NOTES
1. Several writers have offered trenchant critiques of neoliberalism in the last several years. Key early works include Samir Amin’s Capitalism in the Age of Globalization: The Management of Contemporary Society (1997) and The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World (2004) and Giovanni Arrighi’s The Long Twentieth Century: Money, Power, and the Origins of Our Times (1994). More recent texts of note include Walden Bello’s Deglobalization: Ideas for a New World Economy (2005), David Harvey’s A Brief Guide to Neoliberalism (2005) and The New Imperialism (2003), Doug Henwood’s After the New Economy: The Binge and the Hangover That Won’t Go Away (2005), and Neil Smith’s The Endgame of Globalization (2005). 2. The most recent figures for foreign reserves are available at the following site: http://rbidocs. rbi.org.in/rdocs/Publications/PDFs/HYMFE040810.pdf. The growth rates can be accessed at http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-11135197. Sensex numbers can be found at http:// www.bseindia.com/histdata/hindices2.asp, and foreign investment data is available at http:// dipp.nic.in/fdi_statistics/india_FDI_December2009.pdf. 3. Of course, the global economic recession that was finally acknowledged in 2008 has resulted in a few more reservations about liberalization, although the Congress Party’s 2009 electoral victory and the left’s decline in the polls have been seen by the ruling party as a mandate for accelerating the pace of economic reforms. 4. P. Sainath’s Everybody Loves a Good Drought is an invaluable resource, documenting the huge gaps between the metropolitan elite and the rural poor in the New India. 5. These figures are based on the most recent statistics. The statistics on rural poverty can be found in World Bank figures from 2005:
1. There are, of course, notable exceptions, especially among those who do not identify them- selves within an Anglo-American postcolonial tradition. These would include critics such as Aijaz Ahmad, Rustom Bharucha, Partha Chatterjee, Ranajit Guha, K. N. Panikkar, and Sumit Sarkar. All of these critics have examined cultural forms with a special attention to questions of political economy. 2. In his Liquid Times: Living in an Age of Uncertainty, Zygmunt Bauman points out the bare essentials of these class contradictions: “half of world trade and more than half of global investment benefit just twenty-two countries accommodating a mere 14 per cent of the world’s population, whereas the forty-nine poorest countries inhabited by 11 per cent of the world’s population receive between them only a 0.5 per cent share of the global product— just about the same as the combined income of the three wealthiest men of the planet. Ninety per cent of the total wealth of the planet remains in the hands of just 1 per cent of the planet’s inhabitants” (6). 3. Shortly before this speech, the BJP had won a massive victory in the state of Gujarat. The sig- nificance of this victory was not lost on the BJP, coming as it did after the Godhra massacres of 2002. The state-sponsored pogrom in Gujarat, which saw the murder of three thousand Muslims, made visible the great lie of the reforms and progress. 4. Friedman’s position on neoliberalism is all too well known; thus, I will not elaborate on it here. Outside his many columns in the New York Times, his most comprehensive eulogy on the New India can be found in a recent book, The World Is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty- first Century. 5. There seems to be no dearth of appalling books about the New India. Leading the list is the patently offensive Think India by Vinay Rai and William Simon, a book written apparently for American businessmen that invites them to extract wealth from the country: “[i]n today’s world, national boundaries remain only for the weak-hearted. The great seekers of wealth look beyond boundaries and nationalities. India welcomes these seekers to its shores” (xv). 6. In an article in the New York Times, Saritha Rai summed up the issues discussed in a meeting of Indian and American CEOs, attended by Bush and U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice: “a need to dismantle Indian commercial barriers, the development of basic infrastruc- ture, a strengthening of intellectual property rights and the building of special economic zones to foster joint ventures with American companies.” Each one of these “trade concerns” is for the benefit of American capital. This is the lay of the land in contemporary global- ization. Even while praising India’s democratic traditions, trade talks are precisely about breaking down those traditions. Rai goes on to make a preposterous claim: “India’s thriving economy is lifting millions from poverty” (Rai, “Executives,” C6). What is more important, however, is to note that while the major coverage was about the nuclear agreement, the deals regarding “trade concerns,” which affected the economic well-being of millions of Indians, received scant attention. 7. Although postcolonial governments had implemented progressive land reform laws and pro- vided subsidized food through the Public Distribution System, more than three-quarters of the economy had remained in the private sector. A genuine attempt at wealth distribu- tion had never been attempted, and the major industrial houses such as Tata and Birla had increased their wealth greatly during the so-called nationalized phase of the economy. What instead marked the changes since 1991 was the significant internationalization of the econ- omy. The new economic policies were characterized by a liberalization of foreign trade and import regulations and a massive deregulation of internal markets. As in other developing nations that were subject to the whims of international lending organizations, subsidies for agriculture were cut; income taxes were lowered; public sector units were sold off; industrial 218 Notes workers lost many of their rights; and social welfare and poverty alleviation programs were dramatically reduced. Consequently, “out of a total labour force of some 340 million, only 9 million or less than 3 percent are unionized,” and “[t]he number of unemployed reached a staggering 34.85 million in 2002 and is expected to reach 40.47 million in 2007” (Vanaik, “Ironies”). 8. This led to an agreement with the World Bank to carry out many changes in the economy. Of course, such an argument fits in well with the assertion “there is no alternative,” rather than suggesting that the cause and effect pattern of this crisis was connected to a larger adjustment with the forces of global capital. It is important to remember that although 1991 is the conventionally designated moment of official liberalization, precipitated by the budget of then Finance Minister Manmohan Singh, India had taken a large IMF loan in 1981. 9. One measure of poverty that is often ignored by mainstream economists is the actual caloric intake of the population. By this measure, the reality is that in India the “annual absorption of foodgrains per head has fallen from 178 kg. in the three years ending in 1991, to 151 kg. by the three years ending in 2003” (Patnaik 224). P. Sainath also points out that “the absolute number of poor went up by almost 70 million” between 1990 and 1997. This in a phase when GDP growth had picked up.” He concludes that the “poor have not gained from the ‘reforms’ ” (Sainath 163). What mere statistics do not point out, moreover, is what a “Report of the Expert Group on the Estimation of Proportion and Number of Poor” (1989) indicated, i.e., the “items of social consumption such as basic education and health, drink- ing water supply, sanitation, environmental standards, etc” (349 qtd. in Sainath, Everybody) that determine who is poor. 10. Even though the vast majority of Indians are small-scale utilitarian shoppers, meaning that most people buy toothpaste and bars of soap rather than non-essential items such as televi- sion sets, chocolates, or soft drinks, the market has been inundated with high-end luxury items. 11. It is common for pro-development economists to cite an increasing “growth rate” as a way to demonstrate the supposed benefits of globalization to Southern economies. However, as the figure is a simple mean rather than median, it is possible for gross domestic product (GDP) to register a rise even when the wealth of a single owner of a single utility company increases. Thus rise in GDP may have very little to do with actual distribution of wealth. Moreover, “economic growth is based on a regime of capitalist accumulation that fosters conspicuous consumption and an ecologically damaging form of urbanization,” facts that are never mentioned by these same advocates of “growth” (Angotti 13). 12. In Reading Capital, Althusser and Balibar define a social formation as “the complex structure in which more than one mode of production, or set of economic relations, may be com- bined” (14). In India, this social formation constitutes many tendencies. 13. According to a survey conducted by the Hindustan Times-CNN-IBN, based on conversa- tions with “7,681 people spread across 970 villages in 19 states of the country . . . only 3 per cent Indians had a fair idea of what economic reforms were all about.” Apparently “72 per cent of Indians were unaware of the economic changes that the country had been going through since 1991” (Yadav 13). 14. One has only to see the history of the Congress Party’s ruthless manipulation of religious sentiments and constituents since independence to realize the continuing role of religion in determining state policy. After the Bangladesh war, for instance, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was proclaimed a “Durga,” the Hindu goddess of destruction. Gandhi and the Congress Party made use of this category, often using religious symbols as a way to bolster her own position as leader. Later Indira Gandhi forged an alliance with the radical elements of the Akali Dal in Punjab in order to keep the regional party from acquiring power. It was those same radical forces, ironically, that ended up being responsible for her assassination. For a fascinating account of the historical significance of the rise of the Hindu right, see Notes 219 Aijaz Ahmad’s “On the Ruins of Ayodhya: Communalist Offensive and Recovery of the Secular.” 15. According to George Yudice, “Performativity is based on the assumption that the mainte- nance of the status quo (i.e., the reproduction of social hierarchies of race, gender, sexuality) is achieved by repeatedly performing norms” (47).
