49 Achaemenid Interests in the D. T. Potts

Introduction in a document from (Ungnad 1908: no. 81). If this is understood literally, then The extent of Achaemenid interest in and con- the official would have been the administra- trol over the Persian Gulf are topics that have tor or governor of a province (Akk. pīhātu). been debated for decades (compare Schiwek In the opinion of some scholars, 1962 and Salles 1990). In this essay I shall became de facto a part of Cyrus’ empire with focus on five domains that warrant scrutiny in the fall of Babylon. Such a view has led Jean- any discussion of Achaemenid relations with François Salles, for example, to state in 1998 the inhabitants of the islands and Arabian lit- that the Achaemenids “had a governor in toral of the Persian Gulf. These include the ” (Salles 1998: 53). Rather than debat- evidence of an Achaemenid presence 1. on ing the validity of this deduction, I suggest Bahrain; 2. in mainland ; and that instead we briefly examine the archaeo- 3. in the peninsula; plus 4. the identifi- logical evidence of occupation on Bahrain in cation of the islands of the XIVth satrapy; and the Achaemenid period, more particularly 5. the role of the Persian Gulf as an informa- the evidence from what was undoubtedly the tion highway linking India and Mesopotamia political and cultural centre of the island, the in the Achaemenid period. great mound of Qalat al-Bahrain. This we are in a position to do thanks to Bahrain the detailed publication by Flemming Højlund and Helmuth Andersen of the Danish excava- We shall begin with Bahrain, ancient Dilmun, tions in the Late Dilmun palatial building, because chronologically speaking this was formerly referred to as the “palace of Uperi” potentially the first important Persian Gulf (Fig. 49.1), an allusion to one of the kings of possession to be acquired by Cyrus after the Dilmun mentioned in Neo-Assyrian sources. capitulation of Babylon. The evidence for this In fact, much of the occupational evidence is indirect. In the 11th year of Nabonidus, an from this monumental building, which incor- official in Dilmun titled lúbel pīhāti is attested porated several walls from a much older

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Fig. 49.1 View of the Iron Age “palace of Uperi” on Qalat al-Bahrain. (Photo by the author taken in 1983)

palace of the early second millennium !", on Bahrain to administer it, perhaps even a has been dated on ceramic grounds to the Persian and his entourage living in the Achaemenid period, or periods IVc–d in the Late Dilmun palace? Qalat sequence. There is at least one ancillary piece of evi- One of the types present in the build- dence that must be considered in the context ing, moreover, is the so-called “Achaemenid of attempting to answer this question. A glass bowl”, recently discussed at length by Beth seal (Fig. 49.2) with an Achaemenid “court Dusinberre in its Lydian context (1999; 2003: style” contest scene showing a royal hero grap- 172–195). (1) As at Sardis, the Achaemenid pling with a winged bull was found just above bowls on Bahrain had no local precursors, the plaster floor in room B6 of the palace suggesting the shape was introduced. That (Fig. 49.3). Even if it is considered provincial shape, however, was widespread across the by the scholar who published it (Kjærum 1997: , yet the Qalat examples 164), it is still a significant find which could be were locally manufactured, judging by their interpreted as a sign of Achaemenid adminis- typically Bahraini paste. Finally, these bowls tration, since generally similar seals were used were attested in domestic contexts on the on treasury and fortification tab- Qalat, as well as in the so-called palace. But lets (Garrison & Root 2001: pls 274–275, 279f, does this evidence suggest that Achaemenid 280h, 285h). (2) At the same time, it is also true bowls were introduced into the local ceramic that such seals were employed by the Murashu repertoire by , Persians who arrived family to seal their private, economic texts at

