Running head: MYTH ACCEPTANCE 1

The Impact of Social Media Use on the Acceptance of Rape Myths

and Subsequent Views on Sexuality

A project completed in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Honors Program

by

Elizabeth McCoy

April 30, 2020

Psychology Ohio Dominican University

Approved by Honors Project Review Committee:

John M. Marazita, Ph.D., Project Advisor

Anjel Stough-Hunter, Ph.D., Reviewer

Arlene Ramkissoon, D.B.A., Reviewer, Honors Committee

Received by:

John M. Marazita, Ph.D., Director, Honors Program

RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 2

Abstract

Social media is prevalent in many people’s lives, as are rape myths. Rape myth acceptance and views on sexuality were examined as a function of social media use given the relative lack of research. Thirty-one undergraduates completed measures of rape myth acceptance, sexual attitudes, and social media. Acceptance of rape myths and acceptance of myths about sexual aggression were correlated. Key findings were that women who are less frequent users of media were more likely to reject rape myths relative to women who are heavier users of media as well as men. Also, women who are more frequent users of media were less likely to endorse attitudes about sexual permissiveness, but men who were frequent media users were more likely to endorse these views. Results are discussed in terms of media’s effect on schema and scripts.

RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 3

The Impact of Social Media Use on the Acceptance of Rape Myths and Subsequent Views on

Sexuality

Studies have estimated that one in five college women experience (Li, Kim

& O’Boyle, 2017). Of that one in five, 75% of the victims blame themselves for their assault (Li, et. al. 2017). There are many different aspects that may impact a victim’s experience after they have been assaulted. Social media may impact a person’s acceptance of rape myths and their views on sexuality. Before these differences are examined, it is important to look at the theoretical framework for this study.

Theoretical Framework

Schemas and scripts play an essential role in rape myths and both the acceptance and rejection of them. Schemas can be defined as: “a set of rules held by an individual that guides his or her attention to particular stimuli in the environment and shapes the types of inferences the person makes from an observed characteristics” (Dattilio, 2010, p. 222). Schemas can affect unconscious motivations, information processing and emotions (Dattilio, 2010). For example, the more knowledge an individual has about a victim or about the circumstance leading up to sexual assault, the more likely the individual to stand with the victim and believe them (Wiener, Voss,

Winer, & Arnot, 2005). Different schemas used by men and women lead them to weigh situations differently; women are more likely to find situations more serious than men (LaRocca

& Kromery, 1999; Wiener, et. al., 2005).

Similarly, scripts (generalized knowledge about events) are a product of assimilation and accommodation (Crome & McCabe, 2001). Scripts have three levels: intrapsychic, dealing with personal experiences; interpersonal, dealing with social interaction and acceptance; and cultural scenarios, dealing with the “instructional guides” within life (Crome & McCabe, 2001 p. 397). RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 4

The scripts that an individual utilizes affects them in many ways, both good and bad, including helping them cope with trauma (Crome & McCabe, 2001). Scripts can help people make assumptions; however, they can also hinder people from seeing a situation in its full form when rigid. Specifically, when a script is too rigid, an individual may assume something because of one factor and disregard all other factors (e.g., assimilation). Media can impact the different schemas and scripts that people have, which can then impact their acceptance or rejection of rape myths (Flood & Pease, 2009). Schemas and scripts can contribute to rape myths.

Rape Myths

Rape has become very common in the media. Rape can be defined as, “forced sexual intercourse including both psychological coercion as well as physical force” (Bureau of Justice

Statistics). Rape myths are common when discussing instances of rape and sexual assault. Rape myths can be defined as: “prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists—in creating a climate hostile to rape victims” (Burt, 1980 p. 217). The purpose of these myths is to deny the assault and to reduce the perceived injury or to blame the victims for their own victimization (Burt, 1980). Rape myths are interwoven with scripts for appropriate behaviors of men and women and were founded in the traditional patriarchal values (Brinson,