Chapter 2
1. Any discussion of citizenship has to engage the category of the “national,” and under neo- liberalism, the national and the global exist in an uneasy dialectic. In Thatcher’s case, for instance, her attack on the trade unions was connected to the notion that they were con- trolled from the outside—that Arthur Scargill, for example, was a Soviet stooge. In this case, the national was employed to benefit the logic of the market. Likewise, the valoriza- tion of the individual citizen in Thatcher’s world view was intrinsically linked to the attack against political collectives, as they were manifested in trade unions, for instance. 2. After the events of 9/11, President George W. Bush and New York mayor Rudolph Giuliani famously illustrated this notion of consumption as citizens’ responsibility: they advised American citizens to go shopping. This was a way they could be patriotic; consumption was a national duty. 3. The paradigmatic neoliberal citizen is a male one, but the gendered subject has a specific role within the dictates of neoliberalism, as I will discuss more fully later in this chapter. 4. Consider the work of the India Brand Equity Foundation (IBEF). On its website, www. ibef.org, it describes its purpose thus: “the Foundation’s primary objective is to build posi- tive economic perceptions of India globally. It aims to effectively present the India business perspective and leverage business partnerships in a globalising market-place.” In describing its “overall nation branding campaign for India,” it eulogizes the brand: “Achievements. Successes. Growing consuming class driving demand. Vibrant democracy. People who dare to dream. Indians and India have a story to tell. IBEF collects, collates and dissem- inates accurate, comprehensive and current information on India” (India Brand Equity Foundation). 5. There have been innumerable acts of resistance against the forcible acquisition of land, the removal of vendors from public spaces, and attempts to open multinational retail outlets in different states. Accompanying these acts are the organized Maoist movements and splinter movements across the nation. The specter of these manifold points of resistance belies the triumphalist rhetoric of the state. 6. A recent phenomenon that has attracted worldwide attention is the spate of farmer sui- cides. By conservative estimates, 150,000 Indian farmers committed suicide during the period 1997–2005 as a direct result of economic reforms. The New Economics Foundation has shown that global growth has not aided the poor. In the 1980s, for every $100 of world growth, the poorest 20 percent received $2.20; by 2001, they received only 60 cents. Clearly, neoliberal growth disproportionately benefits the rich and further impoverishes the poor. 7. India’s National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER) has defined the middle class as households with a disposable income of 200,000 to 1 million rupees ($4,380 to $21,890) a year in real 2000 terms. The upper end of that figure would apply to less than 5 percent of the population. 8. In a 2008 visit to a department store in Kolkata, for instance, during my wanderings through this store that occupied all of three floors, I spotted at least a dozen security per- sonnel. There were at most only four or five shoppers. Meanwhile, on the pavement out- side, vendors were selling essentials at far lower prices. There has been a significant rise in 220 Notes the private security business. The Times of India reports that there are now almost a million private security guards in India and that the private security industry is growing at about 25 percent a year. This in a country where there were barely half a dozen security companies in the 1970s. 9. Of course, these new forms of citizenship are not merely put in place for the convenience of the overseas resident. These new regulations also make it easier for multinational companies in India to bring in and relocate “Indian” employees from abroad. Since these new “over- seas citizens” can enter the country without visas and stay over extended periods of time, the companies are able to circumvent the complicated employment and travel regulations of the past. 10. For instance, a subsidiary of Tata, Tata Tea, now “earns more than two-thirds of its rev- enue from first-world markets. Tata Tea has been systematically acquiring European and American beverage companies, beginning with UK-based Tetley in 2000” (Kamdar 10). 11. The recent success of Rajkumar Hirani’s Lage Raho Munna Bhai (2006) is one popular instance of the “use” of Gandhi’s legacy in popular culture. The film’s hero, a notorious gangster, reverts to “Gandhigiri,” a means of peaceful resistance to seek solutions to the problems confronting him. But here Gandhi’s methods always have the threat of violence behind the peaceful front in order to meet the gangster’s ends. In the New India, peacemak- ing in itself is not enough to achieve results. 12. In his analysis of a range of post-2004 election responses, K.C. Suri estimates that there was a “fundamental disconnect between the elite consensus on economic reforms and mass opinions on these questions” (“Economic Reforms”). 13. “India’s labor force is growing at a rate of 2.5 per cent annually, but employment is growing at only 2.3 per cent. Thus, the country is faced with the challenge of not only absorbing new entrants to the job market (estimated at seven million people every year), but also clearing the backlog. Sixty per cent of India’s workforce is self-employed, many of who remain very poor. Nearly thirty per cent are casual workers (i.e. they work only when they are able to get jobs and remain unpaid for the rest of the days). Only about ten per cent are regular employees, of which two-fifths are employed by the public sector. More than ninety per cent of the labour force is employed in the ‘unorganised sector,’ that is, in sectors which don’t provide employees with the social security and other benefits of employment in the ‘organised sector’ ” (“Unemployment in India”). 14. The State of the Nation Survey (CNN/IBN) was conducted by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS). In January 2007, findings on a different but related issue were collected from “970 villages in 19 states of the country” (Yadav and Kumar, “Economic Reforms” 13). 15. “A report from PricewaterhouseCoopers suggests that electronic-media revenues, includ- ing television, could nearly triple from $4.6 billion in 2005 to $12.8 by 2010.” India was expected to have 180 million television households by 2008 (Kamdar 57).
