Agenda

• ANNOUNCEMENTS – Workshop tomorrow on “Changing Percepons of Southerness” and various other sociolinguisc events Ethnolects as Systems of – Did you aend the screening of Talking Black in America? • RECAP OF LAST WEEK: Studying difference of language to address racial injusce Difference • Today: Ethnolects as systems of difference • Friday: Ethnolectal problems Language and Race • Today’s quesons Session 4 – Why do we study AAE? What issues of educaon have movated its study? 2017 LSA Instute – What is AAE? What do linguists agree and disagree that it is? Elaine Chun, University of South Carolina – What are the various views that linguists hold? – How have the circumstances of shaped community ideologies toward ? – 10:30 AM: HOMEWORK INSTRUCTIONS – NOTE: There was some excellent discussion in your posts about the issue of 1 appropriaon. Please hold onto these ideas—we will come back to them next Friday 2

Achievement gap: Why study AAE? Reading scores in the US • A cultural and educaonal problem • Problem • Popular ideologies linking AAE to black cognive or cultural – Achievement gaps between races in schools deficiency (see 1 998 NYT ad) – It’s a race-class problem: Instuons privilege/reflect both white and middle-class norms • African American low performance in schools as a direct and indirect result of the marginalizaon of AAE. • Reading gap between black and white students – Despite slight decrease in gap as students aend school, a significant – School curriculum built around white middle-class pracces gap persists – AAE-speaking students placed in classes for students with learning – Gap has not improved over me (1992-2009) disabilies and speech problems – Naonal Center for Educaonal Stascs (US Department of Educaon (hp://nces.ed.gov/)

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Black-white student achievement gap Black-white student achievement gap across me across me (age 13 and 17 reading) • Gap narrowed before 1988 but Naonal mostly stopped narrowing aer Assessment of 1988 Educaonal • ETS study found 4 periods Progress (NAEP) is – 1971-1988: Narrowing of an assessment program the gap in reading and math conducted by the – 1988-1999: Halng of gap Naonal Center narrowing; gap increase in for Educaon some cases Stascs (NCES) – 1999-2004: Some narrowing of the gap, especially reading – 2004-2008: Some but not much narrowing

1 Black-white student achievement gap The Black English Case by school’s racial composion • 1979 federal court case: Marn Luther King Junior Elementary School NAEP (Naonal Children et al. v. Ann Arbor School District Assessment of • 15 economically disadvantaged African American children aending a Educaonal Progress (2015) predominantly white middle-upper class school in “liberal” Ann Arbor • Inial complaint: Students placed in learning disability and speech pathology courses; students suspended and retained à prevented students form learning Standard English • EEOA (Equal Educaonal Opportunity Act): “No state shall deny equal educaonal opportunity to an individual on account of his or her race, color, sex, or naonal origin, by .. . The failure to overcome language barriers that impede equal parcipaon by its students in its instruconal programs” • Linguists, educators, reading specialists tesfied • Judge Joiner found Ann Arbor SD in violaon of children’s rights to equal educaonal opportunity

Oakland Ebonics resoluons The Oakland School Board Resoluon • December 18, 1996: Oakland Unified School District’s “Resoluon on • Oakland Ebonics resoluons (1996-1997) Ebonics” – Board passed a resoluon claiming that that Ebonics was the • official language spoken by the district’s 28,000 African American WHEREAS, numerous validated scholarly studies demonstrate that African-American students as a part of their culture and history as African students and that it was not genecally related to English people possess and ulize a language described in various scholarly – Jusficaon to ensure that AAVE-speaking students increase their approaches as "Ebonics" (literally "Black sounds") or "Pan-African Standard English proficiency and academic and professional Communicaon Behavior" or "African Language Systems"; and opportunies • WHEREAS, these studies have also demonstrated that African Language – LSA approved a new resoluon (1997) that clarified the issues Systems are genecally based and not a of English; and • Popular misunderstandings of original language (see blue) • WHEREAS, these studies demonstrate that such West and Niger-Congo African languages have been officially recognized and addressed in the mainstream public educaonal community as worth of study, understanding or applicaon of its principles, laws and structures for the benefit of African-American students both in terms of posive appreciaon of the language and these students' acquision and mastery 9 of skills; and