1992). These rape myths minimize the issue of sexual assault and oftentimes will bring up the possibility of the victim either falsely accusing someone, or it being their fault all together (Li, et. al., 2017). Common rape myths include: “A healthy woman can resist rape if she wants to”,

“women falsely report a rape because they frequently have a need to call attention to themselves”, “it is her own fault if her partner forces sex on her”, and “in the majority of , the victim is promiscuous or has a bad reputation” (Burt, 1980; Li, et. al. 2017). RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 5

Rape myths are connected to other facets of individual’s lives, such as empathy and interpersonal violence (Sasson & Paul, 2014; Burt, 1980). Higher victim empathy results in a lower rape myth acceptance, which in turn results in a more positive attitude towards victims

(Sasson & Paul, 2014). When people have a higher level of empathy in general as well as higher victim empathy, they are less likely to accept rape myths (Sasson & Paul, 2014) and when people are more accepting of interpersonal violence, they tend to have a higher acceptance of rape myths (Burt, 1980). Rape myths are important to examine because they are often what allows people to decide if something was a real rape or not (Brinson, 1992). Oftentimes, these myths are very generalized and become the most widely held views on what constitutes a sexual assault

(Li, et. al., 2017). While some of the rape myths may occur, there is not one situation of rape that is more valid than the next. It is important to remember that rape is defined as, “forced sexual intercourse including both psychological coercion as well as physical force” (Bureau of Justice

Statistics), which is not dependent on situational factors.

By having these rape myths in society’s dialogue, certain situations such as acquaintance or partner rape can be considered less valid. Some instances of rape are not reported because of the mentality that others have it worse; rapes are often not reported if there was no weapon present or if the perpetrator was someone that the victim knew, such as a friend, a partner or an acquaintance (Flood & Pease, 2009). These situations cause uncertainty due to the standing rape myths in society. This mentality is often exhibited by an array of people including those closest to the survivor, law enforcement and perpetrators.

A product of rape myths is common risk-reduction behaviors that could help decrease an individual’s vulnerability. This causes a disconnect referred to as “unique invulnerability”

(Crome & McCabe, 2001). Essentially, unique invulnerability is the belief that by engaging in RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 6 certain risk reduction behaviors, they cannot be harmed (Crome & McCabe, 2001). One common behavior that is encouraged is to limit use of alcohol and drugs (Hertzog & Yeilding, 2007).

While this behavior may decrease someone’s vulnerability in a very specific situation, rape happens in a variety of situations and there is the misconception that if a person does not drink, they will be safe. There is also somewhat of a disconnect when looking at someone’s perception of threat to these types of situations (Hertzog & Yeilding, 2007). In many cases, while people are aware of statistics around rape, they do not understand that they too could be victimized. Rape myths feed into this unique invulnerability because they help set the stage for a perfect crime; that if people do not engage in these activities, they will be immune. Rape myths can greatly desensitize a society.

Rape Culture

Due to the frequent occurrence of sexual assault in our society, our culture could be considered a “”. The perception of rape is socially constructed through a rape culture, which legitimizes rape and creates certain rape myths for rape victims (Stubbs-Richardson,

Rader, & Cosby, 2018). That is, a culture that accepts sexual assault, and excuses it as well

(Keller, Mendes, & Ringrose, 2018). Rape culture also includes the subsequent behaviors of these attitudes towards sexual assault including: “rape jokes, sexual harassment, cat-calling, the routine policing of women’s bodies, dress, appearance, and code of conduct; the redirection of blame from the perpetrator in an assault to the victim; and the impunity for perpetrators, despite their conduct or crimes” (Keller, et. al., 2018 p. 24). Our culture often perpetrates all these elements. In addition to a rape culture, the also has a “rape-coercive culture”. The sexually coercive behaviors are not only accepted and allowed, but they are normalized RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 7

(Milburn, Mather & Conrad, 2000). This is important regarding for sex, which must be given freely. When consent is not given freely, it is considered sexual assault.