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Nippur (Zettler 1979). Hence, the possibil- ity must be entertained that the seal, and by extension, the palatial residence, were those of a wealthy merchant family, not necessarily an Achaemenid satrap. Another counter-argument to the pro- posal that the Late Dilmun palace on Bahrain might have housed an Achaemenid satrap is furnished by the Achaemenid bowls them- selves. The eight examples shown here (Fig. 49.4) were among 29 vessels representing nine different types which were discovered, care- fully buried in (largely decomposed) cloth bags beneath the floors of Rooms A8 and B12 in the palace, containing the remains of snakes— both the sea snake (Hydrophis lapemoides) and the rat snake (Hierophis [or Coluber] ventro- maculatus). Although these burials definitely date to the Achaemenid period, the presence of such ritual snake deposits in the palace strongly suggests that it was not inhabited by Zoroastrians. (3) Indeed, Herodotus specifi- cally states (1.140) that “Magi with their own hands kill everything except dogs and people; in fact, they turn it into a major achievement and indiscriminately kill ants, snakes, and anything else which crawls on the ground or flies in the air”. This may well be an allusion to the killing of creatures known as Avestan khrafstra/Pahlavi khrafstar created by Angra Mainyu. As Albert de Jong has noted, “The snake (Av. azi-) is perhaps the main repre- sentative of the khrafstras. Killing it removes great sins and pollution” (de Jong 1997: 340). Much later, in the sixth century #$, Agathias (c. 532–580) reported on an annual festival called “the removal of evil”, at which, “they kill a multitude of reptiles, and all other wild Fig. 49.2 Glass seal from Qalat al-Bahrain. and desert-living animals and bring them (After Kjærum, Poul, “Stamp-seals and stamp-seal to the Magi, as though as a sign of piety. In impressions”, in Flemming Højlund and H. Hellmuth Andersen, Qala’at al-Bahrain, vol. 2: The Central this way they think that they are doing what Monumental Buildings [Aarhus, 1997], Fig. 734.) pleases the good god, but that they hurt and

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A10 A11 A14 B2 B1 B4 B3 B5 A1 A3 A4 A12 A15 A B6 C1 B7 A5 13 B8 A16 A17 B9 A2 C4 C2 C5 B11 A6 A8 A9 B B12 B13 D1 10 C6 C3 C7 D2 A7 H H H

H F1 F2 F5 G2 F3 F8 F9 G1 E2 F6 E1 E3 F4 F7

E4 E5

Fig. 49.3 Plan of the palatial building on Qalat al-Bahrain. (After Flemming Højlund and H. Hellmuth Andersen, Qala’at al-Bahrain, vol. 2: The Central Monumental Buildings [Aarhus, 1997], Plan 3)

offend Arimanes [Ahriman]” (Histories 2.24; from Hindush (Fig. 49.5) went to Persepolis, cf. de Jong 1997: 341). This attitude, if indeed it is perfectly possible that many will have it existed in the Achaemenid period, hardly sailed up the Persian Gulf, and travelled up to matches the careful burial of snakes in cloth from Liyan (near Bushehr and Reshahr), bags and bowls beneath the floors of the pal- rather than undertaking the arduous jour- ace at Qalat al-Bahrain. Unless the practice ney entirely overland through Baluchistan was a heterodox, folk-religious, non-Zoroas- and Kerman. In traversing the Persian Gulf, trian one introduced from , it would seem Indian religious concepts and esoteric lore unlikely to have been the cultural signature of may well have been transmitted between the an Achaemenid satrap. (4) East and the West, and cult practices like the On the other hand, esoteric knowl- snake veneration seen on Bahrain may be one edge moving in the opposite direction, from reflection of such contact. India to the West, could perhaps explain During the Achaemenid period, moreover, the otherwise mysterious snake sacrifices on Indian mathematical astronomy was enriched Achaemenid Bahrain. Ophiolatry—the wor- by Mesopotamian methods and parameters, ship of snakes—is considered “one of the most according to David Pingree (1974). The conservative features of worship all over South Jyotisavedanga—a manual for determining the ” (van den Hoek & Shrestha 1992: 57). mean times for performing Vedic sacrifices Snakes—nagas or sarapas—are semi-divine bound to specific times of day, months, or sea- beings variously considered lords of a subter- sons—is dependent on Mesopotamian sources ranean world, bringers of rain, and guard- of the seventh and sixth centuries !", includ- ians of the house, who must be propitiated ing MUL.APIN, while the Pāli Dīghanikāya, and who embody the cycle of life and death a Buddhist text of the fourth or third cen- (Vogel 1972; Sinha 1978). When travellers tury !", contains astral omens derived from