• WHEREAS, such recognion by scholars has given rise over the past fieen • WHEREAS, the interests of the Oakland Unified School District in providing equal years to legislaon passed by the State of California recognizing the opportunies for all of its students dictate limited English proficient educaonal unique language stature of descendants of slaves, with such legislaon programs recognizing the English language acquision and improvement skills of being prejudicially and unconstuonally vetoed repeatedly by various African-American students are as fundamental as is applicaon of bilingual California state governors; and educaon principles for others whose primary languages are other than English; and • WHEREAS, judicial cases in states other than California have recognized the unique language stature of African-American pupils, and such • WHEREAS, the standardized tests and grade scores of African-American students in reading and language arts skills measuring their applicaon of English skills are recognion by courts has resulted in court-mandated educaonal substanally below state and naonal norms and that such deficiencies will be programs which have substanally benefited African American children in remedied by applicaon of a program featuring African Language Systems the interest of vindicang their equal protecon of the law rights under principles in instrucng African-American children both in their primary language the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constuon; and and in English; and

• WHEREAS, the Federal Bilingual Educaon Act (20 U.S.C. 1402 et seq) • WHEREAS, standardized tests and grade scores will be remedied by applicaon of mandates that local educaonal agencies "build their capacies to a program with teachers and aides who are cerfied in the methodology of establish, implement and sustain programs of instrucon for children and featuring African Language Systems principles in instrucng African-American youth of limited English proficiency; and children both in their primary language and in English. The cerfied teachers of these students will be provided incenves including, but not limited to salary differenals.

2 • NOW, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED that the Board of Educaon officially recognizes the existence, and the cultural and historic bases of West and Niger- Linguisc Society of America (LSA) Congo African Language Systems, and each language as the predominantly primary language of African-American students; and resoluon (1997) • BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED that the Board of Educaon hereby adopts the report recommendaons and aached Policy Statement of the District's African- • a. The known as "Ebonics," "African American Task Force on language stature of African-American speech; and American Vernacular English" (AAVE), and • BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED that the Superintendent in conjuncon with her staff "Vernacular Black English" and by other names is shall immediately devise and implement the best possible academic program for systematic and rule-governed like all natural imparng instrucon to African-American students in their primary language for speech varieties. In fact, all human linguistic the combined purposes of maintaining the legimacy and richness of such systems—spoken, signed, and written—are language whether it is known as "Ebonics," "African Language Systems," "Pan- fundamentally regular. The systematic and African Communicaon Behaviors" or other descripon, and to facilitate their expressive nature of the and pronunciation acquision and mastery of English language skills; and patterns of the African American vernacular has • BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED that the Board of Educaon hereby commits to earmark been established by numerous scientific studies District general and special funding as is reasonably necessary and appropriate to over the past thirty years. Characterizations of enable the Superintendent and her staff to accomplish the foregoing; and Ebonics as "slang," "mutant," " lazy," • BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED that the Superintendent and her staff shall ulize the "defective," "ungrammatical," or "broken English" input of the enre Oakland educaonal community as well as state and federal scholarly and educaonal input in devising such a program: and are incorrect and demeaning.! • BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that periodic reports on the progress of the creaon ! and implementaon of such an educaonal program shall be made to the Board at least once per month commencing at the Board meeng of December 18, 1996.

• b. The distinction between "languages" and • c. As affirmed in the LSA Statement of Language "" is usually made more on social and Rights (June 1996), there are individual and group political grounds than on purely linguistic ones. benefits to maintaining vernacular speech For example, different varieties of Chinese are varieties and there are scientific and human popularly regarded as "dialects," though their advantages to linguistic diversity. For those speakers cannot understand each other, but living in the United States there are also speakers of Swedish and Norwegian, which are benefits in acquiring Standard English and regarded as separate "languages," generally resources should be made available to all who understand each other. What is important from a aspire to mastery of Standard English. The Oakland linguistic and educational point of view is not School Board's commitment to helping students whether AAVE is called a "language" or a "dialect" master Standard English is commendable.! but rather that its systematicity be recognized.! !