One main component of rape culture is that victims are blamed for their own assault. In blaming the victim, certain attitudes become attached to the victim, causing feelings of guilt to be felt by someone who is already going through a very traumatic experience (Li, et. al., 2017).

One reason for this is because people often have a standard idea, or a script, of what a rape should look like. These ideas are often very rigid. This can lead to a number of problems, including the impact that can happen when law enforcement officers believe in these rigid scripts. Victims can be fearful in coming forward because law enforcement officers may not believe them (Stubbs-Richardson, Rader & Cosby, 2018). does not only occur by the criminal justice system. Rape culture has deemed that victims who are more likeable and in more traditional female roles, are less at fault for their assault, than women who are in less traditional roles, such as working outside of the house and in less feminine occupations.

(Capezza & Arriaga, 2008). Both male and female victims alike experience feelings of shame.

Women who have been victimized are often considered “damaged goods” (Weiss, 2010, p. 289), and men who have been victimized often feel emasculated (Weiss, 2010). This idea that one type of person is more at fault than another can be very harmful to the individuals who are impacted.

These ideas can be impacted and impede the process of recovery afterwards due to feelings of rejection and self-blame (Weiss, 2010).

Rape culture creates an inconsistency between how both victims and perpetrators are seen. Victims are often blamed for being assaulted, while excuses are made for the perpetrators.

For instance, sometimes victims are blamed by saying things such as “she asked for it”, whereas the perpetrators would be excused by comments such as, “he didn’t mean to” (Stubbs- RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 8

Richardson, et. al., 2018). These claims can lead the victim to wonder what they did wrong, and what they did to provoke the assault (Brinson, 1992). There are also the elements of the Just

World Belief, that is the belief that if you are good then good things will happen to you, and vice versa (Crome & McCabe, 2001). This comes into play in rape culture because of victim blaming.

There is the belief that if the victim would have done everything right then the rape could have been prevented.

Media Exposure

Exposure to certain types of media can have a powerful impact on an individual. Both entertainment media and social media may influence certain schemas that an individual has. Sex schemas may be impacted, specifically.

Exposure to entertainment media. Exposure to certain media may be desensitizing.

Studies have shown that a higher exposure level to objectifying media, such as pornography, can result in a higher acceptance of women as sexual objects, and the belief that women should behave only in a sexual manner to satisfy men (Wright & Tokunaga, 2016). Exposure to violent pornography may result in the idea that there was less trauma for the victim when hearing about a true rape depiction (Malamuth & Check, 1981). Men have been found to be more accepting of violent behaviors than were women (Malamuth & Check, 1981). The way in which sexual violence is shown in media has a powerful impact. In some cases, it is implied that the victim is somehow enjoying what is happening, and in many cases, there is little to no punishment shown for the perpetrator (Malamuth & Briere, 1986). The way in which certain media presents women and sexual content in a degrading way, may impact the way that the viewer perceives and victim suffering (Milburn, Mather & Conrad, 2000, p. 659). Many RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 9 individuals are exposed to these sorts of images, which could potentially alter even further how cases of rape are seen and handled.

A study looked at popular crime dramas and the role of violence and sexual violence; they found that when sexual violence and violence in general is portrayed in a criminal justice setting, participants scored lower on the Rape Myth Acceptance scale (Lee, Hust, & Zhang,

2011). This suggests that the message that the behaviors are wrong, are potentially sent with a greater weight than other formats. Studies have also found that when an individual is exposed to media that is related to sex, the individual is more likely to partake in risky sexual behaviors

(O’Hara, Gibbons, Gerrard, Li, & Sargent, 2012). The content of the media that people are exposed to is very relevant when it comes to looking at how individuals are affected.

