Water Control and Politics in the Southern Maya Lowlands

Lisa J. Lucero New State University

ABSTRACT

In this chapter, I present a model of the development of Classic Maya polities in which economy and ideology articulated to form the basis of political power. Power is manifested by the ability to acquire tribute from subjects. Many of the largest Maya polities grew in areas without lakes or rivers but with seasonal water sources such as natural rain-fed aguadas and/or swamps or bajos. At large Maya centers, rulers built immense reservoirs that would have met daily water needs during the annual dry season (January through April/May). I argue that control of water resources, symbolism and rituals during seasonal drought provided the means to amass and maintain the increasing political power evident during the Classic period (ca. A.D. §50-850) in the southern Maya lowlands. Counteracting the centripetal forces of water resources during drought, however, were the centrifugal distribution of other vital economic sources, specifically, dispersed agricultural land. In addition, standing water, if not maintained, can result in a dangerous build-up of noxious chemicals. Emerging associated their abilities to keep the water clean through ritual and symbolism to attract hinterland farmers and their labor.

There is an old saying in the water business: "There are two things you cannot take out of water...salt and politics" (Alexander Home, Professor, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, UC-Berkeley)

The distribution of economic resources affects becomes, how can political aspirants convince people how people settle across the landscape and are to expand the political economy? In this chapter, I organized socially and politically (Roscoe 1993). present a model of the development of Classic May a Concentrated critical resources (natural and/or polities in which economy and ideology articulated constructed), such as alluvial land and water, result to form the basis of political power. Specifically, I in the concentration of people, their labor, and their attempt to demonstrate that control of water inability to leave (Gilman 1981; Johnson and Earle resources, symbolism and rituals during seasonal 1987:247). In contrast, when key resources are drought provided the means to amass and maintain dispersed, settlement patterns can mirror this the increasing political power evident during the distribution. A scattered population presents unique Classic period (ca. A.D. 550-850) in the southern challenges for aspiring leaders who, to increase their Maya lowlands. power, must use centripetal strategies to bring people Economic sources of power derive from "the together. Power is manifested as the ability to impose ability to restrict access to key productive resources tribute demands (goods and labor). The question then or consumptive goods" (Earle 1997:7). Ideological

35 36 Lisa J. Lucero

sources of power derive from the ability to redefine addition to building immense reservoirs to provide world views and codes of social behavior to explain water during annual drought (January through April/ "why specific rights and obligations exist" (Earle May), Maya leaders sponsored large-scale 1997:8,143;cf.Blantonetal. 1996). Together, these ceremonies and feasts at , plazas and sources of power provided the means for emerging ballcourts. These events unified people physically Maya leaders to expand the political economy and emotionally, and at the same time legitimized beginning in the Late Preclassic period (ca. 400 B.C.- political agendas and increased the prestige of Maya A.D. 250), specifically through water management elites and nascent rulers (see Bourdieu 1977; 183-184, and cosmologically based symbolism and rituals. In 1990:109-110; Cohen 1974:82; Earle 1997:151;

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Figure 3.1 The southern Maya lowlands. The BRASS research area is located between , Barton Ramie and in west-central . Water Control and Maya Politics 37

