66

SOME PERSPECTIVES ON

Thomas B. Grassey

For many years people in the United under "peace with honor," it is possible States argued that the outcome of the to see why our counterinsurgency effort Vietnam conflict would have critical failed. implications for the future of freedom The paragraph has an odd ring to it. everywhere. The familiar argument ran: There is something strange-and'in that If the Communists were victorious, strangeness we may find at least part of Western security would be weakened; the answer to the question, "Why did but if the Communists were defeated in our counterinsurgency efforts fail?" Try Vietnam, we would have met "The reading the paragraph again, substituting Third Challenge," "Wars of Liberation," revolution for and counter­ and convinced the enemy that he could for counterinsurgency. not succeed in world conquest by What I wish to examine, therefore, is proxy. not Vietnam but the fundamental con­ The insurgency in Vietnam finally ceptual errors of which Vietnam was has reached its conclusion. Perhaps now, merely a symptom. For if we mis­ more than a decade after American conceived the situation, our loss might combat units were introduced to help a not be as ominous as we had feared; if, friendly government deal with an ex­ however, our misconceptions con­ ternally supported insurgency and 3 tributed to or even caused our failure, years after those forces were withdrawn we must correct them before they are repeated. *This essay is based on a lecture given in How we define situations, what August 1975 at the Naval Amphibious labels we attach to realities, which School, Coronado, California. words we use in thinking about the 67

problems we face greatly influence our be the results of a constitutional process judgments and behavior. If we are be­ (Hitler's 1933 accession to power) or a witched by false labels, we will make successful reform movement (U.S. bad decisions. And one of the most women's suffrage). The truly essential disastrous false labels currently in our element in revolution is the rejection of national vocabulary is "counterinsur­ governmental legitimacy: the deliberate gency." Of course, it is not an acciden­ and explicit denial of the government's tal false label; Americans are deeply right to enforce its rules and laws. So a opposed to being "counterrevolution­ revolution is an organized, popularly aries." So we almost invented this odd based attempt to alter radically the word and deliberately applied it even to existing political structure, usually by places where it was wildly inappropriate violent and always by illegal means. (the "meat and potatoes" cases of our Of all the myths about , counterinsurgency courses have been the most prominent American miscon­ Vietnam, China, Cuba, Algeria and ception is that their cause is material Malaya). Unwilling to think about deprivation-, hunger, bad "counterrevolution," we labeled all our health and overcrowding. History does activities "counterinsurgency" and be­ not support such a thesis, but instead came literally unable to discriminate offers Jlotable exceptions. In 1958 Cuba between an insurgency and a revolution. had a large middle class and one of the It is time to recall that distinction. highest per capit~_ incomes in Latin "Insurgency," a word used mostly in America. It should have been one of the international law, is defined as "a revolt least likely candidates for revolution in against a government, not reaching the the Western Hemisphere if the "depriva­ proportion of an organized revolution, tion" thesis were true. Although grind­ and not recognized as belligerency." ing poverty is endemic to India, that Since "insurgency" is defined relative to country has not experienced a revolu­ revolution, what is a revolution? tion since achieving independence. The A revolution may be distinguished Poles and Hungarians had incipient revo­ from a coup d'etat, foreign invasion, lutions in 1956 although they enjoyed military seizure of power, , and higher standards of living than their insurgency by several indicators. The quiescent bloc neighbors. Historians most obvious is that a revolution has agree that the did sizable (though not always majority) not result from material want. It is true organized popular support. It aims at a that poverty is a prominent feature of redistribution of political power, al­ most facing revolution; but the though social, economic and cultural difference between correlation and changes may accompany this shift. It causation is one which we Americans usually involves violence; some writers persistently ignore in justifying foreign (including Frantz Fanon, Regis Debray aid, planning military civic action pro­ and ) consider