Nicholas How St:20017216

Cardiff School of Sport DISSERTATION ASSESSMENT PROFORMA: Theoretical / Conceptual (Including: Desk-Based, Secondary Data, Meta-Analysis) 1

Student name: Nicholas How Student ID: ST:20017216

Programme: SC

Dissertation title: Women in the Ultimate Fighter- A desk based interpretive critical analysis of women’s perception and role within the UFC realm. Supervisor: David Brown

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1 This form should be used to assess Theoretical/Conceptual dissertations. The descriptors associated with Theoretical/Conceptual dissertations should be referred to by both students and markers. 2 There is scope within CONCEPTUAL/THEORETICAL dissertations for the EXTENDED INTRODUCTION and RESEARCH METHODS/PROCESS sections to be presented as a combined section, particularly where matters of REPLICABILITY of the study are not central. The mark distribution to be used in studies of this kind is indicated in square brackets. CARDIFF METROPOLITAN UNIVERSITY Prifysgol Fetropolitan Caerdydd

CARDIFF SCHOOL OF SPORT

DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF SCIENCE (HONOURS)

SPORT COACHING

2013-4

WOMEN IN THE ULTIMATE FIGHTER- A DESK BASED INTERPRETIVE CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF WOMEN’S PERCEPTION AND ROLE WITHIN THE UFC REALM.

(Dissertation submitted under the discipline of Socio-Cultural)

Nicholas How

ST20017216

WOMEN IN THE ULTIMATE FIGHTER- A DESK BASED INTERPRETIVE CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF WOMEN’S PERCEPTION AND ROLE WITHIN THE UFC (ULTIMATE FIGHTING CHAMPIONSHIP) REALM.

BY NICHOLAS HOW ST:20017216

Cardiff Metropolitan University Prifysgol Fetropolitan Caerdydd

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Word count: 11992

Date: 19/03/2014

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CONTENTS ABSTRACT ...... i CHAPTER 1 ...... 1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 4 BOURDIEU’S EMBODIED SOCIOLOGY ...... 4 HEGEMONY ...... 8 ANALYSIS TECHNIQUES & CONCEPTS ...... 9 JUSTIFICATION ...... 13 CHAPTER 3 ...... 16 METHODS ...... 16 DATA COLLECTION/ANALYSIS STRATEGY ...... 16 NATURE OF STUDY ...... 17 ETHICS OF ANALYSIS ...... 19 CHAPTER 4 ...... 20 ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION ...... 20 COACHES ‘POSE’ ...... 20 GYM & CAGE ENVIRONMENT ...... 24 THE INTERVIEWS ...... 28 PARTICIPANTS VIEWS ON TRAINING WITH EACH OTHER ...... 30 CHAPTER 5 ...... 33 CONCLUSIONS ...... 33 REFERENCES ...... 36 APPENDICES ...... 48 APPENDIX A ...... A-1 ETHICAL STATUS ...... A-1

LIST OF TABLES

Framework of Observations...... p.16

Assumptions underlying the positivist, interpretive and critical paradigms...... p.18

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE 1...... P.20 & 26

FIGURE 2...... P.20

FIGURE 3...... P.20

FIGURE 4...... P.20

FIGURE 5...... P.21

FIGURE 6...... P.21

FIGURE 7...... P.21

FIGURE 8...... P.21

FIGURE 9...... P.21 & 22

FIGURE 10...... P.22

FIGURE 11...... P.24

FIGURE 12...... P.24

FIGURE 13...... P.24

FIGURE 14...... P.25

FIGURE 15...... P.26

FIGURE 16...... P.26

ABSTRACT

"When are we going to see women in the UFC?" White replied, "never." (Smith, 2011) These were the thoughts of Dana White, UFC President in 2011. The very notion of women participating in this sport was a ridiculed by White. However by 2013 the tide had turned with the UFC signing Ronda Rousey and putting her in the main event of UFC 157. Thus, women’s presence in the UFC began. Shortly afterwards, came another first with women coaches appearing on the successful UFC reality television show ‘The Ultimate Fighter’. The show has become a springboard for fighters to launch their MMA careers. Hall of fame fighters such as Rashad Evans, Stephen Bonnar and Diego Sanchez to name a few have entered the sport through this route. Now it’s the women’s turn, how will they be perceived within the masculine dominated field of MMA, and its elite sphere the UFC? What discourses, perceptions and connotations will they face? The following study focuses on developing an understanding of women, and femininity on the ‘Ultimate Fighter’

i-1

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

The world of mixed martial arts (MMA) is a multi-faceted social practice with clear tensions between how the sport representation itself and its reception in the public domain. MMA consists of competitors using a multitude of skills from various disciplines as Muay Thai, Wrestling and Brazilian Jiu Jitsu to name a few, in order to be victorious, via knockout, submission or on point decision. Fighters seek to hybridise these martial elements in order to become a more rounded, complete fighter, thus epitomising the sheer definition of the sport, mixed martial arts.

The early 1990’s saw the rise of ‘no holds barred’ contests, its intention was to answer an “age-old question among fans of boxing, wrestling, judo, karate and kickboxing” (Hirose & Pih, 2009, p.9) which discipline would win? Subsequently, the inaugural Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC) was produced. Held on November 12 1993 in Denver, Colorado, it would provide a platform, in which to aide in the answer to the question posed. Promoters used provocative slogans, such as “There are no rules” (Hirose & Pih, 2009, p. 9) and “They fight to survive” (Bottenburg & Heilbron, 2006, p. 260) these ideals would be further reinforced by the organiser’s commercial promotion of the event, proclaiming “The world’s most dangerous men fight to survive in the deadly octagon ring. There is no escape...nowhere to run”. (Bottenburg & Heilbron, 2006, p. 259). Using such terminology in the marketing, promoted a “hypermasculine image” (Vaccaro, Schrock & McCabe, 2011, p.417) additionally Vaccaro, Schrock & McCabe (2011, p.417) stated “While MMA fighting may seem unique, it orients participants and audiences to view participating as a test of manhood”. Furthermore, other elements of the event, such as the use of an octagon shaped cage “became symbolic of the event’s bestiality” (Bottenburg & Heilbron, 2006, p.260) reinforced the stigmatization and ‘hypermasculinity’ of the event.

Due to the nature and promotion of MMA, by such companies as the UFC and Pride, MMA gained notoriety worldwide. Its provocative conception soon generated interest from beyond the martial arts world, finding itself featured in men’s magazines such as Playboy3, additionally being debated within the social and political world. Republican Senator John

3 ‘Bad’ published in September 1989 by Pat Jordan was the first article printed about the UFC. 1-1

McCain soon became an antagonist to MMA, stating “The Ultimate Fighting Championship...Men were beating each other senseless. Why is such a thing allowed on TV? And is it legal?” (Bottenburg & Heilbron, 2006, p.261) he finally added, it is a form of “human cock fighting” (Shimo, 2008). Sociologists such as Sheard (1992) and Sugden (1996) also joined the debate, with Sheard (1992, cited Bottenburg & Heilbron, 2006, p.264) augmenting, “...people in ‘our’ society find violent sports of this kind ‘sickening’ and describe those who enjoy them ‘sick’”.

Consequently, due to the social and political pressures put upon them the UFC implemented courses of action in order to make the sport seem less barbaric and acceptable within the civilised world (Bottenburg & Heilbron, 2006). The threat of being banned loomed for such institutions like UFC, which saw them enforce a tightening of the rules “...they outlawed head butts, breaking fingers, hair pulling...also introduced weight classification, replaced the aggressive term ‘No Holds Barred’ with the milder sounding ‘Mixed Martial Arts’ (MMA)” (Bottenburg & Heilbron, 2006, p.264). These ‘unified rules’ were enforced for UFC event UFC 28 in 2000, in which weight categories, rounds and even judging criteria were used for the first time, aiding in helping transform its ‘barbaric’ ‘repugnant’ form, into an evolving modern day structured sport.