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Fig. 49.4 Selection of Achaemenid-style bowls containing snakes excavated by the Danish expedition in the palatial building on Qalat al-Bahrain. (After Flemming Højlund and H. Hellmuth Andersen, Qala’at al-Bahrain, vol. 2: The Central Monumental Buildings [Aarhus, 1997], Figs. 678, 682, 666, 667, 647, 658, 674 and 630)

the lunar, solar, and atmospheric sections Pingree feels “must have entered India dur- of Enūma Anu Enlil; and the later Sanskrit ing the Achaemenid period” (1982: 618). Gargasamhitā contains omen material from Political conditions in the Persian Gulf during both Enūma Anu Enlil and šumma ālu, which the Achaemenid period amounting to a pax

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already suggested this might be an “Iranian form of Tilmun” (1968: 62, n. 3). A toponym Tarm near Qazvin was also known to Yaqut, who presumed that the superior type of cot- ton called “Tarmi” must have come from one or other of these places. But already in 1875 Alois Sprenger had suggested that, as cotton was unlikely to have been cultivated around Qazvin, the appellation “Tarmi” most proba- bly referred to Bahrain (Sprenger 1875: §153) where cotton was indeed cultivated in the early fourteenth century according to Ibn Batutta (Gibb 1958: 409, f. 246), and where the Greek natural philosopher Theophrastus recorded its presence in his Historia Plantarum (4.7.7–8), a work which preserves the scientific observa- tions of Androsthenes, one of the companions of Alexander of Macedon. Indeed, cotton has Fig. 49.5 Head of an Indian from the Persepolis been recovered more recently on Bahrain in stairway reliefs. Achaemenid contexts by the French archae- ological mission directed by Pierre Lombard Persica may have contributed significantly to (Tengberg & Lombard 2001: 167–181). these interchanges. Before concluding this discussion of Mainland eastern Arabia Bahrain, it is worth recalling a suggestion made in 1979 by the late Kilian Butz with respect to In his publication of the hieroglyphic car- the toponym Ti-li-man or Ti-ri-ma-an in the touches on the base of the Egyptian statue Persepolis fortification texts (PF 19, 202, 389, of Darius, discovered by the French mission and 1882). Butz hypothesized that Ti-li-man on the Apadana mound at Susa (DSab) in might be an Elamized variant of Tilmun, the December 1972, Jean Yoyotte compared no. Akkadian form of Dilmun, and hence an indi- 19 with Demotic hagor, the designation used cation that this region was part of the Persian for the of north-western Arabia (as in Empire (Butz 1979: 361, n. 278). While the sug- , the Nabataean name of Medain Salih) gestion has found few adherents, it is neverthe- (Kervran et al. 1972; cf. Yoyotte 1974: 181–183). less true that, according to Yaqut’s (1179–1229) In 1990 David Graf suggested that hgl instead geographical dictionary, the name of the main was a reference to north-eastern Arabia, town on Bahrain was Tarm (Wüstenfeld 1874: that area which today lies within the Eastern 183), a form which is reminiscent of Tirimanna Province of (1990b: 143–145). (and note the alternation between the liq- A toponym hgr, written in South Arabian uids l and r poses no problem, cf. Tylos/Tyros letters, occurs on the coinage of Harithat, in Greek and Latin sources, and Bowersock issues which the late Danish numismatist 1986: 399) and, interestingly, Herzfeld had Otto Mørkholm thought, following Adolph