violence essen­ grams, sponsoring the Peace Corps, and tial to a revolution, but they confuse a studying revolution. usually necessary tactic with a defini­ Curiously, the notion that material tion of the goal. "Nonviolent revolu­ deprivation causes revolution is purely tion" is not a contradiction in terms: Marxian. Marx thought his great "dis­ Gandhi led one such revolution in India, covery" was that economics determines and Lenin surprised himself by coming the structure and processes of every close to a nonviolent Bolshevik revolu­ . tion in Russia. However, revolutionary The general conclusion at activities must be illegal or the changes which I arrived ... may be briefly in society, no matter how radical, will summed up as follows: In the 68

social production which men Durkheim, Lasswell), after considerable carry on they enter into definite research, have concluded that the cause relations that are indispensable of revolution is frustration. We en­ and independent of their will; counter graphs and tabular charts, these relations of production cor­ "curves of rising expectations," mea­ respond to a definite stage of sures of individual discontent and social development of their material anomie, and useful or obscurant powers of production. The sum theories of cohesion and social break­ total of these relations constitutes down. Brian Crozier begins his book: the economic structure of society Frustration is the one element -the real foundation, on which common to all rebels, whatever rise legal and political superstruc­ their aims, political ideals or social tures and to which correspond backgrounds. ... What, then, is definite forms of social conscious­ frustration? For my purpose, it is ness. The in simply the inability to do some­ material life determines the gen­ thing one badly wants to do, eral character of the social, politi­ through circumstances beyond cal, and spiritual processes of life. one's control. 2 It is not the consciousness of men One may readily agree that a revolu­ that determines their existence, tionary is frustrated, but this is not a but, on the contrary, their social markedly useful distinction since almost existence determines their con­ all human beings are in various ways sciousness. At a certain stage frustrated. Moreover, many of these ... the material forces of produc- theories are simplistic blanket notions tion in society come into conflict that barely cover the heroic dedication with the ... property relations one finds among . John within which they had been at Paul Jones' crew, Washington's Valley work before .... Then comes the Forge army, and Nathan Hale were period of social revolution.! "frustrated." Algerians who were Marx believed that, by its very na­ brutally tortured by French para­ ture, must lead to greater and troopers resisted because of "the dis­ greater disparity between the rich few parity between goal visualization and and the impoverished masses, with goal achievement." was a worse and worse material exploitation revolutionary for 60 years because he of the laboring class. Finally, and in­ experienced severe social anomie, and so evitably, the oppressed will rise in revo­ forth. Since social scientists are reluc­ lution against the world's rich to abolish tant to make implicit value judgments private property and establish the class­ by using words like "good," "bad," less, . Although "right," and "wrong" (a scientist "ob_ Americans often accept and promulgate serves facts," he does not "make moral this strictly Marxist idea that poverty, judgments"), and due to our own pre­ hunger and bad living conditions cause occupation with material wealth, we revolutions, the fact is they do not. have all but forgotten the classical po­ Conversely, despite our national pre­ litical theory upon which America was occupation with material wealth, revolu­ built. tions cannot be prevented merely with "The masses of men make revolu­ better food,. housing, clothing and tion," Aristotle wrote, "under the idea health care. Marx was wrong, and so is that they are unjustly treated.,,3 Jus­ this American myth of what causes (or tice, for Aristotle, consisted of treating prevents) revolution. equals alike and unequals differently, Some social scientists (e.g., but in proportion to their relevant 69 differences. This supports the idea that people feel unjustly treated to a severe all men are equal in a fundamental sense degree, and not because of poverty, (the right to be treated justly), yet it frustration or even glaring social in­ allows for dissimilar treatment based on equalities. John Adams understood this inequalities among men. We are not point. He knew that the American obliged to hold that justice requires