Within the first three years, the UFC struggled to break even, with the owners the Fertitta family investing a reported $44million to keep it going (Miller, 2008). This came after Fertitta brothers purchased the struggling company in 2001 for $2million, on the recommendation of a close friend, and catalyst behind UFC’s rise Dana White (Miller, 2008). Suddenly the UFC’s break-through came when they produced their own reality television show ‘The Ultimate Fighter’ which again came at a cost of $10million to Fertitta brothers, several big networks passed upon the opportunity, except for one, Spike (Miller, 2008). Its synopsis was outlined:

...competitors will be under the strict supervision of two successful and famous UFC fighters and trainers. They will train together, live together, and fight against each other inside and outside of the storied UFC Octagon...split into two teams...one fighter from each team must fight in the Octagon to avoid being eliminated from the competition until only two remain in each weight division... The Ultimate Fighter will be decided by a competition match. (tv.com, 2014)

Its debut episode produced surprising figures within the television industry, Multi Channel News Staff (2005) reported that “Ultimate Fighter grabbed a 1.4 household rating and 2 some 1.7 million viewers... Ultimate also performed very well with young-adult males.” Nonetheless, this was a mere drop in the ocean compared to the unexpected tidal wave the season’s now iconic finale produced. It saw now retired fighters Forrest Griffin take on

Stephen Bonnar, which “drew 10 million people to watch Spike TV and see these two fighters” (Ament, 2013). Henceforth, this success catapulted the UFC into the public domain with Spike TV agreeing to film two more seasons instantly, with participants gaining celebrity like status (Ament, 2013). Additionally, in 2011 the UFC signed with US giant FOX from Spike TV, the deal was the for “TV rights fees by upgrading their current Spike TV deal worth an estimated $35 million-a-year to FOX’s $90 million-a-year.” (Mendoza, 2011). Thus, the UFC can now boast some formidable statistics, it’s value and income form a different picture to the struggling concept struggling to break even, “$500m income in the year 2011 for pay per view fights...with ownership company Zuffa LLC being valued at around $2billion” (Miller, 2012).

In 2011, UFC president Dana White proclaimed that women will “never” step inside the octagon. Poignantly described by TMZ (2011) “The UFC has banned another substance – estrogen...” indicating it’s over hegemonic masculinist orientations. However, only a year later the whole landscape changed for the UFC, November 2012 saw the UFC sign top female talent Ronda Rousey, thus forever changing the landscape of what Vaccaro, Schrock & McCabe (2011, p.417) described as a “hypermasculine” domain that is the UFC. UFC 157, would be the stage for the maiden women’s division contest, it would pit Ronda Rousey against Liz Carmouche, in a fight that would be a watershed for the UFC and women’s MMA. The pay per view would do over half a million purchases, eclipsing the past attempts of any previous forays in to the pay per view world by women fighters; the previous record being held by “a female [boxing] fight which pitted the daughters of Muhammad Ali and Joe Frazier [against each other] and generated 125,000 buys.” (Noble, 2013). Consequently, the women’s bantamweight division was born, with Dana White announcing the signing of ten female fighters after the contest.

Thusly, the introduction of women into this world poses many questions for the sociological viewer, how will women integrate into the “hypermasculine” (Vaccaro, Schrock & McCabe, 2011, p.417) domain of the UFC? What social stereotypes and prejudices will they have to overcome? Can femininity survive in such an environment? By the investigation of season 18 of ‘The Ultimate Fighter’ which saw the inauguration of female coaches and contestants, draw on a range of sociological theory and concepts to investigate and extrapolate answers to these questions. 3

CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

This Chapter introduces previous work conducted on MMA, as well as developing a theoretical foundation for study. A surfeit amount of sources relative to the questions in hand will provide a multitude of empirical and theoretical standpoints. Subsequently, themes and key notions will be identified and consequently dissected. Evidently, due to the subject nature it can be assumed a number of ranging ideologies, concepts and frameworks will be introduced.

BOURDIEU’S EMBODIED SOCIOLOGY Through his many papers and books, Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu conceptualised his theory of practice containing numerous constructs. His works are drawn on to address the question of the changing gender order in MMA. Foremost consider ‘Habitus’, which Bourdieu (1990, p.53) defines as “the pre-reflexive, practical mastery of self that arranges social practice in such a way that individuals can continuously adjust to a diversity of social situations without consciously considering each adjustment as it is made.” Additionally he states “...a set of dispositions, reflexes and forms of behavior people acquire through acting in society. It reflects the different positions people have in society... It is part of how society produces itself”. Bourdieu (2000, p.19). Scholars such as Webb, Schirato and Danaher (2002), Jamet (1991), Carlisle (2006), Durkheim (1995 [1913]), Paradis (2012), Thorpe, (2009) and Krais (2006) have all outlined multiple definitions concerning the construct that is habitus. The purpose of the Habitus concept is succinctly summarised by Reay (2004, p.433) as explaining, “how the body is present in the social world as well as social world being present in the body”. Thus, habitus envelopes how people act in a way that is meditative of society and their process of socialisation, which is in turn replicated by their responses. Dispositions come multifarious in nature, in the form of habits, feelings, attitudes and disposition according to Bourdieu (2000). Habitus can be seen as multitudinous; conversely dispositions Bourdieu (2000, p.19) claimed they “were more specific at the individual level”. Although habitus provides us with a viable construct from which to observe and examine women within the ‘Ultimate Fighter’, we must also consider critiques against habitus. The deterministic nature of habitus, was a main critique

4 outlined by King (2000), Alexander (1994), Halle (1993), Lamont (1992) and Widick (2003). Outlined comprehensively by Shilling (1993,p.146)

affects the degree to which people are able to exercise agency. It is difficult to see at a theoretical level how people are able to ‘break out’ of the corporal trajectories assigned to them by their social location, habitus and taste.

Finally, Reay (2004, p.434) adeptly conveyed “While habitus reflects the social position in which it was constructed, it also carries within it the genesis of new creative responses that are capable of transcending the social conditions in which it was produced.”

Additionally, as discussing the notion of habitus it would pragmatic to consider briefly the work by Krais (2006) into ‘gendered habitus’. Which is identified by a “social construction of masculinity and femininity that shapes the body, defines how the body is perceived, forms the body’s habits and possibilities for expression, and thus determines the individuals identity—via the body—as masculine or feminine” Krais (2006, p.121). Consequently, it “touches the individual in an aspect of his/her self that is generally seen as ‘pure nature’: the body” Krais (2006, p.121). This addition to habitus will provide viable addition to the topic, which will be implemented later within the discussion, in relation to the UFC and women fighters.

Bourdieu’s theory of practice also introduced a range of other key concepts that connect with the idea of Habitus, this it is imperative to acknowledge these additional concepts outlined. The first of these is the idea of ‘field’, identified by Webb et al (2002, p.86) as “Is a metaphor for the (metaphorical) space in which we can identify institutions, agents, discourses practices, values, and so on.” Within Bourdieu’s work he then outlines the interactions that must take place in order to function, “there have to be stakes and people prepared to play the game, endowed with the habitus that implies knowledge and recognition of the immanent laws of the field, the stakes, and so on” Bourdieu (1993, p.72). Consequently creating an ‘illusio’, which a summarised by Webb et al. (2002, p.26) concisely as “The fact of being caught up in and by the game, of believing that the game is worth playing and recognising its stakes.” Heralded by many scholars such as Swartz (1998), Robbins (2000), Crossley (2002) and Martin (2003) who outline the importance of ‘field’ in its contribution to social sciences, along with Bourdieu’s concepts being praised for their flexibility when undertaking empirical analysis. However, ‘field’ has been scrutinised by Lahire (1999) and Warde (2004) for its lack of transparency in regards to how you define the activities which constitute the content in order for the survival of a 5

‘field’. Due to the fact, we all have contrasting ideas to what establishes politics, literature amongst others. Warde (2004,p.14) states “This poses some difficulties when it comes to identifying which are key, among multiple, purposes and objectives of agents engaged in a field.” Nonetheless, the notion of field will provide a useful tool in which to aid the conceptualisation of the study, in relation to the identifying the UFC as a field of activity and to analyse women’s past, present and likely future standing within it.

Furthermore, it can be seen in Connell (1987, p.20) conceptualisation of the ‘gender regime’ resonates firmly with the construct of ‘field’, “A gender regime is a local set of interactional arrangements concerning gender. Elements of gender regimes go above and beyond clothing, intellect, styles of speaking, etc. to the very gender of interactional predispositions, proclivities and preferences toward which individuals are inclined.” Due to its terminology and notion, it can be postulated ‘field’ influence upon it. Supplemented by Bridges (2009) and Mennesson (2012) described “which corresponds to a state of gendered social relations in a given institution or context. Even if the gender order structures all the social domains, it is expressed in a different way according to contexts.” Mennesson (2012, p.5) also outlines its relationship to ‘habitus’ will again will advantageous for the study.

