 8 Септември беше националните интереси на Република само чин на континуитет, легитимиран со Македонија, на нејзините граѓани и на наодите на Извештајот на Бадинтеровата

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комисија и со пресудата на поистоветувате со националисти! Каде е Меѓународниот суд на правдата од 2011 Вашиот национален и граѓански корен, година. Престанете да се однесувате Вашата „македонска жичка“, господине како Република Македонија да е виновна Премиер? Како премиер Вам Ви е за тоа што постои - и во најмала рака, да должност да ги браните интересите на ја изедначувате позицијата и македонските граѓани! однесувањето на државата на чие чело Второ, приемот на Република Македонија стоите со однесувањето на Република во ОН беше извршен со флагрантно Грција, која го наметна спорот не само од кршење на Повелбата, при што на националистички, туку и од многу државата ѝ беа наметнати два прагматични причини! „Политиката на дополнителни и згора нелегални услова - шарм“, непоткрепена собарем обврска во меѓународните односи да елементарна стратегија и политичка биде претставувана под референцата изградена позиција, лажно се (бивша југословенска Република претставува како национален консензус! Македонија), како и да разговара/ Власта не само што не е отворени за преговара со Грција околу разликите во консултации со научните и стручни врска со името. Поради слабоста на кругови, туку и ги игнорира оние кои со државата, неспособната дипломатија и внимателност и мудрост се обидуваат да плашливото и субмисивно државно помогнат, укажувајќи им на сите Сцили и водство, „разговорите“ прераснаа во Харибди низ кои така беневолентно „преговори“, за конечно да бидеме минуваат последните месеци. исправени пред ултиматум кој оваа Запрепастени сме што премиерот на Влада заедно со опозицијата е Република Македонија на „тајна вечера“ подготвена да го прифати и да го ги советува новинарите како да промени уставното име на државата, која известуваат за процесот на преговарање, е наша заедничка политичка заедница. додека сопствените граѓани се држат во Прашуваме: зошто Владата не ги користи незнаење и темнина! Тоа е срам не само сите правни, политички и морални адути, за Владата, туку и за новинарите! кои се недвосмислено на страната на Притоа, со неверојатна леснотија на државата, Република Македонија? Зошто постоењето молкум и насмеани гледате молчите во врска со Бадинтеровиот како иредентисти нѐ обвинуваат за извештај? Зошто се однесувате како иредентизам, наивно верувајќи дека е виновници-иредентисти кога в рака ја тоа конструктивност. За разлика од имате пресудата на Меѓународниот суд премиерот на Република Македонија, на ОН? Во неа експлицитно се грчкиот премиер пред парламентот ги аргументира дека ниту едно дејствие на обзнанува црвените линии: промена на нашата држава за кое сме обвинети, и уставот и промена на името за севкупна што Вие го прифаќате како аргумент на erga omnes употреба ( , што значи и кон грчката страна, е или било надвор и кон внатре). Македонските иредентистичко. Зошто непотребно граѓани кои мирно и достоинствено создавате чувство на ургентност кога не очекуваат елементарно почитување на е вистина дека проблемот мора да се Повелбата на ОН и на нивите реши за неколку месеци? Дали некому меѓународно загарантирани права, во сте дале ветување со кое ние не сме вашите божем дипломатски изјави, ги

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запознати? културните работници, писатели, Трето, мораме да ги потсетиме и научници, уметници, лекари и политичарите и целата македонска професионалци од сите области, со јавност дека одлучувањето за вакво своите меѓународни постигнувања прашање излегува од рамките на со успеавме да се избориме нашите колеги Устав регулираните надлежности на и партнери да нѐ почитуваат и носителите на власта! Никој, вклучително ословуваат на начин кој е вообичаен за и Владата, Собранието и Претседателот сите други, државјани на трети земји. Ние сме тие кои секојдневно комуницираат со на Републиката нема уставно овластување да одлучува за промена на Европа, кои се третирани како Европејци, и кои постигнуваат врвни резултати името, дури и ако е „само“ за именувани како Македонци/Македонки, меѓународна употреба! Вашето ветување па затоа никој нема право во наше име дека народот ќе одлучи на референдум, да го преименува нашето творештво и исто така, не е засновано ниту на Устав резултати. ниту на закон, бидејќи не постои норма од позитивното право за распишување Четврто, недозволиво е, и е израз на референдум, ниту консултативен, ниту крајна политичка ароганција граѓаните да задолжителен - бидејќи промената на бидат третирани како поданици или како името на државата, а особено одредбите инфантилни, и од нив да се крие она за за идентитетот, не се во надлежност на што преговарате без наша согласност! Собранието на Република Македонија! Ниту еден политичар не добил бланко Скандалозно е пратеници на дозвола од нас да избира „кумови“, дури Собранието, односно членови на и ако се тоа НАТО и ЕУ. Без политичка политички партии, да разговараат или визија, храброст и доблест, Вие, преговараат со Метју Нимиц и за тоа да политичарите и од власта и од зборуваат во медиумите! Кој ги овластил опозицијата, се обидувате да задушите да вршат ваква функција? Дали и ова секаква суштинска дебата и избегнете прашање политичките елити ќе го отчет пред граѓаните, за чиј идентитет „киднапираат“ и решаваат преговарате. За да нѐ замолчите се вонинституционално и вонуставно? служите со недолични средства, нарекувајќи нѐ - директно или индиректно Вие, како Влада сте избрани од - националисти, реакционерни пратениците избрани на демократски елементи и анти-западно ориентирани избори, а врз основа на политички програми во кои не се обврзавте дека ќе кругови. Граѓаните имаат ПРАВО да го промените името на државата по бидат информирани, во најмала рака, како и граѓаните на соседна Грција, за секоја цена. Уште повеќе, ниту еден она што го преговарате зад нашиот грб и политичар нема ни морално право да го без наша дозвола! Никакви причини на избрише фактот дека во изминатите 27 дипломатска тајновитост не можат да се години, дури 137 држави нѐ признаа под користат како оправдание, бидејќи овде уставното име, а нашите официјални државни претставници во меѓународната станува збор за права за кои се избориле нашите предци, а не Вашите гласачи! комуникација го користат уставното име Успехот на процесот ќе зависи од (the Republic of Macedonia, во англиската Вашата отвореност и храброст да се комуникација). Ние, интелектуалците, соочите со својот народ и да ја побарате