Exposure to social media. Studies have found that, “violence in the real world becomes much more acceptable after you’ve seen infinitely greater violence on the screen” (Mullin &

Linz, 1995, p. 449). Social media can be defined as: “information infrastructure and tools used to produce and distribute content that has individual value but reflects shared values, the content then takes the digital form of personal messages, news, ideas, that becomes cultural products; the people, organizations and industries that produce and consume both the tools and the content”

(Peuchaud, 2014). Social media can be used in both positive and negative ways for sexual assault victims (Stubbs-Richardson, Rader, & Cosby, 2018). Years ago, media intake looked much different. Social media has allowed more taboo topics to be featured more often. Social media is relatively new, but it assumedly works with our perceptions in much the same way as traditional media.

While media exposure can negatively impact individual’s schemas, it is important to note that not all impacts are negative. Social media can serve as a platform in order to help individuals RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 10 cope with a variety of different situations, including sexual assault. Individuals who use social media to share their experiences of sexual harassment often feel a sense of validation after sharing their story and reading others (Boyd, 2007). In the wake of the #MeToo Movement, it is important that social media platforms are examined in this way as well, because the movement has allowed so many individuals, men and women alike, to come forward and either seek justice or get the help that they need.

Researchers have found that people use social media for different reasons. For example, women typically use social media for connection, whereas men use social media for entertainment (Armstrong & Mahone, 2017). Regardless of why people use social media, it can promote personal and group identity by interpersonal feedback, peer acceptance and reinforcement of group norms (Valenzuela, 2013). Users may be drawn to social media due to the fact that they have complete control over what is being presented, unlike face to face contact; a benefit to social media is the element of being in control of self-presentation (Murthy, 2012).

Social media can be used to share opinions and discuss news topics from various perspectives

(Stubbs-Richardson, et. al., 2018). Likewise, the somewhat sense of anonymity draws people to use different platforms (Brunsting & Postmes, 2002). The collective experience the users feel when using social media; validates the experiences they are sharing (Boyd, 2007). Due to accessibility of the Internet, it is reasonable to assume that it can and will serve as a platform for activists in the foreseeable future (Brunsting & Postmes, 2002). Activism on social media is most effective when it is used to coordinate further actions to take place offline (Peuchaud, 2014); however, it is essential that activists feel as though their role is meaningful and they are helping a legitimate and stable organization (Passy & Giugni, 2001; Kelly & Breinlinger, 1995).

Factors Influencing Rape Myth Acceptance RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 11

Gender may impact different perceptions around sexual assault, including the acceptance of different rape myths. Prior victimization or knowing someone close to you has been a victim of rape, leads to greater victim empathy (Ching & Burke, 1999). This is true for both males and females. When gender and sexual orientation of the victim are manipulated experimentally in different scenarios, men attributed more blame to the victims than do women (White & Robinson

Kurpius, 2002). This would lead one to believe that men would be more likely to accept rape myths. However, the same study found that men and women both felt that male victims should be held more responsible for their rape than female victims, because of their ability to fight off their attackers (White & Robinson Kurpius, 2002). This type of thinking is problematic because it allows rape to be viewed as dependent upon the situation when it is wrong in every situation.

This kind of thinking leads to further enabling a rape culture. Attractiveness of the perpetrator and victim are important when individuals assign blame regarding sexual assault. Men assign more blame to the perpetrator when the victim is unattractive whereas the women assign more blame if the victim is attractive (LaRocca & Kromery, 1999), when a perpetrator is more attractive, they are perceived as less to blame (Flood & Pease, 2009). Studies have shown that women in general, are more likely to find scenarios as more severe as compared to men (Wiener, et al, 2005). This may be due to men’s likelihood of accepting more violent behaviors.

There are conflicting findings on whether the age of the perceiver impacts rape myth acceptance. Male undergraduate students are more accepting of rape myths, while male students in the graduate program are less accepting and their views resembled those of the female undergraduate and female graduate students (White, & Robinson Kurpius, 1991). Conversely, a separate study found that while gender does have an impact on rape myth acceptance and RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 12 empathy, age does not (Ching & Burke, 1999). Overall, more studies need to be done to examine whether age acts as a predictive variable for empathy.