For this reason considering a further notion which presents itself within ‘field’ which comes in the form of ‘capital’, defined as “[A]n energy which only exists and only produces its effects in the field in which it is produced and reproduced, each of the properties attached to class is given its value and efficacy by the specific laws of each field. “ Bourdieu (1984,p.113). Original Bourdieusian work into capital outlined the three fundamental guises, ‘economic’, ‘cultural’ and ‘social’. Evolving from this other forms of capital has been conceived. That is ‘Gender’ capital which Bridges (2009, p.84) “refers to the value afforded contextually relevant presentations of gendered selves. It is interactionally defined and negotiated”. When discussing capital, it becomes vital to consider the value it constitutes, consummately elucidated by Webb et al. (2002, p.23) “...the value or otherwise specific forms of capital is determined within, and often confined to, a particular field- although overlapping does occur”. As demonstrated before, theories and notions are going to be scrutinised, which capital is no different. Its main critiques comes in the form of it lacking clarity or being a elusive concept as outlined by Fine (2002), Woolcock (1998), DeFilippis (2001) and Haynes (2009). However, implemented with the other key concepts earlier identified, capital will help ascertain key themes within the study. 6

Bourdieu’s important concept of ‘doxa’ has been defined as “a set of core values or discourses which a field articulates as its fundamental principles and which tend to be viewed as inherently true and necessary.” Webb et al (2002, p.xi). These principles can be seen as the rules of the game, which are shared beliefs or rules amongst the agents within the field. Paradis (2012,p.83) adds “The alignment of habitus and doxa in a field allows agents to be like ‘fish in water’: unaware of the game, they see the world as meaningful.” Consequently, as it can be seen throughout the social world there are agents who accept the doxa of a field; alternatively there are others that don’t. Accepting agents of doxa conform to the notion of orthodoxy “Those sets of beliefs and values that constitute the received wisdom and the status quo within a field. The orthodoxy reflects the ‘official history’ of the field...” Webb et al (2012, p.xiv). Conflicting agents thus can be explained through heterodoxy “The set of beliefs and values that challenge the status quo and received wisdom – or common sense- within a particular field.” Webb et al (2012, p.xiii).

In conjunction with doxa, produces ‘bodily hexis’ although it also relates to an agent’s habitus and field it finds itself, doxa “...expresses a certain somatization of social relations of domination that the concept body hexis further replicates” Marchand (2010, p.137). Additionally, Webb et al (2012, p.x) state “The physical attitudes and dispositions which emerge in individuals...” So it can be seen the elements of doxa, will resonate in physical form through the bodily hexis, shaping how agents gesture, walk and talk.

These constructs will add another dimension to the implemented study, helping inform analysis with an abundance of depth, in relation to the construction of ‘body’ within MMA and thus the UFC. This can be seen within the work of, Downey (2007), Spencer (2009). Abramson and Modzelewski (2011), Brown and Jennings (2013), Channon (2013).

HEGEMONY As applied by Spencer (2009), Walton and Potvin (2009) and Hirose and Pih (2010). Gramsci, 2005 cited Bridges (2009, p.88) defines “Hegemony refers to a cultural process of domination. It organizes, monitors and restricts the ways in which new ideas or systems of valuation are established, eliminated or naturalized in ways that subtly alter notions of ‘common sense’ within fields of practice.” Adopting this concept will help compliment constructs previously discussed, although hegemony has been discussed as “difficult to discuss without reifying.” Bridges (2009, p.88) this issue raised subsequently can be rectified by applying Williams (1977, p.113) interpretation “...one way of attempting to write about such processes is to speak of what is hegemonic and why, rather than about hegemony per se.” Through reifying the concept it becomes concrete or real meaning we can spot them when we empirically study them. Supported by Bridges (2009, p.88) “...defining precisely what cultural capital is (e.g. knowledge of fine wine, classical music) and what hegemonic masculinity is (e.g. a type ‘A’ personality, misogynistic, muscular), allows us to empirically search for them in different contexts and discuss their relative prevalence.”

The introduction of hegemony, allows us to contemplate hegemonic masculinity, which is “...understood as the pattern of practice (i.e., things done, not just a set of role expectations or an identity) that allowed men’s dominance over women to continue” (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005, p.832) they further this concept by stating it has “the transformative capacity that makes it so powerful: it is largely elusive and continually in flux.” (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005, cited Bridges, 2009, p.91). Bridges (2009, p.91) adds “we do not exalt hegemonic masculinities because they are hegemonic; they are hegemonic because we exalt them.” Considering, the terminology used in the definitions of hegemony, it can be construed as being restricting and dominating, however Connell explains:

I do think it possible for hegemony to be a positive force. That was part of Gramsci’s original conceptualization of hegemony and class relations, and it is quite conceivable that a certain hegemony could be constructed for masculinities that are less toxic, more cooperative and peaceable, than the current editions. (1998, p. 476)

ANALYSIS TECHNIQUES & CONCEPTS The Ultimate Fighter, is a reality TV show, therefore ‘media content analysis’ becomes relevant to the study along with constructs and notions that produce itself within its realm. Many scholars such as Weber (1990), Berger (1991), Neuendorf (2002) and Shoemaker & Reese (1996) have discussed the construct; however Neuman (1997, pp.272-273) adeptly defines it as

A technique for gathering and analysing the content of text. The ‘content’ refers to words, meanings, pictures, symbols, ideas, themes, or any message that can be communicated. The ‘text’ is anything written, visual, or spoken that serves as a medium for communication.

Thus, Berelson (1952, cited Macnamara, 2003, p.3) suggested there were five main outcomes produced from the analysis “To describe substance characteristics of message content...describe form characteristics of message content...make inferences to producers of content... make inferences to audiences of content...predict the effects of content on audiences.”

Discussing relevant theories that fall under this umbrella is imperative. Consequently, the term ‘semiotics’ will be considered, semiotics origins have been attributed to Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure and American philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce. Saussure (1915, 1966, pp.66-67) originally postulated “The linguistic sign that unites not a thing and a name, but a concept and a sound-image...I call the combination of a combination of a concept and a sound-image a sign.” This demonstrates according to Berger (2012, p.4) a relationship between “...signifier and signified is arbitrary”. So it can be understood “Semiotics is concerned with everything that can be taken as a sign. A sign is everything which can be taken as significantly substituting for something else." (Eco, 1976, p.7) Subsequently, this can be linked with Peirce understanding of signs according to Zeman (1977, p.24) “...the universe is perfused with signs, if it is not composed exclusively of signs”. Ultimately, it could be interpreted the world around us is composed of signs, and with semiotic analysis we can dissect these signs. Some criticisms of semiotics have been discussed by Mick (1986), Berger (2012) & Rudner (1951) however its main critique is that semiotic analysis invariably consists of individual readings, these readings are subjective to the individual. Thus, their interpretation of signs or phenomena could be influenced by bias and the validity could be

9 questioned. Therefore, empirical evidence will need to be provided in order to substantiate their findings.

Language will be a relevant point of analysis, consequently, Russian semiotician Mikhail Bakhtin founded the approach of ‘Dialogical’ theory. Bakhtin (1981, p.280) outlines:

The word in living conversation is directly, blatantly, oriented toward a future answer- word: it provokes an answer, anticipates it and structures itself on the answer’s direction. Forming itself in an atmosphere of the already spoken, the word is at the same time determined by that which has not yet been said but which is needed and in fact anticipated by the answering word.