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неговата доверба, СЕГА и ВЕДНАШ, а истапиме јавно во битката за нашите не post festum, и преку политика ка човекови права, достоинство и свршен чин! Стоиме пред Вас интегритет кои не се предмет ниту на единствени и решителни, правејќи преговори, ниту на пазарења за влез во последен обид да Ве предупредиме јавно меѓународни организации, како НАТО и Вас, политичарите од власта и или ЕУ. опозицијата, но и целата македонска Сфатете го овој проглас и како јавност дека наближува мигот во кој Вие предупредување дека со ваквото водење ќе преземете историска одговорност! на дипломатската кампања не само што Пред да го сторите тоа, должни сме како се отуѓувате од сопствениот народ и како интелектуална совест на нацијата да Ви влог го ставате сето она за што многу укажеме дека ја имате сета слобода на генерации гинеле со името „Македонија“ светот да извршите политичко на устите во зандани и на бојно поле, но самоубиство. Но, како избрани политички и ја граделе оваа држава и ја лидери на оваа држава немате право да афирмирале надвор од нејзините спроведувате политика на национално граници. Инсистирајќи на „решавање на самоукинување. Доколку постапите спор’ во кој ни Соломон не би се спротивно на природното право кое му впуштил, Вие директно предизвикувате припаѓа на секој поединец и на секој несигурност, страв и можен внатрешен народ на светот, согласно актите на ОН, конфликт. Наместо да ја сплотите но и спротивно на Уставот на Република нацијата и да создадете вистински Македонија на кој сте се заколнале, национален консензус околу должни сме да Ве предупредиме дека ќе внатрешните приоритети и демократски извршите национално вредности, Вие приоритет ѝ давате на предавство! Овој проглас го надворешната политика која ја водите по упатуваме и до најголемата опозициска надворешен диктат, воден од партија, но и до сите други (замолчани) геополитички интереси. Се оглушувате вонпарламентарни партии. Имаме од пулсот на својот народ, со насмевка чувство дека е создадена чудна спрега трчајќи кон бездна! Вас ќе Ве прежалиме, меѓу оние на врвот, кои се но Република Македонија и идентитетот конфронтираат по најбанални работи, на македонскиот народ не се на сега чудесно се обединија во продажба! „конструктивен дух“ да ја разградат Подготвени да (оп)стоиме до крај, и да ги Република Македонија. Ќе Ве сметаме за повикаме сите граѓани на Република соучесници, без оглед на политичкиот Македонија, без оглед на политичка, исход. социјална, верска или етничка Тргнувајќи од фактот дека Република припадност,да се придружат на Македонија е сѐ што имаме, дека таа е иницијатива за прекинување на оваа нашата единствена политичка заедница, дипломатска авантура. Бараме да а политичка заедница нема без престанете да вршите притисок врз идентитет, без есенцијални вредности јавноста дека е ова историски миг за влез околу кои се создала и кои ги негува, и во НАТО, бидејќи фактите зборуваат без демократија и заемно почитување, дека самит не е потребен доколку ние долупотпишаните одлучивме да членките на НАТО одлучат да ја примат

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земјата без уцени, а согласно Времената Editorial Note: спогодба и пресудата на Меѓународниот суд на правдата на ОН. Македонија ни е As of 3 March 2018, the num- поважна од која било меѓународна ber of Macedonia's citizens организација! Наместо тоа, свртете се и погледнете го сопствениот двор, кој е who signed this statement had затрупан од скршени ветувања и risen to around 10,000. разочарувања. Ниту една меѓународна инстанца нема да може да го направи она што е наша домашна задача, а за ПОТПИСНИЦИ: што сте првенствено одговорни Вие! Билјана Ванковска, професор Бараме веднаш да почнете консултации околу предлогот за прекин на Гордана Силјановска Давкова, професор преговорите со посредство на Метју Солза Грчева, професор Нимиц и за обраќање до Генералното Богдан Богданов, професор собрание на ОН како единствена меѓународна инстанца во која Република Елка Јачева Улчар, професор Македонија не е Давид наспроти моќниот Жидас Даскаловски, професор Голијат, туку е рамноправна членка со сите држави кои нѐ признаваат под Марија Ристеска, истражувач и уставното име. Престанете со аналитичар на јавни политики пропагандата дека преговорите се водат Горазд Росоклија, професор (САД) „само“ за промена на името на државата, Марина Цветковска, научен истражувач бидејќи и на обичниот човек му е јасно (Канада) дека станува збор за македонскиот идентитет, нашиот овде и оној на Нашата Котлар, професор Македонците кои се малцинство не само Тодор Чепреганов, професор во Република Грција, туку и во другите Ѓорѓи Чакарјаневски, професор соседни земји. Доколку се оглушите на овие укажувања, сметајте на силен Лилјана Гушевска, професор ненасилен отпор во целата држава, но Мишо Нетков, професор подгответе се и да се соочите со Мелпомени Корнети, уметник и сопствената предавничка улога амбасадор по која ќе бидете запаметени од идните генерации Македонци. Наде Проева, професор во пензија

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BEFORE THE RAIN “a classic of Macedonian film art”

The Macedonian nation, the Macedonian haps, most crucial to this success is the people, and the Macedonian culture all have screen writer‟s compelling cautionary tale their achievements. There are feats of cour- concerning the consequences of violence age and self-sacrifice, beautiful creations, spiraling out of control in a march to war. All individual and collective, deserving of admi- of this is depicted in vivid images with ar- ration and respect. One worthy achieve- chetypal figures such as the wise holy man, ment in the genre of Macedonian film art is the out of control village idiot and men the feature film Before the Rain. caught up in violent tribal conflict. It is now a quarter century since this Before the Rain was released at a remarkable film was released. Both critics time when the wars over the break up of and the viewing public almost immediately Yugoslavia were at their height. Few people recognized its special merit. The film was imagined that such barbarism could rear its nominated for an academy award for Best ugly head in so-called modern Europe at the Foreign Language Film in 1995, and it re- end of the 20th century. As they viewed that ceived awards at prestigious European film warfare with increasing horror and disbelief, festivals. people were looking for someone to shed So many things need to harmonize in light on the causes of the violence that was order to achieve such a successful result. unfolding daily before the eyes of the entire The script, the acting, the cinematography, world. sets, costumes, music, all must work to- While Milcho Manchevski created a gether, blend harmoniously. If even one of fictitious set of events in the southern Bal- these is off somehow, lapses into a degree kans for the purposes of his film art, it was a of mediocrity, the whole film suffers. more plausible and believable one than We rarely see so many elements viewers might even have imagined at the shine so brightly, synchronize so well, work time. Within half a decade war would erupt so well together, as they do in this film. Per- between the Albanian and Macedonian rival

