Historic Reconstruction of the Ecology of the Rio Grande/Río Bravo Channel and Floodplain in the Chihuahuan Desert
Report prepared for Chihuahuan Desert Program, World Wildlife Fund
14 June 2000
by: Nancy G. Stotz
Downloadable versions of this report will be made available at World Wildlife Fund’s website, www.worldwildlife.org. Updates to this report and lists of supplemental sources of information may also be found there.
For additional information about this report, contact the author: Nancy Stotz Desert Scribes [email protected] (505) 521-8087
For information about WWF’s Chihuahuan Desert Conservation Program, contact: Jennifer Atchley Chihuahuan Desert Program Officer 100 E. Hadley Las Cruces, NM 88001 [email protected] (505) 525-9537
Second Printing: February 2001
ii Table of Contents
Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………………………. iv Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………… v Introduction: Justification and Scope ……………….……………………………………………….. vii Literature Cited ……………………………………………………………………………… viii Chapter 1: Geographic and Historic Overview ……...………………………………………………. 1 Belen and Socorro Valleys………………….……………………………………………….. 1 Engle and Las Palomas Valleys…………….……………………………………………….. 2 Mesilla and El Paso Valleys……………….………………………………………………… 3 Forgotten Reach and Presidio Valley…..……………………………………………………. 5 Big Bend and the Lower Canyons………..………………………………………………….. 5 Literature Cited………………………………………………………………………………. 6 Chapter 2: Historic Ecosystem Descriptions ……..………………………………………………….. 9 Channel Morphology and Location………………………………………………………….. 9 Flooding and Flow Regimes………....………………………………………………………. 11 Flow Data…………………………………………………………………………... 12 Extent of Flooding………………………………………………………………….. 16 Channel Width and Depth………………………………………………………….. 17 Surface Flow Disruptions………………………………………………………….. 18 Still-Water Features and Water Table……………………………………………………….. 20 Floodplain Vegetation ………………………………………………………………………. 23 Cottonwood-Willow Stands………………………………………………………... 24 Mesquite and Screwbean…………………………………………………………… 27 Grasses and Other Plants…………………………………………………………… 28 Qualitative Descriptions of Changes in Vegetation………………………………………..… 30 Quantifying Changes in Vegetation …………………………………………………………. 33 Areal Extent………………………………………………………………………… 33 Plant Densities and Size-class Distributions……………………………………….. 35 Fauna ………………………………………………………………………………………… 38 Literature Cited………………………………………………………………………………. 42 Chapter 3: Fishes of the Desert Rio Grande………………………………………………………….. 51 Species Accounts…………………………………………………………………………….. 56 Literature Cited………………………………………………………………………………. 68 Chapter 4: Herpetofauna of the Desert Rio Grande………………………………………………….. 73 Species Accounts…………………………………………………………………………….. 80 Literature Cited………………………………………………………………………………. 95 Chapter 5: Mammals of the Desert Rio Grande……………………………………………………… 97 Species Accounts…………………………………………………………………………….. 103 Literature Cited………………………………………………………………………………. 117 Chapter 6: Birds of the Desert Rio Grande…….…………………………………………………….. 121 Species Accounts…………………………………………………………………………….. 139 Literature Cited………………………………………………………………………………. 145 Appendix A: Extracting Data from Township and Range Line Surveys..…………………………… 149 Literature Cited………………………………………………………………………………. 151 Appendix B: Threatened and Endangered Vertebrates of the Desert Rio Grande…………………… 153 Literature Cited………………………………………………………………………………. 158 Maps………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 159
iii
Acknowledgments
This project would have been impossible without the guidance, input, and connections of Jennifer Atchley, World Wildlife Fund, Chihuahuan Desert Program Officer.
Teri Neville, of the New Mexico Natural Heritage Program, provided an invaluable service by producing the maps for this report.
General discussions with a number of individuals (Neal Ackerly, Dennis Daily, Benjamin Everitt, Tony Garcia, Diana Hadley, Austin Hoover, Mike Landis, Robert Mallouf, Tim McKimmie, John Peterson, Carole Purchase, and Raymond Skiles) helped to identify potential sources of information.
The El Paso office of the International Boundary and Water Commission provided access to a wide variety of resources; Manny Rubio, Jim Robinson, David Maruffo, and the staff in the Technical Library were particularly generous with their time, expertise, and equipment.
Gary Esslinger gave us permission to access the Elephant Butte Irrigation District Archives held by the Hobson-Huntsinger Archives at the New Mexico State University Library.
Several other individuals and institutions provided access to and copies of maps: John Kennedy (Water Resources Research Institute, Las Cruces, NM), Scott Cutler (Centennial Museum, University of Texas at El Paso), Robert Skiles (Texas General Land Office), and Richard Smith (National Archives and Records Administration).
John Sproul (Center for Environmental Resource Management, University of Texas at El Paso) provided copies of several bird lists, including an unpublished draft of the forthcoming eighth edition of the El Paso area list.
Thom Maestes (Las Cruces District, Bureau of Land Management) introduced me to the protocol for Government Land Office Surveys so I could interpret the information contained in the surveyors’ field notes.
Several individuals provided valuable feedback on drafts of portions of this document: John Schmidt (hydrology); Chris Hoagstrom, W.L. Minckley, and David Propst (Chapter 3); Paul Hyder (Chapter 4); John Karges (Chapter 5); and Ray Meyer and Bill Howe (Chapter 6). In addition to his thoughtful review, Chris Hoagstrom generously provided photocopies of a large collection of papers and unpublished reports.
iv Summary
The Chihuahuan Desert straddles an international border and encompasses some 630,000 square kilometers of the southwestern United States and north-central Mexico. As the only major through-flowing stream in this desert, the Rio Grande represents a critical component of the region’s biodiversity. The desert Rio Grande traverses about 1270 kilometers of the Chihuahuan Desert between the mouths of the Rio Puerco in New Mexico and the Devil’s River in Texas. The Río Conchos, the Pecos River and the Devils River are the only major perennial tributaries that reach the desert Rio Grande, and all meet the river in the lower half of its Chihuahuan Desert course. Thus, the waters of the desert Rio Grande have always been a precious resource for populations—both human and non-human—living in this arid region.
As a result of centuries of intensive human settlement, agriculture, and industry within the river’s watershed, the natural environment has been impacted immensely. For the second time in less than a decade, American Rivers has placed the Rio Grande among the 10 most endangered rivers of the United States, and a World Wildlife Fund-sponsored symposium identified the river as a priority site for conservation and restoration. In order to assist policy-makers, land-managers, and property owners with restoration efforts along the Rio Grande through the Chihuahuan Desert, the primary goal of this report is to compile information about what natural environments used to exist along and within the river. In terms of environmental change, the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were among the most significant periods in the river’s history: agricultural development and dam construction impacted river flows and floodplain habitats directly and land-use changes elsewhere in the river’s watershed impacted run-off and sedimentation patterns.
For centuries, the waters of the Rio Grande have been used for agricultural pursuits. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, agricultural societies existed along several parts of the desert Rio Grande; they appear to have engaged in flood-water farming that utilized overbank flooding or diverted sheetflow after rainfall for irrigation instead of using ditch irrigation from the main channel of the Rio Grande. Ditch irrigation became more widespread following the establishment of missions and settlements in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; although along some portions of the desert Rio Grande (such as in the Mesilla and Presidio valleys) large-scale ditch irrigation did not occur prior to the nineteenth century. Late in the nineteenth century, extensive agricultural development in southern Colorado and northern New Mexico usurped most of the river’s water, resulting in flow disruptions downstream and precipitating the construction of Elephant Butte Reservoir (completed in 1916) to store water for agriculture downstream.
Under the natural flow regimes that existed prior to the dam’s construction, the environment along the desert Rio Grande was dynamic and patchy, with organisms adapted to spatial and temporal heterogeneity. This heterogeneity was driven by the river’s flows, which exhibited within- and between-year variability. Above the mouth of the Río Conchos, flows peaked in late spring or early summer when snow melted in the upper reaches of the river’s watershed; below the Río Conchos, peak flows tended to occur in late summer or fall, resulting from summer precipitation in Mexico. In many years, overbank flooding occurred during periods of peak flow. The river exhibited a meandering course through the valley reaches, and because meanders naturally migrate along a channel, small-scale changes in channel location and shape were common. In addition, large-scale channel migration also occurred, sometimes from one side of the river valley to the other. However, in at least one reach of the desert Rio Grande, such large-scale channel shifts appear to have resulted from returns to previously established river channels instead of the creation of a new channel. Meander cut-offs and channel migration also helped to create and maintain numerous backwaters including oxbows, marshes, and sloughs. These non-river aquatic habitats may have been important refugia for aquatic organisms when portions of the river went dry; prior to extensive agricultural development, flow disruptions along limited stretches of the river occurred quite infrequently, and seem to have only occurred during extended droughts.
The natural vegetation of the river bottom responded to the variable flow regime and exhibited a patchy, dynamic distribution. Flood-tolerant seepwillows occurred along the river’s edge, and cottonwoods and willows, largely dependent upon sediments and moisture deposited by floods for sexual reproduction, grew in discontinuous stands near the river. Farther from the active channel, large expanses of shrubby growth
v dominated by screwbean and honey mesquite occurred. Salt grass often grew in association with screwbean, and elsewhere, patches of arrowweed could be found. Marshes and sloughs were typified by aquatic and emergent vegetation such as pondweed, cattails, sedges, and rushes. Nineteenth-century surveys and descriptions suggest that cottonwood stands may have occupied roughly a quarter to a third of the area in river valleys, with shrubby and more open growth covering larger expanses, and marsh and slough habitats limited to a small area (perhaps 5% or less of the river valleys).
Under natural flow regimes, these plant communities would not have been static; flood events, meander migration, and large-scale channel shifts all could remove existing vegetation and allow for the establishment of new patches. The dynamic eqilibrium of this system allowed for a diversity of plant communities and stands of many different ages. Animals living along the desert Rio Grande could thus occupy a wide variety of terrestrial and aquatic habitats. Accordingly, vertebrate diversity is high along the river: as many as 44 native fishes, 95 amphibian and reptiles, 95 mammals, and 345 birds occur (or previously occurred) along the desert Rio Grande.