Interpreted by Berger (2012, p.30) “...that when we speak, what we say is tied both to things that have been said before and to utterances that we expect to be made in the future”. Applying this construct, alongside earlier theoretical notions outlined by Bourdieu, well help provide valuable insights when observing and listening to the participants of the ‘Ultimate Fighter’, due to the nature of the interviews and the spoken words within in the show, enabling the extrapolation of themes and notions expressed. Furthermore, when considering the concept of ‘codes’ which is understood by Berger (2012, p.32) to be “...highly complex patterns of associations that all members of a given society and culture learn...affect the ways that individuals interpret the signs and symbols they find in the media and the ways they live.” From earlier literature discussed earlier, it can be linked to Bourdieu’s habitus; this linkage will provide a useful theoretical standpoint for the discussion approached later on. The idea of codes was explored by Umberto Eco, who suggested that codes can be misinterpreted between the creators of television programs and those who observe them. Eco (1972, p.106) stated “aberrant decoding...is the rule of mass media.” This is a result of people have different codes for messages received; consequently the interpretation of the message varies depending on the decoder (person). Eco (1972, p.115) states:

Codes and subcodes are applied to the message in the light of a general framework of cultural references, which constitutes the receiver’s patrimony of knowledge: his ideological, ethical, religious standpoints, his psychological attitudes, his tastes, his value systems, etc. 10

Eco believed the aberrant decoding by the mass media is the norm, due to the fact there is a distinguished gap between the producers of the mass media and the consumers of it.

This distinguished gap can be associated with the work of Benedict Anderson and his notion of ‘imagined communities’. Anderson’s concept was formed as a basis to dissect the construction of nationalism and how it has become ubiquitous in nature. He initially stated “imagined political communities, because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, meet them, or even hear them, yet in minds of each lives the image of their communion” (Anderson, 1991, p.6) It could be argued from this statement that ‘nationalism’ would have to be constructed in order for there to be a ‘nation’. Anderson places a great significance on the term ‘imagined’ due to ‘imaging’ through language helps “...create symbols, history and values that make a community of any size appear real.” (Zimelis, 2010, p.8) With the use of signs and symbols it creates unity and common ideologies for groups, even though they have never met. Anderson (1991, p.188) adds:

...most important thing about language is its capacity for generating imagined communities, building in effect particular solidarities...substantial groups of people were in a position to think of themselves as living lives parallel to those of other substantial groups of people- if never meeting, yet certainly proceeding along the same trajectory.

Thusly, this can be linked to viewers of television shows, as the ‘Ultimate Fighter’ they watch the show and become a community, and in correlation to Anderson’s construct share common values and ideologies produced by the show. It could be argued that the producers of the show have the power to influence these common values; however it would be fallacious to assume that all the viewers have shared ideals. Supported by Thompson (1990, p.4) theory on ‘mediazation of modern culture’, “...process by which the transmission of symbolic forms becomes increasingly mediated by the technical and institutional apparatuses of the media industries”.

The ideology of power can be seen power through Thomas Mathiesen’s (1997) observations Michael Foucault’s Panoptican concept. Mathiesen’s extends Foucault’s Panoptican idea of “where the few see the many” to address the contemporary phenomenon of “where the many watch the few”. Foucault’s observes society becoming a

11 surveillance machine for which we are a part of. However, Mathiesen’s (1997, p.217) construct of synopticism “where the few see the many” referring to this as “synoptican”. He then comments on the power of the few within a synoptic space stating “They actively filter and shape information...they place topics on the agenda and avoid placing topics on the agenda.” (Mathiesen, 1997, p.226) This can be linked to the power the UFC posses when producing the Ultimate Fighter, in relation to what they portray can influence their imagined communities beliefs and ideologies. Which is supported by Mathiesen (1997, p.230) “ My point is that synopticism, through the modern mass media in general and television in particular, first of all directs and controls or disciplines our consciousness.” Subsequently, supported by Enzenberger (1974, p.97) thought that “the modern media encourage the ‘industrialization of mind’”.

Once perspective influenced by Foucault, was the discursive approach to studying society. As outlined previously within semiotics and codes is the interpretation of signs and symbols. However Foucault’s approach is centralised around the production of knowledge and meaning. Hall (1997) argued that Foucault is broad in nature due to his incorporating power/knowledge in relation to history and events. Consequently, this cannot be said for Saussure’s semiotic approach. Consequently, the notion of discourse has numerous definitions, Hall (1997, p.73) “[s]ince we can only have knowledge of things if they have a meaning, it is discourse – not the things-in-themselves – which produces knowledge. Subjects like ‘madness’, ‘punishment’ and ‘sexuality’ only exist meaningfully within the discourses about them.” It’s not the discussion on if something is tangible in existence; it concerns itself where the meaning comes from. Therefore, the notion of discourse will provide a way of analysing gender within the institution of the UFC, and how it has been shaped.

JUSTIFICATION

This study addresses gender roles, perceptions, habitus, doxa, discourse and synoptican within the ‘Ultimate Fighter’ television show. Deconstructing the show and its narrative will discover any themes, or situations in which the introduction of the notions and concepts outlined within the literature review can be applied. Addressed in a qualitative format, conducting research of a descriptive nature it’s imperative to use analytical tools in order to formulate the discussion. (Esaiasson, Gilljam, Oscarsson& Wängnerud, 2007).

There is a distinct lack of studies into that relate women within the combative field of MMA within in a reality television setting due to its the first show of its kind. Many studies have looked upon the idea of reality television, Peèiulis (2009) looked upon “Reality Style on Televizion: Reflection of the Public’s Transformation” within this study he looked upon how reality television has altered the public’s perception of the ‘ordinary’ man and how these shows influence and tackle crucial issues, additionally “television started to imitate functions of governmental or public institutions” (Peèiulis, 2009, p.17). Alkazemi (2012) looked into “Social Construction of Reality Television: An Analysis of Print Journalism Coverage of All- American Muslim” which explored the way Muslim’s were portrayed within the American press post 9/11, and how it can influence public perception. Numerous of other studies have looked upon television and reality television influences on audiences perceptions, ideals such as Gulisano (2008), Walton & Potvin (2009), Denham & Jones (2008) and Mason (2002). Television as a medium has succumb to many critics as from which to base analysis upon Kolbe & Burnett (1991), Turner (2001), Havens (2012) & Conway (2011) however it has also been praised and championed as a genuine construct from which to critique and dissect. Steinberg (2007, cited Walton & Potvin, 2009, p.3) states “Dismissing television, particularly its junk, as mere entertainment obscures its power to influence societal norms of ideology and behaviour”. Kellner & Share (2007, p.3) add “...the influential role that broadcasting...play in organizing, shaping, and disseminating information, ideas, and values”. Giroux (2004, p.497) postulated the media and television has produced “public pedagogy”. Culminating in Walton & Potvin (2009, p.4) summarising “Media, then, bear influence on society not only by shaping ideas and perspectives, but also by doing so in the context of broader, increasingly concentrated corporate interests.”

Numerous studies have considered women training with men within martial arts and competing within ‘masculine’ sports, as outlined by Sisjord & Kristiansen (2009), Paradis (2012), Thorpe (2009), Weiss (2001), Mennesson (2000) & Guerandal & Mennesson (2007). Consequently, these studies can relate to segments of the show, however this study will seek to merge the concept of ‘reality television’ and women within martial arts, in this case MMA.

Justifying the use of media analysis techniques was outlined within the literature review. Berger (2012) believes when this analysis has taken place it has “...interesting results to film, theatre...that in involve or are concerned with communication and the transfer of information” (Berger,2012, p.5) As discussed earlier, Semiotics looks into the study of signs. Other recent work between the relationship between media analysis/semiotics and interpretive sociology have been outlined by many scholars (see for example, Denzin 1987; Gottdiener 1995; MacCannell 1976; MacCannell & MacCannell 1982; Manning 1987, 1988; Manning & Cullum-Swan 1994; Perinbanayagam 1985, 1991; Vannini 2004; Wiley 1994). The following authors outlined the significance that media analysis plays within interpreting society, dissecting what is portrayed in this mass media through its many forms, thus becoming a useful tool when observing society.

Consequently, addressing the two approaches of semiotics, these being structural as outlined by Manning (1987, p.29) “...mode of analysis that seeks principles and rules that account for a known pattern...[and for the] rules that govern conduct”. Additionally, “Language and its structures, therefore, work as the overarching mechanism providing speakers with voices and discursive action” Vannini (2007, p.116). Thus, considering structural semiotics are fundamentally conceptualising how signs and structures of semiotic rules make people. Ultimately, meaning derives from a structure of oppositions, as outlined within paradigmatic analysis for example. However, the contrasting approach to semiotics comes in the form of social semiotics, Vannini (2007, p.115) “...social semiotics, much like for symbolic interactionism, meaning emerges out of the concerted intercourse of humans, each with differing motives, goals, and outlooks...meaning relies on the consequences of social action” Within this form of semiotics we gain an understanding how people make, use, and renegotiate semiotic rules. Gaining an understanding of these contrasting elements within semiotics, is advantageous, however with the use of contrasting theories applied by Bourdieu, amongst different constructs within media analysis, the study employs both contrasting ideals of semiotics.