Chapter 3
1. Ghosh’s recent acceptance of the Dan David Prize bestowed upon him by the University of Tel Aviv has, of course, complicated his earlier position. For an impassioned discussion on this subject, see Kafila.org. 2. In At Home in the World: Cosmopolitanism Now, Timothy Brennan lists some of these writers. They include Isabel Allende, Carlos Fuentes, Mario Vargas Llosa, Gabriel García Márquez, Bharati Mukherjee, V. S. Naipaul, Salman Rushdie, and Derek Walcott. 3. Pranav Jani has suggested that the contemporary binary between the cosmopolitan and the national does not necessarily apply to an earlier generation of Indian writers such as Notes 221 Nayantara Sahgal, Kamala Markandaya, and Bhabani Bhattacharya, who struggled to retain a faith in the nationalist politics of decolonization even as they embraced a form of activist cosmopolitanism. 4. Of course, such advocates generally regard this form of transnationalism as promoting the unregulated movement of capital and goods and greater choices for global consum- ers. Ghosh, clearly, is not suggesting this sort of transnationalism. However, proposing an alternative transnationalism within the boundaries of existing structural inequities is a project fraught with contradictions. I will discuss this point in greater detail later in the chapter. 5. Ghosh mentions that he was “very happy they printed that piece.” “I was very proud to be included,” he recalls. He adds, “In a sense, they and I came out of a similar moment in the intellectual life of India and that’s really been the connection. The interesting thing is that, in India, historians aren’t really historians and writers aren’t really writers, there’s a kind of fuzziness about these things” (Silva and Tickell 217). 6. Nowhere are the effects of these aspirations more tragic than in the arms race between India and Pakistan. Writing about the nuclear ambitions of these two countries in his essay Countdown, Ghosh points to the myopia that governs such aspirations: “the bomb is much more than a weapon and it concerns matters much larger than a mere defence policy. It is a great vessel filled with all the unfulfilled aspirations and thwarted dreams of the last fifty years—ambitions of a larger and grander place in the world, for a rearrangement of global power, for a re-birth of national pride” (18). 7. Even while conceding Ghosh’s criticisms of the nation-state, it is important to retain the idea, particularly in the era of aggressive globalization, that national sovereignty is a democratic exercise, especially in determining the ownership and distribution of national resources. In Latin America, for example, in recent years, much of the discussion regarding natural resources and indigenous rights has been framed in national terms. In short, the national can still be deployed to oppose a neoliberal global order that seeks to break down national borders with desperate zeal. 8. Ghosh is particularly proud of the reception of this work: “I feel very proud of In an Antique Land because to write, in the same book about Jews, Muslims, and Hindus, and to find a point of entry which wouldn’t automatically antagonize anyone is not an easy thing. The book is very popular in Egypt as well as Israel” (Silva and Tickell 216). 9. A typical example of this rite of dispossession can be seen in the current efforts all over the country to create Special Economic Zones (SEZs) by displacing farmers from their agricul- tural land. One such instance is the West Bengal government’s proposal to acquire land for the Indonesian Salim group. The land in question is Uttarbhag in West Bengal’s South 24 Paraganas district. This particular episode is worth citing because “some are already com- paring” the plight of the villagers “with that of the Bengali refugees settled, driven out and killed in the Sunderbans island of Morichjhãpi after the CPI(M) came to power in the state. ‘This government is planning to make a Morichjhãpi of Uttarbhag. They want to throw us into the Sunderbans and make us easy prey for tigers,’ Paritosh Dey, a fruit seller, says, his eyes fiery” (Bhattacharyya). 10. Ghosh would probably have little sympathy for this statement. He has stated that he doesn’t see himself as “political.” In fact, he is on the record as saying, “I don’t think it is particularly interesting to write about politics” (Silva and Tickell 215). 11. Supriya Chaudhuri provides a succinct account of the Morichjhãpi incident in her review of the novel: “In 1978 a group of refugees fled from the Dandakaranya camp in Madhya Pradesh and came to the island of Morichjhãpi in the Sundarbans with the intention of settling there. They cleared the land for agriculture, and began to fish and farm. But their presence there alarmed the Left Front ministry, who saw it as the first of a possibly endless series of encroachments on protected forest land, and the settlers were evicted in a brutal display of state power in May, 1979.” 222 Notes 12. Although the Sundarbans is often thought of as merely a habitat for the tiger, it is also home to some of the poorest people in the state of West Bengal. It lacks “basic infrastructure such as electricity, drinking water and health centers.” Moreover, the “region is also referred to as ‘Kolkata’s servant’ (‘Kolkatar jhi’), due to the large number of people from this region working as servants in the houses of Kolkata’s affluent” (Jalais). 13. In a communist society, “nobody has one exclusive sphere of activity but each can become accomplished in any branch he wishes, society regulates the general production and thus makes it possible for me to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticise after dinner, just as I have in mind, without ever becoming hunter, fisherman, shepherd or critic” (Marx-Engels Reader 160). 14. Perhaps one of the finest accounts of the Morichjhãpi incident is Annu Jalais’s “Dwelling on Morichjhãpi: When Tigers Became ‘Citizens,’ Refugees ‘Tiger Food.’ ” Here she recounts the scale of the massacre: “in all 4,128 families who had come from Dandakaranya to find a place in West Bengal perished of cholera, starvation, disease, exhaustion, in transit while sent back to their camps, by drowning when their boats were scuttled by the police or shot to death in Kashipur, Kumirmari, and Morichjhãpi by police firings.” 15. We see a remarkably similar relationship depicted in Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things. In this novel, Roy depicts a doomed relationship between Ammu—a middle-class Syrian Christian—and Velutha—a Dalit. Velutha, like Fokir, is an impossibly virtuous character, representing “natural” forces, while Ammu, not unlike Piya, tries to break free from the conventions of gender and class. 16. There has been some pointed criticism of the work of NGOs in India, but one of the more troubling accusations is that the donors from the North determine the policies of these organizations. All too often, these donors decide what the priorities and needs of the “poor” are or should be. For more on the subject of NGOs, see Arundhati Roy’s “Public Power in the Age of Empire.”
Chapter 4
1. The recent popularization of micro-credit schemes and the promotion of women entrepre- neurs fall within this discourse of rights. In this framework, women, rather than transform- ing the relations of production that oppress them, take up the tools of capitalism to address their poverty. 2. It is worth mentioning that Monsoon Wedding went on to become one of the highest-gross- ing foreign films in the United States. The film also garnered Nair a Golden Lion at the Venice Film Festival. 3. The clearest application of this binary in the most recent past, of course, is in the context of the Salman Rushdie affair; however, the controversy over the postponement of Deepa Mehta’s Water also brought to the forefront some of these binaries. Progressive organiza- tions such as the World Socialist Web Site reduced the struggle to that between an artist and the forces of “extremism,” “fundamentalism,” and “communalism.” Those tags ensure that no serious analysis of the controversy is really necessary. The episode was also covered in the Nation, where Stuart Klawans called for support for Mehta. Klawans, despite his impeccable credentials as a thoughtful film critic, characterized the affair in a manner typical of the way these cultural “battles” in the “third world” are reported in the Western media. Klawans refers to Mehta as an “unarmed woman” who is persecuted by “a government, a political party and a religious organization.” 4. The politics of Western film companies using low-paid laborers to construct and clean these “exotic” sets raise many more questions about the transnational production of film. Clearly, Notes 223 Kama Sutra, as product, participates in the unequal cultural and economic transactions that routinely determine relations between wealthy countries and less developed ones. 5. Nair, on being asked whether Hollywood is inaccessible to people of color, had this to say: “It’s not so much who you are, it’s what you’re choosing to do . . . the representations of our own color, our own reality on the international screen is the most important task we set ourselves. No one is going to hand me this opportunity—I create the opportunity to make such films. No one is going to hand it to me” (Melwani 3). 6. Julie, the Chinese mistress, is not very different from her counterpart in the stock Bombay movie. The moll almost always is characterized by her difference from the pure heroine: she wears extravagant make-up, has a “Christian” name such as Rosie, and is sexually promiscu- ous, but often possesses a heart of gold. 7. In an article on corporate values in the film industry, Subhash Jha quotes Mehta: “It’s the producer’s money at stake. So I try to see the market from his point of view as far as possible.” Water was financed by Ajay Virmani and David Hamilton, both Canada-based businessmen “who share a mutual love for Deepa’s cinema and look at movies as any other money-making venture” (Jha 8). 8. According to Chadha, Blair, in a letter to her, had written of Bend It Like Beckham, “We loved it, loved it, because this is my Britain.”