Accounts from the mid-nineteenth century and earlier describe the abundance of certain types of animals, particularly game species. In the waters of the Rio Grande and the surrounding ponds and sloughs, fish were abundant, and waterfowl provided a ready source of meat for travelers. Large animals including deer, turkeys, bears, wolves, and mountain sheep occurred along some reaches of the river; all but the deer have been extirpated by human activities along the river. Some local extirpations occurred relatively early—for instance, beaver populations along the river declined severely during the 1820s due to overharvesting by fur trappers—but many followed the extensive settlement, water diversions, and other modifications of the natural environment that intensified in the late-nineteenth century. For example, bears and turkeys were eliminated from the Socorro Valley sometime after 1850, and at least 15 native fishes have been extirpated from all or part of their range along the desert Rio Grande, many during the mid-twentieth century. The conversion of natural habitats to agriculture and urban areas, the introduction of exotic species, water diversions, flow regulation, dam and levee construction, channel straightening and dredging, and numerous other changes have taken place along the desert Rio Grande and all have impacted the organisms of the riparian landscape immensely. The dynamics of the river system and the ecosystems that depend on it have been changed, reducing the natural heterogeneity of the system and severing connections between the patches within it.
vi
Introduction: Justification and Scope
The Chihuahuan Desert straddles an international border and encompasses some 630,000 square kilometers of the southwestern United States and north-central Mexico. As the only major through-flowing stream in this desert, the Rio Grande1 represents a critical component of this region’s biodiversity. In recognition of this fact, at a World Wildlife Fund-sponsored symposium on the biological resources of the Chihuahuan Desert in the fall of 1997, the Rio Grande was identified as a priority site for conservation and restoration.
Along much of the river, restoration is necessary because centuries of intensive settlement, agriculture, and industry along the river’s shores have impacted its natural environments immensely. The environments are so degraded that American Rivers placed the Rio Grande on its list of the ten most endangered rivers of the United States in 1993 and again in 2000 (Bartlett 1995: 27, American Rivers 2000). In order to assist policy-makers, land-managers, and property owners with restoration efforts along the Rio Grande through the Chihuahuan Desert, the primary goal of this report is to compile information about what natural environments used to exist along and within the river.
In his introduction to The Explorers’ Texas, Weniger (1984: vii) explains …that an ever increasing proportion of our people cannot, as they gaze across the fields and the cities, conceive of the original, natural Texas any more than one can, from opening a milk carton, imagine milking a cow or, from eating a package of potato chips, picture himself digging in a hill of potatoes…. There is reason to think that this ignorance of environmental history might be as dangerous as any blindness. With no knowledge of what was originally in Texas, we doubt that these environmental orphans can be in any position, no matter how much ecology they study, to make valid decisions about the fate of water forests, prairies and rivers we have left…. Weniger (1984: vii) further justifies his compilation of early historic descriptions of Texas by observing that “the early historical period’s environment has been almost completely unstudied.” Unfortunately, though he provides an eloquent call for such research and compiles a remarkable amount of information about the pre-1860 environment in Texas, Weniger’s two-volume set only includes a handful of pages devoted to the Rio Grande through the Chihuahuan Desert (pp. 148-154). Although excellent historic compilations exist for the Middle Rio Grande in northern and central New Mexico (e.g.: Crawford et al. 1993, Scurlock 1998), no comprehensive document focusing on the river through the Chihuahuan Desert exists, and it is hoped that this report will begin to fill that gap.
In terms of environmental change, the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were among the most significant periods in the river’s history. Along the upper portions of the Rio Grande, agricultural development reached a peak in the late-nineteenth century, and “by 1880, every piece of irrigable land along the length of the Rio Grande [in New Mexico] was under development” (Harris 1995: 9). As this agriculture was irrigated by water from the Rio Grande, the river’s flows were significantly reduced during this period. In fact, it was this reduction in flow to downstream users that necessitated the construction of Elephant Butte Dam in southern New Mexico (completed in 1916). While providing a dependable supply of irrigation water to farmers in southern New Mexico, west Texas, and northern Chihuahua, this dam also represented a critical date for much of the Rio Grande in the Chihuahuan Desert. The river’s natural flooding cycle and sedimentation patterns were disrupted, affecting not only the aquatic environment but also many terrestrial communities dependent upon these physical processes.
As such, this report focuses largely on information about environments along the Rio Grande recorded prior to dam construction. The earliest accounts come from Spanish expeditions beginning in the sixteenth century; however, descriptions are more abundant from later periods, particularly the mid-nineteenth century, when military expeditions of the Mexican-American War; railroad, wagon-road, and boundary
1 Although the title of this report recognizes the alternate name, Río Bravo, given to this river in Mexico, for brevity’s sake, throughout this document the name Rio Grande will be used.
vii surveys; and the journals of 49-ers heading for California all recorded aspects of the environment encountered along the Rio Grande. While most of this information is narrative in form—qualitative descriptions of aquatic features, natural vegetation, and wildlife—some quantitative information from maps, survey notes, and flow records is also presented. In addition, some modern data have also been included to illustrate the magnitude of environmental change in the last 100 to 150 years.
Because this report is designed to provide all stakeholders involved in river restoration with a baseline, descriptive document that could be of use in the development of specific restoration goals for particular reaches of the river, information is typically presented with geographic identifiers so descriptions and data can be located along the river. Furthermore, this compilation is more comprehensive than selective (meaning that it includes as many different accounts of a particular feature of the river as practical, instead of picking just one example of how someone described it) to provide a catalog of descriptions from a variety of locations. In order to synthesize the compiled information, the significance of many of the observations has been interpreted in light of more recent ecological studies to try and describe some of the natural processes which must have been occurring along the river prior to the significant changes of the late-nineteenth and early twentieth century.
The information in this report is presented in three main sections—Geographic and Historic Overview (Chapter 1), Historic Ecosystem Descriptions (Chapter 2), and Species Lists (Chapters 3-6). The first section provides an introduction to geographic reference points used throughout the report as well as a very selective discussion of human history as it relates to settlement patterns and environmental change in the region. The second section provides both qualitative and quantitative descriptions of the river and areas around it, moving from the hydrologic regime of the river (flows, floods, and ground- and surface-water features) to the biological elements (vegetation and fauna) and their relations to the hydrologic regime. The third and final section of the report summarizes the past and present occurrence of vertebrate species along specific sections of the desert Rio Grande. The lists of occurrence are supplemented by species accounts detailing habitat requirements and population changes through time for particular species.
Literature Cited
American Rivers. 2000. America’s most endangered rivers of 2000. Available at http://www.amrivers.org/00endangered.html.
Bartlett, R.C. 1995. Saving the best of Texas: a partnership approach to conservation. Austin: University of Texas Press.
Crawford, C.S., A.C. Cully, R. Leutheuser, M.S. Sifuentes, L.H. White, J.P. Wilber. 1993. Middle Rio Grande ecosystem: Bosque Biological Management Plan. Albuquerque: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.
Harris, L.G. 1995. The developers: controlling the lower Rio Grande 1890-1980. In Proceedings of the 40th Annual New Mexico Water Conference, Reaching the Limits: Stretching the Resources of the lower Rio Grande, ed. C.T. Ortega Klett, pp. 7-12. Las Cruces, NM: New Mexico Water Resources Research Institute.
Scurlock, D. 1998. From the rio to the sierra: an environmental history of the Middle Rio Grande Basin. Rocky Mountain Research Station General Technical Report RMRS-GTR-5. Ft. Collins, CO: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Research Station.
Weniger, D. 1984. The Explorers’ Texas. Austin: Eakin Press.
viii
Chapter 1: Geographic and Historic Overview
The desert Rio Grande traverses about 1270 kilometers of the Chihuahuan Desert between the mouths of the Rio Puerco in New Mexico and the Devil’s River in Texas (Map 1). The river’s path alternates between a series of open, level valleys and narrows or canyons where geologic features restrict the river’s path. Through the desert, only a handful of perennial tributaries contribute water to the desert Rio Grande. The Rio Puerco has not been a perennial stream during the historic period, as its flow has ceased during dry seasons and drought periods (Scurlock 1998: 195), but it provides a significant input of both water and sediments to the desert Rio Grande. The Río Conchos, the Pecos River and the Devils River are the only major perennial rivers that reach the desert Rio Grande, and all meet the river in the lower half of its Chihuahuan Desert course. Thus, above the mouth of the Río Conchos, most of the water in the desert Rio Grande ultimately comes from snowmelt in the upper reaches of the river’s watershed in northern New Mexico and southern Colorado. The following section traces this water’s course through the desert, and briefly describes human history and events having a significant impact on the river, focusing on settlement patterns and agricultural development in the valley reaches.
Belen and Socorro Valleys The mouth of the Rio Puerco is about 18 kilometers upriver from the southern end of the Belen Valley in central New Mexico (Map 1a). At this confluence, the valley is about 4.5 kilometers wide, with approximately 4400 hectares occupying the valley floor between the confluence and the 0.5-kilometer long San Acacia Gorge (lengths and area estimated from USGS 7.5-minute quads). The walls of this gorge, which marks the end of the Belen Valley, are about 75 meters high (Lee 1907: 14). Between the San Acacia Gorge and the narrows at San Marcial, the river flows through the 64-kilometer long Socorro Valley (Map 1a), containing about 24,000 hectares of floodplain (Lee 1907: 14). At San Marcial, the river forces its way through a narrow gap in a basalt flow for a distance of about 2 kilometers.
The Belen and Socorro valleys are both within the stretch of the river described as the “Middle Rio Grande”; the desert Rio Grande accounts for the southernmost 38% of the length of the Middle Rio Grande (100 of 260 km total; Crawford et al. 1993: 8). The valleys of the Middle Rio Grande have been continuously occupied by agricultural societies since at least 1350 AD, when human populations and agricultural development grew to a point where they probably began to have a significant influence on the environment along the river through activities such as land clearing and water diversions for agriculture (Crawford et al. 1993: 23). The Pueblo cultures flourished in these valleys, living in sedentary villages, composed of multi-story, multi-family houses; in 1581, Gallegos documented 11 pueblos, containing a total of 425 two-story houses between San Marcial and the Rio Puerco (Gallegos 1927: 45-46).
When Europeans first reached the Middle Rio Grande in 1540 as a part of Coronado’s expedition, it is estimated that about 10,000 hectares of land were under cultivation in the valleys along the Middle Rio Grande (Crawford et al. 1993: 23), though the land may not have been watered by irrigation ditches. Ackerly (1996: 5-6) argues that the first clear records of irrigation ditches watering such fields were documented by members of the Espejo expedition in 1583. Similarly, Wozniak (1987: 7-15) suggests that floodwater farming (relying on overbank flows and surface run-off following rainfall) was probably the most important agricultural practice during the initial period of contact with the Spanish, and he reviews evidence suggesting that the few early irrigation ditches that were used did not tap mainstem river flows, but that they instead diverted side flows during flood events, as well as diverting waters from marshes and tributaries entering the river valley.
Ditch irrigation became more widespread following the establishment of permanent Spanish settlements in the seventeenth century (Ackerly 1996: 8-9). Agricultural development along the Middle Rio Grande reached a peak around 1880, when about 50,000 hectares were being cultivated (Crawford et al. 1993: 24). This peak was followed by a sudden decline in actively cultivated lands, precipitated by two factors: the sudden increase in irrigated agriculture upriver, which reduced river flows coming into the Middle Rio
1—Geographic and Historic Overview
Grande Valley, and the lack of drainage mechanisms for excess irrigation water, which resulted in increased salinity, rising water tables, and flooding of cultivated lands in the valley (Crawford et al. 1993: 24).
