Janka Skrzypek Phd Thesis
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150 Placenames of Scottish Origins in Russia
Placenames of Scottish origins in Russia (a toponymic index and description) Alexander Pavlenko – Galina Pavlenko – Olga Stroganova DOI: 10.18355/XL.2017.10.03.12 Abstract The article contains a brief description of a project devoted to the sociocultural interaction between Scotland and Russia and focusing on the toponyms derived from Scottish personal names found in the territory of the former Russian Empire. Although such placenames constitute a humble but a noteworthy part of the Scottish legacy in Russia, this stratum of the Russian toponymy has never been systematically studied. Here we provide a list of the Russian place-names of direct or indirect Scottish origins and summarize some observations regarding their history as well as the history of the families behind these names. A morphological analysis of the placenames of this kind is provided to reveal the word-building patterns involved. Key words: Russia, Scotland, toponymy, placename, athroponym, morphological structure Introduction The anthropocentric approach to language in general and onomastics in particular allows to consider placenames through the history of the people and the histories of the idioms they speak. Toponymy of any country reflects the peculiarities of its historical development as well as cultural and language contacts taking place in its territory throughout the history. The problem of historical study of proper names has been addressed by scholars, who consider them as a kind of monuments “accumulating” history. This view is shared by such linguists as V.A.Nikonov (1965), A.I.Popov (1965), Yu.A.Karpenko (1970), A.V.Superanskaya (1985), E.M.Murzayev (1994), and others. -
The Role of Greek Culture Representation in Socio-Economic Development of the Southern Regions of Russia
European Research Studies Journal Volume XXI, Special Issue 1, 2018 pp. 136 - 147 The Role of Greek Culture Representation in Socio-Economic Development of the Southern Regions of Russia T.V. Evsyukova1, I.G. Barabanova2, O.V. Glukhova3, E.A. Cherednikova4 Abstract: This article researches how the Greek lingvoculture represented in onomasticon of the South of Russia. The South Russian anthroponyms, toponyms and pragmatonyms are considered in this article and how they verbalize the most important values and ideological views. It is proved in the article that the key concepts of the Greek lingvoculture such as: “Peace”, “Faith”, “Love”, “Heroism”, “Knowledge”, “Alphabet”, “Power”, “Charismatic person” and “Craft” are highly concentrated in the onomastic lexis of the researched region. The mentioned above concepts due to their specific pragmatic orientation are represented at different extend. Keywords: Culture, linguoculture, onomastics, concept anthroponym, toponym, pragmatonim. 1D.Sc. in Linguistics, Professor, Department of Linguistics and Intercultural Communication, Rostov State University of Economics, Rostov-on-Don, Russian Federation. 2Ph.D. in Linguistics, Associate Professor, Department of Linguistics and Intercultural Communication, Rostov State University of Economics, Rostov-on-Don, Russian Federation. 3Lecturer, Department of Linguistics and Intercultural Communication, Rostov State University of Economics, Rostov-on-Don, Russian Federation, E-mail: [email protected] 4Ph.D., Associate Professor, Department of Linguistics and Intercultural Communication, Rostov State University of Economics, Rostov-on-Don, Russian Federation. T.V. Evsyukova, I.G. Barabanova, O.V. Glukhova, E.A. Cherednikova 137 1. Introduction There is unlikely to be any other culture that influenced so much on the formation of other European cultures, as the Greek culture. -
La Questione Cecena E La Pubblicistica Italiana Dopo Il 1989-Finale
UNIVERSITA' DEGLI STUDI DI PADOVA FACOLTA' DI LETTERE E FILOSOFIA Corso di laurea in Storia delle culture La questione cecena e la pubblicistica italiana dopo il 1989 Tesi di laurea in Storia dell’Europa Orientale Presentata da Relatore Lorenzo Chemello Prof. Egidio Ivetic Sessione di luglio 2009 1 INDICE Introduzione .............................................................. P. 3; Prima parte: Profilo storico della Cecenia Capitolo 1 Dall’Età Antica al crollo del Muro di Berlino .................. P. 5; Capitolo 2 Gli eventi della Cecenia indipendentista ........................... P. 21; Seconda parte: La pubblicistica italiana Capitolo 3 La pubblicistica italiana sulla Cecenia del periodo post-sovietico .................................................................... P. 31; Conclusioni ....................................................................... P. 51; Cronologia ......................................................................... P. 53; Bibliografia ....................................................................... P. 59; Sitografia ........................................................................... P. 63. 2 INTRODUZIONE La tesi che ho preparato si è posta davanti al banco di nebbia che avvolge l’argomento di cui tratta e ha messo in luce, con la dovuta documentazione, quelle problematiche che mi hanno consentito di capire e di esplorare quella regione del Caucaso, il cui nome a molti suona lontanamente come qualcosa di cui si parla troppo poco, forse perché non conviene ad alcuni: la Cecenia. -
Understanding the Silent Majority in Authoritarian Populism: What Can We Learn from Popular Support for Putin in Rural Russia?
