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THE POLITICS OF CULTURAL DESPAIR: A STUDY IN THE RISE OF THE GERMANIC IDEOLOGY PDF, EPUB, EBOOK

The Corruption of German Education. The Prophet Remembered. The Critic as Failure. Art and the Revolt against Modernity. Langbehn and the Crisis of the s. The Critic as Exile. The Esthetes Turn to Politics. The Conscience of the Right. Toward the Third Reich. From Idealism to Nihilism. Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read. Want to Read saving…. Want to Read Currently Reading Read. Other editions. Enlarge cover. Error rating book. Refresh and try again. Open Preview See a Problem? Details if other :. Thanks for telling us about the problem. Return to Book Page. This is a study in the pathology of cultural criticism. By analyzing the thought and influence of three leading critics of modern Germany, this study will demonstrate the dangers and dilemmas of a particular type of cultural despair. Lagarde, Langbein, and Moeller van den Bruck-their active lives spanning the years from the middle of the past century to the threshold of This is a study in the pathology of cultural criticism. Lagarde, Langbein, and Moeller van den Bruck-their active lives spanning the years from the middle of the past century to the threshold of Hitler's Third Reich-attacked, often incisively and justly, the deficiencies of German culture and the German spirit. But they were more than the critics of Germany's cultural crisis; they were its symptoms and victims as well. Unable to endure the ills which they diagnosed and which they had experienced in their own lives, they sought to become prophets who would point the way to a national rebirth. Hence, they propounded all manner of reforms, ruthless and idealistic, nationalistic and utopian. It was this leap from despair to utopia across all existing reality that gave their thought its fantastic quality. Get A Copy. Paperback , pages. Published October 7th by University of California Press first published More Details Original Title. Other Editions 7. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. To ask other readers questions about The Politics of Cultural Despair , please sign up. Be the first to ask a question about The Politics of Cultural Despair. Lists with This Book. Community Reviews. Showing Average rating 4. Rating details. More filters. Sort order. Mar 01, Murtaza rated it really liked it. Germany and Russia share something in common with the East: they are latecomers to modernity. As such, both countries produced voluminous literature about the anguish and alienation entailed in watching their traditional world die and a new one, mechanistic, liberal and of foreign origin, come into existence in its place. This book is an excellent intellectual history of three lateth century German thinkers, Moeller van den Bruck, Stephen Lagarde and Julius Langbehn, who articulated an Germany and Russia share something in common with the East: they are latecomers to modernity. This book is an excellent intellectual history of three lateth century German thinkers, Moeller van den Bruck, Stephen Lagarde and Julius Langbehn, who articulated an ideology of discontent, resentment and vengeance during the period in which modern Germany was born. These "conservative revolutionaries" wrote with great passion but not much realistic analysis about the changes they witnessed in their society, in which spiritual values had been lost and materialism had seemingly been raised up as the highest value. In response to the spiritual desolation of the new society, they argued in favor of a reactionary turn back to Germany's imagined roots: a return to a primitive Golden Age they felt had existed in the past, before the German people had been corrupted by modern ideologies brought to their society by the Jews. This Germanic ideology of resentment and despair helped inspire great anger among the people once it was diffused into mass politics. But in large part, the ideology also seemed to be a reflection of the loneliness and alienation of these men in particular. My Fatherland is bigger", wrote Langbehn, in a typical passage that condemned the present while calling for the creation of a future built in the image of a past that never existed. The conservative revolutionaries in this sense were like Utopian reactionaries everywhere who despised and sought to destroy the existing world in order to return to history, an ideological tendency also reflected in present-day movements like the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria ISIS. The strongest part of the book was the explosive introduction that laid out the roots of these men's hatred of modernity. But their individual biographies were fascinating as well, showing how fundamentally unpolitical and personal concerns often, perhaps even usually, end up bleeding into political ideology. These men rued the demise of a Christianity that they could no longer believe in and attempting to transmute that lost religious fervor into politics. It's interesting to wonder why. The case of China is marked by deliberate, planned economic growth aligned to western consumerism. Arguments surround whether this can be maintained, especially in the face of environmental damage, but this is also aligned to an accelerating cultural development that counters "cultural despair". Most news about China today concerns the milliion people who have been brought out of poverty, rather than the billion who have not. Germany’s New Politics of Cultural Despair – Foreign Policy