struggle was not really over taxes or the treating everyone alike, so that all of us king's policies or various acts of Parlia­ must receive identical amounts of food, ment. The issue was sovereignty, the clothing, housing, education, entertain­ right in justice of a people to govern ment and honors. But we are required themselves, and Adams wrote: to show that some relevant difference The Revolution was effected between persons justifies the privileges, before the war commenced. The benefits and burdens each is assigned. Revolution was in the hearts and Thus a ship's captain is entitled to minds of the people .... This radi­ treatment different than a deckhand's cal change in the principles, because of the difference in responsi­ opinions, sentiments and affec­ bilities. Even so, this is always propor­ tions of the people, was the real tional, and there are limits beyond American Revolution.4 [His which the captain-deckhand differen­ emphasis.] tiation cannot be presumed to justify Another myth which we Americans extreme disparities in treatment. have incorporated in our current view of If "the masses of men make revolu­ revolution is that of the outside agita­ tion under the idea that they are un­ tor. It is true that a revolution requires justly treated," the key question is: leadership and organization. Someone What do men think is unjust? For must think "this is unjust"; someone injustice is not a natural phenomenon must propagandize to convince others like rainfall or difference in height; it is that there is an attractive and attainable a human concept, dependent for its alternative to the present-felt injustice; existence on value judgments made by and someone must be willing to break individuals. Feudal serfs who believed laws, engage in violence, and risk his that God made some men to be poor, own safety and security to oppose the cold, hungry serfs and other men to be "oppressor." These roles of thinker, rich, warm, well-fed lords saw no in­ propagandist, and activist define revolu­ justice in their situation. Despite being tionary leadership; they may be filled miserable themselves, and aware of their by one man (Lenin) or several (Jeffer­ baron's luxuries, they did not revolt. son, Paine, Washington). But because Our modern world has parallels: with a leadership is necessary for a revolution, long Brahmin-Parish caste heritage, many people mistakenly believe that it Indian society has tended to accept as is sufficient to cause a revolution. This just great inequalities in the treatment is tantamount to arguing that because of people. Mao Tse-tung wrote that his oxygen is necessary for a fire, the biggest problem in 1928 was getting the presence of oxygen will cause a fire. peasants to realize that something was Common views found in much of our wrong with Chinese society, that some­ counterinsurgency literature and atti­ thing better was feasible. Fidel Castro's tudes are that Lenin, Ho, Fidel, or Mao main support came not from the peas­ and a small band of conspirators suc­ ants but the educated and middle class ceeded in their efforts without genuine -those who were materially comfort­ popular support; that ignorant people able but who felt unjustly excluded were duped; that a small faction com­ from a genuine political process. pelled reluctant support through mass A revolutionary situation exists when terror; or that a skilled propagandist 70 whipped a minor gripe into an un­ question merely as a means to warranted revolutionary issue. attain their ulterior ends ... a sur­ The commonly ignored point is that render to and Commu­ no revolution can succeed without at nism-to no private property, no least the passive support of a sizable church, no law; to , free segment of the population, support lands, free women and free which the revolutionaries can gain only children. 6 through governmental indifference, That sad blindness of the South's stupidity or callousness. Considering the leading apologist for slavery existed, resource imbalance between an estab­ ironically, six years after Friedrich lished government and a nascent revolu­ Engels had naively claimed (in the New tionary movement, the vulnerability of York Daily Tribune): conspirators, the isolation of urban and The times of that superstition rural guerrillas, and the inherent tenden­ which attributed revolutions to cies of people to obey the law and the ill will of a few agitators have oppose radical change ("All Experience long passed away. Everyone hath shown that mankind are more knows nowadays that wherever disposed to suffer, while Evils are suffer­ there is a revolutionary convul­ able, than to right themselves by sion, there must be some social abolishing the Forms to which they are want in the background which is accustomed"s), it is surprising that prevented by outworn institutions revolutions occur at all. Yet throughout from satisfying itself. 