ERPI 2018 International Conference Authoritarian Populism and the Rural World Conference Paper No. 29 Understanding the silent majority in authoritarian populism: What can we learn from popular support for Putin in rural Russia? Natalia Mamonova 17-18 March 2018 International Institute of Social Studies (ISS) in The Hague, Netherlands Organized jointly by: In collaboration with: Disclaimer: The views expressed here are solely those of the authors in their private capacity and do not in any way represent the views of organizers and funders of the conference. March, 2018 Check regular updates via ERPI website: www.iss.nl/erpi ERPI 2018 International Conference - Authoritarian Populism and the Rural World Understanding the silent majority in authoritarian populism: What can we learn from popular support for Putin in rural Russia? Natalia Mamonova Abstract In this paper, I distinguish and challenge three main assumptions/shortcomings regarding the silent majority - the majority of the ‘ordinary’, ‘simple’, ‘little’ people, who are usually the main supporters of authoritarian populism. The silent majority is commonly portrayed as (1) ‘irrational’, ‘politically short-sighted’ people, who vote against self-interests; (2) it is analysed as a homogeneous group, without attempting to distinguish different motives and interests among its members; (3) the existing analysis often overlooks the political economy and structures of domination that gave rise to authoritarian populism. I address these shortcomings while analysing the political behaviour of rural Russians, who are the major supporters of Vladimir Putin. In so doing, I reveal that the agrarian property regime and power relations in the countryside largely define the political posture of different rural groups. -
The Chechen Mobilization in Violent Conflict
Master’s Thesis 2016 30 ECTS Norwegian University of Life Sciences Faculty Social Sciences Department of International Environment and Development Studies The Chechen Mobilization in Violent Conflict Malikov Bekhan Ibragimovich Master of Science in International Relations THESIS CREDIT The Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Noragric, is the international gateway for the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU). Eight departments, associated research institutions and the Norwegian College of Veterinary Medicine in Oslo. Established in 1986, Noragric’s contribution to international development lies in the interface between research, education (Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes) and assignments. The Noragric Master thesis are the final theses submitted by students in order to fulfil the requirements under the Noragric Master programme “International Environmental Studies”, “International Development Studies” and “International Relations”. The findings in this thesis do not necessarily reflect the views of Noragric. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the author and on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation contact Noragric. © Malikov Bekhan Ibragimovich, May 2016 [email protected] Noragric Department of International Environment and Development Studies P.O. Box 5003 N-1432 Ås Norway Tel.: +47 67 23 00 00 Internet: https://www.nmbu.no/om/fakulteter/samvit/institutter/noragric i DECLARATION I, Malikov Bekhan Ibragimovich, declare that this thesis is a result of my research investigations and findings. Sources of information other than my own have been acknowledged and a reference list has been appended. This work has not been previously submitted to any other university for award of any type of academic degree. -
War Against Terrorism and the Conflict in Chechnya: a Case for Distinction
The War Against Terrorism and the Conflict in Chechnya: A Case for Distinction SVANTE E. CORNELL More than any other conflict, Chechnya epitomizes the old saying that "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter." Since the first Chechen war began in 1994, the Russian government has portrayed the war as one against ban- dits and Islamic fundamentalists. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, the label changed-now Chechens are referred to simply as "terrorists." Western states have for the most part thus far refrained from accepting the Russian position at face value, seeing the conflict primarily as an ethnic war. While recognizing Russia's territorial integrity, Western and Islamic states see the Chechen rebels as more or less legitimate representatives of the Chechen people, considering that the current Chechen president, Asian Maskhadov, was elected in elections deemed free and fair by international observers in 1997. Moreover, the international commu- nity has condemned the Russian military's massive human rights violations in the prosecution of the war. That said, during the course of the second war, which began in October 1999 and rages to this day, there has been an increasing concern with regard to the radicalization of parts of the Chechen resistance movement and its links to extremist Islamic groups in the Middle East. The attacks of September 11 introduced a new paradigm into world politics, and Chechnya has since been one of the regions most affected by the increased focus on terrorism. Indeed, it did not take long after 9/11 for the Russian government to draw comparisons between the terrorist attacks on the United States and the situa- tion in Chechnya. -