Giddens 1979:188-195, 1984:257-261). The Hammond 1991; Hirth 1992; Marcus 1976, 1993; temporary character of such events, however, Pohl and Pohl 1994; Sharer 1991; Webster 1998; required leaders to implement additional strategies Yoffee 1991). that resulted in permanent and long-term benefits. I focus on (Peten, ) and its To accomplish this goal, elites often incorporated hinterlands to illustrate how complex polities features into their ceremonies that would have had developed in the southern Maya lowlands. This society-wide significance (e.g., water purification). region has an extensive corpus of archaeological, In addition, ceremonies typically were performed at iconographic and epigraphic data. specialized loci (e.g., temples) at specific times according to a ritual calendar. By directly associating Maya Settlement themselves with vital natural forces of day-to-day life, Maya rulers extended their influence beyond the The Maya first settled along coastal areas and ceremonial events themselves. By the Early Classic rivers. Beginning in the Middle Preclassic period (ca. period (ca. A.D. 250-550), Maya leaders became 900-400 B.C.), they moved inland to fertile directly involved in the continuity of natural forces, agricultural areas located in the karstic uplands like including, for example, the perpetuity of rain and the Peten (Ford 1986:59, 80-82). The karstic hills clean water. also have aguadas, some of which can hold water year round. and Nakbe are two well- ECONOMIC POWER: known large Preclassic centers in the Peten; both of WATER MANAGEMENT these centers were abandoned at the end of the Preclassic period (ca. A.D. 150) (Matheny 1987), In the southern Maya lowlands, many of the perhaps due to a failure of their water management largest centers and their densely settled hinterlands systems caused by the build-up of silt (Scarborough are located in fertile agricultural areas without 1993; see also Dahlin 1983). The Tikal area was one permanent surface water such as lakes or rivers, but of the last areas settled (Ford 1986:3-4, 1991); it is with seasonal water sources including aguadas located in the uplands on a natural promontory (natural rain-fed sinkholes) and bajos (seasonal bounded on the east and west by bajos, and on the swamps) (Bronson 1978; Fedick and Ford 1990; Ford north and south by artificial earthworks. After El 1986). Tikal, Caracol, , Naranjo, and El Mirador's demise, Tikal, Uaxactun, and Calakmul Mirador are a few examples (Figure 3.1) (see A. emerged to fill the political vacuum. Tikal became Chase and D. Chase 1987, 1996; Folan et al. 1995; the most imposing and powerful polity during the Healy et al. 1983; Matheny 1987; Scarborough et al. Early Classic period (ca. A.D. 250-550) (Marcus 1994, 1995). The varied economic landscape of the 1993; Mathews 1985) and was also home to one of Maya lowlands affected ancient subsistence practices the earliest stela in the region (Stela 29, dated A.D. and techniques, as well as settlement distribution and 292) (Culbert 1991b), a feature of Maya rulership sociopolitical organization (Demarest 1996; Dunning that soon spread throughout the lowlands. et al. 1998; Fedick 1996; Pyburn 1998). This The majority of Classic Maya lived in diversity also partly accounts for why anthropologists farmsteads in a dispersed manner mirroring the patch- have explained ancient Maya political organization like distribution of fertile agricultural soils (Mollisols) in several ways (e.g., city-states, superstates, including both center environs and hinterlands centralized regional states, weakly centralized (Fedick and Ford 1990; Lowe 1985:158; Lucero segmentary states, galactic polities and feudal states) 1994; Rice 1993; Sanders 1977; Tourtellot 1993; cf. (Lucero n.d.). Maya political systems are best Drennan 1988). Mollisols are "...considered by viewed on a spectrum between small local polities agronomists to be among the world's most important, and large regional ones. Rulers and elites were bound naturally productive soils, with yields unsurpassed not so much by strong political ties, but through by other unirrigated areas" (Fedick 1988:106). Only interaction with one another vis-a-vis inter-center one percent of the world's tropical soils are Mollisols, battles, ballgames, alliances, marriage and visitations yet they are the dominant soils of Maya lowlands. (Culbert 1991a; Demarest 1992, 1996; Fry 1990; Offsetting the centrifugal, and presumably 38 Lisa J. Lucero