Views on Sexuality

Objectification theory claims that “girls and women are typically acculturated to internalize an observer’s perspective as a primary view of their physical selves” (Fredrickson &

Roberts, 1997, p.173). These beliefs can become belittling to women and cause them to focus more on exterior beauty rather than internal beauty, which is problematic particularly when looking at mental health (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). The stress that can be brought on from seeing your worth in only your body can become overwhelming and when something traumatic like sexual assault occurs, an individual’s self-worth can deteriorate quickly (Flood & Pease,

2009). Women who self-blame often have greater trauma and experience more distress (Flood &

Pease, 2009). Many victims of rape exhibit symptoms similar to Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, or PTSD, including depression, anxiety, nightmares, sleep difficulties, nervousness, substance abuse, and increased fear (Rowan, Foy, Rodriguez, & Ryan, 1994). Despite the symptomology, it is uncommon for victims to be treated as if they have PTSD. This is due to the adherence of rape myths by society. There have been studies conducted that have revealed that therapists themselves wish to be better educated and trained more adequately on the proper way to handle cases with violence against women, namely sexual assault victims (Campbell & Raja, 1996).

There is a disconnect between the pervasiveness of the issue and the response afterwards.

Effects of Rape Myths and Rape Culture

Rape myths and rape culture impact different facets of individuals’ lives. In particular, views on sexuality and sexual violence, as well as sexual scripts are affected. RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 13

Views on sexuality and sexual violence. Men and women perceive sexuality, and women exhibiting sexuality, differently. A common finding is that when women dress provocatively, they are perceived to be more at fault if they are sexually assaulted (Flood &

Pease, 2009). In a society that is moving more towards a less rigid view on sex and sexuality, this view is problematic. Studies have shown that the more sexualized a woman expresses herself, the more dehumanized she is by peers (Arnocky, Proietti, Ruddick Cote, Ortiz, Hodson,

& Carre, 2019). Similarly, if a victim had on a short skirt, or if she was sexually experienced, she was considered more responsible for her assault (Workman & Freeburg, 1999; Schult &

Schneider, 1991). Men are more likely to engage in this type of victim blaming than are women

(Workman & Freeburg, 1999).

Sexual scripts. Scripts are created both explicitly and implicitly and are continuously developing and refining. When children are exposed to a great deal of violence, their schemas and normative beliefs shift towards thinking violence is a normal and socially appropriate behavior (Flood & Pease, 2009). Individuals have set scripts for both victims of rape and perpetrators of rape. Certain rape myths can be more easily validated due to the scripts that an individual has in place. Stranger rape for example, is more easily identified and labeled than acquaintance rape due to scripts (Check & Malamuth, 1983). Most of the rape myths, and consequently most of the studies, focus on female victims and male perpetrators. While this is very common, when males are sexually assaulted by females, their experience can be minimized due to these scripts (Weiss, 2010). With these scripts already in place, more knowledge can allow them to change. When individuals are presented with different forms of media, their schemas are gradually shaped (Ward & Friedman, 2006). With the exposure, it is hypothesized that certain media can facilitate an earlier presence of sexual activity in a person’s life (Ward & RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 14

Friedman, 2006). This earlier presentation of sexual behaviors has caused a change in our culture.

Current Study

The current study focuses on the relationship between rape myths and the impact that social media may have on either the acceptance or rejection of the myths. Previous studies have not looked specifically at social media, but rather media in its entirety. Social media has become a platform for users to obtain news stories and gain awareness of different movements. The

#MeToo movement makes this relationship especially important to analyze due to social media’s role.

Method

Participants

Participants were recruited from Introduction to Psychology classes as well as students in general on campus. The participants were 31 college age students: 9 males, 9 females and 13 unknowns. Due to a research error, there are missing data for gender for thirteen participants.

The error was corrected after the thirteen participants completed the study. From the consent forms we can reasonably infer that of the thirteen, 3 were male, and 10 were female. Participants signed up for a time to complete the study through the website Signup Genius.