Chapter 5
1. I use the terms “underdeveloped” and “third world” with the understanding that these are terms coined by Western economists and policy makers. These are terms with long histories, and I use them partially to undermine the narrative of capitalist “progress” that determine their use. 2. Dunu Roy writes about this process in greater detail in the pages of the activist magazine Combat Law: “Large areas of habitation of India’s urban poor have been forcefully taken over by every government—regardless of political make-up. The groups of people affected are often the ones who have been employed in informal sectors or are self-employed in the tertiary services sector. Their displacement is as much to do with the space they live in as with the work they perform. The areas that they occupied are being transferred into larger private corporate entities such as commercial complexes and residential developments. These units are also often coupled with labour-replacing devices ranging from automatic tellers and computer-aided machines to vacuum cleaners and home delivery services, thus eliminating the work earlier done by the lower rungs of the urban population. While the driving force behind these changes is manifestly the new globalised economy, it is offered on an environ- mental platter of ‘cleanliness’ and ‘beautification’. In vicious combination these three trends are changing the urban landscape from ‘homes’ to ‘estate ownerships’ in the name of liber- alisation, privatisation and globalisation.” 3. According to C. Chandramouli, “the basic characteristics of slums are—dilapidated and infirm housing structures, poor ventilation, acute over-crowding, faulty alignment of streets, inadequate lighting, paucity of safe drinking water, water logging during rains, absence of toilet facilities and non-availability of basic physical and social services. The living condi- tions in slums are usually unhygienic and contrary to all norms of planned urban growth and are an important factor in accelerating transmission of various air and water borne diseases” (82). A bustee, according to Chakravorty, is an “inferior slum. There are at least 2,000 bustees in Calcutta city, and in the metropolitan area the total bustee population was estimated to be 3 million” (76). Slum residents usually have some rights to the land, but “squatter” settle- ments have little or no rights to their piece of the soil. 224 Notes 4. The ironies of this vision were hopelessly exposed during the July 2005 rains. According to reports, the downpours caused massive disruptions partly because “the storm drain system, much of it built a century ago, has been clogged with garbage. The shanties of the poor as well as the thrash of the rich, have blocked gutters and creeks. Mangrove swamps, which act as nature’s bathtub during the rainy season, have been built over. A river that once allowed storm water to be carried down to the Arabian Sea has since been pinched by the construc- tion of a new road that is to connect a northern suburb to mid-town Mumbai” (Sengupta, “Torrential” A3). Such are the fruits of development. 5. In a much-publicized initiative in 1996, “Operation Sunshine,” fifty thousand hawkers were removed from the city’s main streets shortly before a visit by British Prime Minister John Major. 6. This, of course, is part of the urban competition syndrome, which is a significant element of liberalization. Information technology has been heralded as the pathway to the global future, offering immense possibilities for all of India’s citizens. However, the reality is more sober- ing. According to a report by the California-based research institute Food First Institute for Food and Development Policy, the “idea that the information technology boom in India benefits the poor is a myth.” Raj Patel, the report’s main author, reminds us that while “both the World Bank and the Indian government are keen to play up the success of the informa- tion technology industry and its role as a path to a new era of prosperity,” it is important to remember, “Information technology only contributes 2 percent of total GDP and employs fewer than one million people.” More than “230 million people are employed in the agri- cultural sector” in India, and they are “unlikely to benefit directly from the boom” (qtd. in Michael). 7. Among the many other “incentives” offered are the prospect of hiring “fresh graduates” at salaries that are 10–15 percent lower than in other metropolitan areas. Most importantly, however, ITES companies have been given special “Public Utility Service” provider status. This provision allows the following privileges: “permission for women to work at night, per- mission to run three shifts irrespective of national holidays, relaxation in building and zon- ing laws, exemption from zoning laws for purposes of regulations, exemption from statutory power cuts and exemption from purview of West Bengal Pollution Control Act.” Software Technology Parks of India—http://www.kol.stpi.in/advantages_in_bengal.html. Moreover, these companies are allowed self-certification in area such as the Minimum Wages Act, Contract Labour Act, Workmen’s Compensation Act, and Water and Air Pollution Act. In short, these companies are going to be allowed to regulate themselves in such areas as work- ers’ rights and environmental laws. IT and BPO (Business process outsourcing) employees will not be considered blue-collar workers and will not be compelled to join strikes. The government has prepared special IT stickers (similar to the ones doctors put on their cars) so that these cars can pass unhindered during strike situations. The West Bengal government has also removed IT from the Shops and Establishment Act so that these industries can work nonstop (S. Prasad 66). 8. The term pablik refers to a “street” collective that is often viewed as outside the sphere of social or state control. It captures the democratic spirit of the crowd, ungovernable and carnivalesque. 