In the press Approaches to AAE as an ethnolect

• 1997: William Labov tesfies to a US Senate Commiee • Linguists have expressed varied opinions about – hps://www.c-span.org/video/?c4460330/labov-us-senate-hearing- • What it should be called ebonics-educaon • What it’s origins are • 1998: An an-Ebonics ad in the NYT • How disncve it is from other variees of English • How homogenous its rules are among speakers • Who speaks it

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3 What should we call it? Naming an ethnolect

From Green (2002) • Reflects norms at the me of naming (Negro • We use labels even if we don’t know precisely what the referent is vs. African American) (Mufwene 2001 cing Kripke’s work on naming) • Highlights historical connecons and linguisc – Do you know what “fruit” refers to? Do you know what a “beech tree” is? relaonship with other variees (English vs. • Labels create the significance of objects in our world; they are never Language) purely objecve descripons of the world • Smitherman (2015: 3) in her introducon to – Where one object begins and ends (how reality is parsed) the OHAAL: “Our preference to use AAL, as – What set it belongs to or is connected to opposed to AAE, is to bypass some of the problemac implicaons of “English” within – What cultural value it has (e.g. connotaons carried by terms) the socioculture and history of African slave • Labels serve academic, polical, cultural purposes descendants in the United States and the – There is nothing inherently wrong with labels; they can oen be helpful but contested connecons of their language we should be wary of their limits and their consequences variety to the motherland and colonizaon and encompass rhetorical and pragmac strategies that might not be associated with English. In other words, the use of the term AAL is more neutral and, therefore, less marked.” Ebonics??? 19 20

Contrasve analysis: Bringing AAE is a rule-governed system knowledge of rules into the classroom • A rule-governed system – There IS a wrong and right way to speak AAE • QUESTION: How does this differ from prescripvism? – Not just a list of features but a system with interlocking components • The value of “rules” – Gives symbolic value to speakers; disrupts stereotypes of “bad” English and “unintelligent” speakers – Helps educators idenfy ways of improving African American status

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Disncveness Disncveness

• Disncon is always relaonal • What then does it mean for an AAE feature (e.g., copula absence) to be – “AAE is disnct” (from a Standard English norm) disncve? Some possibilies: – QUESTION: What problem do you see in descripons of features such as – EXCLUSIVITY?: AAE speakers don’t use copulas; non-AAE speakers do “copula deleon” or “metathesis”? – GREATER FREQUENCY?: AAE speakers use copulas less oen than non-AAE • AAE is oen described as the “marked/different” variety from a standard speakers do English norm – SPECIALIZED USE: AAE speakers use aux “come” differently from non-AAE speakers (She come acng like she was mad) – No ethnolect exists in a vacuum – PERCEPTION AS AFAM: When AAE speakers don’t use copulas, they are perceived by others as “black”

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4 Commonly described disncve AAE phonological and grammacal features Phonological features of AAE

• See a more comprehensive list in the supplement: Rickford, John. 1999. African American • Reducon of word-final consonant clusters, especially ending in t or d Vernacular English : Features, evoluon, educaonal implicaons. Malden, MA: Blackwell. – han’ for SE “hand” [NOTE: apostrophes are in original text, for a non-lx audience] – des’ for SE “desk” • Disncvely Black grammacal features (DGBF) (Spears) – pos’ for SE “post” – pass’ for SE “passed” • Facts to keep in mind • Devoicing of word-final voiced stops aer a vowel – Not all African Americans use these features – [b] as [p] – Some non-African Americans use these features – [d] as [t]: [bæt] for SE “bad” – No African American uses all of these features all of the me – [g] as [k]: [pɪk] for SE “pig” – Final ng as n in gerunds:. walkin’ for SE “walking.” • Quesons to consider • Interdental fricave fronng or foron – Voiceless th [θ] as t or f, as in n for SE “thin and baf for SE “bath.” – How does this descripon legimate AAE as a “real” dialect? – Voiced th [ð] as d or v, as in den for SE “then,” and bruvver for SE “brother.” – What are some problems with lisng “features” as such? Are there • Deleon or vocalizaon of post-vocalic l beer ways to describe the whole system of AAE? – he’p for SE “help,” toah for SE “toll.”