7 history we have heard the weary refrain If "outside agitators" are not blamed of privileged groups denying the reality for causing revolutions, "ignorance" is. and legitimacy of anger among the less But as Ted Gurr has noted about this fortunate. Plato and Cicero reported it, explanation: and it may be found prominently in the Man's resort to political vio­ English debates and British lence is in part unreasoning, but colonial empire discussions, as well as in does not occur without reason. the literature defending American Ignorance is almost always among slavery. More recently we have heard its causes: sometimes ignorance of the denial of any genuine problem, the its consequences by those who same automatic response-"outside agi­ resort to it, more often ignorance tators"-to civil rights , student by those who create and maintain campus violence, urban ghetto riots, and the social conditions that inspire military race relations conflicts. it.8 The myth of the outside agitator is So what we see in the myth of the an understandable and very human outside agitator is an attempt by the response, because those who are fortunate to explain away the anger of privileged cannot easily appreciate that those crying "injustice!" by attributing many people really are terribly angry it to external provocateurs and ignor­ about the way the world is. It is ance. Woodrow Wilson recognized and difficult to see a situation as unjust eloquently criticized such self-delusion: unless one is the victim. Consequently, Men do not start revolutions in those who are privileged tend to deny a sudden passion .... Revolutions that there is injustice and blame the do not spring up overnight. Revo­ turmoil on "outside agitators." Thus, in lutions come from the long sup­ 1857, George Fitzhugh wrote: pression of the human spirit. We warn the North that every Revolutions come because men one of the leading abolitionists is know that they have rights and agitating the negro slavery that they are disregarded.9 71

Support of the people is the central movements, they postpone reaction theme of every revolutionary leader and until the situation has grown quite . It is obvious from even the serious. Then military forces are as­ most casual perusal of revolutionary signed to "solve the problem." Admiral literature or history that the majority of Zumwalt told a 1974 Tufts University the people must at least passively accept audience tha~ as a rear admiral in 1963 the revolutionaries' activities. Trotsky he had written that "our national inter­ learned this in abortive Bolshevik at­ est would not be served by becoming tempts to "inspire" revolutions in militarily involved" in Vietnam; his re­ Berlin, Munich, Hungary, Hamburg, Bul­ port, he said, was overruled by a Penta­ garia and Estonia; "Permanent Revolu­ gon civilian, Dr. Daniel Ellsberg.12 If tion" was abandoned. Lin Piao re­ there is any hope at all for the military nounced Chinese initiation of revolution commander to accomplish his mission, in other nations, saying: he must remember the two preceding The liberation of the masses is myths and seek a governmental response accomplished by the masses them­ to the causes (the perceived injustices) selves-this is a basic principle of even more than to the symptoms (vio­ -. Revolution or lence, political ) of the revolu­ people's war in any country is the tion. Military professional training incul­ business of the masses in that cates an aggressive, "can do," result­ country and should be carried out oriented attitude, with "results" almost primarily by their own efforts; inevitably thought of as quantifiable. there is no other way .... Foreign Performance tends to be judged on aid can play only a supplementary things we can count: patrols, arrests, role. 1 0 raids, "pacified hamlets," and casualties. , Cuba's Trotsky who Meaningless rules-of-thumb, like "10:1 thought that with 50 men he could (or 15:1) is the magic troops: guerrillas wage a successful revolution anywhere ratio for victory," acquire holy auras. It in Latin America, brilliantly diagnosed is imperative that the commander and his own failure: his subordinates appreciate how little Where a government has come these numbers may correlate with mis­ into power through some popular sion accomplishment. No matter how vote, fraudulent or not, and main­ good the numbers look, the revolution tains at least an appearance of may be succeeding. "My feeling," said constitutional legality, the guer­ Marine Corps Commandant Wallace M. rilla outbreak cannot be