9. Organizations such as McKinsey & Company have been at the forefront of the many priva- tization projects around the world, providing the ideological economic logic for globaliza- tion. In its publication, the McKinsey Quarterly, the following “barriers” are identified as being detrimental to the growing Indian economy: “myriad regulations governing products and markets, distortions in the market for land, and widespread government ownership of businesses.” In short, any attempt to regulate private ownership is viewed by McKinsey & Company as a barrier to growth. The article goes on to claim that “India’s economy could be the fastest growing in the world—and the country’s citizens twice as well off—if its policy makers embraced a deeper, faster process of economic reform” (Di Lodovico et al.) Notes 225 10. Both photographs can be found in the “Mall of Southern Delight” article from January 17, 2005, and archived on the Telegraph’s website. As of August 6, 2010, the link to the article was
Afterword
1. The seizure of tribal lands in Orissa for the construction of a steel plant by the Korean com- pany Posco is just one example of this continuous rite of dispossession, although even in this instance, the people of the region have fought a spirited battle to retain their land against overwhelming odds. WORKS CITED
“A Decade On, Vendor Rights Still Stall New Lake Market.” Telegraph 6 June 2003. Print. Ahmad, Aijaz. “Fascism and National Culture: Reading Gramsci in the Days of Hindutva.” Social Scientist 21.3–4 (Mar.–Apr. 1993): 32–68. Print. ———. In Theory: Classes, Nations, Literatures. London: Verso, 1992. Print. ———. On Communalism and Globalization: Offensives of the Far Right. New Delhi: Three Essays, 2002. Print. ———. “On the Ruins of Ayodhya: Communalist Offensive and Recovery of the Secular.” Lineages of the Present: Ideology and Politics in Contemporary South Asia. By Aijaz Ahmad. London: Verso, 2000. 167–206. Print. ———. “The Politics of Literary Postcoloniality.” Race & Class 36.3 (1995): 1–20. Print. Aldama, Frederick Luis. “An Interview with Amitav Ghosh.” World Literature Today Spring 2002: 84–90. Print. Althusser, Louis and Etienne Balibar. Reading Capital. Brooklyn, NY: Verso, 2009. Print. Ambani, Mukesh. “Preparing the Indian Mind for the New World.” India Today 19 Jan. 2003: 124–26. Print. Amin, Samir. Capitalism in the Age of Globalization: The Management of Contemporary Society. Atlantic Highlands: Zed Books, 1997. Print. ———. The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. New York: Monthly Review, 2004. Print. Angotti, Thomas. “Latin American Urbanization and Planning: Inequality and Unsustainability in North and South.” Latin American Perspectives 23.4 (1996): 12–34. Print. Appadurai, Arjun and Carol A. Breckenridge. “Public Modernity in India.” Consuming Moder- nity: Public Culture in a South Asian World. Ed. Carol A. Breckenridge. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1995: 1–20. Print. Appiah, Kwame A. Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers. New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2006. Print. Arrighi, Giovanni. The Long Twentieth Century: Money, Power, and the Origins of Our Times. London: Verso, 1994. Print. Ashby, Justine. “Postfeminism in the British Frame.” Cinema Journal 44.2 (2005): 127–32. Print. Bartolovich, Crystal. “Introduction: Marxism, Modernity, and Postcolonial Studies.” Marxism, Modernity and Postcolonial Studies. Ed. Crystal Bartolovich and Neil Lazarus. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002. Print. Bartolovich, Crystal and Neil Lazarus, eds. Marxism, Modernity and Postcolonial Studies. Cam- bridge: Cambridge UP, 2002. Print. 228 Works Cited Bauman, Zygmunt. Liquid Times: Living in an Age of Uncertainty. Cambridge: Polity, 2007. Print. Baviskar, Amita. “The Dream Machine: The Model Development Project and the Remaking ofthe State.” Waterscapes: The Cultural Politics of a Natural Resource. New Delhi: Permanent Black, 2007: 281–313. Print. Bello, Walden. Deglobalization: Ideas for a New World Economy. Atlantic Highlands: Zed Books, 2005. Print. Bend It Like Beckham. Dir. Gurinder Chadha. Helkron SK, 2002. Film. “Bend It Like Beckham Is Like Curry.” Times of India 10 July 2002: n. pag. IndiaTimes.com. Web. 8 Dec. 2009. Benjamin, Walter. The Arcades Project. Trans. Howard Eiland and Kevin McLaughlin. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2002. Bhaan, Shareen. “Ask for a Moment.” The Week 18 Feb. 2007: 44. Print. Bhabha, Homi. “Introduction: Narrating the Nation.” Introduction. Nation and Narration. Ed. Homi Bhabha. New York: Routledge, 1990. 1–18. Print. ———. The Location of Culture. New York: Routledge, 1994. Print. Bharatiya Janata Party. Economic Policy Statement 1992: Our Commitment to Antyodaya – Humanistic Approach to Economic Development (A Swadeshi Alternative). New Delhi: BJP, 1992. Print. ———. Vote BJP, Vote for a Stable Government, Vote for an Able Prime Minister: Election Manifesto 1998. New Delhi: BJP, 1998. Print. ———. Vision Document 2004. New Delhi: BJP, 2004. Print. Bharucha, Rustom. In the Name of the Secular: Contemporary Cultural Activism in India. New Delhi: Oxford UP, 1994. Print. Bhattacharyya, Debashis. “Fear and Gloom in Uttarbhag.” Telegraph Sept.25, 2005 n.d. TelegraphIndia.com. Web. 1 Sept. 2010. Print. Bist, Raju. “The Great Indian Mall Boom.” Asia Times Online 24 July 2004: n. pag. Web. 8 Dec. 2009. Bombay Stock Exchange Limited. “Historical Values for BSE Indices.” Bombay Stock Exchange LTD. n.d. Web. 31 Aug. 2010.