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Grohmann and Hermann von Wissman, the third millennium which bears on this derived from the general area of Hofuf (the issue, I would just reiterate the point that in largest oasis in eastern Saudi Arabia), in con- the trilingual Achaemenid royal inscriptions, trast to René Dussaud who identified Hagar the Akkadian equivalent of OP Maka is Qadê/ with Dumat al-Ğandal, the Jawf oasis in the Qadû, a name which appears in a now lost north Arabian Nafud. (5) Subsequently, and inscription (the so-called Ishtar slab, from most importantly for Graf’s argument, Walter Nineveh) of Assurbanipal’s, recording the Müller proposed that Gerrha, the name of Assyrian king’s receipt of tribute from Pade, a major trading entrepôt in northeastern king of Qadê, who dwelt in the town of Iskie. Arabia mentioned in numerous Greek and Twenty years ago I suggested that the Neo- Latin sources, was nothing but a Graecized Assyrian toponym Iskie must be identical with version of Aramaic hagara, itself derived from Izki, considered in Omani oral tra- the name *han-Hagar in the local Hasaitic dition to be the oldest town in Oman (Potts dialect of pre-Islamic north-eastern Arabia 1985a; 1985b). Subsequently, François de (according to von Wissmann 1982: 29, n. 21a). Blois noted a number of references to “Arabs” It is by this tortuous route that Graf’s hypo- or “Arabians”—Elamite har-ba-a-be—from thetical interpretation of the toponym hagor Makkash in the Persepolis fortification texts on the base of Darius’ Egyptian statue came (de Blois 1989). Despite the fact that it is not about, an interpretation which led Salles to inconceivable for there to have been Arabs on make a second bold claim with respect to the the coast, I am still persuaded by the Achaemenids in the Persian Gulf, namely evidence of Iskie/Izki that the Achaemenid that they “were active also in the Gerrha king- references to Maka indeed refer to the Oman dom” (Salles 1998: 53). Unfortunately, in con- peninsula, and nothing suggests that Neo- trast to Bahrain, there is no archaeological Assyrian Qade should be located in Makran. evidence to support the identification of an Moreover, the Mycians or Maciya, i.e. the Achaemenid horizon in north-eastern Arabia. inhabitants of Maka, appear on the base of Furthermore, the attribution of Harithat’s Darius’ statue from Susa, and on one of the coinage to eastern Arabia is tenuous, and it is grave reliefs at Persepolis, wearing a short by no means clear that Graf’s interpretation sword slung over one shoulder (Fig. 49.6), of the toponym on Darius’ statue is superior very much like those used in the Iron Age to Yoyotte’s original suggestion. in Oman (Potts 2001: 50). Although com- mon in Iron Age graves in the Oman penin- The Oman peninsula sula, such swords have yet to be discovered anywhere in south-eastern Iran or Pakistani Despite the commonly held, traditional view Makran. that the Achaemenid province of Maka lay in the region of Makran (Eilers 1983: 101–119), Islands of the XIVth satrapy there is compelling evidence to identify Maka with Royal Achaemenid Elamite When discussing Darius’ satrapal reforms, Makkash, Akkadian Makkan, and Sumerian Herodotus tells us that the inhabitants of , that is, the Oman peninsula. Without the islands in the Erythraean Sea, along with reviewing the archaeological evidence from the , Sarangians, Thamanaeans,

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Fig. 49.6 Figure of a Maciya shown with comparable Iron Age short swords. (After D.T . Potts, “Before the Emirates: an archaeological and historical account of developments in the region c. 5000 BC to 676 AD”, in I. Al Abed and P. Hellyer (eds), : A New Pperspective [London, 2001], Fig. 14)

Utians, and Mycians, were reckoned to be no locational information on these islands, part of the XIVth satrapy (Histories 3.93). In gives us quite a bit in his report on the Book 7.80, when naming the contingents that voyage of Nearchus from the mouth of the fought with Xerxes at Doriscus, Herodotus Indus River to Susa in 325/324 !". again refers to “the tribes who had come from Scholars have worked on this material the islands in the Erythraean Sea to take part since Bourguignon d’Anville published his in the expedition”. To these references we may ground-breaking article on the historical geog- add Arrian 3.8.5 who lists “the tribes border- raphy of the Persian Gulf in 1764, and conse- ing on the Erythraean Sea” among the army of quently most of the islands named by Arrian Darius III at Issus. Whereas Herodotus offers have long since been identified (see Potts in