independent or self-sufficient, tendencies of a and Hazard 1961; see Scarborough 1996). In dispersed populace would have been a challenge for addition, some of the famous causeways (sacbeob) aspiring leaders. Furthermore, in the Maya area, there found in many Maya centers may also have served is a lack of evidence for elite control of agricultural as dams (Harrison 1993; Scarborough and Gallopin systems such as canals, raised fields, or terraces 1991). Clearly, the centralized water management (Demarest 1992;Tourtellot 1993). For example, there system met the demands for water during drought. is currently little evidence to suggest that large-scale Evidence suggests that at least the subsistence intensification technologies (e.g., Reservoir, one of the central precinct reservoirs, was terraces) were used near Tikal (Harrison 1993; Pohl constructed during the Early Classic period (ca. 250 et al. 1996; Turner 1974; cf. Harrison 1977, 1978). B.C.-A.D. 250) when Tikal was growing in In contrast, Caracol, a large Classic Maya center in population and socio-political complexity (Harrison central Belize, is surrounded by numerous 1993). There are also indications that nucleation agricultural terraces (Chase and Chase 1996). The around centers during the Early Classic occurred, variable subsistence technologies found at Tikal and perhaps in reaction to competition and/or other Caracol relate to local ecological variation rather than stresses (e.g., as evident in the hinterlands between to issues of elite control (Dunning 1995; Dunning et Tikal and Yaxha) (Ford 1986:92, 1991). It was also al. 1998; e.g., Fedick 1996). during this period that Maya elites, especially Faced with the scattered and diverse economic burgeoning rulers (e.g., Curl Nose at Tikal), landscape, how did emerging leaders acquire power? incorporated foreign elements from the central Clearly, managing or controlling subsistence Mexican polity of into their iconography, technology in many cases did not appear to have been especially those elements relating to important deities an option; elites had to use other types of control. having to do with rain and warfare (Coggins 1979; There can be little doubt that centers acted as magnets Freidel et al. 1993:296; Willey 1974). and drew in large numbers of people. One reason To summarize, it appears that the majority of may have had to do with water. ancient Maya farmers largely lived in a dispersed manner. It also appears that water was scarce during Reservoirs most of the dry season in areas without permanent water, and that large enough reservoirs to supply In areas like the Peten with seasonal drought drinking water during this period were located near (especially January through April/May), water monumental architecture. How are two seemingly storage became critical (Ford 1996; Scarborough disparate factors—dispersed people and concentrated 1996). At many large centers, artificial reservoirs water facilities—reconciled? A discussion of are located near monumental architecture. These seasonal and residential mobility may help to answer capital-intensive public works required engineering this question. know-how, both in terms of construction and maintenance. This is of particular significance to Residential and Seasonal Mobility not only their upkeep, but to the disposal of human waste and the challenges of keeping standing water The demands of a labor-intensive agricultural clean for daily drinking needs. system can result in two forms of mobility: seasonal Scarborough and Gallopin (1991) define three and residential (Ford 1991, n.d.; Tourtellot 1993). types of Tikal reservoirs based on their location and Maya farmers may have used temporary houses to amount of water contained: central precinct, live near their fields during labor intensive parts of residential, and foz/o-margin. There are six major the agricultural season, particularly during the rainy reservoirs at Tikal, which range in area from nine to season. Evidence from extensively excavated 62 hectares. Scarborough and Gallopin estimate that hinterland mounds in the Archaeological the five central precinct reservoirs had a capacity of Settlement Survey (BRASS) research area in west 900,000 cubic meters throughout the year, which central Belize (see Figure 3.1) indicates the presence together with other Tikal reservoirs may have been of isolated field houses located in areas with good able to hold up to 40 million gallons of water (Carr agricultural land (Lucero 1994:197-245). The Water Control and Maya Politics 39