Materials and Procedures

Participants visited the lab individually to complete the following research instruments,

The Brief Sexual Attitudes Scale, the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, the Acceptance of

Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression Scale and a brief questionnaire on social media use. The items were given in that order for every participant. RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 15

The Brief Sexual Attitudes Scale is a 23-item scale where participants rate the degree to which they agree with different statements on a 5-point Likert scale (Hendrick, Hendrick &

Reich, 2006). This scale looks directly at views of sexuality, and looks specifically at an individual’s views on permissiveness, birth control, communion and instrumentality as they relate to sex. Each category is averaged and given 4 separate scores, the higher the score the more the participant agrees (Hendrick, et. al. 2006).

The Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale is a 22-item scale where participants rate their agreement with statements from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree). This score is a composite score where a higher score is a higher rejection of rape myths (Payne, Lonsway, &

Fitzgerald, 1999).

The Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression scale is a 30-item scale where participants rate each statement from 1 (completely disagree) to 7 (completely agree)

(Gerger, Kley, Bohner, & Siebler, 2007). Scoring for this scale is an average between 1 and 7 across all 30 items, the higher the score the more the participant agrees (Gerger, et. al., 2007).

The two scales on rape myths were used in attempt to control for social desirability. The

Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale had more direct statements such as, “If a girl doesn’t say

“no” then she can’t claim rape” and “If a girl is raped while she is drunk, she is at least somewhat responsible for letting things get out of hand” (Payne, Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1999).

The Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression scale has more implicit statements that are supportive of rape myths such as, “Many women tend to exaggerate the problem of male violence” and “Alcohol is often the culprit when a man rapes a woman” (Gerger, et. al., 2007).

The aim of using both scales is to gauge both the direct and less direct rape myths. RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 16

The brief questionnaire on social media use was created for the purpose of this study to briefly gauge an individual’s relationship with social media. Time spent on social media, platforms used, posting habits, and the perceived benefit of social media were measured.

Results

Social Media Use

The brief questionnaire on social media use was created for this study. It measured various aspects about an individual’s involvement with social media. Of the participants, 27 reported using social media, while 3 participants reported they did not use social media. One participant did not complete this questionnaire. Of the individuals who reported using social media, the average time spent on social media per day was 83.17 minutes (SD = 68.94). As shown in Figure 1, Instagram and Snapchat were the most frequently used platforms whereas

Facebook was among the least frequently used. Interesting, despite its general popularity, just over half the participants reported using Twitter. Participants reported that they posted on average 1.05 times per day (SD = 1.98); and on average 3.15 times per week (SD =4.37). The participant’s responses reveal that while social media is used, many individuals are not actively involved in posting. RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 17

100 90 80 70 60 50 40

Percentage Percentage Sample of 30 20 10 0 WhatsApp TikTok Facebook Twitter YouTube Instagram Snapchat

Media Platform

Figure 1. Self-reported results of which social media platforms that participants use. WhatsApp and TikTok were answers that participants wrote in (less than 1%) and were not options given to all participants.

Brief Sexual Attitudes Scale

The Brief Sexual Attitudes Scale gauged four separate facets of views on sexuality: permissiveness, birth control, communion, and instrumentality. Scores could range from 1.0 to

5.0, with higher scores indicating a higher level of agreement. Scores for each individual category are shown in Table 1. Participants tended to agree with the use of birth control (M =

3.84) and the role of communion (M = 3.56) in sexual activities, more so than their views on permissiveness (M = 2.48) and instrumentality (M = 2.55).

RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 18

Rape Myth Acceptance Scale

Rape myth acceptance was measured with the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale. This scale looked at direct rape myths that are common in society. Scores could range from 22 to 110 with higher scores meaning a greater rejection of rape myths. The participants had scores ranging from 51.0 to 109.0, (M = 84.74, SD = 14.36). Participant’s scores indicate that there was an overall rejection of rape myths.

Acceptance of Sexual Aggression

Acceptance of sexual aggression was measured with the Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression scale. This scale looked at rape myths and in particular rape myths involving sexual aggression. Scores could range from 1 to 7 with a higher score indicating more acceptance of the rape myths. Participants scored between 1.60 and 5.50, (M = 3.54, SD = 0.84).