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Fig. 49.7 Map of the Persian Gulf showing the locations of the main islands mentioned in the account of the voyage of Nearchus. (after D. T. Potts, “The islands of the XIVth satrapy”, in press)

press). For present purposes we can ignore the the grounds of the stated distance from the first two islands—Karnine and Nosala—which previously named island (Fig. 49.7). These were located outside the Persian Gulf proper, include Oaracta (Ind. 37.2) = Qeshm; “another off the coast of Baluchistan, and begin with island” (Ind. 37.4) = Hangam; “another island” “a rugged and deserted island” called Organa (Ind. 37.7) = Greater Tunb; Pylora (Ind. 37.8) = (Indika 37.2), identified by most scholars with Farur; Cataea (Ind. 37.10) = Kish; Kaikandrus Hormuz. This is followed by a mixture of (Ind. 38.2) = Hendorabi; “another island” inhabited and uninhabited islands. Some of (Ind. 38.3–4) = Lavan; and the unidentified these have been identified via the survival of Margastana (Ind. 41.2). comparable name forms in Arabic or Persian, Obviously the mere fact that Nearchus while others have been identified simply on mentions these islands does not tell us that

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they all were counted amongst the islands indigenous inhabitants of the region, there of the Erythraean Sea for tax purposes, and were the anaspastoi, the “dispossessed”. Twice, clearly some were uninhabited and therefore Herodotus (3.93 and 7.80) refers to the islands of no interest to the Achaemenid administra- in the Erythraean Sea as places “where the tion. But at least one of these—Oaracta— Persian king settles the people known as the deserves closer scrutiny. dispossessed”. While Schiwek questioned the Arrian (Ind. 37.2) describes Oaracta as very idea that the Achaemenid kings would a “large, inhabited island [. . . .] Vines and have sent prisoners to the Persian Gulf islands date-palms grew there, and it produced corn; (1962: 17), there is no a priori reason to dis- its length was 800 stadia. The hyparch of the pute the practice of using islands like Qeshm island, Mazenes, sailed with them as far as for the internal exile of political opponents or Susa as a volunteer pilot. They said that in this high-ranking Persians who fell from grace. island the tomb of the first ruler of this terri- Strabo preserves an anecdote not related tory was shown; his name was Erythras, and by Arrian but attributed to Nearchus, which hence came the name of the sea”. may throw some light on this. Describing the Even in antiquity there were conflicting island of Ogyris, said to be 2000 stadia from theories as to why the Erythraean Sea was so Karmania, the identification of which has called, and I shall not enter into this debate been made unconvincingly with Hormuz, by here. Rather, I wish to focus on the reference Bunbury (1879: 550); Masira, by Sprenger to the hyparch of the island, Mazenes. To begin (1875: 100) and Schiwek (1962: 75); and Larak, with, however, let me state that the identifica- by Goukowsky (1974: 122, n. 54), Strabo writes tion of Oaracta with Qeshm is assured thanks that Nearchus “was shown around Ogyris, by to the survival of the toponym Burkhut or Mithropastes, the son of Aristes, which latter Brocht on the island in medieval geograph- was satrap of ; and that the former was ical sources (Nimdihi, Samarqandi, Ja’fari, banished by Darius, took up his residence in Ibn Magid) and in Portuguese sources (Pedro the island, joined them when they landed in Teixeira), a point already recognized by the Persian Gulf, and sought through them to Bourguignon d’Anville in the eighteenth cen- be restored to his homeland” (Geog. 16.3.5). tury. The village of Kusheh in the interior of The banishment of Mithropastes by Darius III the island has a shrine to a Shaykh al-Barkeh is thought by Brian Bosworth and others to or Barkh which Aubin took to be a reflex of have been a result of his father, Aristes’ com- the ancient name, associating it also with the mitting suicide following Alexander’s victory nisbeh of the Zoroastrian sailor al-Brukhti, at Granicus in 334 !" (Bosworth 1996: 66; cf. from Siraf, who is mentioned in the anony- Goukowsky 1974: 122; Salles 1998: 116). This mous tenth-century Livre des merveilles de l’Inde act ruined Mithropastes’ prospects and he was (Aubin 1973: 102). “dispossessed”. Ten years after Mithropastes The presence of a hyparch on Qeshm in was banished to the Persian Gulf, Nearchus the late Achaemenid period is interesting, and his fleet came along. Further, Strabo not merely in light of the question raised here writes, “Nearchus says that they were met by concerning the extent of Achaemenid politi- Mithropastes, in company with Mazenes; that cal control over the Persian Gulf, but in light Mazenes was hyparch of an island in the Persian of Herodotus’ remarks that, alongside the Gulf; that the island was called Oaracta; that