Advani, L. K., 82 embracing privatization, 16, 33, 86 Ahmad, Aijaz, 46, 115, 128, 143, 215, in Gujarat, 27, 81, 216 217, 219 and the new Indian citizen/subject, 4, Ambani, Mukesh, 28, 29 16, 19, 21, 27, 29, 53, 65, 80, 88, 89 Amin, Samir, 53, 215 promoting Hindutva, 19, 27, 28, 47, Appadurai, Arjun, 112, 152 52, 82, 87 and Carol Breckenridge, 7, 8, 10, and the Rashtriya Seva Sangh 42, 195 (RSS), 84 Arrighi, Giovanni, 215 in relation to the middle class, 16, 36, Ashby, Justine, 173 47, 84, 88, 89 Asian Development Bank, 3 and secularism, 10, 16, 34, 47–49, Azmi, Shabana, 33 117, 155, “shining India,” 6, 15, 35, 36, 51, Babri Mosque (Masjid), 4, 27, 39, 47, 52, 65 52, 82 swadeshi, 36, 49, 80, 83, 86, 88 Bachchan, Amitabh, 30 and transnational productions, 80, Corporation, 14 155, 165, 172 Bangalore, 13, 150, 197, 216 use of advertising, 35, 36 Bartolovich, Crystal, 53 Vajpayee, Atal Bihari, 27, 28, 29, and Neil Lazarus, 9, 215 35, 82 Bauman, Zygmunt, 217 Vision Document, 10, 19, 53, 66, 78, Baviskar, Amita, 206 80, 81, 85, 88, 94, 98, 103, 156 Bello, Walden, 215 Bharucha, Rustom, 156, 217 Bengal, 109, 181, 213 Bhatt, Mahesh, 166 Bengali Renaissance, 108 Bhattacharjee, Buddhadeb, 183, Bhaan, Shareen, 145 190, 192 Bhabha, Homi, 112, 118, 152, 157, 158 Blair, Tony, 73, 173, 175, 223 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), 1, 31, Bollywood, 172, 177, 198 37, 217 Bombay First, 188 and the Babri Mosque (Masjid), 4, 27, Bombay Stock Exchange (Sensex), 2, 215 39, 47, 52, 82 Bourdieu, Pierre, 59, 60, 187 240 Index bourgeois, 11, 53, 55, 78, 114, 121, Person of Indian Origin (PIO), 4, 13 145, 168 privatization, 59, 88, 205, 206 bourgeoisie, 51, 108, 112, 114, 115, 183 transnational, 73, 74, 180 Brennan, Timothy see also subjectivity At Home in the World, 110, 216, 220 Cohen, Stephen, 34 and cosmopolitanism, 111, 112 Comaroff, Jean and John, 25, 44 “The Economic Image,” 10 commodity, 7, 29, 44, 46, 52, 61, 68, 74, Wars of Position, 111 116, 123, 130, 138, 148, 149, 150, Britain, 2, 107, 154, 172, 173, 175, 177, 157, 158, 161, 162, 165, 168, 169, 178, 189, 223 172, 178, 186, 187, 195, 196, 205, Bush, George W., 32, 173, 217, 219 213, 215 Business Week, 34 advertising, 5, 19, 30, 45, 64, 69–73, 80, 96, 97, 98–101, 168 Cairo, 119, 122, 123 media, 5, 18, 42, 45, 63–65, 72, 80, Center for the Study of Developing 98, 138, 156 Societies (CSDS), 216, 220 privatization, 6, 42, 64, 156, 184, 185 Chadha, Gurinder, 20, 146, 151, 154, television, 18, 80 173, 179, 180, 223 communism, 36, 38, 57, 111, 114, 192, Bend it Like Beckham, 154, 172, 173, 208, 222 175, 178, 223 Congress Party, 1, 33, 38, 49, 83, 188, Bride and Prejudice, 154 211, 215 Chakrabarti, Anjan and Stephen advertising, 2, 3, 36, 80 Cullenburg, 24, 45, 46 bourgeois, 51 Chakrabarti, Ashish, 193 consumerism, 3, 16, 21, 51, 82 Chakrabarty, Dipesh, 119 crisis, 16, 51, 82, 218 Chakravarti, Uma, 82 new Indian citizen/subject, 16, 21, Chakravorty, Sanjoy, 189, 190, 191, 192, 48, 214 208, 223 privatization, 16 Chambers, Claire, 126, 127 see also secularism Chatterjee, Bankim Chandra, 108, 109 consumer(s), 7, 12, 14, 19, 20, 62, 63, Chhattisgarh, 57 66–72, 75, 77, 79, 80, 85, 89, 91, Chow, Rey, 118, 158 95, 97, 103, 104, 127, 144, 146–50, citizenship, 6, 84, 88, 105, 125, 197, 214 179, 186, 191, 221 and the commodity, 64 bourgeois, 11, 53, 55, 78, 114, 121, and consumerism, 21, 25, 62, 63, 72, 145, 168 75, 76, 104, 196, 197, 208, 214 privatization, 39, 64, 73, 88, 156, cosmopolitanism, 125 193, 225 crisis, 16 see also commodity, consumerism, labor, 9, 25 consumption New Indian citizen/subject, 24–28, consumerism, 3, 4, 16, 19, 20, 26, 44, 50, 59, 61, 62, 65–69, 73, 39, 51, 52, 57, 62, 63, 75–77, 76–80, 96, 105, 125, 200 82, 85, 96, 98, 112, 168, 193, 195, Non-resident Indian (NRI), 91 200, 208 Overseas Citizenship of India (OCI), see also commodty, consumer(s), 4, 220 consumption Index 241 consumption, 3, 6, 8, 13, 19, 21, 25, Ebert, Roger, 160 29, 43–46, 61, 63, 67–77, 86, 92, economic liberalization, 12–14, 49, 68, 97, 98, 104, 110, 147, 149, 152–57, 76, 81, 83, 85, 130, 191, 200, 217 161, 162, 173, 186, 194–97, 205, advertising, 2, 3, 19, 24, 26, 30, 35, 206, 216–19, 222 36, 45, 64, 69, 70, 71, 89, 103, 104 Corrigan, Phillip and Derek crisis, 16, 19, 40, 46, 47, 51, 52, 58, Sayer, 62 82, 208, 218 Cosmopolitanism, 116, 124, 131 labor, 1, 6, 18, 28, 30–32, 45, 46, 56, Bengal, 109, 181, 213 60, 77, 104, 184, 187, 188, 190, bourgeois, 115 192, 208, 215, 218, 224 citizenship, 20, 220, 221 media, 2, 4, 16, 18, 26, 30–35, 45, 65, consumerism, 75, 76, 123, 194 70, 89, 95, 103, 146, 194 language of, 108, 109, 110, 112, 113 and privatization, 6, 16, 17, 32, 33, New Indian citizen/subject, 20, 39, 40, 42, 64, 86, 156, 184, 185, 121, 129 193, 225 in the present, 8, 108, 110–14, 117, resistance to, 1, 4, 6, 18, 19, 26, 27, 122, 125, 156, 164 47, 56, 69, 104, 184, 201 transnational, 120 television, 3, 18, 40, 103–104, 145, 218 see also Ghosh, Amitav see also economic reforms crisis, 44, 50, 112, 118, 140, 141, economic reforms, 1–5, 8, 9, 12–21, 150, 189 26–28, 32, 35–41, 49, 64, 66, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), 10, 16, 67, 70, 78, 81, 83–88, 94, 98, 19, 47, 51–53, 82, 84 104, 129, 135, 146, 148, 189, 190, Congress Party, 16, 51, 82, 218 215–20, 225 economic liberalization, 16, 19, 40, see also economic liberalization 46, 47, 51, 52, 58, 82, 208, 218 Emaar MGF, 93 New India, 8–10, 16, 19, 20, 23, 40, Engels, Friedrich, 114 46, 51, 58, 82, 94 English language, 66, 72, 79, 111 Cvetkovich, Ann and Doug Kellner, 152 Fair and Lovely, 99–104, 179 feminism, 13, 20, 98, 146, 147, 151, 159, Dalits, 38, 45, 49, 77, 96, 216, 222 166, 170, 171, 172, 177, 178, 180 decolonization, 38, 58, 64, 88, 109, see also women 110–14, 126, 221 Fernandes, Leela, 44, 45, 67, 68, 71, 72, decolonization movements, 112–14 79, 88, 98, 104, 150 Delhi, 80, 93, 132, 170, 188, 197 fetishization, 23, 45, 46, 51, 52, 66, 88, Desai, Jigna, 151, 166 158, 171, 186, 195–97 Desai, Manisha, 148 Food First Institute for Food and diaspora, 4, 11, 12, 13, 18, 20, 47, 74, Development Policy, 224 84, 111, 118, 146, 153, 154, 157, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), 35, 171, 178, 180 39, 75, 215 discrimination, 