agricultural season requires different activities at grinding of occurred elsewhere, perhaps near different times of the year (Ford 1991; Killion 1990). the chultunes or dry storage facilities that cluster at Using a single crop per year as an example, in the elite residential compounds particularly at centers for Lake Peten Itza region (Reina 1967), fields are first dry season consumption. cleared (by March) and then burned about a month later at the end of the dry season. Planting occurs at Seasonal Nucleation the beginning of the rainy season (late April/early May) followed by a period of intense maintenance To answer the question posed earlier about how (e.g., weeding) during the rainy season when crops it is possible to reconcile the seemingly disparate are growing. An additional burden, but an added characteristics of dispersed populations and inducement to stay near the fields at this busy time, concentrated water facilities, I propose that the is the difficulty of traveling during the rainy season. combined factors of seasonal drought and agricultural Finally, harvesting begins at the middle-to-end of the demands resulted in seasonal nucleation around water rainy season and beginning of the dry season sources during the dry season and seasonal dispersal (October/November) (e.g., McGee 1990:2; Redfield of many farmers during the agricultural season, a and Villa Rojas 1934:42-44; Vogt 1970). pattern particularly noticeable beginning in the Early If this was the case prehistorically, all structures Classic period (ca. A.D. 250-550) (see also Ford may not have been inhabited year-around,despite 1996). These factors are key to understanding the dense occupation at centers. Undoubtedly, some of nature of the socio-political system, both in the the population lived year-round in or near centers. development and maintenance of an elite hierarchy The rest were probably mobile due to the demands and the expansion of the political economy. of practicing a variety of agricultural techniques, The very character of monumental architecture especially in view of the lack of evidence for may provide indirect evidence for dry season intensive-subsistence technology around many nucleation. Maya monumental architecture is famous centers combined with a continued increase in for its "onion-skin" construction phases representing population during the Late Preclassic (ca. 400 B.C. - long-term multi-seasonal projects rather than major A.D. 250) and Classic (ca. A.D. 550-850) periods. short-term ones (Culbert 1991a; e.g., Tikal's Mundo In addition, in certain areas some farmers also may Perdido Complex; Laporte and Fialko 1990). have had to move to find more fertile soils, or to find Scarborough (1993) aptly notes that quarrying the new land in the face of natural population growth. reservoirs would have also provided construction Furthermore, settlement maps show Classic period materials for monumental architecture. Episodic farmsteads dispersed throughout the hinterlands construction events likely indicate seasonal labor (except in bajos areas) in areas for the most part bereft projects carried out during non-agricultural periods of aguadas (see survey transects in Fedick 1988; Ford (Abrams 1994:43, 108; Reina 1967). Furthermore, 1986; Puleston 1983). When aguadas are located chultunes (Puleston 1971; Reina and Hill 1980) outside of centers, they are typically associated with cluster at centers and elite residential compounds monumental architecture. For example, Felipe Lanza (Ford 1991; see Carr and Hazard 1961; Puleston (pers. comm. 1989), head of the Parque Nacional 1983), which may signify dry season food stores and Tikal Vigilancia, has noted that the park has 103 surplus. aguadas, and that larger aguadas are associated with Another line of evidence supporting seasonal monumental architecture. Even if water did not concentration around centers is hieroglyphic evaporate at hinterland or non-center aguadas (and inscriptions. Warfare, sacrifice of captives, ball many likely did evaporate), they still could not have games, bloodletting rituals, accession of rulers, supported large populations through the entire dry festivals with music and dancing, katun period- season (Scarborough 1996). Test excavations in ending rites and dedications are all hallmarks residential middens within the Tikal-Yaxha survey of Classic Maya center life, many of which took place transect only yielded 12 pieces of groundstone out during the dry season (Aveni and Hotaling 1994; e.g., of approximately 14,000 artifacts (Ford Bassie-Sweet 1991; Marcus 1992:431; Schele 1991; 1986:Appendix III). This may indicate that the Schele and Freidel 1990). The public events would 40 Lisa J. Lucero have taken place at or around additional trademarks 1978:222). This probably was the case for ancient of Maya centers—imposing temples, open plazas, Maya rulers, as amply attested in the iconography stelae and altars, causeways, and ballcourts. where they are often depicted in a variety of These features define Classic . associations with deities, as well as in hieroglyphic They suggest how elites not only justified and inscriptions that describe their relationship to the legitimized the status quo, but how they ceremonially other world (e.g., Bassie-Sweet 1991; Demarest integrated the masses for purposes of social cohesion 1992; Freidel et al. 1993; Schele and Freidel 1990). and to allay conflict, especially at a time when In a recent article devoted to Maya water differences in wealth and power were most obvious— management and ritual, Scarborough (1998) focuses when people were together in the dry season. on the prevalence and importance of water in ancient and presents a detailed discussion of IDEOLOGICAL POWER: iconography and other evidence associated with WATER SYMBOLISM water and ritual: caves, springs, reservoirs located next to monumental architecture, Cauac or Witz The idea of politicized or centralized water Monster, Waterlily Monster and so on. Water was management in the Maya area is not new (e.g., Folan not only important for the survival of people, but also etal. 1995; Fordn.d., 1991,1996; Scarborough 1991, for the survival of the political system:".. .elites used 1993, 1996; Scarborough and Gallopin 1991; cf. high-performance water ritual [in addition to water Haberland 1983; Harrison 1977; Puleston 1977). management] as manifest in the iconography to What is new is the realization that purely economic further centralize control" (Scarborough 1998:135). reasons are inadequate in and of themselves to explain They accomplished this through the appropriation of the emergence of Classic Maya political complexity. traditional water rituals. Rulers also likely conducted This development must be evaluated in light of the these ceremonies at the water sources themselves— critical question of why households and/or reservoirs located next to temples, places of ceremony communities just did not build water facilities and worship. Inscriptions