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Mithropastes took refuge, and obtained hospi- living around it, the Persian Gulf has been a tality, in this island upon his departure from bridge, making it far easier and faster to reach Ogyris” (Geog. 16.3.7). the opposite shore by boat than, for example, In general, the title hyparch was used for to travel inland, whether up onto the Iranian governors of sub-regions within satrapies. Plateau or into the desert heart of Arabia, by That there were such sub-regions within the foot or on donkey or camel. In the Achaemenid Persian Gulf, i.e. within the XIVth satrapy, is period, when a pax Persica prevailed in the suggested by Arrian who says that, upon land- Persian Gulf, the populations of the coast and ing at Harmozia on the mainland, presum- islands between India and were ably near Minab, Nearchus met an unnamed almost certainly not bypassed by the cultural hyparch who is called “hyparch of the country” stimuli moving in all directions throughout at Indika 34.1, and “hyparch of the province” this part of the empire, but a great deal more at Indika 36.1. Quite possibly, Mazenes, the research remains to be done on this important hyparch of Oaracta, was simply the head man of topic before we can truly claim to understand the island, answering to a higher Achaemenid the role of the Persian Gulf at this time. official at Harmozia. Oaracta was described by Nearchus as large, inhabited, a place Notes where vines and date palms grew and corn 1. These are often referred to as “tulip bowls” (cf. (wheat/barley) was produced. It may well have Magee et al. 2005: 725). been the most populous island in the lower 2. While the seals that made these impressions were Persian Gulf at the time. It is difficult not to used by officials, they were also employed by lower- think that Bahrain, which Nearchus did not ranking messengers. Thus, the Bahrain example does not necessarily relate to someone as high- visit, would have been even more populous. ranking as a satrap. Perhaps its Late Dilmun palace was home to 3. On the religion of Darius and his successors, see another hyparch, though not necessarily an now Skjærvø 2005. 4. During the discussion following my lecture, Prof. ethnic Persian, judging by the snake sacrifices Philip Kreyenbroek compared, in a very general beneath the palace floors. way, snake worship on Bahrain with folk religious practices amongst the Muslim Yezidis of northern Iraq, suggesting that the existence of such unorth- The Persian Gulf as an odox traits need not conflict with the orthodoxy of their practitioners, whether Muslim or Zoroastrian. information highway This is a valid point, cf. Russell 1994: 190: “There are a number of orders, nominally Shi’ite, which In conclusion, it is obvious that the Persian incorporate older religious practices and beliefs, Gulf has always linked the lands around it- not necessarily with any dogmatic consistency, Mesopotamia, Iran, eastern Arabia and the and some of these elements may derive from the worship of Mithra. But secret societies behave in more distant peoples of the Indian sub-con- similar ways in many cultures, employing ordeals, tinent. Indeed on the Chalouf stele (DZc) sacrifices, and grades of advancement”. Whether Darius enunciated an expression of the the snakes on Bahrain should be connected with linkage between Iran and distant Egypt via Mithraic mysteries is impossible to say. 5. For the history of this entire discussion, with full the “sea which comes from Persia” (Lecoq references to earlier opinions, see Potts 1991: 106– 1997: 248). For the maritime-oriented peoples 109; 1994: 81–82.

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