This scale shows that participants neither strongly accept nor reject sexual aggression, as the average score is almost exactly the median.

Acceptance of Rape Myths and Sexual Aggression RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 19

A Person Correlation Coefficeint showed that rape myth acceptance is negatively correlated with sexual aggression (r = -.83, p < .001). This indicates that the higher the scores for rape myth acceptance were the lower the scores were for acceptance sexual aggression. This was expected as a higher rape myth acceptance score indicates a greater level of rejection, and a lower sexual aggression score indicates a greater level of rejection.

Media Use as a Predictor of Sexual Attitudes and Rape Myths

With the Brief Sexual Attitudes Scale, a correlation was run with each subscale in relationship to time on social media. Permissiveness was found to be positively correlated with time (r = .44, p = .02). While birth control (r = .23, p = .21), communion (r = .12, p = .54), and instrumentality (r = .29, p = .12) were not found to be significantly correlated with time. The more time spent on social media, the greater permissive views on casual sex.

A correlation examined rape myth acceptance and the time spent on social media per day.

The correlation showed that the two were positively correlated (r = .39, p = .033). In this case, the more time spent on social media resulted in a greater rejection of rape myths.

A final correlation was completed to look at time spent on social media and acceptance of sexual aggression. No significant relationship was found (r = .18, p = .34).

Sex Differences and the Role of Media on Sexual Attitudes

Recall that past research has uncovered sex differences in attributions of blame. For example, men are more likely than women to attribute more blame to the victims of sexual assault (White & Robinson Kurpius, 2002), except when the victim is unattractive (Flood &

Pease, 2009; LaRocca & Kromery, 1999). Similarly, men report scenarios of sexual assault as being less severe than do women (Wiener, et al., 2005), and male undergraduates are more RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 20 accepting of rape myths (White & Robinson Kurpius, 2002). The current study examined these differences.

The following analyses are tentative because we do not have data on the sex of 13 participants, although we do know that this group is comprised mostly of women (76%).

Analyses were run comparing the 9 men and 9 women although statistical power is lost with such a small sample. For comparison, the graphs also include a reference line for the remaining

13, mostly female, group. First, time spent using media was converted to a z score which was used to create two groups: those who spend an above-average amount of time and those who spend a below-average amount of time.

A 2 Sex x 2 Media Use ANOVA was run to examine the effect of media use and sex on rape myth acceptance. The ANOVA revealed significant Sex x Media Use interaction, F(1, 13) =

5.46, p = .04. As can be seen in Figure 2, a sex difference in rape myth acceptance is only seen for those who use media less frequently where women reject rape myths more than do men. Also note that the group of mostly women, although not included in the ANOVA, also appears to show greater rejection of rape myths. These sex differences disappear among those who have greater-than-average exposure to media with men and women rejecting rape myths equally.

110 Unknown Female 102 94 Male 86 78 70 62 54 Average Score Average 46

38 30 22 Below Average Above Average Media Use RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 21

Figure 2. ANOVA results examining sex differences between below average and above average media use groups in relationship to scores on the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale.

Using the same groups of above-average amount of time and below-average amount of time, a second 2 Sex x 2 Media Use ANOVA was run to examine the effect of media use and sex on acceptance of myths about sexual aggression. The ANOVA did not reveal a significant Sex x

Media interaction regarding sexual aggression acceptance F(1,13) = 3.21, p = .10. As shown in

Figure 3, a sex difference in sexual aggression acceptance is more prevalent in the below- average group, with men more accepting of sexual aggression than women. However, the difference is not of statistical significance. In the above-average group, the difference seems to become less apparent. If those in the unknown group had been included in their respective category, it is possible that the difference would have been significant.

7 Unkown Female 6 Male

5

4

3 Average Rating Average

2

1 Below Average Above Average Media Use

RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 22

Figure 3. ANOVA results examining sex differences between below average and above average media use groups in relationship to scores on the Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual

Aggression scale.