promoted Greene in 1966, "is that you could kill since the possibilities of peaceful every Vietcong and North Vietnamese struggle have not yet been ex­ in South Vietnam and still lose the hausted . ... This is clearly seen war. ,,13 Strictly speaking, armed force by considering the case of bandit is only a temporary shoring device gangs. They have all the character­ which may briefly reestablish social istics of a guerrilla army .... The order in a time of tumult; it offers the only thing missing is support of government one last chance to alleviate the people; and, inevitably, those the grievances fueling the revolution. It gangs are captured and extermi­ is not, per se, a solution. nated.11 The heart of the revolutionaries' A third myth in our American ap­ claim is that they are right, not that proach to revolution is the myth of the they are stronger; a successful military military victory. Because governments occupation proves nothing against that tend to deny the strength, legitimacy conviction. If men feel unjustly treated, and even the existence of revolutionary military patrols, curfews, and searches 72

(no matter how polite) will not change be twice as many people on the planet their opinion. In fact, such measures in 2006 as there were in 1973. themselves lend plausibility to revo­ A second consideration: The wealth lutionary propaganda that the govern­ of the world is unevenly distributed. ment is hostile to and oppressive of Fewer than a quarter of the world's the people's rights and welfare. Indeed, inhabitants possess three-quarters of a prime ambition of many revolu­ the riches. Two-thirds of the people tionaries is to provoke a harsh military live in "underdeveloped countries"; crackdown; it bolsters their claims that their children under the age of 15 the unjust government will resist by equal in number the entire populations force of arms any peaceful reform of the world's developed nations. And attempt, so a violent revolution is the gap between rich and poor is open­ necessary. The paradigm of a military ing, not closing. A decade ago our per success/political catastrophe was capita income was nearly $3,000 while General Massu's ruthless and complete the World Bank classified 38 countries annihilation of every known member "very poor" with per capita incomes of the Algerian FLN leadership by use below $100. Discounting inflation of martial law, torture and counter­ "growth," our real per capita income is terrorism. Many Algerians consider projected to reach $4,500 by the end Massu's military "success" in the of the century; the very poor nations Casbah the point when their revolution will reach $160. for independnece became irreversible Third in importance to population because an amicable political settle­ and the distribution of wealth is the ment had been made impossible. Short continuing worldwide tendency to of genocide, there is no military urbanize, Westernize, and communi­ solution to a revolutionary situation cate. By living in or near a large city, because a revolution is a contest of by viewing a movie or the village tele­ ideas rather than arms, of justice and VlSlon, more and more people of the allegiance rather than firepower and world are seeing glimpses of how body counts. We forget these points others live and of what they them­ again at our own peril. selves do not have. This is much too The world's population is today meager to be called "education" about approximately 4 billion people. Over­ other lands-even "awareness" may all, the growth rate is about 2 percent overstate the case-but it is a glimpse, per annum Each day, therefore, there an image, an impression. are nearly 200,000 more human beings If these trends of population alive than there were the day before; growth, economics, and increased com­ every passing second adds two and a munication of images continue, there quarter persons. This is not births, but will be greater and greater known dis­ births minus deaths, or net growth. In parity between the world's rich and the time it would take a nuclear task poor. "The wretched of the earth" (as force to sail from the United States to Fanon called them), increasing in num­ the Persian Gulf-2 weeks or so at a ber three times as fast as the world's 30-knot speed of advance-the world's comfortable people, more and more population would have increased by 3 will be seeing glimpses of what they do million people. That is roughly equiva­ not have. Inevitably, they will recog­ lent to the population of Honduras, nize the difference between what life is Ireland, Israel, Laos, Lebanon, New like for the fortunate and what it is Zealand, Somalia or Uruguay added to like for them and their children. And the world