reveal that fully-costumed themselves. If indeed households within and masked rulers for a time became specific deities communities could presumably expand aguadas or through impersonation (Houston and Stuart 1996). build their own water catchment systems, the control Not surprisingly, the Maize god was one often ritually over critical resources alone cannot account for elite impersonated, as was the Sun god. "Another deity power. But why didn't the dispersed and mobile impersonated by Maya lords...seems to be aquatic populace build their own reservoirs? As mentioned represented as a serpent with a water-lily bound to earlier, maps of Classic period settlement show that its head" ("water serpent;" Houston and Stuart relatively few aguadas are located outside centers 1996:299, Fig. 9). Their success in impersonating and their environs. I argue that elite control of an deities may indicate their success as rulers and their economic resource and associated symbolism and ability to rule. This is not to claim that Maya farmers ideology together played a key role in the did not know about the properties of water. Rather, development and maintenance of their power during as Scarborough argues (1998), Maya rulers the Early Classic. Specifically, I suggest that the elite appropriated traditional water rituals to suit apolitical constructed a new ideological relationship between agenda. water and their power. Cross-culturally, rulers are often involved in and Standing Water associated with fertility and purification rites where material concerns are brought into the supernatural, Is the connection between elite control of water religious, and social realm. Rulers often have and associated symbolism sufficient to explain why exclusive rights over technical knowledge and skills hinterland communities did not appear to build their (Helms 1979:178, 1993:78-79; e.g., Geertz 1980; own water facilities? Not completely. I propose Lansing 1991). Because of this status, rulers are often that the appropriation of water symbolism and rituals considered semi-divine, or at least closer to the gods provided a key tool in the emergence of Maya than the common person (Friedman and Rowlands rulership because of the importance of water and the Water Control and Maya Politics nature of standing water itself. Problems that might The waterlily (Genus Nymphaea, likely ampla have arisen for the Maya during the four-month species) requires still-bodied clear, slightly alkaline drought period concern standing water, especially as water (Lundell 1937:18, 26; Swindels 1983:16). drinking water (versus water for fish ponds and Cloudy water, or water with too much algae, prevents agricultural fields) (see Miksic, this volume, for a waterlily growth (Home, pers. comm. 1996). The discussion of water-borne diseases in Southeast Asia), waterlily also does not tolerate acidic conditions, nor Intestinal parasites would have been a concern, water with too much calcium, such as limestone Standing water would have served as insect-breeding (Conrad 1905:116). As a consequence, murky grounds for mosquitoes and other flying insects, aguadas or lakes will exhibit sparse waterlily growth. Depictions on ancient Maya pottery vessels indicate Furthermore, if the bottom sediment (where waterlily that mosquitoes were a known pest (Harrison 1977). roots attach) contains too much organic matter (e.g., To kill off intestinal parasites today, the Maya boil decomposing plants), the gases released including bark of the copal tree (Protium copal) or leaves of methane, ethylene and phenols, can be toxic to the Jackass Bitter tree (Neurolaena lobata), as well waterlilies. Waterlilies also require large amounts as use the juice of the fresh fruit of the Mexican of nitrogenous food which is absorbed directly Wormseed (Chenopodium ambrosioides) (Arvigo through the roots. In addition, the bluish undersides 1994:187-188). of lily pads restrict the passage of light "through the Another problem likely faced by the Maya was normal green chlorophyll into the water underneath" the build-up of nitrogen, phosphorus, and other (Swindels 1983:17; see also Pearcc 1987), thus metals and chemical organics in standing water preventing the build-up of too much algae. (Home n.d.). For the most part, natural wetland Waterlilies also provide food and cover for the natural processes would impede the build-up of these predators of small flying pests such as the dragonfly elements and compounds enough to prevent them (not to mention food for fish). Since macrophytic from being harmful or fatal to humans. One plants such as Nymphaea attach their roots to the exception where nitrates can be harmful is in infants bottom of aguadas, they typically are found where up to the age of three months. Infants lack the there is year-round water. Some of the largest necessary enzymes in the digestive tract that prevent reservoirs, on which archaeologists today rely to "the formation of a derivative of nitrate and the red supply water needs during the dry season (e.g., Tikal blood pigment" (Home n.d.:2). As a result, and Caracol), are located in direct association with hemoglobin is prevented from carrying oxygen monumental architecture, leading to suffocation and eventual death, commonly referred to as "blue baby disease" (Slawomir W. Waterlily Symbolism Hermanowicz, Civil and Environmental Engineering, UC-Berkeley, pers. comm. 1996). It should not come as a surprise that waterlilies The natural wetland biosphere itself acts to and water are symbolically associated with rulers in purify water, which includes hydrophytic and Classic Maya society, not because they are part of macrophytic plants and other organisms (Hammer the purification process per se (Ford 1996), but and Kadlec 1980; Home n.d.; Tchobanoglous n.d.). because they signify when water is pure/clean. Other Pondweeds, smaller plants, and their associated aquatic elements permeate Maya iconography such bacteria and algae all work together to purify water, as fish, turtles, snails, water snakes and crocodiles; For example, some bacteria act as "living filters" and however, they are primarily associated with standing feed on the spores of parasites and also denitrify water water itself (Harrison 1977; Puleston 1977; Willey (Burton et al. 1979; Dinges 1976; Home n.d.). In 1978). The waterlily is also associated with purity, addition, all plants absorb nitrogen and phosphorus specifically as a symbol of abundance, a symbol with (especially nitrates [Nelson et al. 1980]). However, which rulers often linked themselves (Schele and the most obvious and visible plant in the wetland Miller 1986:46; cf. Dahlin 1983; Willey 1978). For biosphere is the waterlily—as a matter of fact, it can example, ancient Egyptian and Chinese rulers only flourish in pure or clean water, and thus is often associated waterlilies with purity, immortality and seen as a symbol of water purification itself. truth, and Egyptian pharaohs like Ramses II were 42 Lisa J. Lucero