Showing Average rating 4. Rating details. More filters. Sort order. Mar 01, Murtaza rated it really liked it. Germany and Russia share something in common with the East: they are latecomers to modernity. As such, both countries produced voluminous literature about the anguish and alienation entailed in watching their traditional world die and a new one, mechanistic, liberal and of foreign origin, come into existence in its place. This book is an excellent intellectual history of three lateth century German thinkers, Moeller van den Bruck, Stephen Lagarde and Julius Langbehn, who articulated an Germany and Russia share something in common with the East: they are latecomers to modernity. This book is an excellent intellectual history of three lateth century German thinkers, Moeller van den Bruck, Stephen Lagarde and Julius Langbehn, who articulated an ideology of discontent, resentment and vengeance during the period in which modern Germany was born. These "conservative revolutionaries" wrote with great passion but not much realistic analysis about the changes they witnessed in their society, in which spiritual values had been lost and materialism had seemingly been raised up as the highest value. In response to the spiritual desolation of the new society, they argued in favor of a reactionary turn back to Germany's imagined roots: a return to a primitive Golden Age they felt had existed in the past, before the German people had been corrupted by modern ideologies brought to their society by the Jews. This Germanic ideology of resentment and despair helped inspire great anger among the people once it was diffused into mass politics. But in large part, the ideology also seemed to be a reflection of the loneliness and alienation of these men in particular. My Fatherland is bigger", wrote Langbehn, in a typical passage that condemned the present while calling for the creation of a future built in the image of a past that never existed. The conservative revolutionaries in this sense were like Utopian reactionaries everywhere who despised and sought to destroy the existing world in order to return to history, an ideological tendency also reflected in present-day movements like the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria ISIS. The strongest part of the book was the explosive introduction that laid out the roots of these men's hatred of modernity. But their individual biographies were fascinating as well, showing how fundamentally unpolitical and personal concerns often, perhaps even usually, end up bleeding into political ideology. These men rued the demise of a Christianity that they could no longer believe in and attempting to transmute that lost religious fervor into politics. This aestheticization of politics would become a hallmark of later fascist regimes, though Stern suggests at the end that these men would have condemned the Nazis as an aberration had they lived to see them. I love intellectual histories and this one is as good as any. It is relevant to understanding German history, but also the history of all peoples who had difficulty adapting to a Western modernity that was foisted upon them. Mar 21, John David rated it really liked it Shelves: history-of-ideas , modern-history , politics. A culture produces its most ardent, strident critics at times of extreme tumult and change. In The Politics of Cultural Despair, Fritz Stern details precisely one of those extended periods, from around the middle of the nineteenth century in Germany through the Weimar Republic. He looks at the lives and work of three people who have been largely forgotten today Paul Lagarde, Julius Langbehn, and Moeller van den Bruck whose modes of cultural criticism eschewed liberal, parliamentary politics A culture produces its most ardent, strident critics at times of extreme tumult and change. He looks at the lives and work of three people who have been largely forgotten today — Paul Lagarde, Julius Langbehn, and Moeller van den Bruck — whose modes of cultural criticism eschewed liberal, parliamentary politics and adduced ways of imagining a mystical German future which would reinvigorate the Volk. The first critic discussed is Paul de Lagarde — , a brilliant philologist and Biblical scholar, especially of the Septuagint, and polyglot. The biographical sketch that Stern offers paints a less-than-desirable picture of Lagarde. His prodigious talents were not unaccompanied by enormous ambition, and he often blamed his colleagues for the academic projects he was unable to complete. He was a sociopath, a snob, and a prig, all of which seem to be character traits of everyone considered in the book. Later in his career, Lagarde passionately took up cultural criticism, thinking that Germany was headed for permanent destruction. He was a thoroughgoing idealist who insisted that will and character Nietzsche and Schopenhauer reappear throughout the book in varying interpretations and misinterpretations predominated over all else, even the corrupt German political apparatus. Julius Langbehn had many of the same critical concerns, and tried to suggest art as a fundamental savior. Rembrandt was the symbol of that reform, and resurrected prophet who could destroy the false art of naturalism and, by his example, prove that the goal of art was not the creation of beauty alone, but the attainment of the most sublime and fullest truth. Langbehn also despised science and rationalism because he perceived them to be soulless, demonstrable, and