during transit. If present they will call it unjust. population trends continue, there will So, if Aristotle was right that the 73 masses of men make revolution under Indochina during the 1946 elections. the idea that they are unjustly treated, In fact, the Soviets did very little for the world must seem to be on the the Chinese, Algerian, or Cuban revolu­ verge of a profound revolution. The tionaries during their wars. Gr62k Com­ remainder of this century promises munists had to rely, uneasily, on Yugo­ great political instability in the world, slav aid because Stalin gave them virtu­ numerous periods of tension among ally no help. The Cuban Communist nations about questions of justice, and Party had a comfortable modus vivendi frequent temptations to use naval or with Batista, and when Castro called a military force to achieve national 1958 , the Communist­ objectives. Standing behind our controlled unions ignored it. Indeed, the nation's actions will be an implicit Cuban had no formal proclamation of what we, as a people, contact with Castro's army until a few value. Particularly important, how the months before Batista fled. United States perceives and reacts to Among non-Communist countries, revolution will be largely shaped by, the Soviet Union has given the greatest and will directly affect, those in amounts of aid to Egypt, Syria, Iraq, uniform today. India and Indonesia. In every one of I think we should reexamine the these nations, the Communist Party was prevalent belief that the world struggle at one time or is now illegal and party is between and capitalism, members have been jailed or executed. with the Communists engaged in an Such prohibitions and prosecutions have international effort against capitalist not necessarily affected the flow of aid. societies. Not since Trotsky's failures Also, on the whole, Chinese and other has the Communist Party been truly Communist regimes have given relatively international. Lenin abandoned Turkish little aid to fellow Communist revolu­ and Persian Communists in courting tionaries. Finally, Sino-Soviet border both Ataturk and the Shah for border battles, support of opposing factions in adjustments. The Korean and Indo­ Angola, and counteracting policies in nesian parties were expelled from the the Indo-Pakistani conflict, are glaring Comintern in 1927 for unauthorized contradictions to the idea of a "United revolutionary efforts. Stalin directed the Communist Movement." Chinese Communists to work with The upshot of all this is that "an Chiang in 1925, which led to Chiang's international solidarity of Communists" liquidation of most of the CCP leader­ simply does not exist. That concept fails ship. (Mao and Chou barely escaped to explain Soviet or Chinese foreign "the great headhunt"-Mao's first wife policy with any rational consistency. did not.) In 1936 Stalin told the Span­ National self-interest, however, does ish Communists to forget revolution and adequately and coherently account for to side with the Republicans. The Ger­ Soviet and Chinese decisions; greater man and Polish Communist parties were attention should be paid to national sacrificed for the 1939 Ribbentrop Pact. priorities than to ideological purity. It After the war, Stalin directed the was neither Dean Acheson nor Dean French Communists to support de Rusk who warned, "The policy of Gaulle, the Italians to accept Badoglio Russia is changeless .... Its methods, its (despite a strong partisan base for revo­ tactics, its maneuvers may change, but lution), Tito to agree to a restoration of the polar star of its policy-world the Yugoslav , and Mao to domination-is a fixed star." Karl Marx form a coalition with Chiang. The made that observation more than a French Communists enraged Ho Chi century ago;14 he was, obviously, not Minh by opposing independence for always wrong. 74

The Russians have noticed that of Third World revolutionary activity is the seven nations which have become beneficial to the Russians or Chinese. Communist without Red Army "help," Much of it reflects legitimate aspirations three-China, Albania and Yugoslavia­ of people to achieve domestic justice by have proved very unreliable "allies." overthrowing colonial, racist or oli­ (Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia are un­ garchical tyrannies. certain; only Cuba seems steady.) They Our "counterinsurgency" attitude are further annoyed by the fickleness of often has caused, tragically, what it was aid recipients such as Egypt, Ghana, intended to prevent-the growth of anti­ Syria and Indonesia. The obvious con­ Americanism. "Neocolonialism," for clusion is that military conquest is the instance, essentially is the accusation fail-proof method of gaining