By 1821, about 40,000 people lived along the Rio Grande between Taos and Socorro (Weber 1982: 5), although most of the European settlement was concentrated in cities such as Albuquerque and Santa Fe, upstream from the desert Rio Grande. However, even the activities of these remote settlers had immense impacts upon the desert Rio Grande. One example of these influences is the introduction of huge herds of sheep to the watershed, which affected the flow of water and sediments into the river. As Horgan (1954: 364) explains, …by the middle of the eighteenth century there were millions of sheep grazing on the sparse slopes of the watershed. Between two hundred thousand and five hundred thousand sheep were driven every year to Mexico for sale. The grasses struggled for life in ordinary years and in dry years barely showed. The colonials looked at their hills and shook their heads. It was all very much like Spain, a condition of the natural life that seemed impossible to govern. The tilted lands were growing more and more barren, the torrents—when it did rain—swept faster and cut deeper, the earth ran into the tributaries and into the river, piling up silt on the river floor, the river spilled over its old banks and made swamps on good farm land, and a man could only bow his head and invoke patience.
Under Spanish and Mexican rule, the market for such livestock was to the south, and a significant trade route, the Camino Real or Chihuahua Trail, developed along much of the desert Rio Grande downriver as far as El Paso. Thus, large numbers of people and livestock traveled along the desert Rio Grande. For instance, in 1807, in a span of 4 days, Zebulon Pike encountered at least three large caravans—the first including 15,000 sheep and 300 men; the second, 50 men and 200 horses; and the third, another 200 horses—along the northern reaches of the desert Rio Grande (Jackson 1966: 407-8).
Engle and Las Palomas Valleys A few segments of the desert Rio Grande—Engle Valley, Las Palomas Valley, and Selden Canyon—were rarely seen by travelers along this route. The main branch of the trail left the river valley to avoid the lengthy westward bend of the river where it traversed this rugged series of canyons and narrow valleys and instead crossed the Jornada del Muerto, an open plain to the east.
The Engle Valley began at the narrows of San Marcial (Map 1a). This 64-kilometer valley varied in width from about 245 meters to 3.2 kilometers (Lee 1907: 15); the eastern side of this valley was defined by a series of steep mountains. Upon entering this valley in the mid-nineteenth century, Emory (1976: 54) noted: “The valley of the Del Norte, as we advance [southward], loses what little capacity for agriculture it possessed. The river commenses [sic] to gather its feeble force into the smallest compass to work its way around the western base of Fra Cristobal mountain.” After 1916, almost 15,600 hectares were flooded, turning this valley into Elephant Butte Reservoir (Lee 1907: 14, Fugate and Fugate 1989: 54). The largest dam in the United States at the time of its construction, Elephant Butte was designed to provide a dependable source of irrigation water for the Las Palomas, Mesilla, and El Paso valleys downriver; its construction was necessitated by the extensive agricultural development in northern New Mexico and southern Colorado at the end of the nineteenth century, which was appropriating most (and during some drought periods, all) of the river’s flow during the growing season.
The dam for this reservoir was built in Elephant Butte Canyon, which also defines the northern end of Las Palomas Valley (Map 1b). This valley, about 80 kilometers long, contained more than 10,500 hectares of bottom land in 1907 (Lee 1907: 15). About 4700 hectares near the northern end of this valley were flooded with the creation of Caballo Reservoir in 1938, built largely as a flood control mechanism. Like the Engle Valley, the eastern edge of parts of Las Palomas Valley were defined by steep mountains, such as the Caballo Mountains; Cooke’s 1846 description of this area noted that “For the last eighteen miles [29 kilometers] we have found fine river bottoms interrupted by points of bluff, on this [the west] side chiefly, for a mountain rises abruptly beyond [to the east]. They are more than a mile [1.6 kilometers] wide…” (Bieber 1938: 97).
2—Geographic and Historic Overview
In spite of these “fine river bottoms” the agricultural Pueblo cultures did not extend any farther south than the Socorro Valley (Everitt 1977: 22, Ackerly 1996: 5), and ditch-irrigated agriculture did not develop in this valley until European settlers arrived. This valley’s relative isolation (off of the Camino Real) seems to have resulted in slower rates of settlement and agricultural development. Ackerly (1996: 75) cites an 1898 compilation showing that the only irrigation canals along the upper reaches of the desert Rio Grande were in the Engle Valley and above; however, in 1853, Bartlett (1965: 217-218) described a new settlement in Las Palomas Valley, where “virgin soil” was being plowed and irrigated, and an 1857 survey of Ft. Thorn (near modern Hatch) mapped an acequia within the boundaries of the military reserve (Garrettson 1857: T19S, R4W plat). By 1905, only about 2025 hectares were under cultivation in Sierra County (Frost and Walker 1906: 267), which would include parts of both the Engle and Las Palomas valleys.
Mesilla and El Paso Valleys Las Palomas Valley ends downstream of modern Rincon at the beginning of Selden Canyon, a 29- kilometer stretch of the river, where occasional patches of bottom land total about 3200 hectares in extent (Lee 1907: 15). Below Selden Canyon, the final valley in the state of New Mexico is the Mesilla Valley (Map 1b), about 80 kilometers in length and up to 13 kilometers wide, and containing about 60,000 hectares (Lee 1907: 15). Although the Camino Real reentered the desert Rio Grande’s floodplain at the northern end of the Mesilla Valley, European settlement of this large valley was also relatively slow, perhaps because of the threat of raids by non-agricultural, nomadic tribes (Baldwin 1938: 315). The Doña Ana Bend Colony, established in 1843, was the first successful European settlement in the valley (Baldwin 1938: 316), soon followed by towns like Las Cruces and La Mesilla (established in 1849 and 1853, respectively). Settlers immediately established irrigated agriculture. For instance, in 1849, camped near Las Cruces, Eccleston (1950: 160) observed a cornfield “3 leagues [12 kilometers] long” and surveyors crossed acequias (irrigation canals) 6 times while establishing township and range boundaries near Las Cruces and Mesilla in 1857 (Garrettson 1857). By 1905 the population of Doña Ana County (concentrated in the Mesilla Valley) was 13,000, and 16,000 hectares were ditch-irrigated and under cultivation (Frost and Walker 1907: 161, 163). As of 1981, about 34,000 hectares of the Mesilla Valley could be supplied with irrigation water via 89 kilometers of main canals (Ackerly 1996: 74-5).
The Mesilla Valley ends at the constriction referred to as El Paso Canyon (Lee 1907: 15) a narrows about 5 km long (IBC 1903: 285). Extending from this canyon to about Ft. Quitman, Texas is the El Paso Valley (Map 1c), 136 km in length, up to 16 km in width, and including at least 57,000 hectares of land (IBC 1903: 296; IBWC 1978: 2, Emory 1987, Vol. 1, pt 1: 90).
Both the Mesilla and El Paso valleys have had a long history of human occupation. Though Paleoindian sites are relatively rare, archeological evidence indicates that the greater El Paso area (which includes the Mesilla Valley) was probably inhabited by “small, mobile bands subsisting predominantly on large game supplemented with the utilization of wild plant resources” between about 10,000 and 6,000 BC (Peterson et al. 1994: 55). Archaic period occupations began around 6,000 BC and by 1000 or 2000 BC, plant domestication was probably underway (Peterson et al. 1994: 58, 61). As agriculture became more significant, larger sites which may have served as year-round base-camps developed along the Rio Grande (Peterson et al. 1994: 60); however, in this area, non-agricultural food resources remained more important than in other cultures to the north (Peterson et al. 1994: 60). Mesilla Phase (pithouse) occupations began around the year AD 1, typified by increasingly sedentary and agricultural society, including some villages along the river (Peterson et al. 1994: 64). The Doña Ana phase, dating from about AD 1100, marks the beginning of a transition toward Pueblo cultures, with even larger settlements and agricultural fields (Peterson et al. 1994: 65-66). Though agriculture was clearly practiced during this period, “there is no archeological evidence of prehistoric irrigation facilities on the floodplain of the Rio Grande near El Paso” and agriculture probably depended upon the diversion of sheetwash runoff following rainstorms (Ackerly 1994: 118).
Around AD 1400 many settlements in the El Paso area appear to have been abandoned; whether this resulted from widespread migration or a shift back to a more nomadic, non-agricultural society is not clear (Peterson et al. 1994: 69-70). At the time of early European contact, as chronicled by the Rodriguez and Espejo expeditions of 1581 and 1582, no permanent farming settlements existed in these valleys (Everitt 1977: 22, Ackerly 1996: 5), although camps utilized by Mansos and Sumas were sometimes encountered
3—Geographic and Historic Overview
(Peterson et al. 1994: 71-72). The first permanent mission for the Mansos (Guadalupe Mission, in modern Juarez) was established in 1659, and ditch irrigation was evidently introduced to the area at this time by the Spanish (Ackerly 1994: 118). Ditch irrigation became more prominent following the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 (Ackerly 1994: 118). Following the influx of refugees from the revolt in northern New Mexico, officials in the El Paso area requested assistance and land for the creation of irrigation canals (Ackerly 1996: 9). Portions of the upper and central El Paso Valley have thus been under cultivation for centuries. In 1934, an El Paso Herald-Post report described a four-acre tract near Ysleta “which had been in continuous cultivation by the Roman Catholic Church since 1682” (Hammons 1942: 26). Intensive settlement in El Paso Valley below San Elizario did not occur until after 1881 (Ackerly 1994: 119).
The ditch irrigation which developed in the El Paso Valley, using water from the mainstem of the river, required irrigation structures to direct river water into ditches. In 1773, an El Paso Valley resident described a diversion dam as follows: The upkeep of the dam is obligatory upon all. It is made of wattles, as the terrain of the river does not permit any other kind of fabrication, to say nothing of the trouble caused by its excessive floods and freshets, for it not seldom happened that after a dam had been built of stones, fagots, and stakes it was necessary to tear it down to prevent inundation of the town. (Hackett 1902: 507) Other sources described the eighteenth-century diversion structures as large baskets woven of willow wands which were filled with small rocks and placed into specific parts of the river channel during the irrigation season (Horgan 1954: 347). Irrigated agriculture also required land-leveling, as described by Edwards in 1846, in the El Paso Valley: I saw some Mexicans grading, or rather leveling, a hill that was at least one hundred feet [high], with a base according to the height. They had a hoe and spades, and would dig with these while some others were engaged in packing the dirt into a neighboring gully. Two men worked in shafts of poles with rawhide between, which they packed the dirt on….They have graded a number of hillocks in this way, which they are compelled to do in order to irrigate the soil. (Bieber 1936: 246)
Though the Camino Real headed south toward the city of Chihuahua and away from the desert Rio Grande near El Paso, some other routes from the east converged within the El Paso Valley. For instance, during the Gold Rush of 1849, two emigrant roads were established which passed through the El Paso Valley (Martin 1925: 129). After 1849, [t]he whole Rio Grande Valley, from Santa Fe to El Paso, was the half-way place on the overland trip where the emigrants coming via Missouri, Arkansas and Texas expected to lay in new supplies. Most parties rested for three to four weeks to build up the animals for the balance of the journey, and consequently, there was congestion at El Paso, Santa Fe, and every little village between the two places. (Martin 1925: 300-301) Many of these parties were quite large, such as one reported to contain 800 Americans and 300 Mexicans travelling in 300 wagons with 4000 cattle and 300 mules; at least 4000 emigrants (and all of their livestock) were reported camping in the vicinity of El Paso in 1849 (Martin 1925: 301). Because of the huge influx of travelers, Mexican residents were concerned that their food supplies might run out, resulting in a famine (Martin 1925: 301). Some examples of the effects such travelers had on native plants are discussed later in this report, in the section on qualitative descriptions of changes in floodplain vegetation.