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ethnic groups in Macedonia, people divided swirled around the central theme of the film, by religion and language and culture and the age-old truth that life inevitably requires socio-economic and political rivalry. Real suffering and sacrifice. The pleasures, the bloodshed, not so unlike that portrayed in joys, the beauty in life all require a certain the film, did occur on the ground in Mace- payment, a dues of sorts. The athlete, the donia in the spring of the year 2001. artist, the soldier, the diplomat, or the physi- What made this film stand out in par- cian often require exhausting training and ticular at the time, however, was a powerful dedicated work to achieve mastery of their and mostly successful use of archetypal im- art or craft or trade, or in order to make their ages to help us understand the state of af- particular contribution to human life. Great fairs in the Balkans. Symbols of love and achievement often involves great risk and symbols of hate met us at every turn in this equally great sacrifice. The life and death of someone like Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. film. The one so often inextricably entwined with the other. The music has deep roots in comes to mind as an example. The sacrifice Before the Rain, the folk tradition of the region, blending of Alexander in his sacrifice haunting voices and masterful instrumenta- of his own life to try to save another, culmi- tion, accompanied by powerful images from nating in the final unleashing of the life- Balkan life. There is a scene of black clad giving rain that the heavens had been with- men in mourning rituals at a grave site, who holding until then, is the central archetypal invite the departed to join them in celebra- image in the film. tion of a wedding, contrasted with a scene Superb acting by so many in this film, of the bride perched on a white horse, in delivering lines that so often feel convincing colorful, traditional folk dress, with the an- and authentic in the context of story, was a cient sun symbol flag of Macedonia leading major contributor to the film‟s success. her wedding procession. Vivid, powerful scenes follow one after an-

Most of these elemental symbols (Continued on page 20)

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(Continued from page 19) so that she can take their cab. The single most important element in other in rapid succession. There is an Eng- the success of this film is the masterful per- lish restaurant scene that delivers a power- formance of Rade Sherbedzhija as the cen- ful and unmistakable message. You tral character, Alexander. He embraces a “civilized” Western Europeans would rather role that is reminiscent of the mythical Bal- that the barbaric violence unfolding daily in kan hero of folklore, Krale Marko, as well as the Balkans remain there. But we are all suggestive of more recent historical figures more connected than not, and what hap- such as Gotse Delchev and Pitu Guli. He pens in one place in our modern world has displays a physical charm and an intelli- inevitable consequences elsewhere. gence and an energy that readily appeal to Another vivid, powerful moment in viewers. At the same time we are also the film occurs when the young monk is ex- forced to recognize the grave moral injury posed for his lying to the abbot and the he has suffered as a result of his naïve and brothers in the monastery. His spiritual fa- foolish injury of another in war as a photo- ther first lashes out in anger at him and then journalist.

embraces him. He recognizes that a mo- Sherbedzhija certainly has had a ment of betrayal of his trust must be highly successful career, both prior to and weighed against an enduring bond of love since his role in Before the Rain, but few of forged over years. these performances match that in Man- There are also a number of clever chevski‟s film. He delivers a command per- touches of comic relief in the film. One oc- formance as a larger than life figure, a posi- curs when Alexander tries to take a timed tive archetypal figure personifying strength, group photo with friends, and he is the one courage and an emotional depth. His is the who messes it up by swatting a fly at the human heart that is central to the film. He crucial moment. Another such memorable conveys a certain elemental earthiness of moment is when Alexander and his English the common village folk of the character‟s girl friend are making out in the back seat of origins, while also embodying a certain a taxi and a stern, elderly English woman modern sophistication and sensibility ac- raps at the window to get them to move on quired in the larger world of his adult life

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elsewhere. disturbing. One vivid scene, for example, All of the other major and minor char- involves Alexander‟s visit to the neighboring acters in the film‟s story feed off of his com- Moslem Albanian village. We know that the manding performance. And Katrin Cartlidge, story takes place in modern times, however, Gregoire Colin, Labina Mitevska and others, the film transports us back in time in a rather certainly deliver fine performances that are surreal, almost mythical manner here. In this crucial to the ultimate success of the film. case, the music and gestures are sugges- tive of Turkish colonial times, and there are It is often the details that make the hints of an old Macedonian folk song that difference in the quality of the film. There relates the trials of a captive young woman are an endless number of small things that in a Turkish harem. an attentive viewer will notice and appreci- ate for the subtle nuanced information they I hesitate to try and compare this film convey. For example, there is a scene in with others I have seen. The Hollywood film, Witness which an indifferent and lazy postal em- , comes to mind because of its suc- ployee dismisses the English woman‟s cessful contrast of a violent, modern Ameri- phone search for Alexander. She curls up can gangster and gun loving society with a her nose and tells her co-workers that the peaceful agrarian Amish farm society. How- Before the Rain woman was looking for no one of any impor- ever, is clearly a far more tance. In another scene that touches so ambitious and complex film. And such ambi- many of us who have worked for Macedo- tion carries risk that the film cannot live up Before the Rain nian recognition, a phone call to England to its pretentions. does suc- ends with the words: “Macedonia calling.” ceed in almost every respect, and I suspect This is followed by a series of quintessential that it might compare favorably over time images of the Macedonian landscape, city, with the engagement and respect that we people and countryside that can stir the na- afford many of the ancient classic tragedies. tive‟s heart and bring tears to the Macedo- Many of us marvel at the fact that the nian émigré. conflict in Macedonia in 2001 lasted only six In another scene Alexander visits the months and took some 300 lives and dis- neighboring Albanian village and responds placed several thousand people, when it to the people there in Albanian. Most Mace- could have easily been far worse. It could donians show little interest in learning Alba- have spun even more out of control, into a nian. Perhaps they don‟t need to do so, but full-blown war, as did the conflicts in Serbia, it is a sign of respect, as well as a sign of Bosnia and Croatia several years before. practical intelligence, to make such an effort Who knows for sure, but it is quite possible that the broad viewing of this cautionary tale to speak ones neighbor‟s language. by so many people in Macedonia, the Bal- The film transcends the Balkan world kans, and in the world at large contributed to it portrays at 20th century‟s end. The strug- this better outcome. It is, no doubt, quite dif- gle between forces of good and evil, light- ficult to measure the real effect of any film, ness and dark, violence and hatred at war to quantify it, and give it some statistical with love and peaceful ways, is universal value. But I remain a firm believer that the and portrayed in the film with such skill that arts can and do enrich and inform our lives people everywhere readily grasp the mes- and our behavior, and at their very best do sage. The struggle is personified by such indeed make us better people. figures such as the wise church elder, the angry, vengeful, self-appointed partisan fighter, the out of control, violence-prone vil- Dr. Michael Seraphinoff lage idiot, and the Albanian village elder March, 2018 who behaves with dignity and respect.