35, 146, 155, 175 Freight Equalization Policy, 189 Dixon, Robert, 118, 126 Friedman, Thomas, 31, 32, 33, 128, Doval, Nikita, 145 144, 151, 217 Dutt, Michael Madhusudhan, 108 Fukuyama, Francis, 95 242 Index G8 nations, 185 globalization, 34, 37, 49, 53, 54, 66, 81, Gandhi, Indira, 38, 57, 218 83, 101, 111, 120, 123–26, 132, 178, Gandhi, Leela, 120 180, 183, 203, 207, 209, 217, 218 Gandhi, Mahatma, 64, 76, 78, 79, 167 citizenship, 6, 24, 44, 50, 59, 62, 72, Gandhi, Rajiv, 1, 33, 39 76, 84, 88, 105, 125, 196, 197, 208, Gandhi, Sonia, 36 214, 220 Ganguly-Scrase, Ruchira, and Timothy consumerism, 7, 11, 20, 44–46, 62, J. Scrase, 208 57, 72, 76, 85, 98, 144, 150, 186, Geertz, Clifford, 122, 123 193–95, 208, 221, 225 Ghosh, Amitav labor, 5, 7, 41, 45, 46, 55, 137, 184, In an Antique Land (IAAL), 16, 20, 187–88, 192, 198, 208 109, 110, 116–23, 125, 127, 129–35, middle class, 45, 62, 72, 90, 98, 184, 140, 144, 221 192, 193 Calcutta Chromosome, 109 privatization, 58, 90, 151, 184, 185, The Circle of Reason, 109, 116, 132 193, 225 and the Commonwealth Foundation, resistance, 7, 11, 20, 44, 57, 58, 110, 107, 108 113, 131, 142, 143, 144, 184 and cosmopolitanism, 16, 108–17, see also the global 120–44 Gopinath, Gayatri, 169, 176, 177 Countdown, 108, 116, 221 Gramsci, Antonio, 26, 43, 115, 116, The Glass Palace, 107, 109, 116 128, 129 The Hungry Tide (THT), 20, 109, 110, and Italian cosmopolitanism, 115, 116 130, 132, 134, 140, 144 Grewal, Inderpal, 117, 119, 123 and language, 111–15, 123, 124, 132–39 and Caren Kaplan, 153, 180 and modernity, 108, 110, 111, 125, 134 Guha, Ranajit, 118, 126, 217 and religion, 109, 116, 117, 122–25, Gujarat, 27, 81, 216 128, 129, 133–35, 144 massacre in, 4, 217 The Sea of Poppies, 109 Gulzar, Meghna, 145 Shadow Lines, 109, 116, 124, 126, 132, 135 Hall, Stuart, 156 slavery, 117, 121, 122 Hansen, Thomas, 27 and technology, 124, 131, 133, 139, 143 Harriss-White, Barbara, 41, 45, 48, 51, “The Testimony of My Grandfather’s 55, 148 Bookcase,” 109 Harvey, David, 17, 56, 151, 186, 207, 215 and transnational civic space, 109, hegemony, 4, 5, 16, 19, 24–26, 42–44, 110, 113, 120, 128, 129, 131, 53, 68, 71, 79, 104, 108, 112, 113, 135, 143 118, 128, 129, 144, 172, 178, 180 Ghosh, Bishnupriya, 111 Henwood, Doug, 215 Ghosh, Jayati, 45, 216 heteronormativity, 173, 176, 177 Giddens, Anthony, 73 The Hindu, 34, 95, 172 Gidwani, Vinay, 200 Hinduism, 8, 10, 13, 14, 16, 27, 47, 49–51, Gilroy, Paul, 112, 152 82–88, 96, 108, 125, 127, 134, 141, the global, 3, 17, 29, 56–58, 64, 69, 152, 155, 156, 165, 166, 169, 218 70–103, 132, 133, 151, 219 Hindutva, 19, 27, 28, 47, 52, 82, 87 see also globalization Hollywood, 154, 164, 223 Index 243 homophobia, 176 Latin America, 221 homosexuality, 155, 166, 176, 177 Lawrence, David, 173 Human Development Index, 2, 90 Lean, David, 161 Lefebvre, Henri, 196, 197, 207 India, independence of, 4, 5, 14, 36, Left Front, 188, 190, 191, 221 38–40, 58, 77, 88, 108, 130, 169, Lenin, Vladimir, 112, 143 189, 218 Lokniti, 80, 95 India Today, 36, 79, 82, 94, 95, 96, 98 Lowe, Lisa and David Lloyd, 148, 150 Indian Express, 35, 165 Luce, Edward, 31, 32 Indian Stock Exchange, 36 Indian Supreme Court, 166, 187 Mandel, Ernest, 50, 55 Information Technology Enabled Marx, Karl, 17, 114, 115, 183, 195, 197 Services (ITES), 190, 224 The Communist Manifesto, 114, 183 International Monetary Fund (IMF), 14, and Friedrich Engels, 114, 183 17, 52, 54, 82, 148, 185, 218 The Genesis of Capital, 54 The German Ideology, 135 Jameson, Fredric, 7, 11, 12, 151, 215 Grundrisse, 196 Jani, Pranav, 220 and the internationalization of capital, 115 Kanakpura, 57 Marxism, 9, 38, 114, 188, 192 Kargil, 4, 35 masculinity, 146, 164, 169 Kashmir, 4, 47, 216 Masih, Donna Catherine, 145 Keogh, Tom, 160 Maslin, Janet, 160 Kerala, 15, 34, 57 Mazzarella, William, 8, 78 Khare, Harish, 34 McKinsey & Company, 188, 192, 224 Kolkata (Calcutta), 93, 184, 190, 199, 224 Mehta, Deepa, 20, 146, 151, 156–58, Calcutta Metropolitan Development 169–73, 177–80 Authority (CMDA), 192 Earth, 154 Calcutta Municipal Corporation Fire, 16, 145, 154, 155, 159, 160, 162, (CMC), 198, 201, 205 165–68, 179 Communist Party of India (CPI) Water, 15, 223 [Marxist], 143, 189, 221 Young Indiana Jones, 154 consumerism, 20–21, 91, 92, 191–97, Menon, Nivedita, 50 200, 208, 216–19, 222 andAditya Nigam, 216 globalization, 20, 90, 142, 188, Mercer, Kobena, 158 192–95, 198, 207, 208 middle class, 12, 13, 17, 39, 40, 60, 61, public sphere, 29, 48, 49, 52, 195 67, 68, 105, 134, 140, 144, 169, 184, South City, 92 191–93, 199, 200 see also Lake Mall, Lake Market advertising, 3, 36, 45, 64, 69–73, 79, Kripalani, Manjeet, 34, 40 89, 90, 97–104, 168 Kumar, Amitava, 153, 157 BJP, 16, 36, 47, 84, 88, 89 media, 16, 45, 63, 72, 79, 89, 94–98, Lake Mall, 198, 200, 206, 208, 211 103, 146, 222 Lake Market television, 3, 73, 79, 97–100, vendors in, 184, 196–208, 211–14, 219 103, 104 244 Index middle class—Continued labor, 1, 18, 25, 30, 32, 41, 45, 46, 60, transnational, 62, 73, 74, 75, 90, 97, 63, 97, 137, 147–49, 192, 208, 215 146, 149, 222 middle class, 39, 40, 45, 47, 60–64, 69, Mishra, Pankaj, 30, 31 73, 74, 89, 95, 97, 146, 149, 192, 200 Mishra, Vijay, 216 privatization, 18, 29, 32, 39, 40, 42, Modi, Narender, 81 58, 59, 73, 86, 173, 185 Modi, Vijay, 215 public sphere, 29, 48, 49, 52, 195 Mongia, Padmini, 26 and resistance to, 1, 4, 6, 7, 11, 15, Morichjhãpi, 130, 132, 134, 135, 141, 18–21, 26–29, 42, 44, 47, 56–58, 221, 222 69, 88, 104, 110–13, 131, 140–44, Mughal(s), 164, 165 152, 156, 166, 181, 184, 201, 211, Mukherjee, Subrata, 200 213, 219, 220 Mumbai (Bombay), 4, 13, 34, 57, 83, transnational, 5, 7, 9, 14, 20, 42, 152, 155, 178, 187, 188, 194, 216, 55–58, 62, 73–75, 80, 90, 97, 223, 224 108–10, 117, 120, 123, 129, 131, Munshi, Shoma, 98, 102 135, 143, 146, 147, 149, 151–58, Muslim(s), 45, 96, 125, 141, 167, 169, 164–67, 172, 180, 223 216, 221 New Delhi, 31, 37, 93, 137, 142, 159, and the BJP, 