buried with waterlily wreaths (Swindels 1983:12- translates as "water group" (Marcus 1976:7-10). 13). Rulers with names like Waterlily Lord (Tikal), The widespread spatial and temporal presence Waterlily-Jaguar (Copan) and Lord Water (Caracol) of the waterlily in Maya iconography attests to its further attest to the link of water and rulers. In role in ritual and its ties to rulership. The waterlily addition, many centers that relied on reservoirs have is the earliest known occurrence of plant forms in a water element as part of their place name (e.g., Maya iconography (Rands 1953:115) and is Calakmul and [Stuart and Houston represented throughout the Maya area, from Chichen 1994:19,28]). Itza to Copan. Nymphaea pollen has been recovered Finally, waterlilies have narcotic properties that from a possible elite household at the Late Preclassic may have been employed as a hallucinogen during site of in northern Belize, and Crane (1996) rituals (Dobkin de Rios 1974; Emboden 1981). "The suggests that elites may have worn the flowers to alkaloids apormorphine, nuciferine and symbolize their status. Maya iconography and nornuciferines, isolated from the rhizome of N hieroglyphic inscriptions also demonstrate the link ampla, may be responsible for...psychotropic between waterlilies and rulership. For example, Ford activity" (Schultes and Hoffman 1992:67). The (1996:303) notes that Nab Winik Makna, or Water mention of waterlilies in Aztec poems as Lily Lords, refer to Classic Maya rulers. Waterlilies quetzalaxochiacatl ("the precious white flower") in and/or associated elements are found on a number of the context of aquatic plants that inebriate has led different media linked with rulers such as stelae (e.g., Diaz (1977) to suggest that this association may also the earliest depiction of water plants on Stela 1 at extend back to prehistory. The use of TV. ampla as a Tikal) (Rands 1953:115). Associated elements sacred psychotropic is supported, according to Diaz include, for example, the Waterlily Monster (e.g., (1977), by depictions in the Bonampak murals, by Hellmuth 1987:Fig. 78a-c) and waterlily pads its current use in the Maya highlands for recreational (ibid. .Figs. 78-80, 82c-d, 89, 90c-d, 97, 98d, 100a, purposes (producing powerful hallucinatory effects), 136d, 168, 185, 189; see Hellmuth [1987:141-142] and by the presence of aporphine (analogous to for a description of the variety of waterlilies and apormorphine) alkaloids. For example, in urban areas associated elements). It is also significant that of Chiapas, Mexico, raw fresh rhizomes of the waterlilies are depicted as part of headdresses worn waterlily are eaten to produce an altered state by rulers (Cortez n.d.; Rands 1953:120; e.g., Freidel (Emboden 1981). Historically, Nymphaea has been et al. 1993:Fig. 5.3). They are also incorporated into considered a substitute for opium (Emboden 1979:12) the decor of monumental architecture, such as Lintel because high enough doses provoke mind-altering 2, Temple I, Tikal (Schele and Freidel 1990:Figs. episodes. 5.25b, 6.11). The Bonampak murals depict numerous Religious specialists are known to induce a dancers wearing masks incorporating the waterlily trance state to communicate with the spirit world and motif, a theme also found at (Freidel et al. with deities (e.g., Durkheim 1995[1912]:228). For 1993:Fig. 5.4). Such depictions represent public example, Egyptians used another species of performances incorporating elements of ritual, power Nymphaea, caerulea, to facilitate trances (Emboden display and entertainment 1989). These trances were important to heal patients Waterlilies are also represented on mobile and for elevating the individuals to "become like a objects such as the Leyden Plaque and numerous god." Examination of Maya pottery, codices, stone polychrome ceramics, especially vases (e.g., Reents- reliefs and murals led Emboden (1982) to suggest a Budet 1994:Figs. 1.14, 1.20, 2.21, 6.8, 6.10, 6.14, ritual use of waterlilies similar to that depicted in the 6.25, 6.27, 6.44, 6.47, 6.49). Hieroglyphic ancient Egyptian images found on tomb sculpture, inscriptions also indicate the tie between waterlilies ceramics, frescos, and papyri. Here, too, the and the elite. For example, Ah Nab was a term used depictions of waterlilies attest to their significance to refer to Maya nobility during the Classic period, and sacredness. and translates as "Waterlily People" (Schele and As these examples demonstrate, no matter the Freidel 1990:94). It is also interesting to note that media, there is a clear association of water and the prefix, which is part of all Emblem Glyphs waterlilies with rulers, and hence, political power. Water Control and Maya Politics 43