There are so many memorable scenes that are hauntingly beautiful and touching, and others that are quite ugly and

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BULGARIAN PRESIDENCY of EU COUNCIL: EFA asks for respect of EUROPEAN TREATIES in BULGARIA EFA visits Member Party Omo Ilinden Pirin and pushes for dialogue on Macedonians in Bulgaria

In the wake of the Bulgarian presidency of the EU Council, the respect of EU treaties and rights on Bulgarian territory must also be put into perspective. A delegation of the European Free Alliance (EFA), went to visit Bulgaria to investigate the situation of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria. EFA was founded on the conviction that Europe‟s greatest treasure is the diversity of its peoples. In Bulgaria, diversity does not seem to be respected. EFA and their member party Omo Ilinden Pirin have re- peatedly denounced the situation of Ma- cedonians in Bulgaria to no avail. With the EU Presidency in the hands of Bulgaria, it is time for the Bulgarian gov- ernment to show that it stands for the three pillars of the EU: democracy, rule of law, and human rights. 10 years after their access to EU membership, Bulgaria is still in breach of EU rulings on minorities. Minority rights are human rights - and the basis of democracy. EU States must rec- ognise the diversity of the Peoples of Europe.

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EFA in PIRIN

One of these peoples is the Macedonian initiative entitled the „Minority Safepack‟ is people. EFA demands a dialogue on the currently ongoing, which aims to improve subject. Not recognising the Macedonian EU legislation on EU minorities. It has al- minority in Bulgaria can not be an answer. ready collected 600.000 signatures. EFA demands the Bulgarian authorities re- Europe is now at a crossroads. Claims from spect diversity and equality. We ask Bul- nations like Scotland, Catalonia, Corsica or garia to abide by the Treaties and to comply the Basque Country among others show with EHRC rulings. that the EU must confront itself with the right A dialogue would be a good first step and to self-determination. would show that minority policies are a guarantee towards peace and stability. EFA Statement 20/2/2018 Good neighbourhood relations are also needed in order to protect minorities in the Balkans. The issue of Macedonians in Bulgaria is not a question of number in their population – the respect of their identity and culture also falls within a wider context of minority rights in Europe. There are 350 national minorities in Europe, with approximately 50 million people belonging to national minority or a minority language community. On February 7th, the European Parliament voted in favour of a resolution on fighting discrimination of EU minorities. At the same time, a citizens‟

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“Take Macedonia Away from the Historians”

- a different view from SOFIA

8/8/2017

According to Dichev, it is absurd to think Professor Ivaylo Dichev, who teaches cul- that a commission of experts can tell you tural anthropology at the Sofia University that you are not a Christian, but a Buddhist, "Kliment Ohridski", is one of the few Bulgar- which is similar to what Bulgaria did with its ian intellectuals who does not want histori- Turks and for Dichev, there is no doubt that ans to play a significant role in overcoming Macedonians and Bulgarians are different the open issues between the two countries peoples. He elaborates that there are only [i.e. between Macedonia and Bulgaria]. two periods when the two peoples were to- In a Bulgarian text on the subject of the gether, during the Russian occupation agreement between the two countries, pub- around 1878 and in the Second World War, lished by Deutsche Welle, Dichev urges the for which Bulgaria should be ashamed, the Bulgarian authorities to not permit historians professor stated. to interfere in relations with Macedonia, be- cause both countries suffer from complexes "Modern Macedonians are different from us that reduce history to heroes and pride. and the acceptance of certain historical He asserts that Bulgarian society needs to facts, will not change that. First and fore- tone down its romantic expectations in rela- most, identities need to be understood and tion to the recent good neighbourly agree- respected/acknowledged" and Dichev be- ment. He does not expect that a commis- lieves it is time for Bulgarians to cease ne- sion in which historians have the final word, gating Macedonian identity as it is leading to will be able to find a common language on severe forms of hatred. the disputed historical issues. Dichev asserts that the problem in the Bal- Professor Dichev, who also lectures at uni- kans is that people have not learned to co- versities in the EU and the United States, habit with different types of identities. Bul- argues that Macedonia has forged a mythi- garians and Macedonians should simply do cal historical connection to the Ancients, but it and historians should also just do it and that the same has been done by the other not waste time on unimportant issues. countries, including Bulgaria. He further as- serts that national identities were originally This article was originally derived from a mosaic of social elements published in Macedonian by that were enmeshed in concrete historical moments. EXPRES.MK it was translated and edited by George Vlahov

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The MACEDONIAN REVOLUTIONARY ORGANISATION as a Catalyst for the Transformation of GREEK PROPAGANDA Policies in OTTOMAN MACEDONIA

Dr. Dimitar Ljorovski This was reiterated by Ion Dragoumis, one of the main ideologues of Greek irredentism Vamvakovski towards Ottoman Macedonia. In February 1903, at which time Dragoumis was serving In the second half of 1900 the Bitola re- as a secretary in the Greek consulate in Bi- gional committee of the Macedonian Revo- tola, he wrote: "The committee [MRO] lutionary Organisation (MRO) posted Marko showed them the image of freedom. The Lerinski as the MRO commander for the re- committee and the troops say 'Macedonia to gion of Lerin. Lerinski quickly distinguished the Macedonians', they do not force them himself as a leader with exceptional organ- (...) to become schismatics, nor to leave isational abilities and the representatives of Greek schools (...) They do not seek Bul- Greek nationalist propaganda came to re- garianism, but rather, autonomy (...)"(3). gard him as a serious threat. He became a Thus we can conclude that the activity of the major concern for the Greek Consulate in MRO, from the beginning of the 20th cen- Bitola, as it was constantly receiving infor- tury, despite the conspiratorial nature of its mation about Lerinski's success in promot- activities, had become more evident in the ing the ideas of the MRO. One of the Greek eyes of the "other". With its establishment Consulate's informants, a Macedonian- as a factor that was uniting various dissatis- speaker from the town of Lerin, Lakis Pir- fied elements in the empire around the idea zas, underlined that Lerinski was success- of a free and autonomous state, it had be- fully propagating the idea, among the villag- gun to undermine perceptions of Ottoman ers, that they "should work for the liberation Macedonia, created by the power of the Sul- of Macedonia"(1). "The false words and tan. Moreover, the increasing success of the promises", as Pirzas described the activity MRO was becoming a major concern for the of Lerinski, were beginning to "gain trac- neighbouring Balkan contenders for the ter- tion"(2). (Continued on page 26)