Stavropol-Auto
Time to invest properly! Trade between We are interested IT-technology Russia and Japan in the development in 2017 of the following industries: Robotics about Manufacturing industry 15 Mechanical billion dollars Engineering Place in terms of foreign trade Communication For Japan, Russia For Russia, Japan Chemical is on the 15th place is on the 7th place industry Japanese investments in Russia Textile production The amount of direct in the level of investment of Optical Japanese companies elements for all years 1,5 billion dollars Tourism and entertainment Prospects for cooperation Localization of production is an effective tool for entering the Russian market Guarantees of infrastructure security and resource base Support of import substitution areas: Government support and project entering new sales markets support at all stages and increasing in sales of its implementation The selection of an individual territory, The conclusion of special investment contracts taking into account advantageous is a state guarantee of stability of tax logistical opportunities and regulatory conditions for the investor Support to reduce production costs through Provision of incentive measures the provision of government benefits at the federal and regional levels and preferences Our capabilities Cooperation with leading enterprises Agroindustrial complex Automobile industry High tech Products for daily use Stavropol-Auto Joint Russian-Chinese project One of the fastest growing Assembly of cars of the Great Wall brand large producers and the Italian IVECO -
Russia Democratic Retreat: the Role of the Conflict in Chechnya, Declining Media Freedom and a Subdued Middle Class Kristin Mahn Grand Valley State University
Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Honors Projects Undergraduate Research and Creative Practice 2012 Russia Democratic Retreat: The Role of the Conflict in Chechnya, Declining Media Freedom and a Subdued Middle Class Kristin Mahn Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/honorsprojects Recommended Citation Mahn, Kristin, "Russia Democratic Retreat: The Role of the Conflict in Chechnya, Declining Media Freedom and a Subdued Middle Class" (2012). Honors Projects. 148. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/honorsprojects/148 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Research and Creative Practice at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Russia Democratic Retreat: The Role of the Conflict in Chechnya, Declining Media Freedom and a Subdued Middle Class Kristin Mahn Introduction The Cold War was a war that pinned the communist Soviet Union against the capitalist United States. Communism was all about state ownership of everything and a classless society. Capitalism was all about a society that focused on private ownership and competition. For decades these two ideologies worked against each other to stop the other from expanding. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1990 there were celebrations across the world because the communist giant had finally been defeated. Many people thought that capitalism and democracy had prevailed. They thought there was no longer anything to worry about. For a while it seemed they were right and that Russia, the biggest country of the Former Soviet Union, was making the transition to democracy. -
SGGEE Russia Gazetteer 201908.Xlsx
SGGEE Russia gazetteer © 2019 Dr. Frank Stewner Page 1 of 25 27.08.2021 Menno Location according to the SGGEE guideline of October 2013 North East Village name old Village name today Abdulino (Abdulino), Abdulino, Orenburg, Russia 534125 533900 Абдулино Абдулино Abramfeld (NE in Malchevsko-Polnenskaya), Millerovo, Rostov, Russia 485951 401259 Абрамфельд Мальчевско-Полненская m Abrampolski II (lost), Davlekanovo, Bashkortostan, Russia 541256 545650 Aehrenfeld (Chakalovo), Krasny Kut, Saratov, Russia 504336 470306 Крацкое/Эренфельд Чкалово Aidarowa (Aidrowo), Pskov, Pskov, Russia 563510 300411 Айдарово Айдарово Akimowka (Akimovka), Krasnoshchyokovo, Altai Krai, Russia 513511 823519 Акимовка Акимовка Aksenowo (Aksenovo), Ust-Ishim, Omsk, Russia 574137 713030 Аксеново Аксеново Aktjubinski (Aktyubinski), Aznakayevo, Tatarstan, Russia 544855 524805 Актюбинский Актюбинский Aldan/Nesametny (Aldan), Aldan, Sakha, Russia 583637 1252250 Алдан/Незаметный Алдан Aleksanderhoeh/Aleksandrowka (Nalivnaya), Sovetsky, Saratov, Russia 511611 465220 Александерге/АлександровкаНаливная Aleksanderhoeh/Uralsk (Aleksanrovka), Sovetsky, Saratov, Russia 511558 465112 Александерге Александровка Aleksandertal (lost), Kamyshin, Volgograd, Russia 501952 452332 Александрталь Александровка m Aleksandrofeld/Masajewka (lost), Matveyev-Kurgan, Rostov, Russia 473408 390954 Александрофельд/Мазаевка - Aleksandro-Newskij (Aleksandro-Nevskiy), Andreyevsk, Omsk, Russia 540118 772405 Александро-Невский Александро-Невский Aleksandrotal (Nadezhdino), Koshki, Samara, Russia 540702 -
Shifting Faces of Terror After 9/11: Framing the Terrorist Threat