The El Paso Valley ends near Ft. Quitman, Texas. In addition to representing a geographic boundary created the Quitman Mountains, this location also represents a significant management boundary for the floodplain of the Rio Grande. Upstream of this point, two International Boundary Water Commission (IBWC) projects initiated in the 1930s—the Rio Grande Canalization Project (between Caballo Dam and El Paso) and the Rio Grande Rectification Project (El Paso to Ft. Quitman)—were established to facilitate water delivery to Mexico (as required under the Treaty of 1906) and to stabilize the river’s location along the international boundary. To accomplish these goals, the river was channelized, largely confined to a floodway defined by levees, and a program of vegetation removal was initiated (IBWC 1978: 11-12). In addition, in the El Paso Valley, the river’s path was straightened, reducing the length of its path from about 250 to 138 kilometers (IBWC 1978: 5).
4—Geographic and Historic Overview
Forgotten Reach and Presidio Valley Between Ft. Quitman and Candelaria is a 130-kilometer stretch of canyons alternating with small valleys (Maps 1c and 1d), totaling about 12000 hectares of river bottom (measured from maps in IBWC 1978); this area is sometimes described as “the forgotten river” because it is remote and often overlooked. Many archeological sites dated from 1220 to about 1450 AD have been found through this reach; they appear to be associated with trade and wild-food gathering, with no evidence of agricultural activity (Kelley 1990: 38). A similar culture existed in this area during the early Spanish period. During a 1683 journey along this stretch of the Rio Grande, Mendoza recorded a number of “rancherias” belonging to members of the Suma nation; he suggested that their main food was roasted yucca roots and made no mention of agriculture along this stretch (Mendoza 1952: 321-324).
The Presidio Valley (Map 1d) begins just upstream of Candelaria, Texas and is about 88 kilometers long, containing about 20000 hectares of river bottom [measured from maps in IBWC 1978]. The Presidio Valley is narrower than the El Paso Valley, averaging only a mile wide (Kelley 1992: 119), and reaching its maximum width below the mouth of the Río Conchos, where it ranges “from one to three miles wide on each side of the river” (Emory 1987, vol. I, pt. 1: 80). Entering the Presidio Valley near Presidio, Texas and Ojinaga, Chihuahua, the Río Conchos is the first perennial tributary that provides year-round water into the desert reach of the Rio Grande.
Moving downriver from the El Paso Valley, a sedentary, agricultural society became established in the Presidio Valley between 1200-1300 AD (Kelley 1992: 139); Kelley (1952: 362, 383) argues that the expansion of agricultural societies from the north may have been made possible by a shift to a slightly wetter climate. As in the El Paso area, these farmers practiced floodwater and rainwater irrigation, not ditch irrigation (Kelly 1952: 383). And as happened elsewhere in the region, many of these villages appear to have been abandoned in the 1400s (Kelley 1990: 39), a shift Kelley (1952: 362-3) again ascribes to climate change, this time to a drier climate. By the time of early contact with the Spanish in the mid- to late 1500s, a few farming villages were concentrated in the part of the valley below the mouth of the Río Conchos and along the lower reaches of the Río Conchos (Kelley 1952: 366). In 1684, Mendoza (1952: 325) reported that farms belonging to the Julimes nation in the Presidio Valley cultivated corn and wheat. In 1747 and 1748, cultivated crops mentioned in Spanish documents included corn, wheat, pumpkins, and legumes (Ydoiaga 1992: 27, 41, 50, 60, 82).
The first Spanish missions were established in the vicinity of La Junta de los Rios (the confluence of the Río Conchos and Rio Grande) in the late 1600s (Jones 1991: 47). Under Spanish rule, the area was host to at least 6 missions and 3 military presidios (Jones 1991: 49, 52). Even after the arrival of the Spanish, such settlements largely depended upon overbank flooding to irrigate their fields; early attempts at ditch irrigation from the two rivers prior to 1747 evidently failed due to the shifting location of river banks, and sandy beaches and soil (Ydoiaga 1992: 41, 46, 80). Thus widespread ditch-irrigated agriculture developed much later in the Presidio Valley than in the El Paso, Socorro, and Belen valleys upriver, and even during the mid-nineteenth century, “floodwater farming seems to have been the ordinary method of cultivating crops above the confluence” (Everitt 1977: 22). Wooden structures known as burro dams were first used to divert flows of the two rivers around La Junta into irrigation canals around 1860 (Madrid 1996: 24) and irrigation ditches were observed at a Mexican military outpost near the northern end of the valley in 1857 (Emory 1987, vol. I, pt. 1: 89). A ditch was built on the American side of the river as early as 1872 (Everitt 1977: 22), and by 1910, the American side of the upper portion of the Presidio Valley contained at least 4 irrigation ditches with about 790 hectares under cultivation (Everitt 1977: 23).
In addition to agricultural development, the river valley and channel in the La Junta area have been directly impacted by international concerns. As in the Mesilla and El Paso valleys, the IBWC has been involved in managing the Rio Grande in the Presidio Valley. In the mid-1970s a channel relocation project was completed along 13.4 kilometers of the Rio Grande near the mouth of the Río Conchos, including levee construction and vegetation clearing (IBWC 1978: 13).
Big Bend and the Lower Canyons Below the Presidio Valley, the desert Rio Grande encounters few open valleys and is largely constrained in narrow canyon reaches (Map 1e). Three large canyons occur in the Big Bend region: Santa Elena,
5—Geographic and Historic Overview
Mariscal, and Boquillas Canyons (115, 203, and 260 river kilometers below the mouth of the Conchos, respectively). Narrow valleys with limited floodplains occur between the canyons; for instance, in 1852, Chandler described the valley below Santa Elena Canyon as “susceptible of cultivation; the bottom land is, however, limited by an elevated bank of gravel (Emory 1987, vol. I, pt. 1: 83). The rugged, remote character of this area limited population growth and agricultural development in this area, although mining and ranching operations did impact the environment along the river (see section on Qualitative Descriptions of Vegetation Change in Chapter 2).
Below the Stillwell Valley, which is located downstream of Boquillas Canyon, the river maintains a rugged path through a succession of canyons. This area below Big Bend is commonly referred to as the “lower canyons” (Wauer 1977:165). Michler’s 1856 survey of this area noted that through this area the river’s bed is narrow, and hemmed in by continuous and perfect walls of natural masonry, varying from 50 to 300 feet in height; the breadth of the river being extremely contracted, these structures, seen from our boats, look stupendous as they rise perpendicularly from the water. It is not unfrequently the case that we travel for miles without being able to find a spot on which to land. (Emory 1987, vol. 1, pt. 1: 77)
At the downstream end of the lower canyons of the desert Rio Grande, Michler noted that the “thirty miles above the mouth of the Pecos is one continued rapid” and the river varied from 25-800 feet wide (Emory 1987, vol. I, pt. 1: 78). Near the mouth of the Pecos (about 550 river kilometers below the mouth of the Río Conchos), the river appeared less rugged, with more and more floodplain appearing along its edge (Emory 1987, vol. I, pt. 1: 79).
About 70 kilometers below the mouth of the Pecos, the Devils River met the Rio Grande, in “[a] spectacular canyon [containing] typical vega [shrubs and trees of a riparian forest]” (Gehlbach 1981:66). This canyon, and the limited floodplains above it, no longer exist. Completed in 1969, Amistad Reservoir was created by a dam constructed just below the mouth of the Devils River and flooded a 119-kilometer length of the Rio Grande; the waters of Amistad Reservoir reach 40 kilometers up the Devils River, 23 kilometers up the Pecos River, and 48 kilometers up the Rio Grande above the mouth of the Pecos (U.S. Dept of Interior 1999).
Literature Cited
Ackerly, N.W. 1994. Historic and modern irrigation systems. In El Valle Bajo: the culture history of the Lower Rio Grande Valley of El Paso, Volume 1: Culture and Environment in the Lower Valley, ed. J.A. Peterson and D.O. Brown, pp. 118-129. Prepared for the El Paso County Lower Valley Water District Authority. El Paso: Archaeological Research, Inc/ Austin: Hicks and Company.
Ackerly, N.W. 1996. A review of the historic significance and management recommendations for preserving New Mexico’s acequia systems. Santa Fe: Historic Preservation Division.
Baldwin, P.M. 1938. A short history of the Mesilla Valley. New Mexico Historical Review 13: 314-324.
Bartlett, J.R. 1965. Personal narrative of explorations and incidents in Texas, New Mexico, California, Sonora, and Chihuahua, connected with the United States and Mexican Boundary Commission, during the years 1850, 1851, 1852, and 1853. Volume I. Chicago: Rio Grande Press. [Reprint of 1854 publication.]
Bieber, R.P., ed. 1936. Marching with the Army of the West, 1846-1848. Glendale, CA: Arthur H. Clark Co.
Bieber, R.P., ed. 1938. Exploring southwestern trails, 1846-1854. Glendale, CA: Arthur H. Clark Co.
Crawford, C.S., A.C. Cully, R. Leutheuser, M.S. Sifuentes, L.H. White, J.P. Wilber. 1993. Middle Rio Grande ecosystem: Bosque Biological Management Plan. Albuquerque: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.
6—Geographic and Historic Overview
Eccleston, R. 1950. Overland to California on the Southwestern Trail, 1849: Diary of Robert Eccleston, eds. G.P. Hammond and E.H. Howes. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Emory, W.H. 1976. The United States conquest of California. New York: Arno Press. [Reprint of: Notes of a military reconnaissance, from Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California, including part of the Arkansas, Del Norte, and Gila Rivers. 30th Congress, 1st Session, Executive Document No. 41 (1848).]
Emory, W. H. 1987. Report on the United States and Mexican Boundary Survey, made under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, 2 volumes. Austin: Texas State Historical Association. [Reprints of 34th Congress, 1st Session, House Executive Document 135 (1857) and 34th Congress, 1st Session, House Executive Document 108 (1859).]
Everitt, B.L. 1977. Historical background. In A preliminary appraisal of cultural and historical resources found along the Rio Grande between Fort Quitman and Haciendita, TX, ed. C.A. Johnson, pp. 21- 25. Publications in Anthropology, No. 5. El Paso Centennial Museum, University of Texas at El Paso.
Frost, M. and P.A.F. Walker, eds. 1906. The land of sunshine. Santa Fe: New Mexico Bureau of Immigration of the Territory of New Mexico/ New Mexico Printing Co.