– Why do some features make it onto this list and why don’t others? 25 • Deleon or vocalizaon of post-vocalic r 26 – sistuh for SE “sister” or fouh for SE “four.”

Grammacal features of AAE: Phonological features of AAE Progressives • Pitch variaon • Rickford’s study among 31 students at Stanford: “She BIN married” – “higher pitch range and more rising and level final contours” than other American – QUESTION: Is she sll married? English variees. – Blacks (23, or 92%) whites (8, or 32%) gave the correct answer (YES) • Inial stress – pólice instead of SE políce • Present progressive – hótel instead of SE hotél. – He Ø runnin (=SE "He is running" or "He's running") • Metathesis • Present habitual progressive – aks for SE “ask”, waps for SE “wasp.” – He be runnin (=SE "He is usually running") • Merger of [ɪ] and [ɛ] before nasals • Present intensive habitual progressive – [pɪn] for SE “pin” and “pen.” – He be steady runnin (=SE "He is usually running in an intensive, sustained manner.”) • Vowel-lowering before velar nasal • Present perfect progressive – He bin runnin (=SE "He has been running") – “ing” as “ang” and “ink” as “ank” – thang for SE “thing,” sang for SE “sing,” and drank for SE “drink.” • Present perfect progressive with remote incepon: – He BIN runnin (=SE "He has been running for a long me, and sll is")

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Habitual ‘Be’ Grammacal features of AAE

• Absence of copula/auxiliary for present tense states and acons • Which of these are ungrammacal? – “He ∅ tall” for SE “He’s tall” or “They ∅ running” for SE “They are running.” 1. They usually be red when they come home. • Use of done to emphasize the completed nature of an acon 2. James always be coming to school. • “He done did it” for SE “He’s already done it”

3. They be red right now. • Done can co-occur with been, as in “By the me I got there, he been done gone” 4. Somemes my ears be itching. • Use of be done for resultaves or the future/condional perfect

5. My ankle be broken from the fall. • “She be done had her baby” for SE “She will have had her baby.” 6. Linguists always be asking silly quesons about language. • Use of finna to mark the immediate future • “He finna go” for SE “He’s about to go.” • Use of come to express the speaker’s indignaon about an acon or event • “He come walkin in here like he owned the damn place” (Spears 1982: 852). • Use of double modals • may can, might can, and might could (common in Southern White vernaculars) for SE “might be able to” or must don’t (more unique to AAVE) for SE “must not.” (See Labov et al. 1968: 260-3, Labov 1972c: 57-9).

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5 Verb tense-marking Nouns and pronouns