Semiotics can be one of many differing notions that come under the theoretical umbrella of media discourse, which “...include linguistic and sociolinguistic analysis, conversation analysis, semiotic analysis, social-cognitive analysis, cultural-generic analysis as well as critical linguistics and social semiotics” (Fairclough, 1995, p.20) Due to discourse’s multifaceted nature, one or more of the above tools for analysis can be put together. Discourse types are ever evolving, as one type becomes out dated or un- relatable a new type is formed, which relates to the relationship between the complicity and contestation with other discourses in society. Therefore, as mentioned previously, such techniques as dialogical and codes, along with semiotics, can aid within the discursive approach. Many scholars Rose & Wood (2005), Aslama & Pantti (2006), Drew (2011), Gomez (2012), Gilligan (2012) have adapted a similar approach when undertaking such studies into the media, and most appropriately reality television. Ultimately, reinforcing the use of the discursive approach amongst, others mentioned for the study in hand.

CHAPTER 3

METHODS

The focus of the study methodology is to map and observe all aspects within the show ‘Ultimate Fighter’, within the show’s representation we will implement the notions and concepts previously discussed and see how they resonate.

DATA COLLECTION/ANALYSIS STRATEGY Data collection came in the form of note taking whilst observing the show, including what is said, what is shown and any other points of interest that present itself. From this analysis, the most notable instances will be highlighted for examination. Due to the nature of the analysis, it becomes difficult to present a framework from which it will reside. As highlighted by Bryman (2008, pp.499-501) “...researchers that use discourse analysis see it more as an analytical mentality and some argue that it is hard or even impossible to code the practices some even resist the idea of doing so.” The framework below was implemented in order to structure observations, so that they were recorded and could be re-watched at a later date.

Figure 1. Framework of Observations

Episode No: xx

Description Of Event: xx

People Involved: xx

Areas for analysis: xx

This template would therefore be easily replicated throughout the study or even implemented for future studies. The use of video “...is helpful in this context because it allows for the capture of aspects of habitus that cannot be easily put into words, and also because it allows for repeat viewing, and the capturing of details that might otherwise pass unnoticed.” (Dant, 2004, pp.56-7) Dant (2004) provides an additional insight which reinforces the use of video, to show such elements as habitus and video’s flexibility in which it can be re-watched. Which is reinforced by Sweetman (2009, p.26) “...visual

16 methods may not allow for the excavation or illumination of the unthought or unstated, but also the recognition and potential transformation of habitus in the same sort of way as Bourdieu suggest can be achieved through ‘socioanalysis’”. Consequently, Sweetman (2009, p.27) summarises,

...visual methods can help us to operationalise a concept which may be difficult otherwise to uncover or investigate, in part because if its vagueness and indeterminacy, but also and more significantly because of the difficulty of speaking about that which, whilst it informs both the smallest and largest of our actions and gestures, and constitutes our overall orientation to or way of being in the world, we may simultaneously be all but ‘unaware’.

NATURE OF STUDY From a methodological standpoint that this study falls into the Qualitative form. Which Carter and Little (2007, p.1316) define:

Social research in which the researcher relies on text data rather than numerical data, analyzes those data in their textual form rather than converting them to numbers for analysis, aims to understand the meaning of human action, and asks open questions about phenomena as they occur in context rather than setting out to test predetermined hypotheses

Qualitative research, enables scholars to look for ‘meaning’ and explore ‘phenomena’ in non-quantifiable form. Consequently, allowing observations on the world around us to be made. A notion supported by Fossey, Harvey, Mcdermott and Davidson (2002, p.717- 732)

Qualitative sampling is described as purposive (or purposeful) when it aims to select appropriate information sources to explore meanings, and theoretical when its aim is the selection of people, situations or processes on theoretical grounds to explore emerging ideas and build theory as data analysis progresses...Qualitative analysis is a process of reviewing, synthesizing and interpreting data to describe and explain the phenomena or social worlds being studied.

Limitations surrounding qualitative research, mainly come in the form of the legitimacy of the findings. Findings are seen to be generalised, as Myers (2000, p.1) explains “continue to be criticized for their lack of objectivity and generalizability. The word 'generalizability' is 17 defined as the degree to which the findings can be generalized from the study sample to the entire population.” A weaknesses generally unseen within quantitative research “which tends to be scientific and abstract” (Bassey, 1999, p.52). Nevertheless, Weirsma (2000, p.211) supports this approach as long as its “...well organized, complete persuasive presentation of procedures and results enhances external reliability”.

Regarding the study, the notion of paradigm is of notable reference, which Patton (1978, p.203) defines

...is a world view, a general perspective, a way of breaking down the complexity of the real world. As such, paradigms are deeply embedded in the socialization of adherents and practitioners:...tell us what is important, legitimate, and reasonable.

Within Patton’s work, it also summaries the apparent strength and weaknesses of paradigms, “their strength in that it makes action possible, their weakness in that the very reason for action is hidden in the unquestioned assumptions of the paradigm” (Patton, 1978, p.203)

Looking at paradigms, studies will generally fall within a category of being either: Positivist, Interpretive or Critical. As can be seen in the table below from Sparkes (1992, p.21) he outlines the paradigms:

1) Assumptions underlying the positivist, interpretive and critical paradigms

Regarding, these paradigms, it could be argued that this study has interpretive and critical elements. Due to the concepts and work outlined previously, which consequently fall into both paradigms. Burrell and Morgan (1979, pp.28-31) state

The interpretive paradigm is informed by a concern to understand the world as it is, to understand the fundamental nature of the social world at the level of subjective experience...Interpretive sociologists seek to understand the very basis and source of social reality.

Additionally, the study possesses critical elements, as Harvey (1990, pp.1-20) states:

Critical social research is underpinned by a critical-dialectical perspective which attempts to dig beneath the surface of historically specific, oppressive, social structures...At the heart of critical social research is the idea that knowledge is structured by existing sets of social relations...interested in substantive issues, and wants to show what is really going on a societal level.

ETHICS OF ANALYSIS Due to its nature, it’s important to consider influences upon the analysis. Interpretation of signs, spoken word and the framing all comes down to individual’s interpretation of what’s been displayed. Ethically the study will attempt to provide analysis with no bias, however due to ideologies, discourse and unconscious thought they might influence the outcome. To ensure minimal bias, relation to the theory and constructs earlier identified, will channel aid in the deconstruction of elements within the ‘Ultimate Fighter’. Creeber (2006, p.85) states “any text can be viewed from an almost endless number of different ‘reading positions.’ These positions, while clearly contestable, can still offer interesting explorations of the programmes, and continue to inform and generate wider debate”. Therefore, as discussed this study will help raise issues and implement constructs, in which further research, debate and analysis could be formed.

CHAPTER 4

ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

The following discrete analysis integrates concepts, notions and methods in order to dissect and make sense of the data collected from ‘the Ultimate Fighter’ show. Raising issues and posing questions about women within the MMA arena. Highlighting certain aspects will help further our understanding of women within a ‘hypermasculine’ sport, thus addressing women’s debut foray into the established ‘UFC’ franchise.

COACHES ‘POSE’ When considering the portrayal of women within MMA and the ‘Ultimate Fighter’, initially analysis will start with the coaches photo, as seen in figure 1, with subsequent photos from previous seasons represented in figures 2-4. Consider figure 1, dissection of the image can happen in numerous ways. Initially, comparing the figures can be seen to be demonstrating that Ronda Rousey (left) and Miesha Tate (right) have adopted a different pose to previous coaches.

Figure 1 Figure 2

Figure 3 Figure 4

They can be seen to be posed which is indicative of many female models, as seen in Figure 3 Figure 4 figures (below) 5, 6, 7, 8 & 9. The adoption of such poses which celebrated “emphasised” femininity could raise many issues and questions about the UFC’s portrayal of women. 20

Hargreaves (1997, p.45) states “...conventional images of femininity are preferred by ‘promoters and boxers alike’”.