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(Continued from page 25) population itself and therefore understood and sympathized with its needs and desires. It was in this context, that academician ritory and population of Macedonia. Manol Pandevski argued that the Macedo- Hence, the abandonment of traditional nian organized revolutionary movement did means used by the propaganda institutions not appear accidentally or on an empty field of the Balkan irredentists became inevitable. of operations. That is, the appearance of the During this period, the agitation by the MRO denoted a heightening in the develop- MRO, for freedom and equality, avoided ment of the liberation struggles of the Mace- creating a boundary between the church di- donian ethnic group.(8) vided population of Exarchists and Patriar- The MRO offered the hope of freedom to chists.(4) The Balkan nationalists were the Macedonian Orthodox population and in deeply troubled by these developments, the particular, the leaders of the MRO propa- MRO seemed to be transforming the nature gated and demanded a redistribution of of the relationship between the various land, equality before the law and changes in Christian denominational groups in Mace- the taxation system. Consequently, the cen- donia; in particular, the growing unity among turies-old tradition of obedience of Orthodox the Macedonian speaking population, meant Christians to the Ottoman authorities and losing, what they viewed, as members of the church-propaganda institutions of the their own respective nations.(5) Balkan states, was seriously undermined. In other words there was a radical difference According to the English journalist, Henry in viewpoints on the "Macedonian question" Brailsford, who had been present in Otto- between the Balkan nationalist irredentists man Macedonia for some time, the MRO on one side and the programmatic aims of had set itself the task of propagating "an up- the Macedonian revolutionary movement on rising, to engender in the youth, a passion the other. While the balkan nation-states de- for freedom and brave deeds (...)".(9) The sired to fulfill expansionist national appetites perceptions and expectations held by the at the expense of Ottoman Macedonia, the populace of Macedonia in relation to the MRO was governed by the concrete needs MRO, were more or less accurately de- of Macedonia's inhabitants. This explains scribed by a Hellenised Vlach from Bitola, why Greek nationalism failed to win wide who eventually became a Greek Historian, support in Macedonia, as the Greek histo- Georgios Modis. In his writings there is an rian Georgios Mihalopoulos put it, "Greek admiration and even an idealization of the irredentism failed to inspire" and therefore MRO: "When I was small, I thought it was "Greece was losing the war of ideas".(6) something magical and I asked (...) what it represented (...) I considered them demi- Ignoring the interests and needs of the gods (...) There was an impression that population, the Greek state and the Greek many things should be expected of them ". propaganda institutions in Ottoman Mace- (10) donia defended the status quo in the Otto- man Empire at the beginning of the 20th Modis, with the stated goals of the MRO in century, promising Orthodox Christians an his mind, espoused the view that in the or- eventual and "vague prosperous life in ganisation, there was a place for all en- [some sort of] Greater Greece".(7) On the slaved Christians and that the organisation's other hand, the MRO stemmed from the struggle was dedicated to the benefit of eve-

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ryone in Macedonia: "(...) the slogan was 1. Παιοζ Παπαδεαθαεε, „Ο οπηαρηεγος 'Macedonia to the Macedonians' and they ζαπεεαι Λαζες Πζρδας“, περ. Αριζηοηελης, tirelessly waved that flag (...) All were broth- εεζ. 20, Φηωρεια, θαρεεος-απρεηεος, 1960, ers in suffering and in the expected salva- 13. tion (...) All those who were tormented (...) 2. Π. Παπαδεαθαεε, „Ο οπηαρηεγος ζαπεεαι..., could participate with the same rights and 13. duties".(11) "Without a doubt," he continued, 3. Ιωιος Δραγοζθες, Τα Τεηραδια ηοζ Ιλινηεν, "there was a mortal hatred of the Turks" and Γεωργος Πεεδεβας, Αδεια, 2000, 19. the goal was to remove the Ottoman re- 4. In his memoirs, the Kostur region commander gime, which had, for five centuries, carried of MRO, Mihail Nikolov, states that "the organi- out various "crimes against the Christian sation made no distinction between Exarchists population".(12) Modis' recollections are in and Patriarchists, it employed workers equally accord with the first two articles of the 1897 from both groups, the main concern was that they be honest". Материали изь миналото на constitution of the MRO, which required "the костурско, Революционното движение вь merging of all disgruntled elements in Mace- костурско; спомени оть М. Николовь, София, donia and Odrin, regardless of nationality, 1937, 34. for full political autonomy through revolution 5. Кит Брун, Верни до смрт: Довербта и (...)" and a struggle against the various na- теророт во револуционерна Македонија, Скопје, tionalist propagandas "which divide and 2014, 50. weaken the peoples of Macedonia and 6. Georgios Michalopoulos, Political parties, irre- Odrin, in their struggle against the general dentism and the Foreign Ministry: Greece and enemy ".(13) Macedonia: 1878-1910, University of Oxford, 2013, 164. In response, official and unofficial Greek 7. G. Michalopoulos, Political parties, irreden- representatives in Ottoman Macedonia, de- tism and..., 207. cided that Hellenism must implement a 8. Манол Пандевски, Македонското fierce resistance to the MRO in order to ослободително дело во XIX и ХХ век: појави, maintain an influence over Macedonia's Pa- релации ликови, том петти, Скопје, 1986, 187. triarchist population. These Greek irredentist 9. Хенри Ноел Брејлсфорд, Македонија, nationalists began advocating for the begin- нејзините народи и нејзината иднина, ning of a war against the MRO. In the con- Скопје, 2003, 188. text of an already extant and deep disdain 10. Γ. Χ. Μοδες, Ο Μακεδονικος αγων και η for their Bulgarian colleagues, they decided νεωηερη μακεδονικη ιζηορια, Θεδδαηοιεζε, 2007, it would be most convenient to present the 143–144. Organization as an extended arm of the 11. Γ. Χ. Μοδε, Μακεδονικος αγων και μακεδονικες Principality of Bulgaria. Thus Greek irreden- αρηηγοι, Θεδδαηοιεζε, 1950, 33. tists began a propaganda campaign de- 12. Γ. Χ. Μοδε, Μακεδονικος αγων και signed to degrade the activities of the MRO, μακεδονικες..., 36. both internationally and locally among the 13. Историја на македонскиот народ, том 3, Patriarchists in Macedonia and official Ath- ИНИ, Скопје, 2003, 187. ens would shortly follow suit. Translated from Macedonian by George Vlahov

