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The London School of Economics and Political Science The Politics of Place, Community and Recognition among Kashmiri Pandit Forced Migrants in Jammu and Kashmir Ankur Datta A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, January 2011 REDACTIONS Please redact the following images Page 301-307 -Photographs 1-11. Page i- Map 1 Page ii- Map 2 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. Abstract Since 1989 the state of Jammu and Kashmir has been the site of conflict between the Indian state and a separatist movement demanding independence. This thesis explores the impact of the conflict on the historically prominent Hindu Pandit minority of Kashmir who were displaced from their homes in the Kashmir valley. Most displaced Pandits have relocated to Jammu and other parts of India following the outbreak of violence. The thesis examines processes of resettlement in the city of Jammu by analysing categories of place, home and settlement. By paying attention to these categories the thesis shows that the migrants express an absence of attachment to Jammu and treat the city as a waiting room. Some migrants desire to return to their old homes while others hope for future opportunities elsewhere. Hence, contrary to life in the present defined by migration there is a desire for rootedness or a stable future in a fixed location. The thesis then explores how the Pandits engage with the Indian nation state through an examination of their political discourse and their relationship with the state welfare regime. The thesis therefore shows that the Pandits continuously affirm their loyalty to the Indian state in order to demand assistance and recognition as loyal citizens. The thesis also explores what it means to be a Kashmiri Pandit after displacement with reference to class, caste, religion and history. The Kashmiri Pandits are a historically prominent upper caste Hindu community who enjoyed high status in Kashmir. Their experience of displacement allows an examination of notions of decline and injustice due to the loss of socio-economic and political status. The Pandit case also demonstrates that socio-economic differentiation influences the ability to rebuild lives after displacement. Those who constitute the well-to-do strata are better placed to successfully rebuild lives while poorer Pandits enjoy fewer opportunities. The thesis however situates them in the context of Jammu where indigent Pandits do not constitute the most depressed sections of the city’s population. On a wider level, the thesis argues that for forced migrants in general, ideas of home and place remain contested and incomplete in spite of having achieved some measure of physical settlement. Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the help, encouragement and support of many people I have met and come to know in the course of my doctoral studies. In Jammu, fieldwork would not have been possible without the hospitality of my informants, who allowed a stranger with no connection to the region to enter and attempt to understand their world. While it will be impossible to name everyone I had met, there are a few people I am deeply indebted to. First, I wish to thank Indu Kilam and Dr.Nirojini Bhan who generously spared their time for me, sharing their experiences and providing valuable advice on conducting research on the Kashmiri Pandit community. They are among my first contacts in the field. I would not have known where to start if I had not met them. I owe a great debt especially to the residents of Purkhu Camp. Due to the nature of politics in Jammu and Kashmir, many Kashmiris have rightfully become suspicious of visitors who only take, but seem to give little in return. However I have always been treated respectfully and have never been to feel as an unwanted intruder. Of all the residents of Purkhu camp, I am especially indebted to the Raina family-Makhan Lai, Parmeshwari and especially their son Rohit, who became a good friend of mine. This family welcomed me into their lives, treating me as one of their own. I cannot imagine what fieldwork and life in Jammu would have been like had I not met then. I must also acknowledge the hospitality and friendship of the Pandita family, especially Madan Lai Pandita, his wife Asha and his son Satish, who also welcomed me into their household. Madan Lai Pandita and Satish Pandita were especially helpful and provided tremendous insight into the experience of forced migration in the region and especially how the city of Jammu is seen from the point of view of its marginalised inhabitants. I also wish to acknowledge Ratan Lai Raina who was always willing to have a conversation and share his point of view on the history and politics of Kashmir, which I have always found refreshing and unique. I also wish to thank Krishen Lai and Vinod, who allowed me to sit by their shop, a prominent meeting spot for elderly residents, during the early part of fieldwork. I must also thank Dr. Dipankar Sengupta and Dr. Narvadeshwar Mishra for their friendship, support and advice during fieldwork. I am especially indebted to my friend and fellow student of anthropology Toru Takahashi, who helped me to critically appreciate the history, politics and culture of Kashmir. There have been times when I had felt overwhelmed by fieldwork. But Toru helped me see Jammu and Kashmir and its diverse inhabitants with critical affection. The intellectual debt I owe him will be hard to repay. During the short period of time I had spent in New Delhi, I wish to acknowledge the hospitality extended to me by the Department of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics. In particular I wish to thank Dr. Roma Chatterji for discussing my work and commenting on a basic draft, which eventually became a chapter of this thesis. I wish to also thank Prof. T.N. Madan who commented on a tentative draft of a chapter and shared his own work. I also wish to thank Satendra Kumar and Subhadeepta Roy for their friendship and support. I must also thank Rashneek Kher and his friends for sparing their time and providing a glimpse of the experience of displacement for Kashmiri Pandits in New Delhi. In London there are many people without whom writing this dissertation would have been impossible. First, I wish to thank my supervisors, Prof. Jonathon Parry and Prof. Christopher Fuller, who have guided me in my Doctoral studies, from the inception of this thesis, to fieldwork and the writing of dissertation. Their careful and critical supervision has helped me make this thesis what it is. Prof. Fuller and Prof. Parry are known for demanding high standards of their students. I hope 1 have been able to meet their standards to the best of my abilities. The writing of this dissertation has been helped along the way by participants of the Thesis Writing Seminars at the Department of Anthropology, LSE. I am grateful to Indira Aramugam, Irene Calis, George St. Clair, Marcello Sorrentino, Andrew Sanchez, Johannes Steinmuller, Judith Bovensiepen, Marina Sapritsky, Elizabeth Hull, Katie Dow and Zhang Hui. I must also thank Caroline Heitmeyer, Victoria Boydell, Dr. Haripriya Narasimhan and Hakem Al-Rustom for reading earlier drafts of different chapters of this thesis. Most of all, I am grateful to them for their friendship and support. I am especially indebted to Irene, Indira, George, Marcello, Judith and Haripriya. The completion of this thesis would have extremely difficult without them. Outside the LSE, I must acknowledge the support extended to me by Carmen Miranda Mayblin and Bebinca, for being there. I am also grateful to Amitabh and Mamta Bose who provided me a break from the world of Anthropology whenever I needed one. Dr. Haley Duschinski, a fellow anthropologist working on Jammu and Kashmir, kindly read and commented on a draft of one of my chapters. Finally, and most of all, I wish to thank my mother, Krishna Datta, and my brother, Anirban Datta, who have supported me in every way possible. My mother has proved to be one my most critical and encouraging readers. Her support has been crucial. Without my family, this thesis would have been impossible and I cannot thank them enough. All I can do is hope that this thesis meets their expectations. I dedicate this thesis to the memory of my father, the late Kumares Datta who encouraged and supported my first tentative forays into the discipline of Anthropology. Without his early encouragement I would not have even thought of embarking on a PhD. My doctoral studies have been financially supported by the LSE Research Studentships and grants from the Central Research Fund of the University of London, Charles Wallace India Trust, Newby Trust, Leche Trust and the ASA/Radcliffe-Brown Trust of the Royal Anthropological Institute. Contents Maps Pg i Chapter 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Categories of Forced Migration 3 1.2 The Category