positivistic. He idealized the mores and folkways of Prussia, thinking them better than the decadent ones of Germany; many of these ideas, perhaps contrary to what Moeller actually wanted, led to the mythical idea of the Third Reich. The bourgeois life and the liberal ideals had been equally loathsome to him, and his fight against both now engaged his heart and mind, and won for him a large political audience. Less politically extreme than the other two critics, he attempted a kind of quasi-Hegelian dialectical synthesis to bring out his personal political utopia. All of these critics saw the gradual undoing of a Germany that they knew and loved, and then saw it replaced with a more secular and urban country, whose modern institutions — education, science, parliamentary democracy - they grew to hate. They all suffered from a staggering ignorance of political reality, and despised practicality and utility. Their idea of the perfect Germany was religious, immediate, irrational, and intuitive. In short, they were prophets without a God. View 1 comment. Mar 04, AC rated it it was amazing Shelves: fascism. And resentment, according to Scheler and Camus, leads to intellectual asphyxiation, the constant rebreathing of one's own thoughts in a closed room. Ahhh, yes Some, I know, will understand Sep 14, Shayan rated it it was ok. Sterns disdain for his subjects drips from every word and hampers a serious study of the thought of these men and the times that produced it. He puts too much emphasis on their eccentric personalities, attributing their desire for a German nation to their personal alienation, giving short shrift to the warm reception of these writers in turn of the century Germany. Aug 06, Chad rated it really liked it Shelves: conservatism , , history. I forget exactly where this book popped up initially-- but I assume it was a Goodreads recommendation based on some of the politically oriented books or German history books I've been into as of late. Here's the Goodreads blurb: This is a study in the pathology of cultural criticism. Lagarde, Langbein, and Moeller van den I forget exactly where this book popped up initially-- but I assume it was a Goodreads recommendation based on some of the politically oriented books or German history books I've been into as of late. I am always interested into more insights into the rise of National Socialism in Germany. The average American doesn't really have any real true understanding of the complexities involved, other than German was "the bad guy" in both World War I and World War II, and that Germans as a people just really hated Jews. That's about all you get. What this book contributes is the idea of the mood of nostalgia for a mythic past and the cultural despair in the face of modernity secularization, urbanization, and industrialization in Germany in century leading up to World War II, while not necessarily the only cause, certainly created the conditions for a Hitler to arise: These three critics witnessed the gradual destruction of the old Germany and the emergence of a new, urban, secular country. They hated the temper and the institutions of this new Germany and decried the conditions of modernity. Their protests, as we have seen, were not unique. Others were dismayed as well: conservatives saw their beliefs and privileges challenged, Christians saw their faith attacked, and a new class, the urban proletariat, attacked the exploitative and inegalitarian character of modern industrial society. These groups and their spokesmen had a stake in the past or a tangible goal for the future Our critics were simultaneously proud and resentful of their alienation. They were proud of the perspicacity which their "untimeliness" had granted them, but their deepest longing was for a new Germanic community in which they and all their countrymen would at last find the peace of complete unity. Because of this longing they made the leap from cultural criticism to politics, assuming that cultural evil could be dissolved by the establishment of the right kind of faith and community. The stark title critiques the two articles of faith of liberalism: the market and the state. To show how these arguments could perhaps be an extension of the cultural critics of pre-war Germany, here's a quote: Liberalism has failed because liberalism has succeeded. As it becomes fully itself, it generates endemic pathologies more rapidly and pervasively than it is able to produce Band-aids and veils to cover them. The conservative reactionaries in pre-war Germany also longed for a community, expressed as das Volk, and fought against liberalism as an artifice imported from the West. This was an interesting book to contrast with another theory of the rise of National Socialism in Germany, Friedrich Hayek's The Road to Serfdom, which attributes the rise of National Socialism to the socialist policies that were already in practice in Germany starting in the 19th century. Collectivism has nothing to put in their place, and in so far as it already has destroyed then it has left a void filled by nothing but the demand for obedience and the compulsion of the individual to what is collectively decided to be good. I would think that the warnings against cultural despair and irrationalism in politics are very relevant to our day, when most political discussions are carried out in the form of Twitter rants. Repetetive and dry. Too much gossip and personal details, too little theory and thought this being purportedly a study in ideology. Facebook and