• Absence of third person singular present tense s • Absence of possessive –s – “He walk∅” for SE “He walks.” – “John∅ house” for SE “John’s house.” – Use of don’t instead of “doesn’t”: “He don’t sing” • Absence of plural –s – Use of have instead of “has,” as in “She have it” – “two boy∅” • Generalizaon of is and was to use with plural and second person subjects • Apposive or pleonasc pronouns – “They is some crazy folk” for SE “They are crazy folk” – “That teacher, she yell at the kids” for SE “That teacher ∅ yells at the kids.” – “We was there” for SE “We were there” (Wolfram 1993: 14). • Use of y’all and they to mark second person plural and third plural • Use of past tense or preterite form (V-ed) as past parciple (V-en) possessive – “He had bit” for SE “He had bien” – “lt’s y’all ball” and “It’s they house” – “She has ran” for SE “She has run.” (See Fasold and Wolfram 1970: 62 Rickford and Théberge: 1996: 232-3). • Use of object pronouns (me, him, and so on) aer a verb as personal daves – “Ahma git me a gig” for SE “I’m going to get myself some support” (Gumperz 1982b: 31, • Use of past parciple form (V-en) as past tense or preterite form (V-ed) Wolfram 1993) – “She seen him yesterday” for SE “She saw him yesterday” (Wolfram 1993: 12). • Absence of relave pronoun (who, which, what or that) • Reduplicaon of a past tense or past parciple suffix (“double tense marking”) – “That’s the man ∅ come here” for SE “That’s the man who came here.” – likeded [laikdɪd] for SE “liked” and light-skinded for SE “light skinned.” Only applies to a small set of verbs (including liked, looked, skinned), and more common in adolescent speech (see 31 32 Wolfram 1993: 14).

Negaon Quesons

• Use of ain’(t) as a general preverbal negator • Non-inversion for quesons, usually with rising intonaon • SE “am not,” “isn’t,” “aren’t,” “hasn’t,” “haven’t” and “didn’t” – “Why I can’t play?” for SE “Why can’t I play?” “He ain’ here” for SE “He isn’t here” – “They didn’t take it?” for SE “Didn’t they take it?” • “He ain’ do it” for SE “He didn’t do it.” • Auxiliary verb inversion in embedded quesons (without if or whether) • Mulple negaon or negave concord – “I asked him could he go with me” for SE “I asked him if he could go with me.” • “He don’ do nothin” for SE “He doesn’t do anything” (Labov 1972a, 1972c; 130-96). • Negave inversion • “Can’t nobody say nothin” (inverted from “Nobody can’t say nothin”) for SE “Nobody can say anything” • “Ain’t nobody home” (from “Nobody ain’t home” for SE “Nobody is home” (Sells, Rickford and Wasow 1996a, b). • Use of ain’t but and don’t but for “only” • “He ain’t but fourteen years old” for SE “He’s only fourteen years old” • “They didn’t take but three dollars” for “They only took three dollars” (Wolfram et al. 1993: 14). 33 34

Existenal and locave Lexical elements

• Use of existenal instead of there • A few from Green (2004): – “It’s a school up there” for SE “There’s a school up there” (Labov et al. 1968: 301-3). – My legs are ashy • Use of existenal they got instead of there are – He call hisself cooking. – “They got some hungry women here” (line from a Nina Simone song) for “There are some hungry women here” (Labov et al. 1968: 303). – The students tried to get over on the teacher – She is downright sadiy – Those boys are mannish – Your niece is so womanish

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6 African American discourse style: Style Beyond linguisc structure • Mitchell-Kernan (1972) • Style (arsc form—the way things are said) of a speech act • African American communicave strategies reflects communicave competence – Signifying • Pragmac act (what speakers are doing) is primary to sound/ – Marking grammar (what form is used) • Folklore perspecve – Black dialect forms can be explained by the speech acts performed – Divergence from dialectologist view – Language as verbal skill – Formal (e.g., phonological, morphosyntacc) features signal culturally based communicave strategies “which reflect the Afro-American concern with speaking as a skill and an art” (Gumperz and Hymes intro)

Signifying Signifying

• “encoding messages or meanings in natural conversaons • Advantages which involves, in most cases, an element of – Pares can avoid confrontaon – Never clear exposes the speaker’s intent; can insist on harmless indirecon” (165) interpretaon • Clever way of conveying message • Examples – “selected for its arsc merit” (165) – [Husband does not normally wear suits to work.] • Implicit content obscured by surface content Wife signifies that – Ambiguity of message, address, speaker intent he is not going to work [having an – Shared cultural knowledge: To “decode”. . . “one must voyage [into a] affair] social world and discover the social types referred to and the cultural values and atudes toward them” – [Male boss’s hand touches secretary’s knee] • Oen (but not always) negave import for the addressee – SECRETARY: Oh, excuse me, Mr. Smith, I didn’t mean to get my knee in • Somemes cued with AAE elements your way.