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IT‟S TIME TO KILL THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION Victor Sinadinoski dicament. The peanut butter across the yard is the economic, social and personal growth Picture a dog tethered to a pole by a short that the Macedonians strive to access for metal chain struggling violently to free itself themselves, their families and nation. But in order to reach that jar of peanut butter the Macedonian Question detains them sev- teasing it from the other side of the yard. eral bounds short of their aspirations. Some- With each whiff of peanut butter flowing into times the masters appear from their for- its nostrils, the dog bursts forward with vora- tresses and lengthen the chain or move the cious energy, but to no avail – the pole is peanut butter closer, but the chain is never anchored deep into the soil and the steel removed. On several occasions, the Mace- chain could not be noosed around the dog's donian Question has nearly choked the Ma- neck any tighter without it croaking. Yet, the cedonians into complete submission, almost dog is not a quitter. It tries to shake off the into the realm of nonexistence. chain, glances back at the pole, and then For Macedonia's neighbours, the Macedo- charges forward again when another blast nian Question is a convenient distraction to of peanut butter bounces through the air, fall back onto when attempts at economic only for it to be once more cruelly snapped and social progress within their own borders back by the indestructible shackle. The dog screech to a halt, or when they grow over- whimpers, paces in circles as it catches its ambitious in realizing dreams of recapturing breath, and once rejuvenated, replicates the ancient glories and statuses. Sometimes the previous pattern incessantly for several Macedonian Question acts like a disease hours, expecting a different result from the that infects nearly everyone in their lands, same action. and these people act like rabid mammals If you can easily visualize this, then you bent on spreading the chauvinism, suppres- should have little difficulty in understanding sion and discrimination that the Macedonian the Macedonian Question as it relates to the Question is rooted in. It is fair to say that Macedonian people. The Macedonians re- politicians take advantage of national senti- semble that poor dog, and their chain is the ments to manipulate peoples ‟fears and de- Macedonian Question, that timeless ques- sires, but it would be a gross misunder- tion mark associated with the Macedonian standing of these peoples ‟mindsets and nation and identity that keeps the Macedoni- attitudes toward Macedonians to pass off ans tethered in the same, miserable pre- the citizenry as mere victims or pawns in

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political games. These beliefs are en- in 1921.iv “Today it has reached the acutest trenched deep into their culture, and it is stage in all its history,” wrote another in these people that vote their manipulators 1926.v In 1933, Vera M. Dean wrote that into power, in no small part because of their “political life in Bulgaria has always been attitudes toward Macedonia, not despite complicated by the Macedonian question, these attitudes. which has not only long troubled Europe but Throughout modern history, especially dur- constitutes a difficult domestic problem.”vi ing the last 15 decades, the Macedonian World War II did not settle the question. Question has surfaced and resurfaced un- “The world is aware that there exists a Ma- der different guises: the Macedonian Prob- cedonian question, that is, the question of lem, the Macedonian Syndrome, the Mace- Macedonia's liberation,” wrote Ivan Mik- donian Issue, the Macedonian Dilemma, the hailov in 1948.vii Palmer and King noted that Macedonian Crisis, the Macedonian Trag- “in the early 1950s the Macedonian question edy, the Macedonian Imbroglio, and the Ma- was not allowed to interfere with the signing cedonian Maze, among many others. News- of the Balkan pact.”viii And by the time Ma- papers, magazines and books peppered cedonians had declared independence from these phrases all over their pages. Scores Yugoslavia, writers insisted that the Mace- of books and essays, for example, have donian Question was still alive. The Greek these expressions imbedded onto their title Institute for Balkan Studies in 1992 wrote pages. (See Table A for a partial list.) that “certain Yugoslav initiatives … have Beyond mere titles of books, most authors elicited cryptic statements of the type „there is no Macedonian Question‟.”ix writing about the Balkans in the late 19th and early 20th centuries – and many more during the following decades – could not furnish a TABLE A (Partial list of books about the completed work without mentioning or ana- „Macedonian Question‟) lysing the Macedonian Question. It was al- ways the topic of the day. In 1886, J. The Macedonian Question. With an Intro- George Minchin insisted that “if the Macedo- duction by F.S. Stevenson, 1902 nian Question is to be treated ethnographi- La Question Macédonienne et Le Haut cally, few men in Europe are competent to Comité Macédo-Andrinopolitan, 1902 deal with it.”i “But the Macedonian question,” The Macedonian Problem and Its Proper wrote Trico Constantine in 1903, “is not Solution, by George Chakaloff and Stanislav merely a question of political import and na- Shoomkoff, 1904 tional aspirations. It has become a question of economics.”ii “Mention Macedonia to any La Question Macédonienne et les Réforms Balkan statesmen,” wrote William Le Queux en Turquie, by I.F. Voinov, 1905 in 1907, “and he raises his shoulder and L’Intervention de L’Europe dans la Question shakes his head. It is a problem that nobody Macédoine, by Antoine Rougier, 1906 can solve.”iii The Near East: The Macedonian Problem After World War I, the Macedonian Question and the Annexation of Bosnia, by George P. was still a familiar concern. “The Macedo- Gooch and Harold W.V. Temperley, 1918 nian Question, once the chief political prob- lem of the Near East, has passed into an (Continued on page 30) entirely new phase,” wrote Isaiah Bowman

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(Continued from page 29) The Macedonian Question and the Origins of the Young Turk Revolution, by Ahsene The Macedonian Question, Yesterday and Gul Tokay, 1994 Today, by Georgi Bazhdarov, 1926 The Macedonian Question in the Bulgarian- The Macedonian Question, 1903-1919, by Yugoslav Relations, by Dobrin Michev, 1994 Lydia Hackman, 1927 The Macedonian Question Revisited: Issues An American Symposium on the Macedo- Relating to the Establishment of a Macedo- nian Problem, by the Central Committee of nian State in the 1990s, by Nektarios Filip- the Macedonian Patriotic Organization, pis, 1996 1941 The Macedonian Question, 1893-1908, by Stalin and the Macedonian Question, by Nadine Lange-Akhund, 1998 Christ Anastasoff and Ivan Mikhailov, 1948 The New Macedonian Question, by J. Pet- The Macedonian Controversy, by George B. tifer, 1999 Zotiades, 1954 The Young Turk Revolution and the Mace- The Macedonian National Question, by donian Question, 1908-1912, by Christopher Lazar Kolishevski, 1958 The Macedonian Psilos, 2000 Question: The Struggle for Southern Serbia, The Macedonian Question: Culture, Histori- by Djoko M. Slijepchevich, 1958 ography, Politics, by Victor Roudometof, The “Macedonian Question” Never Dies: 2000 The San Stefano Trauma Again, by Denni- Balkan States and the Macedonian Ques- son I. Rusinow, 1968 tion, by Antoni Giza, 2001 Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian The Communist Party of Greece and the Question , by Stephen E. Palmer and Robert Macedonian National Problem, 1918-1940, R. King, 1971 by Ireneusz A. Slupkov, 2006 Great Britain and the Macedonian Question The Macedonian Question: Britain and at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 , Southern Balkans, 1939-1949, by Dimitris 1973 Livanios, 2008 Aspects of the Macedonian Question , by Lazar Kolishevski, 1980 Not surprisingly, the plague of the Macedo- Macedonia and the Macedonian Question: nian Question has survived into the 21st A Brief Survey , by Society for Macedonian century. “The Macedonian Question‟s pas- Studies and Center of Macedonians Abroad, sionate reanimation,” noted Jane Cowan 1983 and K.S. Brown in 2000, “occurs at the be- The Macedonian Question: The Politics of ginning of a new century in a radically differ- Mutation, by Institute for Balkan Studies, ent world from the one in which rival claims 1987 were first staked in the region.”x In 2012, The Macedonian Question and the Birth of Ernest Damianopoulos acknowledged that “the central issue in writing about Mace- the New Macedonian Question, by I.K. Ma- zarakes Anian, 1992 donia is simple: Who are the Macedonians? It is an old issue and a component part of the „Macedonian Question‟.”xi