DISCUSSION required more ornate and obvious means of legitimation. Hallmarks of legitimation included In this section, I present a model of how Maya monumental architecture such as temples for ritual rulers acquired the ability to control the labor, goods enactments, the stela and altar complex used for and services of others in the southern Maya lowlands, political propaganda, ballcourts to entertain as well especially in areas that did not have natural permanent as to settle inter-center disputes, and causeways water sources. Ancient Maya farmers moved inland serving both as dams and walkways leading from to upland areas with good soils and natural rain-fed one monumental architectural complex to the next. aguadas and bajos during the Middle Preclassic (ca. Long-distance exchange of prestige goods also was 900-400 B.C.). Increasing numbers of farmers vital in defining and legitimating Maya eliteness. immigrating to inland areas resulted in greater Expertly flaked knives were essential in demands on drinking water during seasonal drought. performing human sacrifice, just as stingray spines The earliest settlers in the Middle Preclassic built were for bloodletting rituals. ear spools and their new lives on fertile land near aguadas, and in pendants and carved sea-shell ornaments were used time became established and prestigious lineages to physically distinguish the upper echelons from ("first founders") (cf. McAnany 1995), The commoners. Elite interaction also occurred through increasing concentration of people around water royal visits to and from allied and secondary centers, sources allowed those who had established inter-center marriage alliances, and warfare. Warfare themselves near a critical resource to start to build a itself was conducted during the Classic period for group of supporters by requiring payment in return the most part by elites who captured high-status for access to aguadas during seasonal drought. The victims to sacrifice, which increased their prestige prestigious lineages in time became elite lineages in the eyes of their tribute-payers. who jockeyed amongst themselves for greater The tenuous hold of the elite over people position and power. Early temples and ballcourts explains the political fluidity that existed during the provided the perfect forum for competitive feasts and Classic period (ca. A.D. 250-850). There is little displays. doubt that Maya rulers acquired tribute; however, the It would still seem, however, to have been costs of maintaining the flow of tribute were high relatively easy for people to choose to use other water and demanded the continual persuasion of the sources controlled by burgeoning elites elsewhere, majority not to leave their fold for another powerful or to build their own. Fear of the loss of payment or center with water sources, to maintain their own tribute would have been a strong inducement for elites aguadas, or to build their own reservoirs. Thus, Maya to persuade seasonal inhabitants to congregate around rulers had to continually convince followers to their particular water source. Attracting dispersed provide tribute, and they did so through water farmers was facilitated by elites associating management and associated symbolism and rituals. themselves with the vital resource of water and its Tikal's fluctuating political history can be purity. Early Maya leaders appropriated traditional assessed in view of the model presented above. At water rituals and performed them in large public the beginning of the Early Classic (ca. A.D. 250), arenas. The ceremonies served to unite the people Tikal and Uaxactun emerged as the two largest physically and emotionally around a common political centers (Pohl and Pohl 1994). Tikal later concern, clean water. These events also benefited defeated Uaxactun in A.D. 378 and incorporated it the sponsors in that the continuance of potable water and its populace under its rule. Tikal became primus became associated with nascent rulers. In exchange inter pares. Teotihuacan's influence at Tikal and for their continued funding of vital water rituals, elsewhere became noticeable as indicated by the rulers received tribute in the form of staples, prestige appearance of distinctive talud-tablero architecture, goods and labor which was used to build public slab-footed ceramics, and non-Maya religious and monumental architecture, maintain reservoirs, and ideological elements (especially their rain god, eventually, to build private monumental and , and military themes) (Coggins 1979; Freidel shrines. etal. 1993:296; Willey 1974). The tenuous hold of the elite actually had Throughout the Late Classic period (ca. A.D. 44 Lisa J. Lucero