49, 83, 165, 217 167, 170 the New India, 12, 31, 33, 37, 38, 43, Nair, Mira, 20, 146, 151, 156, 158, 164, 48, 65, 68, 130, 146, 179, 180, 200, 170–73, 177–80 214, 217 Kama Sutra, 154, 155, 157, 159, 160, advertising, 2, 3, 19, 24, 26, 30, 35, 161, 162, 163, 165, 168, 223 64, 70, 93 Mississippi Masala, 154 Bombay Stock Exchange (Sensex), Monsoon Wedding, 154, 222 2, 215 The Namesake, 154 crisis, 8, 9, 10, 16, 19, 20, 23, 40, 46, Salaam Bombay, 154, 162 51, 58, 82, 94 Vanity Fair, 154 Indian Stock Exchange, 36 Nandigram, 4, 15, 57, 193, 209, 213 International Monetary Fund, 17, 82 Naples, Nancy, 147, 148 labor, 6, 7, 9, 15, 18, 30, 32, 41, 46, National Democratic Alliance 55, 137, 149, 220 (NDA), 35 and Maoist response to, 4, 15, 69, 209, Nayar, Baldev Raj, 84, 85 211, 219 Nayar, Narendra, 188 privatization, 6, 16, 17, 18, 29, 32, 39, Nehru, Jawaharlal, 16, 38, 49, 64, 76, 40, 42, 58, 64 78, 215 and resistance to, 4, 6, 7, 11, 15, neoliberalism, 2, 10, 24, 31, 33, 35, 38, 18–21, 26, 27, 29, 42, 57, 58, 131, 66, 76, 87, 91, 102, 174, 177, 209, 144, 201, 220 217, 221 WTO, 34 bourgeois, 78 see also shopping mall(s), World Bank citizenship, 67, 74, 181, 219 new Indian citizen/subject, 23 commodity, 18, 30, 42, 44–46, 61, 64, BJP, 4, 16, 19, 21, 27, 48, 53, 65, 80, 65, 69, 73, 74, 80, 96, 97, 116, 130, 88, 89 138, 148, 149, 165, 172, 182–86, 215 bourgeois, 11, 53, 55, 78, 145 Index 245 commodity, 5, 6, 19, 29, 44, 46, public culture, 5, 7, 27, 29, 43, 45, 64, 197 63–65, 80, 96, 130, 138 Purie, Aroon, 94, 95, 96 consumerism, 4, 12, 14, 16, 19, 21, 26, 29, 43, 44, 46, 62–68, 79, 80, Quinn, Declan, 160 88, 89, 95, 97, 104, 146 globalization, 5, 11, 44, 46, 50, racism, 175, 177, 178 53–58, 76, 137, 203, 214 Radhakrishnan, R., 151 labor, 5, 6, 9, 15, 46, 56, 63, 104, Rajagopal, Arvind, 8, 49, 52 147, 204 Rashtriya Seva Sangh (RSS), 84 middle class, 12, 16, 47, 63, 79, 88, Reagan, Ronald, 39, 60, 62, 185 89, 97, 104, 146 reterritorialization, 150, 152 neoliberalism, 11, 26, 29, 46, 57, 58, Rose, Charlie, 32, 33 63, 65, 76, 80, 89, 96, 137, 146 Rosedale, 90, 91, 93 resistance, 4, 6, 11, 15, 19, 21, 26, 27, Roy, Ananya, 189, 190, 191, 192, 208 29, 44, 56–58, 88, 104 Roy, Arundhati, 111, 222 transnational, 5, 9, 14, 56–58, Roy, Dunu, 223 80, 129 New York film festival, 155, 166 Said, Edward New York Times, 30, 31, 36, 101, 151, Culture and Imperialism, 216 160, 166, 192, 217 Orientalism, 127, 159, 172 Newsweek, 2, 32 Sainath, P., 215, 218 Nigam, Aditya, 39, 57, 216 Sarkar, Sumit, 216, 217 Nilekani, Nandan, 31 Sassen, Saskia, 187 Niranjana, Tejaswini, 98 secularism, 96, 144, 216 non-governmental organizations and communalism, 10, 43, 44 (NGOs), 131, 142, 143, 222 cosmopolitanism, 16, 117, 130, 156 Non-resident Indian (NRI), 12, 13, 74, crisis of, 8, 10, 23, 44 89, 90, 91 and democracy, 34, 38 economic liberalization, 48–50 The Observer, 2 and fundamentalism, 9, 48, 128 Ong, Aihwa, 62, 63 and Hindutva, 47, 49 Other Backward Classes (OBC), 15, 77 modernism, 50, 78, 109, 126, 155 Overseas Citizenship of India (OCI), 4, and socialism, 16 74, 220 and women’s rights, 156 Özkan, Derya and Robert Foster, 72, see also Hinduism 74, 75, 76, 78 Sena, Shiv, 155, 165 Seth, Vikram, 18, 107, 108, 111 Pakistan, 52, 64, 189, 215, 221 sexuality, 95, 219 Pan-Africanism, 113 in advertising, 101, 103 Parry, Benita, 216 in film, 147, 150, 151, 155, 157, 160, Perry, Alex, 32, 33 161, 164, 165, 168, 170, 173, 176, Person of Indian Origin (PIO), 4, 13, 74 177, 179 Pizza Hut, 72, 73, 75 shopping mall(s), 21, 26, 33, 70, 72, 89, Pokhran, 84 92, 184, 187, 191, 193–205, 209 Projansky, Sarah, 173 see also Lake Mall 246 Index Shourie, Arun, 35, 41 Trotsky, Leon, 55 Sidwa, Bapsi, 166 Tsing, Anna, 15, 51, 186 Singapore, 134, 152, 178 Turkey, 74, 75 Singh, Jaswant, 84 Singh, Manmohan, 2, 33, 36, 37, 41, 218 United Arab Emirates (UAE), 152 Smith, Neil, 60, 215 United Kingdom, 12, 60, 152, 220 socialism, 16, 33, 38, 41, 49, 55, 60, 79, United Nations, 2, 34, 90, 148 112, 190 United States, 2, 12, 34, 60, 91, 111, Society for Innovation and 112, 125, 136, 146, 152, 155, 158, Entrepreneurship (SINE), 34, 40 174, 175, 178, 194, 222 South Asia, 7, 146 independence of, 112 Vajpayee, Atal Bihari, 27, 28, 29, 35, 82 Sparke, Matthew, 66, 73, 74 Van Gelder, Lawrence, 166 Spivak, Gayatri, 54, 118, 126, 153, 171, Vanaik, Achin, 10, 50, 51, 218 172, 216 Steinem, Gloria, 166 The Week, 145, 147, 148, 165, 179 Subaltern Studies the West, 29, 34, 55, 67, 74, 76, 85, 90, historians, 118, 126 91, 92, 109, 110, 117, 118, 122, 125, project, 118 128, 141, 143, 144, 146, 149, 153, subjectivity, 13, 18, 23, 24, 46, 65, 66, 154, 156, 158, 159, 179, 180, 184, 80, 88, 103, 104, 137, 140, 162, 185, 187, 198, 215, 225 179, 180 and capitalism, 54, 62, 75, 104, 129 commodity, 46, 138, 162, 178 firms in, 43, 77, 124, 139 neoliberalism, 18, 24, 46, 65, 66, and malls, 26, 71, 77, 193 137, 180 and media, 2, 30, 32, 48, 157, 161, resistance, 18, 88, 104, 140, 181 166–72, 223 see also citizenship publishing houses in, 18, 111 Sunderbans, 131–34, 142, 221 and values, 13, 69, 72, 99, 100, 107, 111, 119, 129, 132, 136, 160–62, Taj Mahal, 167, 170, 202, 209 196, 201 Tata, 4, 77, 193, 217, 220 and view of India, 31, 32, 35 Telangana, 57 West Bengal, 4, 15, 57, 132, 183, 188, The Telegraph, 192, 194, 198, 199, 201, 190, 193, 207, 208, 221, 222, 224 204, 225 Williams, Raymond, 6, 29 television (TV), 18, 40, 73, 145, 154, women 167, 218, 220 and independence, 101, 145, 149, 166, and advertising, 3, 66, 79, 80, 155 169, 173 and gender, 96–104 and sexual liberation, 20, 98, 103, Tharoor, Shashi, 34, 35, 108 166, 168, 169, 172, 174, 176, Thatcher, Margaret, 30, 39, 59, 60, 61, 178, 180 62, 69, 78, 105, 173, 185, 219 Women’s Own, 59 the Third International, 113 World Bank, 14, 18, 54, 82, 148, 153, Time magazine, 32, 33 185, 215, 218, 224 The Times of India, 30, 42, 79, 220 Timmons, Heather, 101, 102, 103 Zakaria, Fareed, 32, 33, 34, 41