YouTube, more than any geopolitical shift, are what separate the world of the s-era New Right from today. As Kubitschek explained in Sezession , such actions build self-confidence, convey authenticity, and make battle lines clear. While the refugee crisis that began in made ordinary Germans more susceptible to the New Right, its messaging had also improved and proliferated. But for all its makeovers, the New Right is very much an old faith. Provocation belonged to the repertoire of interwar fascism, too. At its heart, it is a Heimat- und-Kultur philosophy that is interested in myth and ethnic community and that has little time for democratic discourse or the material conditions of inequality. Weiss finds the effort unconvincing: As he repeatedly shows, the boundaries separating New Right intellectuals, AfD politicians, unsavory neo-Nazis, and interwar fascism are often blurry and permeable. Weiss has provided us with an in-depth look at the postmodern, digital- age skin now worn by the old radical conservative tradition. As he shows, radical conservatism can accommodate a host of causes and enemies, with salvation of the West from a tide of Muslim immigrants the current favorites. Feelings of nihilism and cultural exhaustion have produced a hunger for radical redemption, especially among those who have come of age since the s. Islamic fundamentalism, Weiss argues, is also an authoritarian revolt against the materialism and rootlessness supposedly spawned by liberal globalization. Could a common hatred of liberal modernity be enough to make identities so fungible? Less likely is that a world remade by the conservative revolution would ever settle into amicable ethnopluralism, split by mutual consensus into neatly demarcated cultural zones. Trending Now Sponsored Links by Taboola. There are deep—very deep—historical reasons why far-right resentment has flourished in eastern Germany. The left must come up with its own alternative. People carry German flags and a banner which reads "Stop Islamization" during a march organized by the far-right AfD party in Rostock, Germany on September 22, View Comments. Tags: Europe , far right parties , Germany , History , nationalism , nazism , Politics , populism , Review. More from Foreign Policy. Argument David Clay Large. Argument Paul Hockenos. | The Politics of Cultural Despair | | Fritz R. Stern | Boeken

See more about this book on Archive. This edition doesn't have a description yet. Can you add one? Previews available in: English. Add another edition? Bibliography: p. Reprint, with a new pref. Includes index. Copy and paste this code into your Wikipedia page. Need help? The politics of cultural despair Fritz Richard Stern. Borrow Listen. Want to Read. Download for print-disabled. Check nearby libraries Library. Share this book Facebook. Last edited by Clean Up Bot. October 11, History. An edition of The politics of cultural despair This edition was published in by University of California Press in Berkeley. As such, both countries produced voluminous literature about the anguish and alienation entailed in watching their traditional world die and a new one, mechanistic, liberal and of foreign origin, come into existence in its place. This book is an excellent intellectual history of three lateth century German thinkers, Moeller van den Bruck, Stephen Lagarde and Julius Langbehn, who articulated an Germany and Russia share something in common with the East: they are latecomers to modernity. This book is an excellent intellectual history of three lateth century German thinkers, Moeller van den Bruck, Stephen Lagarde and Julius Langbehn, who articulated an ideology of discontent, resentment and vengeance during the period in which modern Germany was born. These "conservative revolutionaries" wrote with great passion but not much realistic analysis about the changes they witnessed in their society, in which spiritual values had been lost and materialism had seemingly been raised up as the highest value. In response to the spiritual desolation of the new society, they argued in favor of a reactionary turn back to Germany's imagined roots: a return to a primitive Golden Age they felt had existed in the past, before the German people had been corrupted by modern ideologies brought to their society by the Jews. This Germanic ideology of resentment and despair helped inspire great anger among the people once it was diffused into mass politics. But in large part, the ideology also seemed to be a reflection of the loneliness and alienation of these men in particular. My Fatherland is bigger", wrote Langbehn, in a typical passage that condemned the present while calling for the creation of a future built in the image of a past that never existed. The conservative revolutionaries in this sense were like Utopian reactionaries everywhere who despised and sought to destroy the existing world in order to return to history, an ideological tendency also reflected in present-day movements like the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria ISIS. The strongest part of the book was the explosive introduction that laid out the roots of these men's hatred of modernity. But their individual biographies were fascinating as well, showing how fundamentally unpolitical and personal concerns often, perhaps even usually, end up bleeding into political ideology. These men rued the demise of a Christianity that they could no longer believe in and attempting to transmute that lost religious fervor into politics. This aestheticization