reliable that American foreign policy is pre­ control of a strategically important area. dominantly guided by economic self­ While land-bound border expansion in interest, that we support repressive several directions still may be attractive regimes to protect our overseas invest­ to Soviet planners, the new vistas ments. The use of bribes and kickbacks opened by a powerful Soviet Navy by American corporations; diplomatic appear at least as dangerous to the West. and military backing of in If a were to return for base rights; CIA interference develop in an area of great value to the in other nations' political processes; the Russians, they might attempt to land "destabilization" of democratically and sustain a support force-a contin­ chosen governments which threaten gency the U.S. Navy might be tasked American investments; attempted "pre­ 1 with preventing. 5 Our particular con­ judicial terminations" of various foreign cern, then, is not with Communist leaders; police, army and intelligence revolutions per se, but rather with "advisors" to help tyrannical but pro­ Soviet military intervention and usurpa­ Western governments frustrate popular tion of a revolution for her own na­ uprisings; and covert or overt (as in tional interest. Santo Domingo) American military in­ It also is important to note that our terventions have been argued to be the "counterinsurgency" attitude stems rule rather than the exception in our from a colossal feat of politicallegerde­ foreign relations. While a free enterprise main. At the 1961 World Communist economic system may prove the best Congress, Nikita Khrushchev unilater­ way to try to meet the world's burgeon­ ally declared that all "Third World ing population needs, it would be fool­ people's wars" were in the interests of, ish to deny that there has been eco­ and would be supported by, commu­ nomic exploitation of the lesser nism. Two weeks later when John F. developed nations and that the central Kennedy became President, Khrush­ injustice in most Third World countries chev's premise was swallowed whole: today is a grossly inequitable distribu­ Roger Hilsman, Walt Rostow and Max­ tion of wealth, for whatever reason. well Taylor launched us into the Green Revolutionary movements quite' natu­ Beret Counterinsurgency era. (Years rally will be directed against that in­ later, David Halberstam would write, justice; and, not uncommonly, U.S. very high Soviet officials told their overseas presence and investments will American counterparts that it was all a be labeled "colonialist." Further, the misunderstanding, that the talk was fact that they are living in misery while aimed at the Chinese for propaganda we experience unprecedented luxury 1 and rhetoric purposes. 6 ) Misunder­ strikes many of the world's poor as standing or not, our reaction was a unjust. To them, free enterprise seems a mistake, for it simply is not true that all license to exploit. But for us to call all 75

these revolutions "Communist insurgen­ required of military leaders. Short-term cies" is to make them what they need expedience must be carefully weighed not be. with attention to our long-term national Western political theory holds that values. Policies that imply Marx's eco­ the purpose of business is profit, the nomic determinism will have to be purpose of government is justice, and balanced against our heritage from the two are not the same. Marxists deny Jefferson and Lincoln. While there al­ this; they contend that government is ways have been evil men who would merely an instrument of exploitative impose their Auschwitzes and Gulags class oppression. Thus, Marx's grand worldwide unless deterred by brave men challenge was his claim that the rich of in arms, there also are other, more subtle, the world can only try to become even crimes against humanity-surfeit in a sea richer. Capitalists may talk about peace, of want, ethnic and religious domina­ freedom and justice, he said-they "may tion, various political exclusions-which even throw the oppressed some meager now are awakening revolutions. Those sops to ease their own consciences-but who feel such injustices will judge the the truth of their actions belies their United States by how our armed forces protestations: they are economically are used; so it will not be enough to enslaved to place property ahead of oppose the Gulags and proclaim "free­ justice, gain ahead of rights, material dom and liberty" if we support oli­ goods ahead of human dignity. Accord­ garchies, dictatorial juntas, and "pro­ ing to Marx, all political decisions, Western" tyrannies against revolution. democratic notions, lofty declarations But all too often, "counterinsurgency" of brotherhdod, even religious and has