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These colourful depictions of Macedonian of sheep on that land. His house is on my affairs, despite the various topics and solu- rightful land and I want him out!‟ A third tions discussed within the works, all commu- resident takes the podium: „Listen to me nicated the same essential message: carefully,‟ he says. „The last name of that „Macedonia is a complex and dangerous homeowner is the same as the first name of land; something needs to be done about it, one of my children. I know that as long as and I have a solution.‟ Such generalizations he has that surname, he will use it as pre- of the Macedonian Question beg for an- text to steal my house, my children and my swers to many questions. What exactly is property. The house can stay but his name the Macedonian Question? Is it different to- must change.‟ Finally, a less intrusive day than it was a century ago? If it is, how neighbour, who is still a thorn, insists that so? Why does a Macedonian Question ex- several of the used goods inside the house ist, but a Bulgarian or a Greek or a Serbian were actually under his ownership before he or an Albanian question not exist? What can sold them and he now wants them returned. Macedonians do to eliminate this question The self-appointed council hears the testi- mark slobbered next to their name? Over a mony as the accused homeowner sits si- century of writing books and essays about lently, patiently awaiting his turn to speak, the Macedonian Question by mostly non- and then the council adjourns the hearing to Macedonians (usually by Western analysts reconvene at another time. The homeowner or Balkan propagandists) has passed and has been dragged into an everlasting fight the question persists because the Macedo- over his right to be there, and he must push nians‟ Answer, or Response, or Solution, aside all other matters in order to contend has been constantly rejected and the Mace- with these attacks while never being given donian voice has been persistently belittled. the podium. This is why there ever was a question mark While the prolongation of the Macedonian associated with the Macedonian nation, land Question is not as simple as this, it is defi- and identity in the first place, and why it has nitely more absurd. And as much as the Ma- persevered for so long. cedonian Question has evolved throughout We could use a local and hypothetical anal- the last two centuries, it has essentially ogy to understand the process of how the stayed the same. In the mid-19th century, Macedonian Question has been clung onto the Macedonian Question was, „What is to for so long. The pretentious Western world, become of the Macedonian territory in the and Macedonia's intrusive neighbours, are Ottoman Empire: will it become independent like township officials and concerned citi- or remain in Turkey?‟ The European Pow- zens deeply worried not only about the inter- ers disagreed on how to approach this nal affairs of a particular household, but question – each afraid of what a free Mace- about whether the house itself should exist, donia might mean for its economic and po- or even more absurdly, whether it actually litical position in Europe – and Macedonia does exist. „That house is not really its own thus remained under Ottoman subjugation. house,‟ argues one pesky neighbour, As Macedonia's neighbours became in- „because it's made out of the same material creasingly interested, the Question became, as my house.‟ Another neighbour speaks „Will Serbia, Bulgaria or Greece wrestle Ma- up: „Five hundred years ago, ‟he shouts, „one of my ancestors would graze his flock (Continued on page 32)

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(Continued from page 31) as a republic within Yugoslavia and the Ma- cedonians as an ethnic group, but they did cedonia from the Ottoman Empire or split not entertain the Macedonians‟ wishes for Macedonia among themselves?‟ Along with the unification of their people and lands, or that question came the inseparable question to help protect Macedonians‟ rights in of nationality: „Were the Macedonians really northern Greece. The new Bulgarian gov- Bulgarians, Serbians, Greeks, something in ernment retreated from recognizing Bul- between, a concoction of all, none of the garia's Macedonian minority and argued that above, or just simply Macedonians?‟ These the Macedonian language was truly Bulgar- free Balkan nations used their respective ian and that the Macedonian people were churches and schools established in Otto- actually Bulgarians who had been misled man-controlled Macedonia to spread their into believing they were something else. As respective propaganda, and they eventually poor as Macedonia was, Albanians began dispatched armed bands to force the Mace- flocking into north-western Macedonian donians into joining their churches and na- lands to escape poverty, corruption and tions. Wars were fought and the Macedo- backwardness in neighbouring Albania and nian territory was freed from Ottoman con- Kosovo. The Serbians, under Yugoslavia, trol, only to be divided between Macedonia's were forced to acknowledge the distinct Ma- neighbours. Greece and Serbia obtained the cedonian ethnicity, but refused to recognize largest portions; Bulgaria and Albania were the independence of the Macedonian Ortho- dissatisfied with their share of the spoils. dox Church. The Macedonians themselves began to Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Macedo- shake off the propaganda that had infected nian Diaspora organizations endured the them and rallied around an independent and fight for protecting Macedonian human and united Macedonia, as well as for the recog- political rights in neighbouring Greece, Bul- nition of a distinct and equal Macedonian garia and Albania. When Yugoslavia disinte- ethno-national group with its people con- grated and Macedonia achieved independ- nected to one another by common ances- ence, Macedonians in neighbouring lands tral, cultural, historical and linguistic bonds. demanded equal rights and freedoms and to During World War II, the Macedonians re- be recognized as Macedonians. Greece and sisted fascism and a Bulgarian takeover of Bulgaria applied a variety of methods to their land. Once the Macedonians became a quell the Macedonians, with fluctuating de- constituent republic of Yugoslavia in 1944, grees of success. Macedonia's neighbours the Question retreated from a purely violent now raised the stakes by resurfacing old nature and began evolving into a diplomatic questions about Macedonia and creatively and academic exercise. The Macedonian adapted their arguments to modern condi- minority in Greece was cruelly oppressed, tions and concerns. expelled or assimilated into Greek culture Fears grew in the Western world that for a while, until the Macedonians there Greece, Serbia, Albania and Bulgaria would were eventually forced into submission, es- duke it out in another war for Macedonia. pecially after Yugoslavia refused to proceed That did not transpire, but Greece and Bul- with freeing those Macedonians due to po- garia insisted that a separate group of peo- litical constraints. ple called Macedonians did not exist. Yugoslav authorities recognized Macedonia Greece asserted Macedonia should not be