Fugate, F.L. and R.B. Fugate. 1989. Roadside history of New Mexico. Missoula, MT: Mountain Press Publishing.
Gallegos, H. 1927. The Gallegos relation of the Rodriguez expedition to New Mexico. trans. and eds. G.P. Hammond and A. Rey. Historical Society of New Mexico, Publications in History, Volume IV, December 1927. Santa Fe: El Palacio Press.
Garrettson, J.W. 1857. Government Land Office Survey field notes. Microfiche, available at Las Cruces District Office, Bureau of Land Management, Las Cruces, NM.
Gehlbach, F. R. 1981. Mountain islands and desert seas: a natural history of the U.S.-Mexican Borderlands. College Station: Texas A&M University Press.
Hackett, C.W., ed. 1902. Historical documents relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches thereto, to 1773, Volume III. Collected by A.F.A. Bandelier and F.R. Bandelier. Washington D.C.: Carnegie Institution.
Hammons, N.L. 1942. A history of El Paso County, Texas to 1900. MA Thesis, Texas Western College, El Paso.
Horgan, P. 1954. Great River: the Rio Grande in North American history, 2 volumes. New York: Rhinehart and Co.
International Boundary Commission. 1903. Equitable distribution of the waters of the Rio Grande. Proceedings of the International (Water) Boundary Commission, United States and Mexico, Treaties of 1884 and 1889, Volume 2. Washington, D.C.: Department of State.
International Boundary and Water Commission. 1978. Final Environmental Statement: Rio Grande Boundary Preservation, Hudspeth and Presidio Counties, Texas.
Jackson, D., ed. 1966. The journals of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, with letters and related documents. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
7—Geographic and Historic Overview
Jones, O.L. 1991. Settlements and settlers at La Junta de los Rios, 1759-1822. Journal of Big Bend Studies 3: 43-70.
Kelley, J.C. 1952. Factors involved in the abandonment of certain peripheral southwestern settlements. American Anthropologist 54: 356-387.
Kelley, J.C. 1990. The Rio Conchos Drainage: History, Archaeology, Significance. Journal of Big Bend Studies 2: 29-41.
Kelley, J. C. 1992. The historic Indian pueblos of La Junta del los Rios. In The Native American and Spanish Colonial Experience in the Greater Southwest, Volume II, Introduction to the Research, ed. D.H. Snow, 117-193. New York: Garland Publishing. [Reprint of 2-part article from New Mexico Historical Review 27(4): 257-295 and 28(1): 21-51.]
Lee, W.T. 1907. Water resources of the Rio Grande Valley in New Mexico and their development. Water-supply Irrigation Paper No. 188. Washington, D.C.: Department of the Interior, U.S. Geological Survey.
Madrid, E.R. 1996. Native American and mestizo farming at La Junta de los Rios. Journal of Big Bend Studies 8: 15-31.
Martin, M.E. 1925. California emigrant roads through Texas. Southwestern Historical Quarterly 28: 287- 301.
Mendoza, J. 1952. Itinerary of Juan Dominguez de Mendoza,1684. In Spanish exploration in the southwest, 1542-1706, ed. H.E. Bolton, 320-325. New York: Charles Scribner and Sons.
Peterson, J.A., A.C. Earls, T. Myers, and H.C. Morrow. 1994. A cultural perspective on the Lower Valley. In El Valle Bajo: the culture history of the Lower Rio Grande Valley of El Paso, Volume 1: Culture and Environment in the Lower Valley, ed. J.A. Peterson and D.O. Brown, pp. 55-117. Prepared for the El Paso County Lower Valley Water District Authority. El Paso: Archaeological Research, Inc/ Austin: Hicks and Company.
Scurlock, D. 1998. From the rio to the sierra: an environmental history of the Middle Rio Grande Basin. Rocky Mountain Research Station General Technical Report RMRS-GTR-5. Ft. Collins, CO: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Research Station.
U.S. Department of the Interior. 1999. Amistad: Amistad National Recreation Area, Texas [map and brochure]. Government Printing Office: U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service.
Wauer, R.H. 1977. Significance of Rio Grande riparian systems upon the avifauna. In Importance, preservation and management of riparian habitat: a symposium, coord. R.R. Johnson and D.A. Jones, pp.165-174. USDA, Forest Service, General Technical Report RM-43. Fort Collins, CO: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Forest and Range Experiment Station.
Weber, D.J. 1982. The Mexican frontier, 1821-1846: the American Southwest under Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Wozniak, F.E. 1987. Irrigation in the Rio Grande Valley, New Mexico: a study of the development of irrigation systems before 1945. Amarillo, TX: Southwest Regional Office, Bureau of Reclamation.
Ydoiaga, J. 1992. Expedition to La Junta de los Rios, 1747-1748, Captain Commander Joseph de Ydoiaga’s Report to the Viceroy of New Spain. trans. E.R. Madrid. Office of the State Archeologist, Special Report 33. Austin: Texas Historical Commission.
8—Geographic and Historic Overview
Chapter 2: Historic Ecosystem Descriptions
Prior to the significant human impacts of the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the riparian landscape of the desert Rio Grande was likely a system in dynamic equilibrium, in terms of both geomorphic and biological processes. In terms of geomorphology, “dynamic equilibrium” can refer to a system’s energy balance (Bullard and Wells 1992: 28): if the energy input to a river system changes (such as changes in the volume of water or sediments entering it), then the form of the system (such as the channel gradient or shape) changes to keep the entire system in balance. In terms of biological processes, the dynamic landforms created by a river system result in a heterogeneous landscape; the “dynamic equilibrium” of such landscapes maintains stability on relatively large spatial and temporal scales by allowing for change and variability on smaller scales (White 1979: 231, 252). Although the early explorers and settlers were not concerned about how organisms adapted to such dynamic landscapes, their descriptions of the riparian environment allow us to glimpse some of these geomorphic and biological processes in action, and they allow us to infer how hydrologic, geomorphic, and biological processes interacted within the riparian landscape.
Channel Morphology and Location Hydrologic processes are driven by the flow of water and sediments through the riparian landscape. Though sediment levels likely increased dramatically in the late-nineteenth century (Sublette et al. 1990: 9, Scurlock 1998: 188), even some of the earliest accounts mentioned the river’s turbidity. In December 1582, heading northward along the river near the mouth of the Río Conchos, a chronicler of the Espejo expedition noted “This Rio del Norte we named El Rio Turbio because it is exceedingly muddy…” (Luxan 1929: 64). In the same area, Ydoiaga (1992: 27) in 1747 reported that inhabitants of the La Junta region referred to the Rio Grande above the mouth of the Conchos as the “Rio Puerco,” meaning “dirty river” (Madrid in Ydoiaga 1992: 27). Mid-nineteenth-century descriptions also contain references to high sediment loads. Bartlett (1965: 187) described the river near El Paso as “muddy and sluggish except during freshets.” Also near El Paso, in 1846, Ruxton (1973: 168) described the Rio Grande as “a small turbid stream, with water of a muddy red.” Upon reaching the river in the southern end of the El Paso Valley in 1849, Eccleston (1950: 125) observed that “[t]he water looks much like that of the Pecos, fully as muddy, but not so brackish.…” Several years later (1857), in the same general area, Humphrey “…was much disappointed in finding the stream so small in the first place (being only a hundred yards wide) and so muddy in the second….” (Lesley 1949: 67).
Heavy sediment loads in the upper reaches of the desert Rio Grande were probably deposited along the river. As is explained in the Middle Rio Grande Ecosystem: Bosque Biological Management Plan, for thousands of years, the Middle Rio Grande has most likely been an aggrading system, in which tributaries carry more sediments into the floodplain than the river can carry out (Crawford et al. 1993: 16). However, periodic avulsion events, when the river would move from its aggraded channel into a lower elevation part of the valley allowed the river to maintain its state of “dynamic equilibrium” (Crawford et al. 1993: 19).
Farther down the desert Rio Grande, the situation is somewhat different, as valley-wide aggradation may have ended about a thousand years ago. Prior to the historic period, from about 2500 to 1000 years ago, the floodplain soils of at least one reach of the El Paso Valley (in the vicinity of San Elizario) formed, resulting from the deposition of suspended sediments from relatively frequent, large floods (Hall 1994: 18). These floods probably were created by high levels of runoff and sheet erosion from the more arid parts of the river’s watershed in central and southern New Mexico (Hall 1994: 19). Hall (1994: 24, 26) argues that this period of floodplain formation (aggradation) ended about 1000 years ago, probably because of a shift to a drier climate, and that “no significant” or only “minimal” deposition has occurred since then. Scurlock (1999: 86) describes the historic period river in the El Paso area as a “degrading stream.”
In addition to the impact of the volume of sediment and water flowing through a system, the gradient of a river can influence rates of aggradation and degradation. In the extensive valley reaches of the desert Rio
9—Historic Ecosystem Descriptions
Grande, elevation change along the river is quite gradual. For instance, along the New Mexico portion of the desert Rio Grande, the river descends about 5 feet per mile, whereas in northern New Mexico, the river’s gradient is greater than 10 feet per mile (Campbell and Dick-Peddie 1964: 492). Between Ft. Quitman and Presidio, Texas, the river descends about 4.3 feet per mile (IBWC 1978: 8). Such a low gradient may allow the river to appear slow and calm, as noted by some early travelers. In 1582, a member of Espejo’s party noted that near the mouth of the Río Conchos, the Rio Grande “flows so quietly that it does not make any noise in spite of being very large in some places” (Luxan 1929: 64).
Low-gradient flow in wide valleys may also be characterized by a meandering path. In general terms, for thousands of years, the Middle Rio Grande has had a “braided, slightly sinuous channel that broadly meandered laterally within the 2-6 km (1-4 mi) wide floodplain” (Crawford et al. 1993: 27). In the historic period, the extent of meandering can be documented from early descriptions and maps. For instance, in the El Paso Valley of the mid-nineteenth century, an observer noted that “[f]rom San Elceario up to El Paso, [the] distance by the sinuosities of the river [is] thirty miles, but by air-line…only twenty miles….” (Emory 1987, vol. I, pt. 1: 90-91).
An even more sinuous river existed in the Mesilla Valley in 1844, when one segment of the river channel was surveyed as the boundaries of the Doña Ana Bend Civil Colony and Brazito Grant. As depicted on a later map (US Reclamation Service 1914; see Map 2), this segment was about 34 kilometers long, measured as a straight line distance from one end to the other. Following the meanders of the river, the distance was almost twice as long, about 65 km. By 1912, the river’s path through the Mesilla Valley was much straighter, and it took only about 40 km to cover the 34 straight-line kilometers. The significant reduction in meandering and apparent widening of the channel in the Mesilla Valley during the late- nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (which also occurred in the El Paso and upper Presidio Valleys; Everitt 1993: 230, 236) may have been due, at least in part, to an increase in sediment levels and a reduction in flows, which affected the river’s ability to carry sediments. During this period, increasing sediment load, and to a lesser extent, a reduction in flows, led to a wider and shallower channel along portions of the Middle Rio Grande (Crawford et al. 1993: 20). Channel avulsion, in the form of meander cutoffs, can be a secondary result of sediments accumulating in a channel, because the cross-sectional area of the channel eventually reaches a point at which it can no longer accommodate even a moderate flood (Everitt 1993: 236).