Figure 5 Figure 6 Figure 7 Figure 8

Figure 9

This conventional approach could be applied to the UFC, which ultimately raises many notions that could thusly be applied. One interpretation could be the ‘UFC’s’, portrayal of women through this ‘synoptican’ gaze seeks to conform to the needs and desires of their ‘imagined community’. Additionally, representing the coaches could be associated with the notion of gendered habitus, which Krais (2006,p.121) outlined previously. Consequently, with the posed photos of the coaches, it could be argued that the UFC is underpinning the notion of a more normatively gendered habitus by presenting the coaches bodies in a ‘softened’ manner, than the usual ‘strong’ pose adopted by the males. It could be argued as with Hargreaves (1997) statement earlier that the UFC are seeking to ‘feminise’ or even ‘sexualise’ the coaches by portraying them within this pose, Bridges (2009,p.93) adds “Simply put, the value of bodies is dictated largely by the contexts in which they are presented.” Hence, poses a conundrum for women who want to participate within these masculine hegemonic arena’s such as the UFC, due to they may be used as a commodity for their looks, not just their athletic/fighting ability. As highlighted by Weiss (2001, p.398) “The relationship between athlete and social environment is, in other words, a balancing act between being a body and having a body: there must be a balance between the mentally and socially influenced desires and what can and has been realized.” 21

It has been conceived by Guerandel & Mennesson (2007, p.168) that women within these environments face “...a paradox: on one hand, being a woman needing to conform to an image of ‘femininity’ and display ‘normal’ (heterosexual) sexuality and, on the other hand, being an accomplished athlete in an environment created by and for men”. Consequently, this paradox upon their gender was looked upon by Bourdieu (1990, p.30) which he postulated “...women “condemned” to participate in symbolic violence of gender and compelled to adhere to structures and agents of domination”. This quandary for women within masculine sports has been well documented, Leng, Kang, Lim, Lit,Suhaimi & Umar (2012, p.46) presented:

When female wrestlers are covered in the press, the focus is not on their athletic achievements but on their unfeminine muscularity and strength. Women who possess a muscular body and strength is regarded as abnormal and hence, newsworthy. They are labelled as tomboys which is a societal reaction to women’s transgression. Conversely, when female wrestlers possess symbols of femininity or sexuality, the media is also interested in featuring them not because of their athletic achievement but because it sees them appealing as feminine role models.

It can be argued that both Rousey and Tate can be related to these findings, as they when they are covered in the press about the participation within MMA, due to the nature of MMA their respective skills, technique and ability isn’t the first on the agenda. It’s the fact that they are women participating within such a ‘barbaric’ and ‘combative’ sport, conversely the media have also both shown an interest in both women, for their aesthetic nature. Both women have posed naked for ESPN ‘Body We Want’ in 2012 and 2013 please see figure 9 & 10 for reference. Potentially, capital gains can be attained, enabling some female competitors like Rousey and Tate to gain physical capital through their appealing appearance against classical feminine norms.

Figure 9 Figure 10 22

Further cementing the paradox women fighters can face when entering such masculine hegemonic arena as MMA. Presenting the female fighters within this way could further reinforce this ideal, as supported by Walton & Potvin (2009, p.6) who conceptualised the idea of ‘dismember-ship’ which they outlined as “...a gendered practice that describes the manner in which the physical dismemberment, ritual and symbolic consumption of women’s bodies continues to maintain men’s privilege and women’s subservience”. Additionally, they add “...objectification to be a social relation by which women are used for men’s pleasure, and through which specific sexualized body parts are displayed and consumed, as though a ritual of symbolic cannibalism.” Walton & Potvin (2009, p.6). Therefore, with the ‘Ultimate Fighter’ presenting the coaches to their ‘imagined community’, in this manner, it could be interpreted they as a company (UFC) are allowing women competitors, but will also seek to use them as marketable assets. Asserting this symbolic violence upon the women, may distort the legitimacy of the women’s division as it could cause women wanting to participate seeking to present themselves to appeal not only as a fighter, but as ‘feminine’ or a source for ‘symbolic cannibalism’ or conversely enable women fighters to have access to another form of capital in the form of physical not only performance. This balance was highlighted by Halbert (1997 cited Sisjord & Kristiansen,2009, p.234) study:

...of professional boxers in the United States revealed strategies women pugilists employ in order to manage their identity in an effort to remain marketable in the industry, based on the awareness of the need for balance of a public identity that appears neither too masculine nor too feminine.

GYM & CAGE ENVIRONMENT The physical environment or setting for the ‘Ultimate Fighter’ can be interpreted to be laced with masculine hegemonic displays, which reinforce the doxa, of the field. Following on from the coaches photo’s if we inspect the setting (gym) where the fighters train it can be seen that the gym is embodied and symbolises the domination of masculinity upon the UFC and MMA. Initial analysis show masculine doxa represented throughout the gym, with previous fighter’s photo’s hung on the walls. As seen in figures 11-13 (below), behind the female fighters you can see past champions and fighters, all who are male. This use of photos could be interpreted with a multitude of notions “Habitus is embodied, inscribed durably in the body”. Paradis (2012, pp.83-4)

Figure 11 Figure 12 Figure 13

By using these photos, the UFC could be seen to be inscribing the history and ultimately reinforce the masculine hegemonic masculinity within this field upon those who enter the gym. Furthermore, Bridges (2009, p.87) state “Bodies are powerful symbols in social relations”, which further reinforces the interpretation made, especially when you consider Carlisle (2006, p.26) postulates about habitus “Does not require memory, but rather a retention of the traces of past actions which may or may not become conscious”. These retentions, may not be spoken about or referenced to by consumers of the show however, by framing the gym in such a manner it demonstrates and idolises the male domination upon the show. A comment which has been noted by Spencer (2009, p.138) “Through television shows like Spike’s The Ultimate Fighter, more people outside the sport are recognizing bodily characteristics associated with an MMA fighters identity. The body tells the story of being a fighter and confers a status upon the fighter.” With the use of these photo’s framing the gym, by understanding Spencer’s (2009) it further cements this masculine hegemonic doxa that is placed upon the ‘Ultimate Fighter’, the UFC. Along with the photos, the sponsors within the ring help support the notion being discussed. McNay (2000, p. 37).states “masculine domination assumes a natural, self-evident status through its inscription in the objective structures of the social world” within this setting this could be argued that the posters and sponsors help inscribe this notion. Especially if we speak 24 about the sponsors in question, in reference to figure 14, shows the octagon, the sponsors are Miller Lite, Harley Davidson, Prestone, NOS Energy Drink, Dodge Dart and Fox Sports 1.

Figure 14

Mullins (2006) states “Miller’s goal from the onset was making light beer a mainstream, acceptable choice for young, macho, albeit health-conscious, men. To appeal to this target segment, Miller focused its advertising predominantly on sports.” Accordingly, Harley- Davidson (2014) demographic section to their website they describe their main target audience as “Caucasian men ages 35-74...our traditional customer base.” Prestone have had their target market described by Advertising Age (2001) as “The target audience is 95% male, ages 35 to 53”. NOS Energy Drink continue with the theme, as Delane (2014) outlines “Core demo: 16-24 male + Expanded demo: 12-32 male” (Demo meaning demographic). With the final product Dodge Dart has “targeted two key consumer groups: young professionals buying their first car and baby boomers re-entering the compact car segment who are interested in low price and mid-sized roominess...67% purchases by males.” (Shaya, 2013). With the broadcast channel Fox Sports 1 (which the show airs on in the U.S.A) target audience, especially for the UFC product being “Adults 18-49 and Men 18-49...adults 18-34 and males 18-34”. (Fox Broadcasting Company, 2013). By having these sponsors along with, the photos of the male fighters it makes the setting or field to be dominated by masculine hegemony. By framing the gym within this manor, it could be argued the UFC seek to in print the history and beliefs upon those who step within it, along with using sponsors that will appeal to their ‘imagined community’. Webb et al. (2002, p.xiv) support by stating “Those sets of beliefs and values that constitute the received wisdom and the status quo within a field. The orthodoxy reflects the ‘official history’ of the field.” Using males and these sponsors underpins the orthodoxy of the field as men have 25 been the pioneers of the sport from the beginning, so have the consumers upon it. Reinforced by, Bridges (2009, p.91) “Because hegemonic masculinity is negotiated regime-specifically, individuals encounter distinct masculinities occupying the hegemonic position in distinct fields of interaction and historical moments.” However, it can be noted that all is not lost for females within this field, through the ‘synoptican’ gaze ‘Ultimate Fighter’, the setting for the show could be used as a metaphor for the UFC. As already spoken the core for the setting of the show is dominated by masculinity. However, around the gym there are little glimpses of the introduction of females. With reference to Figures1,15 &16, these are examples of how women are entering the field of MMA, and the UFC.