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called Macedonia and that these „so-called Macedonia‟ while „Macedonia‟ was the Macedonians‟ were Slavic speaking name enshrined in its constitution. Albani- Greeks, or Bulgarians, or Slavs, or Slavo- ans started an armed conflict in northwest Macedonians, but they could not be called Macedonia in 2001, which resulted in the Macedonians because only Greeks could be Ohrid Framework Agreement, altering its Macedonians, because ancient Macedonia constitution and government and paving the was 100% Greek. The Bulgarians, on the way for a potential federalization of Mace- other hand, recognized the country and donia as a bi-national state of Macedonians name of Macedonia, but swore that these and Albanians. Greece and Bulgaria people were really ethnic Bulgarians, speak- blocked Macedonia's progress into the ing the Bulgarian language, and were part of European Union and the North Atlantic the Bulgarian nation, with a culture indistin- Treaty Organization, with Greece threaten- guishable from Bulgarians, but had been ing to veto Macedonia's bid at every oppor- confused by decades of Serbian and Yugo- tunity until Macedonia agreed to no longer slavian propaganda that convinced them call itself Macedonia. Meanwhile, Macedoni- otherwise. The Albanians, for their part, ans in Bulgaria, Albania and Greece contin- could have cared less about what the Mace- ued to struggle to attain basic rights, as Ma- donians called themselves, even though cedonian political and cultural associations they referred to them as Slavs or Serbs who were continually denied the right to form were occupying Albanian lands, and iterated there. The UN, EU and NATO, for their part, that much of western Macedonia should be never stood up for the Macedonians and in Albanian control. The Serbs contested brushed aside Macedonia‟s concerns while Macedonian control of the Orthodox simultaneously pushing them to become churches in Macedonia and continued refus- members of their respective organizations. ing to recognize the Macedonian Church's Today, Macedonia still lingers in the UN as independence; and while having no problem „The former Yugoslav Republic of Mace- calling these people Macedonians, they donia‟ and is not a member of NATO or the thought, in their deepest of hearts, that the EU. Minority Macedonians face the same Macedonians were really Serbs, or southern obstacles that have haunted them for dec- Serbs. ades. The Albanian minority in Macedonia All of this would not matter much if it did not wants equal power as the Macedonians and have real implications on Macedonian soci- desire either separation from Macedonia or ety. Macedonia, being a newly independent federalization of Macedonia, or even possi- and poor country, was struggling to estab- bly to make Macedonia a third Albanian lish a stable government and society, which state in the Balkans. Bulgaria continues to is an arduous task by itself. But the intrusion deny that a Macedonian ethnic group and of Macedonia's neighbours presented Mace- language exist. Greece continues to de- donia with extraordinary obstacles: Greece mand Macedonia change its name and stop prevented Macedonia from joining the appropriating supposed ancient Greek his- United Nations, and even imposed an em- tory. The Macedonians, for their part, are bargo on Macedonia, until Macedonia losing their elected officials to corruption changed its name and flag. Macedonia ca- and their youth to alluring Western lifestyles pitulated, and agreed to be admitted into the UN as „The former Yugoslav Republic of (Continued on page 34)

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(Continued from page 33) as the economy falters and trust in public institutions erodes. Thus, the Macedonian Question is just as complex and visible as it was at the start of i J. George Minchin, “Two Books on South-Eastern the 20th century. The country and its people Europe,” The Academy, Vol. 29 (London: 1886), 321. are both called into question, and these is- ii Trico Constantine, “The Macedonian Question,” The sues have rematerialized and amalgamated Christian Advocate, Vol. 78 (1903), 1347. as the hot topic of the Balkans. „Who should iii William Le Queux, An Observer in the Near East control Macedonia and who are the Mace- (London: Eveleigh Nash, 1907), 147. donians?‟ is today‟s Macedonian Ques- iv Isaiah Bowman, “Constantinople and the Balkans,” tion, and it is a question that has not Ed. Edward M. House, Charles Seymour, What changed from a century ago. It seems that Really Happened at Paris: The Story of the Peace Conference, 1918-1919 (New York: Charles Scrib- everyone's opinion matters, except that of ner‟s Sons, 1921), 170. the Macedonians. It also seems as if de- v Georgi Bazhdarov, The Macedonian Question: Yes- mocratic principles will not dictate the out- terday and Today (Sofia: Macedonian National Com- come of this question, as they have failed mittee, 1926), 40. the Macedonians for over a century. Only vi Vera M. Dean, “The Outlook for Soviet-American power can save the Macedonians, and Ma- Relations,” Foreign Policy Reports (Soviet Union: cedonians must quickly obtain the neces- Foreign Policy Association, Inc., 1933), 224. sary power if they want to control their own vii Ivan Mikhailov, Stalin and the Macedonian Ques- destiny. tion (Pearlstone Pub., 1948), 21.

It is time for the Macedonians to erase the viii Stephen E. Palmer and Robert R. King, Yugoslav question mark associated with our identity, Communism and the Macedonian Question (Archon nation, language, history, culture and name. Books, 1971), 189. It is time for Macedonians to assume a rele- ix Institute for Balkan Studies, Macedonia: Past and vant, principled and stern seat as an equal Present (Thessalonica: 1992), 181. and as a leader on the world stage. It is time x Jane Cowan and K.S. Brown, “Introduction: Mace- for Macedonia to force her neighbours into donian Inflections,” Ed. Jane K. Cowan, Macedonia: The Politics of Identity and Difference (London: Pluto recognizing Macedonia and the Macedoni- Press, 2000), 2. ans. It is time for Macedonia to show that xi Ernest N. Damianopoulos, The Macedonians: Their Macedonia can bite harder than her Past and Present (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, neighbours can bark. It is time we break the 2012), 19. chains that have kept us submissive for much too long. It is time to kill the Macedo- nian Question.

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(Tattoo version above) and Original on back cover …. A very topical piece considering the grim situation in Macedonia, „Alexander Dreaming‟ shows a poignant, troubled face (subconsciously drawn to look like my Partisan Dedo Petse) reflecting back on the battles he won, lost, and whether or not he would‟ve done things differently with the benefit of hindsight Is he saddened by the lives lost? Or did he feel it was for the Greater Good? A Hardened face of Anger, Victory, Regret and Loss all at the same time, NUSHYO, ALEXANDER

Let me know if you‟d like a version of your own….. [email protected]

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http://www.macedonianhr.org.au/ Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) GPO Box 2800 Melbourne, VICTORIA 3001 Australia [email protected]

The Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) has been active since 1984.

The AMHRC is a non-governmental organization that informs and ad- vocates about combating racism and promoting human rights. Our as- piration is to ensure that Macedonian communities and other excluded groups throughout the world, are recognised, respected and afforded equitable treatment.

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