In addition to following a natural meandering path, the desert Rio Grande changed channels frequently. Small-scale shifts in channel location are a natural feature of a meandering channel because the hydraulics of the channel are such that meanders tend to migrate laterally (away from the convex side of the curve) and downstream, creating point-bar deposits inside the curve (Malanson 1993: 33-34). Meander cutoffs can also form, creating islands or oxbow lakes; cutoffs can be produced when a faster moving upstream meander overtakes a slower moving meander downstream (Malanson 1993: 34). Such small-scale changes may have been responsible for some of travelers’ complaints about changes in river crossings. In the mid- nineteenth century, Bartlett (1965: 187, 167) noted that “The ford [near El Paso] changes more or less every season” and that “The river [at El Paso] had to be forded by daylight, in consequence of the frequent changes in the channels and bars.” Similarly, in 1846, Ruxton (1973: 168) warned that because of the river’s “…constantly shifting quicksands and bars, [the river near El Paso] is always difficult, and often dangerous to cross with loaded wagons.”
However, large-scale changes in channel position also occurred. As illustrated on the Mesilla Valley map (Map 2), below Las Cruces, the 1844 channel was about 6.4 kilometers east of the channel recorded in 1903; included in this change is a channel shift which occurred between 1862 and 1865 and moved the river from the east side of Mesilla to the west. Flooding in August of 1862 left Mesilla surrounded by water on both sides (Couchman 1990: 155) and as the river tried to establish a new channel, between 1862 and 1865, “the head of the Mesilla ditch had to be changed 13 times” (Yeo cited in Wozniak 1987: 115). In 1865, the river finally cut a new channel beginning at a point weakened by a ditch head (Baldwin 1938: 320).
In addition, another large-scale channel shift occurred in the lower Mesilla Valley below Anthony sometime between 1903 and 1912, when the river shifted about 4.8 kilometers, from the west edge of the
10—Historic Ecosystem Descriptions
valley to the east side, near modern Canutillo (Map 2). The location of the main flow of the Rio Grande in this area had been variable in this area in prior years as well. In the late 1850s, Anson Mills surveyed the area around Canutillo, and noted that the river was near mid-valley at that point, and moving westward (Mills 1918: 261). He spoke with long-term residents of the area, who informed him that in 1821, the river had run along the eastern bluff; in the 1850s this abandoned channel was still evident (Mills 1918: 261). In 1857, dry channels near the eastern edge of the valley were also noted by surveyors to the north, south of modern Mesquite (Garrettson 1857, see Map 2). In the late 1850s, Mills (1918: 261) also noted a less obvious abandoned channel along the western edge of the valley across from Canutillo, the general location of the active river channel in 1888 (Mills 1918: 261) and 1903 (Map 2).
A complex network of channels also existed in the vicinity of modern Socorro and San Elizario in the El Paso Valley, as depicted on 1852-3 Boundary Survey maps (Map 3). Two old channels (the “Rio Viejo del Bracito,” closest to the eastern edge of the valley and the “Rio Viejo de San Elizario,” between the old Bracito channel and the 1852 channel) appear to have been abandoned sometime between 1827 and 1831 (Ackerly 1994: 119, Peterson 1994a: 9, Peterson et al. 1994: 103). Though such channel shifts create the impression of a highly mobile river channel, detailed analysis of the stratigraphy of floodplain deposits in this reach suggest that the location of these three channels has been stable for about 2500 years and that the historic records of channel shifts in this area “probably reflect shifts in routes of main streamflow into previously existing channels rather than erosion of a new channel” (Hall 1994: 24, 26). Historic descriptions also mention the river’s tendency to return to pre-existing channels. For instance, a 1773 description of life in the El Paso Valley noted that “They guard against the danger that the river may return to its old course by making deep ditches through which it may flow in such an event” (Hackett 1902: 508). Though Hall argues that large-scale channel migration across the floodplain did not occur in this reach, that does not mean that the small-scale changes associated with a meandering channel did not occur. Hall (1994: 12) estimates that each channel’s meander belt, within which such changes occurred, was probably about 2000 feet (600 meters) wide.
Flooding and Flow Regimes As the examples above illustrate, channel shifts generally occur during or as a result of floods when sediment deposition and high flows can resculpt the river’s path. In his Environmental History of the Middle Rio Grande Basin, Scurlock catalogs at least 82 floods (defined as events with a flow greater than 10,000 cfs) that occurred along the river above El Paso between 1591-1942 (1998: 32); of these, 51 occurred along the desert Rio Grande between the Rio Puerco and El Paso, 34 of them after 1846 (Scurlock 1998: 33-38). In a later publication, Scurlock summarizes the 1665-1942 flood history of the Rio Grande from Mesilla, New Mexico through Fabens, Texas: at least 72 floods have been documented along this reach, 51 of these after 1846 (Scurlock 1999: 89). A combination of a more complete historical record and environmental change (discussed below) probably resulted in the apparent increase in flood frequency after 1846.
Scurlock (1998: 32) ascribes these floods to three distinct causes: spring floods (April-June) resulting from heavy snowmelt, widespread summer flooding resulting from extensive summer rains in years with a significant spring flood, and local summer flooding (July-September) resulting from localized but heavy thunderstorms. In addition to the timing difference, spring and summer floods have different flow characteristics: snowmelt floods tend to build to their peak flow relatively slowly, whereas rainstorms result in flashier pulses of water that create sharp, short peaks in flow (Lagasse 1981: 29, Poff et al. 1997: 771). For an illustration of a sudden summer rise, consider Hill’s (1901: 167-8) description of his party’s departure from a pile of rocky debris blocking the river in Santa Elena Canyon: Having finally succeeded in crossing the obstruction early one morning, we transported our baggage to the boats preparatory to leaving. Before the boats were loaded a tremendous roaring sound like a distant thunder was heard up the canyon, and we saw what we most dreaded was happening—the river was rising. A big flood of the ordinary kind would have veneered the dangerous rocks with water and our prospects for escape would have been small. We hastily piled our baggage into the boats and sprang aboard. It was either stay and starve or go and chance it.
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Fortunately, this particular rise proved to be a small one, just sufficient to give the desired impetus to our craft….
As Scurlock’s categories of flood causes suggest, the river had a variable flow through the year, with relatively low flows during the winter and early spring, and maximum flows in late spring or summer. Bartlett (1965: 187) described how these variable flows influenced El Paso Valley agriculture in the mid- nineteenth century: “In February and March there is always enough for the first irrigation. In April and May the quantity is much diminished; and if the rise, expected to take place the middle of May, fails, there is not enough to irrigate properly all the fields prepared for it.” According to Kelley (1986: 119), increasing settlement, especially after the U.S. Civil War, changed the seasonal pattern of river flows associated with snowmelt: …as settlement grew, timber was stripped from the lower elevations. The denuding of timber allowed winter snows to melt prematurely, and their waters went into winter flow, being lost to the summer season. Prior to heavy settlement, the snows remained packed until the spring thaw.
Flow Data. The first systematic measurements of river flow did not begin until 1889, when the IBWC began to establish gaging stations.2 Thus, these data document flows after significant agricultural development had occurred along the upper Rio Grande and after logging had modified the snowmelt dynamics in the river’s watershed. Nevertheless, as Figure 2-1 shows, a late-spring flood still typified the annual flow cycle of the desert Rio Grande above the mouth of the Río Conchos.
A comparison of Figures 2-1a and 1b reveals two important differences. First, the peak flood at El Paso and the Upper Presidio gage appears to have shifted from May to June, and secondly, the figures illustrate the substantial decrease in discharge during this period. Whereas the average May discharge at El Paso between 1889 and 1895 was over 420 million cubic meters, in the years that followed it was closer to 260 million, and even the upriver discharge at San Marcial was only about 405 million cubic meters from 1895- 1914. Everitt (1998: 661) suggests that the changes at Presidio may have been caused by climatic factors and increasing diversions upriver. Agricultural diversions were significant: Kelley (1986: 119) estimates that between 1890 and 1893, more than half the summer discharge that should have reached San Marcial was lost to irrigation above that point. Below San Marcial, irrigation also reduced flows. IBWC data from 1896-1901 compiled by Kelley (1986: 116) shows that without irrigation, 14% of the San Marcial flow would have been lost to seepage and evaporation by the time the river reached El Paso (versus 38% lost when irrigation is included) and 35% of the San Marcial flow would have been lost naturally by the Upper Presidio gauge (versus 74% lost with irrigation).
The construction of Elephant Butte Dam brought an end to the late-spring/early summer flood along the Rio Grande between the dam and the mouth of the Río Conchos (Figure 2-2). As all the water in the reservoir belongs to the irrigation project (which ends in the El Paso Valley), “the flow reaching Presidio since 1915 consists of irrigation drainage, local storm runoff, and occasionally a ‘spill’ or surplus from upriver” (Everitt 1996: 661). Between 1916 and 1950, total annual flows through the Presidio Valley above the Río Conchos declined gradually (except for a high water period in the early 1940s); from 1951- 1969, winter flows were so low the river became “hydrographically disjunct” when flow events recorded at the Ft. Quitman gage never reached the Upper Presidio gage (Everitt 1993: 228-9).
2 The gaging stations along the desert Rio Grande were established at different times. Thus, in the figures that follow, the time spans covered by various gages differ.
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Figure 2-1. Average monthly discharge of the desert Rio Grande 1889-1915. “Upper Presidio” gage is located above the mouth of the Río Conchos. Data from Neel (1926: 204-209) and IBWC (1956: 7, 13). a). 1889-1894
450 400 El Paso 350 Upper Presidio 300 250 200 150 100 Mean Total Discharge
(millions of cubic meters) 50 0 Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Month
b). 1895-1915
450 400 San Marcial 350 El Paso 300 Upper Presidio 250 200 150 100 Mean Total Discharge
(millions of cubic meters) 50 0 Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Month
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Figure 2-2. Average monthly run-off of the desert Rio Grande for the ten years following construction of Elephant Butte Dam (1916-1925). “Upper Presidio” gage is located above the mouth of the Río Conchos. Data from Neel (1926: 209-212) and IBWC (1956: 7, 14).
500 450 San Marcial 400 El Paso 350 Upper Presidio 300 250 200 150 100 Mean Total Discharge
(millions of cubic meters) 50 0 Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Month
Elimination of the spring flood in downstream reaches was not the only effect of the closure of Elephant Butte Dam. Because of the scouring effects of the clear water released from the dam, in Las Palomas Valley, and to a lesser extent, in the Mesilla Valley, the river bed degraded, becoming about 0.6 m deeper in the first 15 years after the dam’s completion (Lagasse 1981: 32). Farther downstream, however, in the Presidio Valley, the overall reduction in flow along the river caused it to aggrade and decreased the width and depth of the channel through time, reducing the river’s capacity for carrying water and increasing flood frequency (Everitt 1998: 662). From 1 to 4 meters of sediments collected in the Presidio Valley between 1916 and 1977 (Johnson 1977: 10).