Signifying Signifying (as verbal dueling)

!"#!"#"$% &'()%(*+%,-.%/-01/%)-%2-%3().*2(,4%&055%,-.%6+%-7+*%'+*+4% #$% 8%2-19)%:1-;<% • A man coming from the bathroom forgot to zip his pants. An unescorted !"#!"#"$% &+55=%0>%,-.9*+%1-)%/-01/%)-%6+%2-01/%(1,)'01/=%?-@+%6,<%89@%%/-01/%)-%?--:% party of women kept watching him and laughing among themselves. The A-@+%?'0)9501A<%B#()'+*%C-:01/5,D%E*%!"#$%&'$&(#$&)$*+&,#$-#."&#,$/+&$ man's friends hip (inform) him to what's going on. He approaches one 0&(1*$#!*$2+3*143(,5% woman-"Hey, baby, did you see that big Cadillac with the full res, ready F"#G$% B81)+*C+?)01/%0120/1(1)5,D%H'()9A%(55%8%'+(*%5()+5,IA-.5%>--2=%%A-.5%>--2<%8>%,-.% to roll in acon just for you?” She answers, "No, mother-fucker, but I saw A(,%,-.%2-19)%+()%0)%,-.%/+)%(??.A+2%->%6+01/%%A(20)),%B(>>+?)+2=%?-1A02+*01/% a lile gray Volkswagen with two flat res" (Kochman 1969:27). M interprets -1+A+5>%A.J+*0-*D<% – Man’s metaphor implies power and elite class % B’s BF())+*%->%>(?)8,D%&+55=%8%()+%+1-./'%65(?:I+,+2%J+(A%(12%1+?:I%6-1+A% – Woman builds on but reverses man’s metaphor and "caps" him ambiguous 2.*01/%)'+%2+J*+AA0-1%)'()%8%?(19)%/+)%)--%+K?0)+2%-7+*%0)<%6$#!*$7"38#$"39$ – Black English used conveying a “black speech act” act as addressed !(0$:;9&(#$9#2!',#$6$43<#$*&=$(&*$9#2!',#$618$*"%3(.$*&$9#$/+3*#>$ towards M as B301?+*+5,D%L+/*-+A%(*+%?-1A)(1)5,%)*,01/%)-%>012%A-@+%;(,%)-%20A?*0@01()+% a crique of (/(01A)%+(?'%-)'+*<%8>%)'+,%?-.52%-1?+%/+)%0)%01%)'+0*%'+(2A%)'()%;+%(*+%(55%01% her aempt )'0A%)-/+)'+*%@(,6+%;+%?-.52%/+)%A-@+;'+*+%01%)'0A%6())5+%(/(01A)%)'+% to be white @(1<% % BF(*,%5+(7+A,01/%()%'+*=%6.)%50:+%8%(5;(,A%A(,=%0>%)'+%A'-+%>0)A=%;+(*% 0)<%% !

7 B implicitly depicts figure as an Uncle Tom (African Marking American who has sold out) Marking

• “The characterizaon of individuals according to the way they !"# $%&'#()(#%*#+&,-# speak is, of course not peculiar to , although the ."# #/01&23)456#7*#+&)(8#9!"#$%&'('('%")**+%,'%-.%"./.%,'0)+1%23/&,%'4%)556%)"%7)8,% ,'%,")89%)55%+':%;''0%7"3,.%4'59&%4'/%.&%?:)5343.0%7.% specific social types may be more elaborated than ;'8%-.%43@38%':/%)**53<),3'8&1%A)#5=%0'8.%0'8.%7"),%7.%-..8%7)3,38;%4'/%)%5'8;% elsewhere” (176) ,3$.1%A)#5=%0'8.%;3>.%)%<'5'/.0%$)8%)%;''0%B'-%73,"%,".%<'$*)8,:9# – Parody/caricature depicts character is being in some class !"# 0)(#%*#1*&33,#+&,#'%&'-# ;"# <14#%=8#,*+#%*#+&)(#)':#>)138#2%*1*#%&?*#,@A#B**4:#/CA'#(@24#B,#)4')=&')45#!# – Markers assumes hearers can interpret the metaphoric 2&+#B*)45#3)'*1&36# communicaon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