meant just that. moral principles are subordinate to Military leaders must be more atten­ fundamental greed. The rich never will tive, then, to the causes of revolution, voluntarily give up their privileges, never the limited relevance of military power peacefully consent to the reallocation of to deal with an essentially political wealth which justice requires-this can struggle, and the implications of Ameri­ be achieved only by violent revolution. can support to governments facing revo­ Hence, the Manifesto concludes that lution. They also should be aware that Communist ends "can be attained 90 percent of mankind is non-White. only by the forcible overthrow of all Africans, Asians and Latin Americans­ existing social conditions. Let the the whole Third World-form opinions ruling classes tremble at a Communist about America by seeing how their revol u tion. The proletarians have distant relatives-Black, Oriental and nothing to lose but their chains. They Hispanic Americans-are treated, espe­ have a world to win. Workers of the cially in military units deployed over­ world, unite!"! 7 seas. If our armed forces deter interna­ The world's poor, growing in number tional aggression, if our foreign policy and feeling unjustly treated, will surely recognizes the legitimate grounds of hear Marx's claim. We, the world's rich many revolutions, and if our national growing richer, must answer it. What do experience demonstrates that the we stand for? How will we use our United States stands for justice and power? What do Americans value­ human respect as well as material pros­ liberty, or our standard of living? What perity, then we may look hopefully at goals do our armed forces serve-justice, Karl Marx's prediction: "Russia has or profit and privilege? only one opponent: the explosive power Because the Defense Department of democratic ideas, that inborn urge of plays so significant a role in shaping our the human race in the direction of foreign policy, considerable astuteness is freedom."! 8 76

NOTES

1. Karl Marx, A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy; reprinted in Social and Political Philosophy, edited by J. Somerville and R.E. Santoni (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Co., 1963), p. 379. 2. Brian Crozier, The Rebels (Boston: Beacon Press, 1960), pp. 15, 16. 3. Politics 1303b5; in The Basic Works of Aristotle, edited by Richard McKeon (New York: Random House, 1941), p. 1237. 4. John Adams, letter to Hezekiah Niles, 13 February 1818; in The Works of John Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856), vol. X, pp. 282, 283. 5. The Declaration of Independence. 6. George Fitzhugh; quoted in Charles A. Madison, Critics and Crusaders: a Century of American (New York: Ungar, 1959), p. 5. 7. , The New York Daily Tribune, 25 October 1851; reprinted in Friedrich Engels, Germany: Revolution and Counter-Revolution (New York: International Publishers, 1933), p. 9. 8. Ted R. Gurr, Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), p. 359. 9. Woodrow Wilson; quoted in C.L. Su1zberger, Unfinished Revolution: America and The Third World (New York: Atheneum, 1965), p. 5. 10. Lin Piao, Long Live the Victory of the People's War (1965); reprinted in full, Samuel B. Griffith, Brigadier General, USMC (Ret.), Peking and People's War (New York: Praeger, 1966), pp. 85, 88. 11. Che Guevara, (New York: Vintage Books, 1969), pp. 2, 4. 12. Elmo Zumwalt, Admiral, USN; quoted in The New York Times, 19 Apri11974, p. 42:2. 13. Wallace M. Greene, General, USMC; quoted in Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Bitter Heritage-Vietnam and American Democracy 1941-1966 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1967), p. 48. 14. Karl Marx, "Poland's European Mission (1867)"; reprinted in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Russian Menace to , edited by P. Blackstock and B. Hoselitz (Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1952), p. 106. 15. This was originally written before the Havana-Angola airlift occurred. The logistic limitations of that tactic (e.g., no bulk cargoes such as POL, and requirements of secure airspace and good airfields) are familiar to military planners and would have been obvious had a functioning Angolan government existed or had Western response been more vigorous. The movement of Soviet naval amphibious units along Africa's west coast suggested an appreciation of airlift vulnerability. 16. David Halberstam, The Best and The Brightest (Greenwich, Conn.: Fawcett Publica· tions, 1973), p. 152. 17. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, final paragraph of The Communist· Manifesto. 18. Karl Marx; quoted in The Reader's Digest, June 1964, p. 231. ----'Ji----