Below the mouth of the Río Conchos, the annual cycle of river discharge was substantially different from the reaches above, due to precipitation patterns in the watershed of this major tributary. While illustrating a shift to a late-summer peak below the Río Conchos, Figure 2-3a probably under-represents the magnitude of the earlier snow-melt peak that would have come down the Rio Grande from the mountains of Colorado and New Mexico under natural conditions; flow estimates compiled by Kelley (1986: 116, 118) suggest that without agricultural diversions above the Presidio Valley, summer flows at the Upper Presidio gage might have been 2 to 4 times the volume of those measured at the end of the nineteenth century. In addition to the shift toward a late-summer peak, the input from small tributaries and the Pecos and Devils rivers (which both empty into the Rio Grande below Langtry) allow the desert Rio Grande to gain water through Big Bend and the Lower Canyons (Figure 2-3b).
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Figure 2-3. Average monthly discharge of the desert Rio Grande 1896-1912. “Lower Presidio” gage is located just below the mouth of the Río Conchos. Data from IBWC (1956: 13, 17, 21-22, 28). a). 1896-1899
700 Upper Presidio 600 Lower Presidio 500
400
300
200
Mean Total Discharge 100 (millions of cubic meters) 0 Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Month
b). 1900-1912
900 800 Lower Presidio 700 Langtry 600 Del Rio 500 400 300 200 Mean Total Discharge
(millions of cubic meters) 100 0 Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Month
Because the input from the Río Conchos is so significant to the Rio Grande through the Big Bend region and below, it is worth examining the effect of a series of dams which have been built within its watershed. Figure 2-4 illustrates the annual discharge cycle of the Río Conchos at a gage just above its confluence with the Rio Grande, following the completion of various dams along its length: La Boquilla Reservoir, with a capacity (about 3000 million cubic meters) slightly greater than Elephant Butte Reservoir, completed in 1913 and located 400 km upriver from the gauge; Francisco I. Madero Reservoir, with a capacity of about 350 million m3, completed in 1947 and located about 310 km upriver; and Luis L. Leon Reservoir, also with a capacity of about 350 million m3, completed in 1967 and located 180 km upriver (IBWC 1997: 16, 83).
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Figure 2-4. Average monthly discharge of the Río Conchos just above its confluence with the Rio Grande, 1896-1997. Data from IBWC (1956: 15-16 and 1956-1997: 16-18).
600 1896-1913 500 1914-1947 400 1948-1967 1968-1997 300
200
Mean Total Discharge 100 (millions of cubic meters) 0 Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Month
As Figure 2-4 illustrates, in the past century, dam construction has not modified the general timing of peak flows on this river as drastically as Elephant Butte affected the Rio Grande above the Conchos; on the Río Conchos, a late-summer peak still occurs, though the total volume of flows has been reduced substantially. According to Madrid (1996: 20), completion of the Luis Leon Flood Control Dam has reduced overbank flooding to the point that traditional flood-water farming is no longer possible along the Rio Grande below the mouth of the Río Conchos.
Extent of Flooding. While illustrating general flow patterns, multi-year averages of total monthly flows as presented above mask other important characteristics of the hydrologic regime such as the duration and magnitude of overbank flooding at particular locations. Though such specific details from the mid- nineteenth century and before are rare, flooding was such a dominant feature of the river that early descriptions of the river did not have to be recording specific flood events to make mention of it: evidence of flooding could be recognized even during non-flood seasons. Although Espejo’s 1582-3 expedition traveled during the winter, a period of relatively low flow, Luxan (1929: 64) observed that the river near the mouth of the Río Conchos “…is three leagues in the widest part when it becomes swollen.” More than 150 years later, in 1747, residents of a village in this same area cited the potential for “destruction by annual floods” as one of the reasons they chose to build their village on higher ground above the floodplain (Kelley 1992: 120). A century later (in 1846) and more than 300 kilometers farther upriver, Ruxton (1973: 168) learned that “…in the season of the rains [the river in the El Paso area] is swollen to six times its present breadth, and frequently overflows its banks.” During cadastral surveys of township and range lines in New Mexico, surveyors noted that “trees show marks of overflow off 15 to 20 inches [38-51 cm]” near the river’s edge in Las Palomas Valley (Garrettson 1857: T17S R4W, Section 31), and while working northwest of Las Cruces, they observed “marks on cottonwood trees” approximately 0.8 km (half a mile) from the river indicating floodwaters about 0.6 m (2 feet) deep (Garrettson 1857: T22S R1E, Section 33). Even the floodplain soil held a record of flood history, as Parry observed in the El Paso Valley in 1854: “The body of the soil is sandy, but acquires a somewhat compact texture from the deposition of river slime, and is further enriched by the decaying vegetation that luxuriates on its moist bottoms…” (Emory 1987, vol. I, pt. 2: 7).
Such floods could make travel difficult, as Bartlett (1965: 217) observed when he entered Las Palomas Valley in 1851: “From the water marks on the trees, the river rises about four feet above its banks,
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inundating the bottom lands to the base of the hills which border them, and rendering the valley impassable.” Even when the whole valley was not inundated, travelers were sometimes delayed by high waters; seventeenth-century wagon trains sometimes had to wait for weeks to cross the river at El Paso in early summer or fall, but not at other times of year (Peterson et al. 1994: 73). In June 1849, Brockway reported that his journey to California was delayed at Doña Ana, where he waited several days for river to go down enough to cross (Brockway 1850). Similarly, in September 1855, Garrettson declined to run a survey line across Selden Canyon because: “This line will cross the river…three times in less than a mile and a half. The river is now high and we cannot cross it. I know of no crossing nearer than that at Mesilla, a distance of 25 miles below….I cannot continue this line further at present” (Garrettson 1855: T20S R1W, Section 32). To pave the way for later travelers, Hutton considered the potential effects of flooding when building a wagon road north of Mesilla in 1857: ….the line here follows up the valley for six (6) miles through a low, rich bottom, thickly studded with cornfields and intersected by numerous ascequias [sic] or irrigating canals. To avoid the injurious effects of rain and the frequent overflowing of the ascequias on the heavy loam portions of this route, it was found necessary for about three (3) miles to isolate the road bed by ditches on either side, and to raise the surface by the material thus excavated; also to construct bridges over five of the ascequias….These bridges were of the simplest description, having from eight to ten feet span, and consisting of cottonwood logs (obtained along the river bank) as stringers, and similar smaller ones as cross pieces, the whole being covered with a layer of earth eight inches deep. (Hutton 1859: 81)
Flooding associated with acequia overflow and soils saturated with irrigation water is only one example of how human activities may have influenced the floods of the desert Rio Grande. The frequency of floods apparently increased during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries because the river channel became shallower as aggradation increased (Crawford et al. 1993: 20). Aggradation of the channel resulted from two factors: increased sediment loads coming off the heavily logged and grazed watershed and increased water diversions for agriculture, which reduced flows and made it more difficult for sediments to be carried away by the river (Sublette et al. 1990: 9, Scurlock 1998: 32, 188).
Channel Width and Depth. Heavy sediment loads entering the Rio Grande in the late-nineteenth century were associated with entrenchment, or deepening of the channel (i.e.: arroyo cutting) in the tributaries feeding the river. For instance, Sublette et al. (1990: 11) point to 1885 as the date that an 8.5 m deep arroyo began to form along part of the Rio Puerco, and a different “new channel” first noted along the Rio Puerco in 1899 was about 6 meters deep just seven years later (Scurlock 1998: 196). The relatively flat floodplain of the desert Rio Grande makes it somewhat immune to such deep channel formation, although along the outside edge of a meander corner, a cutbank forms, creating a steep bank on one side of the river. In addition, there are some description of fairly steep-walled channels along the river in valley reaches. For instance, in the El Paso Valley, Mendoza (1952: 321) wrote, in 1683 that “Below this cottonwood is found the watering place for the horse herd, there being no other, because the river has such high and steep banks. I crossed it with difficulty on the said day….” A mid-nineteenth-century traveler described similar deep channels in the El Paso Valley about 5 days travel below San Elizario: “The river, which we saw some miles back, was a little beyond with steep banks from 4 to 6 feet high” (Eccleston 1950: 125). Five days later, probably within 10 miles of San Elizario, the same traveler wrote, “Our road today lay along what is called Old River, an old bed, partially dry, of the Rio Grande. Part of the road would have been extremely dangerous to have driven at night. It sometime touched close to a perpendicular bank of some 10 or 15 feet” (Eccleston 1950: 130).
Given its dynamic flow regime and natural tendency to flood, it should come as no surprise that the river’s width and depth were highly variable. In the mid-nineteenth century, some accounts included estimates of the river’s width at various locations. Bartlett (1965: 187) recorded a relatively broad river, in the early 1850s, “[t]he river near [El Paso] varies in width from 300 to 600 feet [91.5-183 m].” A width within that range was noted by surveyors who observed that the river was “about 6 chains” (121 m) wide, perpendicular to its bank, in the Las Palomas Valley in August 1877 (McBroom and Shaw 1877: T17S R5W, Section 36). In October 1878, other surveyors measured channel widths of 142 and 112 meters, at Palomas and Ft. Selden, respectively (Wheeler cited in Ackerly 1998: 30). At the low end of Bartlett’s range, in July 1857 Humphrey noted that the river in the El Paso valley was 100 yards (91.5 m) wide
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(Lesley 1949: 67). A slightly narrower river was recorded about 5-days travel below San Elizario, in September 1849 “[t]he river was 50 to 100 yards [46-91.5 m] wide in some places, having two channels, and between islands of sand” (Eccleston 1950: 125). Still narrower records come from the winter of 1846. In November, near Valverde, Abert (1962: 127) recognized that the river’s flow was probably unusually low: “The river here is full of sand bars. At one place we plucked a reed, ‘arundo phragmites,’ and without difficulty threw it across the river, which at that place was not more than 50 feet (15.25 m) wide to the bar, but the water is now very low.” In December of 1846, Emory (1976: 55) observed that near Fra Cristobal Mountain, “[a] cross section of [the river] at this point is 118 feet (36 m) wide, with a mean depth of 14 inches [35.6 cm], flowing over large round pebbles, making it, at this point, unsuitable fo [sic] navigation with any kind of boats.”