SHIFTING FACES OF TERROR AFTER 9/11: FRAMING THE TERRORIST THREAT A dissertation submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Elena Pokalova Dissertation written by Elena Pokalova B.A., Ural State Pedagogical University, 2002 M.A., Kent State University, 2010 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2011 Approved by Andrew Barnes, Ph.D., Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Landon Hancock, Ph.D., Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Steven Hook, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Karl C. Kaltenthaler, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Accepted by Steven Hook, Ph.D., Chair, Department of Political Science John R.D. Stalvey, Ph.D., Dean, College of Arts and Sciences ii TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS...................................................................................................iii LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ v LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................................. vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ................................................................................................ vii Note on Transliteration ....................................................................................................viii List of Frequently Used Abbreviations.............................................................................. ix 1. Introduction.................................................................................................................... -
Radical Islam in Chechnya
RADICAL ISLAM IN CHECHNYA Mr. Artem Kroupenev (Researcher, ICT) 23/1/2009 ABSTRACT The permeation of radical Islam in Chechnya has served a multi-faceted function. It has been the vehicle of separatist resistance, a platform of political strife and conflict, a source of funding and external support and a unifying ideological principle that, in its various interpretations, has brought both hope and destruction for the Chechen society. More often than not, Islam served as a political-ideological tool that brought the promise of legitimacy and was the main source of contention between the Chechen political factions. For 21st century Russia, radical Islam in Chechnya provided a different type of challenge – one that turned into an opportunity for justifying its counter-terrorist operations in the Caucasus. * The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT). 2 Radical Islam in Chechnya Modern Origins of Chechen Islamization Since 1989, radical Islam has gradually permeated the fabric of Chechnya’s socio-political environment. This process was aided by internal changes in the Soviet Union – the disintegration of the communist ideology and its supporting governmental structure; and the course of Perestroika, which allowed various factions to freely propagate their moral and religious values. The resulting ideological and political vacuum in Chechnya was rapidly filled by radical Islam. From the onset of its post-Soviet attempts to achieve independence, the new secular government in Chechnya took steps that indicated an aspiration to restore Islamic traditions. In this regard, during his initiation as Chechen president on November 9, 1991, retired Lieutenant-General of Soviet Air-Forces, Djohar Dudayev was sworn in holding a Koran in front of numerous representatives of Islamic religious institutions. -
A Desmodernização Da Rússia Chechnya: Demodernization of Russia
CHECHÊNIA: A DESMODERNIZAÇÃO DA RÚSSIA 211 CHECHÊNIA: A DESMODERNIZAÇÃO DA RÚSSIA CHECHNYA: DEMODERNIZATION OF RUSSIA Paulo Edson Alves Filho* CHECHÊNIA: A DESMODERNIZAÇÃO DA RÚSSIA Esquecida pela mídia e isolada do mundo externo pelo atual governo russo, a Chechênia ainda não superou seus incontáveis e graves problemas sociais e econômicos. Localizada no extremo sul da Federação Russa, a ex-república autônoma da União Soviética ganhou as manchetes dos principais veículos de informação do planeta há pouco mais de uma década, com a eclosão de violentos conflitos entre a milícia local e soldados russos. O atual presidente Ramzan Kadyrov herda a liderança de uma nação destruída por duas invasões russas, por anos de corrupção, por uma alta taxa de desemprego e com um dos maiores níveis de pobreza entre as unidades federativas ligadas à Rússia. Apesar de Kadyrov afirmar que o país goza de paz e prosperidade, fontes imparciais (SEIERSTAD, 2008; GILLIGAN, 2010) mostram que a realidade na região não condiz com o que é dito pelo líder. Tanto a situação atual da Chechênia quanto o próprio discurso de Kadyrov podem ser justificados se analisarmos o contexto da relação, extremamente conturbada, deste povo do Cáucaso com os russos nos últimos quase dois séculos. Desde a chegada do general Yermolov às planícies caucasianas do norte, no século XIX, foram muito poucos os períodos os quais os Vainahks (ancestrais dos chechenos e inguchétios) puderam desfrutar da paz, da terra e do meio de vida que lhes pertenciam anteriormente. Czares e bolcheviques avançaram sobre as terras dos nativos, destruindo lavouras e aldeias. Eles, por sua vez, revidaram com emboscadas, geralmente comandadas por líderes militares islâmicos.