of politics would become a hallmark of later fascist regimes, though Stern suggests at the end that these men would have condemned the Nazis as an aberration had they lived to see them. I love intellectual histories and this one is as good as any. It is relevant to understanding German history, but also the history of all peoples who had difficulty adapting to a Western modernity that was foisted upon them. Mar 21, John David rated it really liked it Shelves: history-of-ideas , modern-history , politics. A culture produces its most ardent, strident critics at times of extreme tumult and change. In The Politics of Cultural Despair, Fritz Stern details precisely one of those extended periods, from around the middle of the nineteenth century in Germany through the Weimar Republic. He looks at the lives and work of three people who have been largely forgotten today Paul Lagarde, Julius Langbehn, and Moeller van den Bruck whose modes of cultural criticism eschewed liberal, parliamentary politics A culture produces its most ardent, strident critics at times of extreme tumult and change. He looks at the lives and work of three people who have been largely forgotten today — Paul Lagarde, Julius Langbehn, and Moeller van den Bruck — whose modes of cultural criticism eschewed liberal, parliamentary politics and adduced ways of imagining a mystical German future which would reinvigorate the Volk. The first critic discussed is Paul de Lagarde — , a brilliant philologist and Biblical scholar, especially of the Septuagint, and polyglot. The biographical sketch that Stern offers paints a less-than-desirable picture of Lagarde. His prodigious talents were not unaccompanied by enormous ambition, and he often blamed his colleagues for the academic projects he was unable to complete. He was a sociopath, a snob, and a prig, all of which seem to be character traits of everyone considered in the book. Later in his career, Lagarde passionately took up cultural criticism, thinking that Germany was headed for permanent destruction. He was a thoroughgoing idealist who insisted that will and character Nietzsche and Schopenhauer reappear throughout the book in varying interpretations and misinterpretations predominated over all else, even the corrupt German political apparatus. Julius Langbehn had many of the same critical concerns, and tried to suggest art as a fundamental savior. Rembrandt was the symbol of that reform, and resurrected prophet who could destroy the false art of naturalism and, by his example, prove that the goal of art was not the creation of beauty alone, but the attainment of the most sublime and fullest truth. Langbehn also despised science and rationalism because he perceived them to be soulless, demonstrable, and positivistic. He idealized the mores and folkways of Prussia, thinking them better than the decadent ones of Germany; many of these ideas, perhaps contrary to what Moeller actually wanted, led to the mythical idea of the Third Reich. The bourgeois life and the liberal ideals had been equally loathsome to him, and his fight against both now engaged his heart and mind, and won for him a large political audience. Less politically extreme than the other two critics, he attempted a kind of quasi-Hegelian dialectical synthesis to bring out his personal political utopia. All of these critics saw the gradual undoing of a Germany that they knew and loved, and then saw it replaced with a more secular and urban country, whose modern institutions — education, science, parliamentary democracy - they grew to hate. They all suffered from a staggering ignorance of political reality, and despised practicality and utility. Their idea of the perfect Germany was religious, immediate, irrational, and intuitive. In short, they were prophets without a God. View 1 comment. Mar 04, AC rated it it was amazing Shelves: fascism. And resentment, according to Scheler and Camus, leads to intellectual asphyxiation, the constant rebreathing of one's own thoughts in a closed room. Ahhh, yes Some, I know, will understand Sep 14, Shayan rated it it was ok. Sterns disdain for his subjects drips from every word and hampers a serious study of the thought of these men and the times that produced it. He puts too much emphasis on their eccentric personalities, attributing their desire for a German nation to their personal alienation, giving short shrift to the warm reception of these writers in turn of the century Germany. Aug 06, Chad rated it really liked it Shelves: conservatism , , history. I forget exactly where this book popped up initially-- but I assume it was a Goodreads recommendation based on some of the politically oriented books or German history books I've been into as of late. Here's the Goodreads blurb: This is a study in the pathology of cultural criticism. Lagarde, Langbein, and Moeller van den I forget exactly where this book popped up initially-- but I assume it was a Goodreads recommendation based on some of the politically oriented books or German history books I've been into as of late. I am always interested into more insights into the rise of National Socialism in Germany. The average American doesn't really have any real true understanding of the complexities involved, other than German was "the bad guy" in both World War I and World War II, and that Germans as a people just really hated Jews. That's about all you get. What this book contributes is the idea of the mood of nostalgia for a mythic past and the cultural despair in the face of modernity