African GE Labov (1998) (Green 2002) OAD • GE and AA as different but interdependent/”coexistent” • “AAE [is] a linguisc system of communicaon governed by well defined components/systems rules and used by some African Americans (thought not all) across GE different geographic regions of the USA and across a full range of age • Cognive model (in the tradion of formal lx) groups” (Green 2004: 77) – What do speakers know? AA • Strengths of this model (Green 2001) • Knowledge of a system: “So when speakers know AAE, they know a – Shows disncve features of AAE (primarily in the tense-aspect system) system of sounds, word, and sentence structure, meaning ,and structural – Shows similaries with other AE dialects organizaon of vocabulary items and other informaon” – Describes AAE as a “system” with rules that funcon together rather than as a • Local/insider knowledge: “the data he used were taken from speakers list who parcipated in that culture” • Possible criques • Not just urban: “the features he disnguished are also used by speakers of – Erases historical connecons with non-English languages AAE in small towns in which there are no inner cies and certainly no – Normave status of OAD thriving street culture”

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Black Street Speech (Baugh 1983) Rickford (2004)

• Not spoken by all African Americans • Black English/African American English (AAE) • Funconally different from standard English; used in different domains – Disncve speech of African Americans • Style-shiing: Among those who speak it, not spoken all of the me • African American Vernacular English (AAVE) • Dependent on contact/context – Disncve speech of African Americans that this doesn't include the – Connuum of use according to speaker, class, context (as well as social network, standard English usage of African Americans identy, gender, among other social factors) (Source: Baugh, John. 1983. Black Street Speech: Its history, structure, and survival. Ausn: University of Texas Press. )

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8 African-American English African American English (Spears 1998) (Morgan 1994) • Mulple variees: “AAE comprises not one but a number of related standard • Community membership and nonstandard variees” – “the language variees used by people in the United States whose • Inclusive of standard major socializaon has been with US residents of African descent” – “cover term for Standard African-American Englishes (SAAE) and African- American Vernacular Englishes (AAVE), both of which are in turn the cover • Cultural and historical terms for the collecon of standard and nonstandard variees of AAE – “speakers are of African descent and connects US speakers with those respecvely.” (See also Tracey Weldon’s work on MCAAE) in the in general and the English-speaking diaspora in • Disncveness (but not non-standardness necessarily) the Americas in parcular” – “AAE may have disncvely African American traits while having none of the features widely agreed upon as being nonstandard, e.g., the use of ain't and mulple negaves within a sentence.” – “The disncvely African-American features of SAAE have to do primarily, but not solely, with and language use.” – “AAE : any variety of American English having a core of DBGFs [disncve black grammacal features]. Some DBGFs are found in virtually all AAE variees, others in only a few” (Spears & Hinton 2010) 49 50

African American English African American Language (Mufwene 2001) Wolfram (2015) • Inclusive of all African American Englishes • AAL is a sociolinguist’s construcon – “English as it is spoken by or among African Americans” (Mufwene – Created to debunk widespread myths 2001) • AAL exhibits great variability within and between regional and • No objecve definion class communies – “There is probably no way of defining AAE—if a language variety can • Style variaon is not switching between discrete AAL and be defined at all—that does not reflect a parcular bias, and this problem is true of any language variety in the world” MAE systems • Emic perspecve: Conforms to lay understandings • AAL does not have a unified history of development (no – “Many lay persons rank phonological and lexical features about common origin and path of change) anything else in idenfying the speech of African Americans as AAE . . . • AAE speakers do not have a single trajectory of use over the there are seldom imitaons of AAE that are based primarily on lifespan grammacal features which are also aested in other nonstandard variees”

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