Emory’s observation of a 14-inch depth is shallower than other depths recorded. In October 1878, surveyors measured depths of .64m and .67m at Palomas and Ft. Selden, respectively (Wheeler cited in Ackerly 1998: 30). When crossing one channel of the river to the island where San Elizario was located, Whiting, in April 1849, observed, “[t]he water was not more than three feet [0.92 m] at the most, and we readily crossed” (Bieber 1938: 303). Bartlett’s 1854 description (1965: 187) of the river’s minimum depth near El Paso was similar: “It is easily forded at El Paso, and probably for two thirds its length, the greatest depth of the water where it is crossed being from only two to three feet [0.61-0.92 m]. Still there are places, even near El Paso, where it is much deeper.” In a naturally meandering river, water depth varies along a reach at a given point in time, because deeper pools form at meander corners and shallower riffles occur at the inflection point where the river briefly straightens out before entering the next meander corner.
Surface Flow Disruptions. In a few instances, water depth was not a problem at fords, since the river had gone dry. For instance, Emory (1987, vol. I, pt. 1: 50) wrote, “I was informed, on good authority, that in the summer of 1851, a man drove a gang of mules along the bed of the river from the Presidio del Norte to El Paso. The bed was dry for nearly the whole distance….” It should be noted that such a drying of the river was a relatively extraordinary occurrence; in this case it was evidently caused by drought coupled with agricultural demands in the El Paso Valley. As Bartlett (1965: 187-8) explains, …during the summers of 1851 and ’52, there were [no spring floods]. The river not only did not swell or overflow its banks, but in the former year it became quite dry near El Paso, all the water being transferred to the acequias….In 1851 many large tracts of land near El Paso, which were planted in the spring, and through which irrigating canals were dug at great cost, produced nothing…at San Eleazario, twenty-five miles below El Paso,…the summer of 1852 was the first one in five years when there had been sufficient [water] to irrigate all the land of that vicinity…. In his compilation of historic droughts in New Mexico, Scurlock (1998: 40) identifies the years 1845-1847, 1849, and 1851-1853 as drought periods.
A handful of other examples of the river going dry are described in various sources; almost all match up with known drought periods. For instance, Pedro de Castadeña (1984: 341), a member of Coronado’s 1540-1542 expedition in northern New Mexico reported that a captain explored down the Rio Grande until he reached a point where “the river sank into the earth”; Bandelier (1976: 24) speculates this location may have been near modern Mesilla, and Scurlock (1998: 24) identifies 1542 as a drought year based on tree ring data. When summarizing the December 1683 journey of Fray Nicolas Lopez from El Paso to the mouth of the Conchos, Horgan (1954: 299) explains “The river fell lower and lower as they went until toward the end of their journey there was almost no water in it. But where the Conchos entered from Mexico the river sprang back to life again with renewed flow from the great tributary…”; Scurlock (1998: 40) lists the years 1681-1686 as a drought period. Follett (quoted in Ackerly 1998: 27-8) describes drying of the river in southern and central New Mexico in 1860 (or 1861), 1879, and 1889; all these dates fall within drought periods lasting from two to four years (Scurlock 1998: 40). Two other observations of a dry river above El Paso catalogued by Ackerly (1998: 27, 28)—in 1752 and 1894—followed 4 and 2 years of drought, respectively (Scurlock 1998: 40).
Significant periods during which the river dried up entirely began to intensify after the agricultural development of the San Luis Valley in Colorado at the end of the nineteenth century. During his pastoral visit to the Mesilla and El Paso valleys in 1902, Bishop Granjon lamented the effects of a consistently dry river on local agriculture: for instance, in El Paso, he observed: “The valley of the Rio Grande below
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Ciudad Juarez was previously rich and prosperous. For a number of years, because of a lack of water, cultivation has had to be abandoned, and the countryside presents a desolate aspect” (Granjon 1986: 105). In the 25 years from 1889-1914, the IBWC flow gage at Presidio recorded 34 months with zero flow in the river (Everitt 1998: 660). Much of the impetus for the creation of Elephant Butte Dam was provided by the need to store water during periods of heavy flow in order to make it available for agriculture at other times.
What has yet to be established is how regularly the river dried up, particularly before agricultural development usurped most of its flow. Some indirect evidence exists for consistently low flows in the stretch of the Rio Grande just above its junction with the Río Conchos. Early explorers in the region of La Junta de los Rios (the meeting of the rivers) encountered several settlements of indigenous people; as both Everitt (1977: 21) and Kelley (1992: 122) observe, almost all of these settlements were located either at the mouth of the Conchos, or downstream of its junction with the Rio Grande. Because of the location of its watershed, the Río Conchos has a more consistent flow, and Kelley suggests that these agricultural settlements may have been limited to certain areas by the rivers’ flows: “Hence, the flow of the Río Conchos is vital to irrigated farming in the area. Significantly, all the major La Junta pueblos of the historic period were located either on the Río Conchos or on the Rio Grande at and below the junction” (Kelley 1992: 122).
However, the preferred location for an agricultural settlement does not necessarily indicate that the Rio Grande was regularly dry above the Río Conchos; the timing of the flood peaks may have simply made downriver locations preferred because they facilitated crop ripening and made multiple crops possible. The agriculture in the vicinity of La Junta was evidently almost entirely based on floodwater farming instead of ditch irrigation; Everitt (1998: 663) states that the first widespread ditch irrigation in the Presidio Valley developed after 1900. In the mid-nineteenth century, Parry described both the hazards of the overflow method and its potential for double-cropping in La Junta region: Those places which are supplied with the necessary moisture by the overflow of rivers have a still more precarious dependence than those where irrigation is practiced. In these the quantity of water cannot be regulated, and they are exposed to the two extremes of scarcity or superabundance. One of the best examples of this system of cultivation is seen at Presidio del Norte, where the Concho unites with the Rio Grande. As these two rivers have different periods of high water the inhabitants are enabled to frequently secure two crops from the same fields in one season. In order to accomplish this the first crop, depending on the overflow of the Rio Grande, must be sown and harvested in time to admit of the planting of the second crop, depending upon the later rise of the Concho. All this depends on so many contingent circumstances that it is oftener attended by disappointment than by success, and, between the extremes of flood and drought, the people frequently suffer for want of food. (Emory 1987, vol. II, pt. 1, 15) Double-cropping was practiced by La Junta farmers as early as 1747 (Ydoiaga 1992: 82, 83).
The late-summer rise of the Río Conchos may have also facilitated the ripening of corn crops. Corn requires two periods of moisture to produce a crop—one during the germination period and one during fruit set (Peterson 1994b: 37). Madrid (1996: 18) suggests that Espejo’s sixteenth-century report of being fed ears of green corn in August at La Junta indicates a late-summer harvest by farmers in the region.
Because of the significant agricultural development that has existed in the El Paso Valley throughout most of the historic period, it might be expected that the river’s flow was disrupted more often below El Paso. However, occasional disruptions also occurred above El Paso. In a paper presented at the 1998 New Mexico Water Resources Research Institute Conference on Water Challenges on the Lower Rio Grande, Ackerly (1998) uses a variety of narrative accounts to argue that even before extensive agricultural use of water in the San Luis Valley of Colorado began, the river’s flow was highly erratic and at times ceased entirely in southern and central New Mexico. However, a point made by one of Ackerly’s quotes is that such cessations were not a normal enough occurrence to be expected with any regularity. Ackerly quotes von Humboldt’s 1811 description of a drying up of the river: “The inhabitants of the Paso del Norte have preserved recollection of a very extraordinary event which took place in 1752. The whole bed of the river became dry all of a sudden for more than thirty leagues [78 miles] above, and twenty leagues [52 miles] below the Paso [for several weeks]” (emphasis added; von Humboldt quoted in Ackerly 1998: 27). The
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high-lighted phrase, “very extraordinary,” would seem to suggest that such disruptions were not frequent events to be expected on a regular basis.
In addition to illustrating how uncommon a dry Rio Grande was, Ackerly (1998) makes a point of describing how patchy such cessations probably were; for instance, he includes Follett’s report of the river going dry for a thirty mile stretch somewhere between Albuquerque and the Mesilla Valley in 1894, noting that there was water both above and below that stretch (Ackerly 1998: 28). Biologically, it would seem that patchy disruptions of surface flow would mean that aquatic organisms might be able to move to and persist in areas where surface flows did not cease.
Patchy surface flow disruptions also suggest that the water table under the river was high enough to allow surface flow to reappear downstream of a disruption. Additional support for the idea that high water tables were maintained in the vicinity of a dry river bed comes from observations of standing and sub-surface water recorded in Emory’s Boundary Survey: In his Geological Report, Parry describes the river in the El Paso Valley, writing “Occasionally, in very dry seasons, it ceases to run altogether, and stands in stagnant pools.” (Emory 1987, vol. I, pt. 2: 7). When describing the 1851 flow disruption, Emory (vol. I, pt. 1: 50) notes, “The bed was dry for nearly the whole distance, occasional pools of water standing in places where the river-bed was formed of rock or clay, impervious to water. It was always possible, however, to procure water in sufficient quantities for drinking or watering animals by digging in the river-bed a few feet below the surface.” Such high water tables would also allow for maintenance of the various still water habitats found in the flood plain, such as ponds and marshes. Such habitats must have been significant to aquatic organisms during droughts; as Ackerly (1998: 30) explains, “The floodplain of the Rio Grande contained oxbow lakes that simultaneously formed refuges for many animal species during periods of low flow….”
Still-Water Features and Water Table The floodplain of the Rio Grande historically contained numerous marshes, swamps, oxbows and pools. In addition to providing evidence of channel shifting and flooding, such aquatic features also suggest a high water table within the floodplain. An early report of such habitats comes to us from the Gallegos’ account of the Rodriguez expedition in 1581, which encountered, in the valley below modern El Paso, “a valley of swamps, which extends over eight leagues [about 21 miles]” (Gallegos 1927: 23).
More extensive descriptions of such swampy habitats come to us from Espejo’s party, which traveled along the desert Rio Grande in 1582-1583. In 1583, Luxan (1929) noted four significant pools or marshes encountered by the party in the El Paso and Mesilla valleys: January 8, they name a site “La Cienaga Grande.” It is a “swamp is formed by the Turbio river [Rio Grande] when it overflows its banks. It contains an abundance of game such as ducks, geese, and cranes” (p. 68). January 9, they “…stopped at some pools near the river which are formed by it. We named this site Los Charcos del Canutillo. It was named Canutillo [reed] because there were numerous reeds and large marshes and pools with quantities of fish close by the river” (p 69). [Metcalf (1967: 32) locates these first two sites between modern Guadalupe and El Paso and assumes they represent the same location as the preceding Gallegos’ description .] January 15, 5 leagues (about 13 miles) farther upriver, they “…stopped at some pools which we named Las Salinas” (Luxan 1929: 70). January 16, another 5 leagues upriver, they “…reached a pool which is formed by the river when it overflows its banks: (p. 70).
Additional significant marshes were noted upriver from Selden Canyon. Luxan (1929) identifies two— “La Cienega Helada” [named “the frozen marsh” because the water was ice-covered when they arrived on January 23; p. 70] and “El Mal Pais” [named “the bad land” because of its proximity to bad lands; p. 72]— occurring along the stretch of the river below modern San Marcial. Later travelers catalogued additional marshes and ponds above the Mesilla Valley. For instance:
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