Figure 1 Figure 15 Figure 16

Within the changing rooms, there are photo’s of the respective coaches in action. So looking at the gym setting within in the show this space, could be interpreted as a the UFC’s metaphor or ideology towards their field, that centrally men are at the heart of their product, however slowly around the perimeter lies the female presence. Which indicates a shift within the fields doxa which will in time could change the habitus, outlined by Paradis (2012, p.18) ethnography within a boxing gym “fields and habitus may not change at the same speed, such that the in-sync habitus of agents in a field at time t0 may be out of sync at t1 after the field’s doxa has changed”. This is linked to Bourdieu & Wacquant (1992) concept of the ‘inertia’ of habitus, which according to Paradis (2012, p.18) “...creates conditions of hysteresis: a misalignment between habitus and doxa that makes agents feel out of place and out of sync, or makes them be perceived as such.” By the gym, being in this way it could be conceived that women within the arena, can see the landscape is changing for them as fighters, however due to the framing by such masculine focal points, surrounding them they could feel like they don’t belong.

This can be closely related to women’s participation within the boxing field, as Paradis (2012, p.18) states:

Boxing as a field has been undergoing tremendous change... This inclusion, I argue, has changed the doxa of boxing, and redefines the types of capital valued within it, yet it may not have changed the habitus of all its inhabitants. In short, boxing and boxers may be experiencing gender-related hysteresis...

Finally, with relation to the setting Connell (1987, p.119) notion of gender regime, is useful to consider. The gender regime is a masculine hegemonic space, with women edging in, due to what has been identified. Interestingly, Connell (1987, p.119) argues “...that changes in regimes tend to be resisted”. But the women here are being invited on male terms of course to complete the picture visually – but of course the paradox of their abilities in the Octagon remains the key element of transformative energy.

THE INTERVIEWS Observing the language that fighters use, it can shape what becomes the ‘norm’ for fighters to say pre-fight. Language helps form a MMA habitus, this habitus will shape the doxa, which ultimately the agents within a field will seek to conform to this doxa, in order to become accepted or validate their status as a fighter. Previous icons within MMA have helped shape the doxa for the field of MMA, aiding in forming a MMA habitus. Consider the following pre-fight statements from fighters:

“I want to suck his blood. I want to smell it. Not just fight. Not just fight. I want to hurt him- Wanderlei Silva” (McElroy, 2014) “I'm going to beat his ass out of the UFC. He's never gonna want to fight again after I'm done with him -Anderson Silva” (Botter, 2013) “I’m going to beat his ass like it’s never been beaten before. I’m going to make sure that everyone of his teeth are broken, his arms are broke, his legs are broke. He’s gonna not be able to walk out of the Octagon by himself – Anderson Silva” (BJPenn.Com, 2013) “It’s going to be tough to knock me out in the third (round), when he gets knocked out in the first – Chuck Liddell” (BJPenn.Com,2013)

These are but a few quotes, referenced from some of the most iconic names with MMA and the UFC which reinforces the doxa for a UFC fighter, as “doxa – a set of ‘pre-reflexive, shared but unquestioned opinions and perceptions’ which determine the ‘‘‘natural’’ practice and attitudes . . . of the social agents in the field’” (Deer, 2008, p.120) It could be understood that from these statements that using such terminology as ‘beat his ass’ and ‘knock him out’ is one of the traits needed by a UFC competitor to be viewed has genuine, that these statements also seek to conform and gravitate to the UFC’s ‘imagined community’ by displaying a fighters image through language to conform to the masculine hegemonic arena of MMA. Paradis (2012, p.83) adds “It is through a process of construction and embodiment of this doxa that agents develop a specific habitus: a feel for the games that are played in the fields they navigate”. So the adoption of this language will be a solid foundation for any fighter seeking acceptance within this field. Summarised by Paradis (2012, p.83) “The alignment of habitus and doxa in a field allows agents to be like ‘fish in water’: unaware of the game, they see the world as meaningful.” Taking these comments and notions on board, we can see a reflection of this within the show, through the interviews of the women fighters before they compete. If we compare statements made by the women to the ones earlier outlined similarities can be seen:

(“I just wanna destroy whoever they put in front of me” Jessamyn Duke “I didn’t sweat and cry all those tears and drip all that blood for no reason” Raquel Pennington “Being the first Ultimate Fighter, that alone is motivating enough to make me wanna destroy somebody” Julianna Peña)

There is a correlation between the statements made by the participants of the show and current MMA icons. Understanding this correlation can be interpreted within a multitude of ways, Webb et al. (2002, p.58) postulated “People do think and act in strategic ways, and try to use the rules of the game to their advantage, but at the same time they are influenced- or almost driven- by the values and expectations that they get from habitus.” This statement, provides a number of points for analysis, initially it could be argued that the women in the show adopt language within their interviews within a strategic manor, in order to conform to the doxa of the field in order to gain acceptance. Due to their inaugural presence within in this domain, would seem a likely interpretation, which is also supported by Chambers (2005, p.342) “Indeed, as women enter male-dominated fields, many make adaptations and adopt strategies to “manage the masculine culture into which they are entering”. However by using Paradis (2012) ethnographic observations within the boxing gym, her notions could be applied to MMA that women could be immersed within the MMA habitus, consequently the doxa of the field that they speak habitually, using Paradis (2012) analogy being like fish in water, unaware they replicate the same language as their male predecessors. Both interpretations could be valid, and to dismiss one over the other would be inappropriate due to being interpretations upon what has been said. Jamet (1991, p.24) adds

Social determinations [are] at the genesis of the process, and homology [occurs] to understand the social order. Individuals, considered as agents more than actors, conform essentially to some dispositions, improved by a double imposing system: conditions of existence on the one hand, integration of those conditions on the other hand.

This could argue that the women within the show could be adopting strategies to conform, along with being habitually involved within the field, in order to be accepted, merging the ideas discussed. Which Webb et al. (2002, p.x) adds “The physical attitudes and 29 dispositions which emerge in individuals as a result of the relationships between particular fields and individuals’ habitus” From observing the language used in this manor it could also been seen the women are displaying ‘illusio’ as Webb et al. (2002, p.xiii) describes “The fact of being caught up in and by the game, of believing that the game is worth playing and recognising its stakes.” Which Bourdieu (1993, p.72) adds “there have to be stakes and people prepared to play the game, endowed with the habitus that implies knowledge and recognition of the immanent laws of the field, the stakes, and so on”. Adopting the language they have, it could be interpreted that the women participants understand the stakes involved, due to conforming to the language used by past iconic fighters which helped shape the doxa of the field and ultimately its habitus.

PARTICIPANTS VIEWS ON TRAINING WITH EACH OTHER One element of the show that evokes debate amongst its participants and potentially it’s audience is the fact within the show the male and female competitors train and ultimately spar with each other. Team Tate’s competitor, Tim Gorman raised the issue in which he stated “I’ve never really rolled with a girl, you know what I mean? So like, I’m just being honest with you like I would be afraid to go like 100%... What though you are a female, it’s just like a respect thing...You’re not going to submit me, you’re not going to submit me!! A girl is not going to submit me!! How I feel morally as a man, I’m not going to go a 100% with some girl, that’s just all there is too it. They’ll get hurt, they’ll get hurt.” From his statement many interpretations can be made. His reaction to the notion of being submitted by a woman, Gorman reacts by reinforcing the point three time’s, this discursive statement made could be seen to be endangering his masculinity. Thus, becoming masculinity challenging discourse, as outlined by Adams, Anderson & McCormack (2010). Additionally identified within studies by Scott (1988, cited by Guérandel & Mennesson, 2007, p.177):

Therefore, the asymmetrical nature of these interchanges studied during mixed fights reveals the unequal nature of the combatants. The boys consider themselves more powerful than the girls and do not wish to hurt them. The girls questioned also evoke the boys’ physical superiority in fight. This difference in physical strength between men and women that often serves to justify the hierarchization of masculine and feminine in social organization.