550-850), competition between centers increased for rainfall-dependent areas, center rulers attempted to control over labor (e.g., between Calakmul and entice large labor pools in order to show who had Tikal). Increasing conflict is illustrated in the the most power. Growing competition is recorded hieroglyphic and archaeological record at Caracol, in the hieroglyphic inscriptions with the increasing whose rulers allied with Calakmul's and defeated mention of battles, inter-center ballgames, and the Tikal twice in the latter half of the 6th century, in A.D. sacrifice of captives. 556 and 562 (Chase and Chase 1989). One of the In conclusion, I have attempted to show the significant aftermaths of Caracol's defeat of Tikal significance of the role of economy and ideology as was that Caracol's leaders may have been able to sources of power for the development and attract or persuade Tikal's supporters to nucleate maintenance of Classic Maya rulership in the around Caracol and its reservoirs. This population southern Maya lowlands. Even though the elite or labor shift resulted in Caracol's rulers having had controlled critical water resources, their power was access to a dramatically larger labor pool which they tenuous because farmers had alternative options even used to defeat other centers (e.g.,Naranjo). Evidence during the dry season (e.g., support other rulers, for population shifts includes (Chase and Chase 1989, maintain their own aguadas or build their own 1996): 1) a dramatic increase in settlement density reservoirs). Consequently, economic explanations in and near Caracol; 2) large numbers of terraces alone are insufficient to account for Classic Maya and reservoirs that date to soon after Caracol political power. It was their ideological association expanded; 3) an increase in the number of houses; with water purification, in addition to the control of and 4) an increase in monumental construction. reservoirs, that provided Maya rulers the foundation Chase and Chase (1989) estimate that population on which to build and maintain their power. increased 325 percent over the next 130 years. That Caracol rulers had the ideological and economic ACKNOWLEDGMENTS power to entice a seasonal labor pool is further indicated by a decline in population at Tikal relative I am grateful to Alexander Home and Slawomir to what it had been previous to its defeat (Haviland W. Hermanowicz of the Department of Civil and 1970). Finally, certain areas around Caracol were Environmental Engineering, UC-Berkeley and uninhabited before the war with Tikal. Tikal and its George Tchobanoglous of the Department of Civil hinterlands were not completely abandoned after their and Environmental Engineering, UC-Davis for their losses; evidence indicates that population in and near interest, suggestions, and for with providing me Tikal continued to grow in same time period as access to unpublished works on the wetland biosphere Caracol, but at a much slower rate (27.5 percent for and natural methods of cleaning polluted water. I central Tikal and 15 percent for its hinterlands). also want to thank William H. Walker and Elisabeth Thus, the famous Classic period "hiatus" (A.D. Bacus for their constructive comments, and Mari 534-593, and as late as A.D. 692 at Tikal)—defined Langford for her research on waterlilies. Finally, I by the drop-off in stela erection and monumental thank the panel review members of the Archeology construction at many large centers in the southern Papers of the American Anthropological Association, Maya lowlands—actually may have represented not Jay K. Johnson, Michelle Hegmon, Deborah Nichols only population shifts but labor shifts as well. In and Lynne Sullivan for their helpful suggestions. other words, rulers unable to organize large-scale construction projects during the hiatus did not have the means to attract the necessary labor. Caracol and REFERENCES CITED other centers increased in scale during the hiatus due to their success in drawing in farmers. In short, Tikal Abrams, E. M. lost its designation as primus inter pares, a 1994 How the Maya Built Their World: Energetics designation that was unstable at best and that became and Ancient Architecture. Austin: University even more so throughout the Classic period. of Texas Press. Calakmul and Caracol, however, were not the only competing centers. Throughout the land-locked and Water Control and Maya Politics 45

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