A third ANOVA was run using the above-average and below-average time groups. A 2

Sex x 2 Media Use ANOVA was run to look at differences in permissiveness. The ANOVA revealed a significant interaction, F(1,13) = 4.69, p = .049. As shown in Figure 4, women who spent a below-average amount of time with media were more accepting of permissive behaviors than were men. In contrast, in the above-average amount of time with media group men were more accepting of permissive behaviors than were women. This was only significant in the above-average time group.

5 Unkown Female Male 4

3

Average Rating Average 2

1 Below Average Above Average Media Use

Figure 4. ANOVA results examining sex differences between below average and above average media use groups in relationship to scores on the Permissiveness subscale of the Brief Sexual

Attitudes Scale.

Discussion RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 23

The current study yielded many important findings revolving around media, rape myths, gender, and views on sexuality. It is important to note, that 87% of participants reported using some sort of social media. Overall, participants indicated rejection towards rape myths, but indifference towards sexual aggression. Participants also indicated a level of agreement with the use of birth control with sex as well as the importance of communion. However, participants did not indicate agreement with permissiveness or the instrumentality of sex. There was a strong relationship with rape myth acceptance and sexual aggression. That is the higher score with rape myth acceptance, an indication of greater rejection, the lower score regarding sexual aggression, an indication of greater rejection. A 2-Way ANOVA revealed a significant relationship with below-average media intake and rejection of rape myths, specifically in the female group. An additional ANOVA showed that there was a significant interaction within the above-average time group and acceptance of permissive behaviors with males. This research was somewhat exploratory in that social media and rape myths have not been examined together in past research.

It is interesting that there was an overall rejection of rape myths in this sample. Mixed results were anticipated given that social media has both positive and negative impacts. With the recent use of social media as a means for individuals to come together and support each other surrounding various topics including sexual assault, it is possible that has impacted the way in which individuals use media and cultivate an online culture of support. This shift away from a rape culture could be very important for survivors of sexual assault, in potentially decreasing the amount of victim blaming that occurs as well as the self-blame that happens (Brinson, 1992).

The male participants who used an above-average amount of time on social media were more accepting of permissive behaviors, which was predicted as males tend to use social media for RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 24 entertainment (Armstrong & Mahone, 2017). When violence and certain attitudes are portrayed on different media platforms, they become more acceptable to the individual being exposed

(Mullin & Linz, 1995). The media that individuals are exposed to can greatly affect the different views that they hold.

Given that media plays a role in shaping schemas (Ward & Friedman, 2006), it is interesting that individuals who used a below-average amount of media rejected rape myths more so than the above-average group. Additionally, because women are more likely to find situations more serious than men (Wiener, et. al. 2005), it is logical that women would reject rape myths more than men.

A limitation of the current study is the role of the unknown group. With roughly 42% of the participant responses not being connected with gender, it is difficult to draw upon potential sex differences that may have occurred. Though it is known that most of the unknown group is female, it is impossible to distinguish which responses were from females and which were from males. Had the research error not occurred, the results may have been more meaningful. An additional limitation is would be the use of the Brief Sexual Attitudes Scale rather than another scale to measure views on sexuality. The one used was not significantly correlated with either scale regarding myths. It is possible that the scale was not correlated to the others used in the study because there was not a significant relationship. In using another scale, one looking more towards rape-coercive attitudes, rather than just sexual attitudes, perhaps a more meaningful relationship would have been found.

Future research should focus specifically on media exposure. Media can impact individuals both positively and negatively (Crome & McCabe, 2001), especially regarding their acceptance or rejection of rape myths (Flood & Pease, 2009). Looking more directly at what RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 25 media individuals are exposed to may lead to interesting findings, specifically looking at what individuals look at on various social media. Examining what other types of media the individual has been exposed to, could give greater insight into what views are held. The current study is one that can be built upon for future research in changing the sexual attitudes scale used and diving deeper into media content.

RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 26

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