So it can been seen that the statement by Gorman is reinforced by Scott (1988) findings,

30 this also introduces the notion of masculine hegemony within the show. Additionally considering how Gorman uses the terminology ‘morally as a man’ when speaking, this introduces that Gorman’s habitus has been defined that the notion of hurting a female is totally against his belief system, or his habitus. A statement supported by another participant on the show Josh Hill “I have sparred in the past with a couple of girls and you know do I like it? Not really I don’t wanna hit a girl, you know hard like I can a guy”. Both fighters display reluctance to the idea of fighting with women, it contradicts their habitus.

These beliefs, are socially produced due to the nature of the environment in question as Oates (1987, p.73) states about female boxers “aggression is thought to be the peculiar province of men, as nurturing is the peculiar province of women...The female boxer violates this stereotype and cannot be taken seriously.” This can be seen within both competitor’s statements about women fighters. It could be argued through interpreting their statements, that both fighters are protecting the women from their superior strength and masculine dominance upon them, which was identified by Paradis (2012, p.99) “Cultural beliefs about women’s need for protection and the importance of their looks may lead to coaches to prepare their women boxers inadequately”

Some retorts to these statements made by the women competitors can be seen below:

Shayna Baszler- “Offended” Sarah Moras- “Go as hard with us, as with the guys” Miesha Tate- “Treat me with respect and punch me hard”

These statements are heterodoxy in nature, this conflict in habitus between the men and women competitors can be seen in when looking upon Bourdieu’s (1995, p.39) definition of field:

A field is a field of forces within which the agents occupy positions that statistically determine the positions they take with respect to the field, these position-takings being aimed either at conserving or transforming the structure of relations of forces that is constitutive of the field.

Both agents are occupying positions within the field of MMA and the UFC, the men can be seen to be conserving the masculine hegemonic state of MMA with their comments, 31 however it can be interpreted with the introduction and comments from the women, they seek to transform the “structure of relations” within the MMA and UFC field, in order to gain acceptance, belonging and equality. Consequently, this can be conceptualised as insurrectionary speech, outlined by McNaughton (2012, p.5):

If sport is socially constructed as a stronghold for hegemonic masculinity, then to participate in sport as a woman is a form of insurrectionary speech a way of rewriting the performative code. And if fighting, as the most overt display of physical aggression, skill, and endurance is the ultimate expression of what it means to be a man, to participate in combat sport as a woman and as a peer is an even stronger embodiment of insurrectionary speech.

This notion of insurrectionary speech, is displayed throughout the entire season of the show, due to the women battling on all fronts to re-write the ‘norms’ or ‘doxa’ of the field, thus trying to implement a change within the MMA/UFC habitus, and even influence the ‘imagined community’ habitus upon women fighting. It also poses questions for the UFC’s ‘imagined community’ do they share the beliefs of the fighters in the show? Or would they be ok sparring, hitting women within this arena? Do the competitor’s comments seek acceptance amongst the ‘imagined community’?

CHAPTER 5

CONCLUSIONS

Starting from its conception, the field of MMA and UFC was formed on a foundation of masculine hegemony, its brash and aggressive format, invited viewers to be part of this new brutal sport. This inscription of masculine dominance formed the habitus and doxa of this field, which was reinforced within its production of the ultimate fighter seasons. However with this introduction of women within this sphere, has it changed or affected this field? Reshaped the doxa or created a new habitus? After observing and interpreting parts of the show, it presents multiple signs of this hegemonic masculine ideal. From interpretations and current thoughts on women’s MMA it can be seen that there is a way to go before discursive comments as said by some of the male competitors within the show become less habitual. However, this may be difficult within the context of MMA due to Web et al. (2002, p.39):

Rules and structures of perception that pertain to a particular habitus are inscribed on, and in, individuals as if they were ‘human nature’ or ‘civilised behaviour’, and things outside those rules and structures are usually understood, when focused upon us, as amounting to the horrific and barbaric, or the absurd and comic.

Due to this inscription and the format of MMA/UFC, the habitus of such a sport may prove difficult to change, especially due to the conflicting opinions of women within the pugilistic arena as outlined earlier. Additionally, revisiting the notion of synopticism, the UFC and its production of such shows will have a huge role to play within either reinforcing this hegemonic masculine regime or habitus upon women fighters or help create a new habitus in which it becomes a ‘norm’ for women to compete and fight alongside men as equals. Furthermore, this could help change perceptions upon women competing within such combative spheres, due to the nature of the show being the ‘many watching the few’. The UFC’s power to change the habitus of its field and viewership is underpinned by Chambers (2005, p.340) notion on changing habitus:

One way of encouraging changes in habitus that open up greater options for people, then, is to encourage interaction between fields, between communities or ways of life, so that individuals become aware of new options...as gender is

transmitted throughout society, it must be countered by a co-ordinated programme of change in such institutions and in wider social norms. We need a proactive, and proactively normative, programme of change, reinforced in the social and state institutions that perpetuate masculine domination.

By implementing change the UFC can help mould MMA, and their production in order to provide a level playing for men and women to compete and thrive. Adopting women within the company will help provide role models for women to aspire to in body, attitudes and beliefs. Again helping women to gain acceptance, as Paradis (2012, p.90) outlines a relevant concept:

...sport subfields often have implicit blueprints that define what I have called the ideal-typical body of the skilled practitioner. These blueprints allow gatekeepers such as coaches, recruiters and even the press to quickly evaluate the body of hopeful practitioners, and thus their legitimacy as athletes.

Therefore, by normalising women’s bodies and attitudes within the field of MMA under their banner of the UFC, it will help form new or adapted blueprints, that will help legitimise women amongst peers, coaches, press and maybe even the social world around us. However, as seen in the discussion the framing of the gym, it can be interpreted as the male domain, as outlined with the photos of the fighters, sponsors and so on. If a change of perception is going to happen, it could be argued that the setting used for the show, may need adapting in order to accommodate a change in habitus for the acceptance of women as equals. By having a balance of photos male/female fighters around the gym may seek to address a balance, thus connotatively produce a meaning of equality. However as outlined by Brown (2006, p.172)

An illustration of this disruption can be observed between rounds during a boxing match in the form of the traditional practice of a scantily clad female model parading around the ring with a round-number card held aloft, signifying that a female fighter momentarily shares the ring in an ironic material and symbolic juxtaposition of the embodied potentialities of the female body and its legitimate uses.

This disruption was seen throughout the show, as the women fighters shared this juxtaposition with the ring girls. Do the UFC have male “ring men” for the women fights in order to address the balance? Even though we have spoken about the UFC potentially needing to adapt or change to help aid in the acceptance of women’s MMA, we must 34 consider that the viewership comes from males aged 17-53. Would creating a more balanced arena or woman friendly environment alienate the current viewership? Subconsciously, it could have this affect, without further analysis it would be difficult to establish. Changing the perception of woman striking each other and competing seems to be a major obstacle, due to Guérandel & Mennesson (2007,p.168)

...sport that was created in a primarily masculine space at the end of the 19th century, to allow men to affirm their masculinity, threatened at the time by the rise of feminist demands. Thus, sport conveys an image of the masculine ideal, particularly through competition recognizing the combination of strength and dexterity.

Sport being such a masculine domain presents many challenges for women to gain acceptance within this field. However, viewership of this series was amongst some of the highest in the shows history, the female episodes also gaining higher figures than the males (Borchardt, 2013), represented in pay per view sales also, when Ronda Rousey Vs Liz Carmouche made their inaugural presence within the UFC and the main event. It must be considered that due to its recent birth, popularity around women’s MMA within the UFC could be related to a number of reasons, could it be a fad? Due to it’s never been seen on this major production. Or is there a genuine interest? For the questions posed within the conclusion, there is much that could be researched in which to help aid in furthering our conceptualisation of this field and establishing women’s place within it.

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

ETHICAL STATUS

A-1