secularization, urbanization, and industrialization in Germany in century leading up to World War II, while not necessarily the only cause, certainly created the conditions for a Hitler to arise: These three critics witnessed the gradual destruction of the old Germany and the emergence of a new, urban, secular country. They hated the temper and the institutions of this new Germany and decried the conditions of modernity. Their protests, as we have seen, were not unique. Others were dismayed as well: conservatives saw their beliefs and privileges challenged, Christians saw their faith attacked, and a new class, the urban proletariat, attacked the exploitative and inegalitarian character of modern industrial society. These groups and their spokesmen had a stake in the past or a tangible goal for the future Our critics were simultaneously proud and resentful of their alienation. They were proud of the perspicacity which their "untimeliness" had granted them, but their deepest longing was for a new Germanic community in which they and all their countrymen would at last find the peace of complete unity. Because of this longing they made the leap from cultural criticism to politics, assuming that cultural evil could be dissolved by the establishment of the right kind of faith and community. The stark title critiques the two articles of faith of liberalism: the market and the state. To show how these arguments could perhaps be an extension of the cultural critics of pre-war Germany, here's a quote: Liberalism has failed because liberalism has succeeded. As it becomes fully itself, it generates endemic pathologies more rapidly and pervasively than it is able to produce Band-aids and veils to cover them. The conservative reactionaries in pre-war Germany also longed for a community, expressed as das Volk, and fought against liberalism as an artifice imported from the West. This was an interesting book to contrast with another theory of the rise of National Socialism in Germany, Friedrich Hayek's The Road to Serfdom, which attributes the rise of National Socialism to the socialist policies that were already in practice in Germany starting in the 19th century. Collectivism has nothing to put in their place, and in so far as it already has destroyed then it has left a void filled by nothing but the demand for obedience and the compulsion of the individual to what is collectively decided to be good. I would think that the warnings against cultural despair and irrationalism in politics are very relevant to our day, when most political discussions are carried out in the form of Twitter rants. Repetetive and dry. Too much gossip and personal details, too little theory and thought this being purportedly a study in ideology. Stern wags his finger so hard it becomes comical. I find it hard to believe three stupid assholes shaped the fate of the world with their stupid asshole writings, but this seems to be what Stern is claiming. Sep 15, Susu rated it it was amazing. Lagarde, Langbehn, Moeller van den Bruck: an overview of their lives and writings - and how they drove the development of ideology behind the Third Reich - some bits sound eerily contemporary. May 10, Shane Hill rated it really liked it. Excellent read on three German personalities from the 19th and early 20th century that more then anyone else, contributed to the eventual rise of Nazism! Aug 17, Etha Williams rated it really liked it.

The politics of cultural despair – Canadian Dimension

Text will be unmarked. May show some signs of use or wear. Will include dust jacket if it originally came with one. Satisfaction is guaranteed with every order. Buy It Now. Add to cart. About this product Product Information "An enlightening and solidly documented book of great value to those who would like to trace the ideolgoical roots behind the most erratic and dramatic politics phases of modern Germany. With its useful footnotes, selective bibliography and good index Professor Stern's study is American scholarship at its best. Additional Product Features Dewey Decimal. Show More Show Less. Ratings and Reviews Write a review. Most relevant reviews. Best Selling in Nonfiction See all. Greenlights by Matthew McConaughey Hardcover 5. Unable to endure the ills which they diagnosed and which they had experienced in their own lives, they sought to become prophets who would point the way to a national rebirth. Hence, they propounded all manner of reforms, ruthless and idealistic, nationalistic and utopian. It was this leap from despair to utopia across all existing reality that gave their thought its fantastic quality. Toon meer Toon minder. Betrokkenen Auteur Fritz R. Stern Uitgever University Of California. Overige kenmerken Extra groot lettertype Nee Gewicht g Verpakking breedte mm Verpakking hoogte 27 mm Verpakking lengte mm. Reviews Schrijf een review. Bindwijze: Paperback. Uiterlijk 19 december in huis Levertijd We doen er alles aan om dit artikel op tijd te bezorgen. Verkoop door bol. In winkelwagen Op verlanglijstje. It's interesting to wonder why. The case of China is marked by deliberate, planned economic growth aligned to western consumerism. Arguments surround whether this can be maintained, especially in the face of environmental damage, but this is also aligned to an accelerating cultural development that counters "cultural despair". Most news about China today concerns the milliion people who have been brought out of poverty, rather than the billion who have not.

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